Hindu Temples-What Happened to Them

HINDU TEMPLES
WHAT HAPPENED TO THEM ?
VOLUMES 1 AND 2
-----------------------------------------------------------------------Volumes 1
A Preliminary Survey
ARUN SHOURIE
HARSH NARAIN
JAY DUBASHI
RAM SWARUP
SITA RAM GOEL
Voice of India, New Delhi
Contents
Preface
1. Hideaway Communalism
2. The Tip of An Iceberg
3. Some Historical Questions
4. In the Name of Religion
5. A Need to Face the Truth
6. Historians Versus History
7. November 9 Will Change History
8. From Shilanyas to Berlin Wall
9. Rama-Janmabhumi Temple Muslim Testimony
10. Let the Mute Witnesses Speak
Appendix
Preface
The movement for the restoration of the Ramajanmabhumi Temple at Ayodhya has
brought to the fore a suppressed chapter of India�s history, namely, the large-scale
destruction of Hindu temples1 by the Islamised invaders. This chapter is by no means
closed. The Appendix to this book provides details of many temples destroyed by
Muslims all over Bangladesh as recently as October-November 1989. Currently,
temples, or whatever had remained of them, are meeting a similar fate in the Kashmir
valley.
This chapter, however, though significant, was only a part of the Muslim behaviourpattern as recorded by Muslim historians of medieval India. The other parts were: 1)
mass slaughter of people not only during war but also after the armies of Islam had
emerged victorious; 2) capture of large numbers of non-combatant men, women and
children as booty and their sale as slaves all over the Islamic world; 3) forcible
conversion to Islam of people who were in no position to resist; 4) reduction to the status
of zimmis or non-citizens of all those who could not be converted and imposition of
inhuman disabilities on them; 5) emasculation of the zimmis by preventing them from
possessing arms; 6) impoverishment of the zimmis through heavy discriminatory taxes
and misappropriation of a major part of what the peasants produced; 7) ruination of the
native and national culture of the zimmis by suppressing and holding in contempt all its
institutions and expressions.
Nor is this behaviour pattern a thing of the past. It persisted even after the Muslim rule
was over. The Muslim revivalist movements in the nineteenth century, particularly in
Bengal, tried to repeat, as far as they could, the performance of the medieval Muslim
swordsmen and sultans. More recently, after the Islamic state of Pakistan was carved out,
Hindus have been forced to leave their ancestral homes, en masse from its western wing
and in a continuous stream of refugees from its eastern wing, now an independent Islamic
state of Bangladesh that came into being with the help of India. Hindu temples and other
cultural institutions have more or less disappeared from Pakistan, while they continue to
be under constant attack in Bangladesh.
How to understand this behaviour pattern so persistently followed over a thousand years
under very different conditions and so consistent in its expression? What is its deeper
ideological source?
It is rooted in Islam�s religious teachings, its theology and its religious laws; it derives
from its peculiar conception of momins and kafirs, from its doctrines of Jihad, Daru�lIslam and Daru�l-harb, and from what it regards as the duty of a Muslim state. Hindu
India is called upon to make a deeper study of Islam than it has hitherto done. It can
neglect this task at its own peril.
The present volume makes no pretence of presenting such a study, but by choice restricts
itself mainly to the study of Hindu temples destroyed and desecrated and converted into
mosques and khanqahs without overlooking Muslims� ideology of iconoclasm; here and
there, it also mentions other theological props and concomitants of the iconoclastic
ideology. In the book Ayodhya retain its importance, but it does not occupy the centre of
discussion. In dealing with its subject, it exercises complete fidelity to truth; unlike
secularist and Marxist writers, it does not believe in re-writing and fabricating history. Its
aim is to raise the informational level of our people and to make them better aware of the
more persistent ideological forces at work.
Mahavira Jayanti.
April 7, 1990
Publisher
Chapter One
Hideaway Communalism
Arun Shourie
A case in which the English version of a major book by a renowned Muslim scholar, the fourth
Rector of one of the greatest centres of Islamic learning in India, listing some of the mosques,
including the Babri Masjid, which were built on the sites and foundations of temples, using their
stones and structures, is found to have the tell-tale passages censored out;
The book is said to have become difficult to get;
It is traced: And is found to have been commanded just 15 years a-o by the most influential living
Muslim scholar of our country today, the current Rector of that great centre of Islamic learning, and
the Chairman of the Muslim Personal Law Board.
Evasion, concealment, have become a national habit. And they have terrible consequences. But first
I must give you some background.
The Nadwatul-Ulama of Lucknow is one of the principal centres of Islamic learning in India. It was
founded in 1894. It ranks today next only to the Darul-Ulum at Deoband. The government
publication, Centres of Islamic Learning in India, recalls how the founders �aimed at producing capable
scholars who could project a true image of Islam before the modern world in an effective way�; it recalls
how �Towards fulfilling its avowed aim in the matter of educational reform, it (the group) decided to
establish an ideal educational institution which would not only provide education in religious and temporal
sciences but also offer technical training�; it recalls how �It (the Nadwa) stands out today-with its
college, a vast and rich library and Research and Publication Departments housed in fine buildings-as one
of the most outstanding institutions for imparting instruction in the Islamic Sciences�; it recalls how �A
salient feature of this institution is its emphasis on independent research�; it recalls how �The library of
the Nadwa, housed in the Central Hall and the surrounding rooms of the main building, is, with more than
75,000 titles including about 3,000 handwritten books mostly in Arabic and also in Persian, Urdu, English
etc., one of the finest libraries of the sub-continent.� That was written 10 years ago. The library now has
125,000 books.
Its Head
Today the institution is headed by Maulana Abul-Hasan Ali Nadwi. Ali Mian, as he is known to one and
all, is almost without doubt the most influential Muslim teacher and figure today-among the laity, in
government circles, and among scholars and governments abroad.
He was among the founders of the Jamaat-e-Islami, the fundamentalist organisation; but because of
differences with Maulana Maudoodi, lie left it soon.
Today lie is the Chairman of the Muslim Personal Law Board.
He is a founder member of the Raabta Alam-e-Islami, the Pan-Islamic body with headquarters in Mecca,
which decides among other things the amounts that different Islamic organisations the world over should
receive.
He has been the Nazim, that is the Rector, of the Darul Ulum Nadwatul-Ulama since 1961, that is for well
over a quarter of a century. The Nadwa owes not a small part of its eminence to the scholarship, the
exertions, tile national and international contacts of Ali Mian.
Politicians of all hues ---Rajiv Gandhi, V.P. Singh, Chandrashekhar-seek him out.
He is the author of several books, including the well known Insaani Duniya Par Musalmanon Ke Uruj-oZaval Ka Asar (�The impact of the Rise and Fall of Muslims on Mankind�), and is taken as the authority
on Islamic law, jurisprudence, theology, and specially history.
And he has great, in fact decisive, influence on the politics of Muslims in India.
His Father and His Book
His father, Maulana Hakim Sayid Abdul Hai, was an equally well known and influential figure. When the
Nadwa was founded, the first Rector, Maulana Muhammad Monghyri, the scholar at whose initiative the
original meeting in 1892 which led to the establishment of the Nadwa was called, had chosen Maulana
Abdul Hai as the Madadgar Nazim, the Additional Rector.
Abdul Hai served in that capacity till July 1915 when he was appointed the Rector.
Because of his scholarship and his services to the institution and to Islam, he was reappointed as the Rector
in 1920. He continued in that post till his death in February 1923.
He too wrote several books, including a famous directory which has just been republished from Hyderabad,
of thousands of Muslims who had served the cause of Islam in India, chiefly by the numbers they had
converted to the faith.
During some work I came across the reference to a book of his and began to look for it.
It was a long, discursive book, I learnt, which began with descriptions of the geography, flora and fauna,
languages, people and the regions of India. These were written for the Arabic speaking peoples, the book
having been written in Arabic.
In 1972, I learnt, the Nadwatul-Ulama had the book translated into Urdu and published the most important
chapters of the book under the titleHindustan Islami Ahad Mein (�Hindustan under Islamic Rule�). Ali
Mian, I was told, had himself written the foreword in which he had commanded the book most highly. The
book as published had left out descriptions of geography etc., on the premise that facts about these are well
known to Indian readers.
A Sudden Reluctance
A curious fact hit me in the face. Many of the persons who one would have normally expected to be
knowledgeable about such publications were suddenly reluctant to recall this book. I was told, in fact, that
copies of the book had been removed, for instance from the Aligarh Muslim University Library. Some
even suggested that a determined effort had been made three or four years ago to get back each and every
copy of this book.
Fortunately the suggestion turned out to be untrue. While some of the libraries one would normally expect,
to have the book-the Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi; the famous libraries in Hyderabad-those of the
Dairutual Maarifal-Osmania, of the Salar Jung Museum, of the Nizam�s Trust, of the Osmania University,
the Kutubkhana-i-Saidiya - did not have it, others did. Among the latter were the Nadwa�s library itself,
the justly famous Khuda Baksh Library in Patna, that of the Institute of Islamic Studies in Delhi.
The fact that the book was available in all these libraries came as a great reassurance. I felt that if
reactionaries and propagandists have become so well organised that they can secure the disappearance from
every library of a book they have come not to like, we are in deep trouble. Clearly they were not that
resourceful.
The fact that, contrary to what I had been told, the book was available also taught me another reassuring
thing: factional fights among Muslim fundamentalists are as sharp and intense as are the factional fights
among fundamentalists of other hues. For the suggestion of there being something sinister in the
inaccessibility of the book had come to me from responsible Muslim quarters.
�This valuable gift, this historical testament�
The book is the publication number 66 of the Majlis Tehqiqat wa Nashriat Islam, the publication house of
the Nadwatul-Ulama, Lucknow.
The Arabic version was published in 1972 in Hyderabad, the Urdu version in 1973 in Lucknow. An
English version was published in 1977. I will use the Urdu version as the illustration.
Maulana Abul-Hasan Ali Nadwi, that is Ali Mian himself, contributes the foreword.
It is an eloquent, almost lyrical foreword.
Islam has imbued its followers with the quest for truth, with patriotism, he writes. Their nature, their
culture has made Muslims the writers of true history, he writes.
Muslims had but to reach a country, he writes, and its fortunes lit up and it awakened from the slumber of
hundreds and thousands of years. The country thereby ascended from darkness to light, he writes, from
oblivion and obscurity to the pinnacle of name and fame. Leaving its parochial ambit, he writes, it joined
the family of man, it joined the wide and vast creation of God. And the luminescence of Islam, he writes,
transformed its hidden treasures into the light of eyes.
It did not stick away the wealth of the country, he writes, and vomit it elsewhere as western powers did.
On the contrary, it brought sophistication, culture, beneficient administration, peace, tranquility to the
country. It raised the country from the age of savagery to the age of progress, he writes, from infantilism to
adulthood. It transformed its barren lands into swaying fields, he writes, its wild shrubs into fruit-laden
trees of such munificence that the residents could not even have dreamt of them.
And so on.
He then recalls the vast learning and prodigious exertions of Maulana Abdul Hai, his 8-volume work on
4500 Muslims who served the cause of Islam in India, his directory of Islamic scholars.
He recalls how after completing these books the Maulana turned to subjects which had till then remained
obscure, how in these labours the Maulana was like the proverbial bee collecting honey from varied
flowers. He recounts the wide range of the Maulana�s scholarship. He recounts how the latter collected
rare data, how a person like him accomplished single-handed what entire academies are unable these days
to do.
He recounts the structure of the present book. He recalls how it lay neglected for long, how, even as the
work of re-transcribing a moth-eaten manuscript was going on, a complete manuscript was discovered in
Azamgarh, how in 1933 the grace of Providence saved it from destruction and obscurity.
He writes that the book brings into bold relief those hallmarks of Islamic rule which have been unjustly and
untruthfully dealt with by western and Indian historians, which in fact many Muslim historians and scholars
in universities and academies too have treated with neglect and lack of appreciation.
Recalling how Maulana Abdul Hai had to study thousands of pages on a subject, Ali Mian writes that only
he who has himself worked on the subject can appreciate the effort that has gone into the study. You will
get in a single chapter of this book, he tells the reader, the essence which you cannot obtain by reading
scores of books. This is the result, he writes, of the fact that the author laboured only for the pleasure of
God, for the service of learning, and the fulfilment of his own soul. Such authors expected no rewards, no
applause, he tells us. Work was their entire satisfaction. That is how they were able to put in such
herculean labours, to spend their entire life on one subject.
We are immensely pleased, he concludes, to present this valuable gift and historical testament to our
countrymen and hope that Allah will accept this act of service and scholars will also receive it with respect
and approbation.
The Explanation
Such being the eminence of the author, such being the greatness of the work, why is it not the cynosure of
the fundamentalists�� eyes?
The answer is in the chapter �Hindustan ki Masjidein�, �The Mosques of Hindustan�.
Barely seventeen pages; the chapter is simply written. A few facts about some of the principal mosques are
described in a few lines each.
The facts are well-known, they are elementary, and setting them out in a few lines each should attract no
attention. And yet, as we shall see, there is furtiveness in regard to them. Why? Descriptions of seven
mosques provide the answer.
The devout constructed so many mosques, Maulana Abdul Hai records, they lavished such huge amounts
and such labours on them that they cannot all be reckoned, that every city, town, hamlet came to be
adorned by a mosque. He says that he will therefore have to be content with setting out the facts of just a
few of the well-known ones.
A few sentences from what he says about seven mosques will do:
�Qawwat al-Islam Mosque
According to my findings the first mosque of Delhi is Qubbat all-Islam or Quwwat al-Islam which, it is
said, Qutbud-Din Aibak constructed in H. 587 after demolishing the temple built by Prithvi Raj and leaving
certain parts of the temple (outside the mosque proper); and when he returned from Ghazni in H. 592, he
started building, under orders from Shihabud-Din Ghori, a huge mosque of inimitable red stones, and
certain parts of the temple were included in the mosque. After that, when Shamsud-Din Altamish became
the king, he built, on both sides of it, edifices of white stones, and on one side of it he started constructing
that loftiest of all towers which has no equal in the world for its beauty and strength�
The Mosque at Jaunpur
This was built by Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi with chiselled stones. Originally it was a Hindu temple after
demolishing which he constructed the mosque. It is known as the Atala Masjid. The Sultan used to offer
his Friday and Id prayers in it, and Qazi Shihabud-Din gave lessons in it�
The Mosque at Qanauj
This mosque stands on an elevated ground inside the Fort of Qanauj. It is well-known that it was built on
the foundations of some Hindu temple (that stood) here. It is a beautiful mosque. They say that it was built
by Ibrahim Sharqi in H. 809 as is (recorded) in �Gharabat Nigar�.
Jami (Masjid) at Etawah
This mosque stands on the bank of the Jamuna at Etawah. There was a Hindu temple at this place, on the
site of which this mosque was constructed. It is also patterned after the mosque at Qanauj. Probably it is
one of the monuments of the Sharqi Sultans.
Babri Masjid at Ayodhya
This mosque was constructed by Babar at Ayodhya which Hindus call the birth place of Ramchanderji.
There is a famous story about his wife Sita. It is said that Sita had a temple here in which she lived and
cooked food for her husband. On that very site Babar constructed this mosque in H. 963�
Mosques of Alamgir (Aurangzeb)
It is said that the mosque of Benares was built by Alamgir on the site of the Bisheshwar Temple. That
temple was very tall and (held as) holy among the Hindus. On this very site and with those very stones he
constructed a lofty mosque, and its ancient stones were rearranged after being embedded in the walls of the
mosque. It is one of the renowed mosques of Hindustan. The second mosque at Benares (is the one) which
was built by Alamgir on the bank of the Ganga with chiselled stones. This also is a renowned mosque of
Hindustan. It has 28 towers, each of which is 238 feet tall. This is on the bank of the Ganga and its
foundations extend to the depth of the waters.
Alamgir built a mosque at Mathura. It is said that this mosque was built on the site of the Gobind Dev
Temple which was very strong and beautiful as well as exquisite��
�It is said�
But the Maulana is not testifying to the facts. He is merely reporting what was believed. He repeatedly
says, �It is said that��
That seems to be a figure of speech with the Maulana. When describing the construction of the Quwwatul
Islam mosque by Qutubuddin Aibak, for instance, he uses the same �It is said.�
If the facts were in doubt, would a �scholar of Ali Mian�s diligence and commitment not have
commented on them in his full-bodied foreward? Indeed, he would have decided against republishing them
as he decided not to republish much of the original book.
And if the scholars had felt that the passages could be that easily disposed of, why should any effort have
been made to take a work to the excellence of which a scholar of Ali Mian�s stature has testified in such a
fulsome manner, and do what has been done to this one? And what is that?
Each reference to each of these mosques having been constructed on the sites of temples with, as in the
case of the mosque at Benaras, the stones of the very temple which was demolished for that very purpose
have been censored out of the English version of the book! Each one of the passages on each one of the
seven mosques! No accident that.
Indeed there is not just censorship but substitution. In the Urdu volume we are told in regard to the mosque
at Qanauj for instance that �This mosque stands on an elevated ground inside the fort of Qanauj. It is well
known that it was built on the foundation of some Hindu Temple (that stood) here.� In the English volume
we are told in regard to the same mosque that �It occupied a commanding site, believed to have been the
place earlier occupied by an old and decayed fort.�
If the passages could have been so easily explained away by referring to the �It is saids�, why would
anyone have thought it necessary to remove these passages from the English version-that is the version
which was more likely to be read by persons other than the faithful? Why would anyone bowdlerise the
book of a major scholar in this way?
Conclusions
But that, though obvious, weighs little with me. The fact that temples were broken and mosques
constructed in their place is well known. Nor is the fact that the materials of the temples-the stones and
idols--were used in constructing the mosque, news. It was thought that this was the way to announce
hegemony. It was thought that this was the way to strike at the heart of the conquered-for in those days the
temple was not just a place of worship; it was the hub of the community�s life, of its learning, of its social
life. So the lines in the book which bear on this practice are of no earth-shaking significance in
themselves. Their real significance- and I dare say that they are but the smallest, most innocuous example
that one can think of on the mosque-temple business-lies in the evasion and concealment they have spurred.
I have it on good authority that the passages have been known for long, and well known to those who have
been stoking the Babri Masjid issue.1
That is the significant thing; they have known them, and their impulse has been to conceal and bury rather
than to ascertain the truth.
I have little doubt that a rational solution can be found for the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi tangle, a
solution which will respect the sentiments, the essentials, of the religions of all.
But no solution can be devised if the issue is going to be made the occasion for h show of strength by either
side, if it is going to be converted into a symbol for establishing who shall prevail.
The fate of Maulana Abdul Hai�s passages-and I do, not know whether the Urdu version itself was not a
conveniently sanitised version of the original Arabic volume-illustrates the cynical manner in which those
who stoke the passions of religion to further their politics are going about the matter.
Those who proceed by such cynical calculations sow havoc for all of us, for Muslims, for Hindus, for all.
Those who remain silent in the face of such cynicism, such calculations help them sow the havoc.
Will we shed our evasions and concealments? Will we at last learn to speak and face the whole truth? To
see how communalism of one side justifies and stokes that of the other? To see that these �leaders� are
not interested in facts, not in religion, not in a building or a site, but in power, in their personal power, and
in that alone? That for them religion is but an instrument, an instrument which is so attractive because the
costs of weilding it fall on others, on their followers, and not on them?
Will we never call a halt to them?
Indian Express, February 5, 1989
Footnotes:
1
Several other modern Muslim historians and epigraphists accept the fact that many other
mosques including the Babari Masjid at Ayodhya stand on the sites of Hindu temples.
Chapter Two
The Tip of An Iceberg
Sita Ram Goel
The mention made by Maulana Abdul Hai (Indian Express, February 5) of Hindu temples turned into
mosques, is only the tip of an iceberg, The iceberg itself lies submerged in the writings of medieval Muslim
historians, accounts of foreign travellers and the reports of the Archaeological Survey of India. A hue and
cry has been raised in the name of secularism and national integration whenever the iceberg has chanced to
surface, inspite of hectic efforts to keep it suppressed. Marxist politicians masquerading as historians have
been the major contributors to this conspiracy of silence.
Muslim politicians and scholars in present-day India resent any reference whatsoever to the destruction of
Hindu temples in medieval times. They react as if it is a canard being spread by those they stigmatise as
Hindu communalists. There was, however, a time, not so long ago, when their predecessors viewed the
same performance as an act of piety and proclaimed it with considerable pride in inscriptions and literary
compositions. Hindus of medieval India hardly wrote any history of what happened to their places of
worship at the hands of Islamic iconoclasts. Whatever evidence the �Hindu communalists� cite in this
context comes entirely from Islamic sources, epigraphic and literary.
Epigraphic Evidence
There are many mosques all over India which are known to local tradition and the Archaeological Survey
of India as built on the site of and, quite frequently, from the materials of, demolished Hindu temples.
Most of them carry inscriptions invoking Allah and the Prophet, quoting the Quran and giving details of
when, how and by whom they were constructed. The inscriptions have been deciphered and connected to
their historical context by learned Muslim epigraphists. They have been published by the, Archaeological
Survey of India in its Epigraphia Indica-Arabic and Persian Supplement, an annual which appeared first in
1907-08 asEpigraphia Indo-Moslemica. The following few inscriptions have been selected in order to
show that (1) destruction of Hindu temples continued throughout the period of Muslim domination; (2) it
covered all parts of India-east, west, north and south; and (3) all Muslim dynasties, imperial and provincial,
participated in the �pious performance.�
1. Quwwat al-Islam Masjid, Qutb Minar, Delhi: �This fort was conquered and the Jami Masjid built in
the year 587 by the Amir� the slave of the Sultan, may Allalh strengthen his helpers. The materials of 27
idol temples, on each of which 2,000,000 Delhiwals had been spent were used in the (construction of) the
mosque�� (1909-10, Pp 3-4). The Amir was Qutbud-Din Aibak, slave of Muizzud-Din Muhammad
Ghori. The year 587 H. corresponds to 1192 A.D. �Delhiwal� was a high-denomination coin current at
that time in Delhi.
2. Masjid at Manvi in the Raichur District of Karnataka: �Praise be to Allah that by the decree of the
Parvardigar, a mosque has been converted out of a temple as a sign of religion in the reign of� the Sultan
who is the asylum of Faith � Firuz Shah Bahmani who is the cause of exuberant spring in the garden of
religion� (1962, Pp. 56-57). The inscription mentions the year 1406-07 A.D. as the time of construction.
3. Jami Masjid at Malan, Palanpur Taluka, Banaskantha District of Gujarat: �The Jami Masjid was
built� by Khan-I-Azam Ulugh Khan... who suppressed the wretched infidels. He eradicated the idolatrous
houses and mine of infidelity, along with the idols� with the edge of the sword, and made ready this
edifice� He made its walls and doors out of the idols; the back of every stone became the place for
prostration of the believer� (1963, Pp. 26-29). The date of construction is mentioned as 1462 A.D. in the
reign of Mahmud Shah I (Begada) of Gujarat.
4. Hammam Darwaza Masjid at Jaunpur in Uttar Pradesh: �Thanks that by the guidance of the
Everlasting and the Living (Allah), this house of infidelity became the niche of prayer. As a reward for
that, the Generous Lord constructed an abode for the builder in paradise� (1969, p. 375). Its chronogram
yields the year 1567 A.D. in the reign of Akbar, the Great Mughal. A local historian, Fasihud-Din, tells us
that the temple had been built earlier by Diwan Lachhman Das, an official of the Mughal government.
5. Jami Masjid at Ghoda in the Poona District of Maharashtra: �O Allah! 0 Muhammad! O Ali!
When Mir Muhammad Zaman made up his mind, he opened the door of prosperity on himself by his own
hand. He demolished thirty-three idol temples (and) by divine grace laid the foundation of a building in
this abode of perdition� (1933-34, p.24). The inscription is dated 1586 A.D. when the Poona region was
ruled by the Nizam Shahi sultans of Ahmadnagar.
6. Gachinala Masjid at Cumbum in the Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh: �He is Allah, may he be
glorified� During the august rule of� Muhammad Shah, there was a well-established idol-house in
Kuhmum� Muhammad Salih who prospers in the rectitude of the affairs of Faith� razed to the ground,
the edifice of the idol-house and broke the idols in a manly fashion. He constructed on its site a suitable
mosque, towering above the buildings of all� (1959-60, Pp. 64-66). The date of construction is mentioned
as 1729-30 A.D. in the reign of the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah.
Though sites of demolished Hindu temples were mostly used for building mosques and idgahs, temple
materials were often used in other Muslim monuments as well. Archaeologists have discovered such
materials, architectural as well as sculptural, in quite a few forts, palaces,maqbaras, sufi khanqahs,
madrasas, etc. In Srinagar, Kashmir, temple materials can be seen in long stretches of the stone
embankments on both sides of the Jhelum. Two inscriptions on the walls of the Gopi Talav, a stepped well
at Surat, tell us that the well was constructed by Haidar Quli, the Mughal governor of Gujarat, in 1718 A.D.
in the reign of Farrukh Siyar. One of them says, �its bricks were taken from an idol temple.� The other
informs us that �Haider Quli Khan, during whose period tyranny has become extinct, laid waste several
idol temples in order to make this strong building firm�� (1933-34, Pp. 37-44).
Literary Evidence
Literary evidence of Islamic iconoclasm vis-a-vis Hindu places of worship is far more extensive. It covers
a longer span of time, from the fifth decade of the 7th century to the closing years of the eighteenth. It also
embraces a larger space, from Transoxiana in the north to Tamil Nadu in the south, and from Afghanistan
in the west to Assam in the east. Marxist �historians� and Muslim apologists would have us believe that
medieval Muslim annalists were indulging in poetic exaggerations in order to please their pious patrons.
Archaeological explorations in modern times have, however, provided physical proofs of literary
descriptions. The vast cradle of Hindu culture is literally littered with ruins of temples and monasteries
belonging to all sects of Sanatana Dharma - Buddhist, Jain, Saiva, Shakta, Vaishnava and the rest.
Almost all medieval Muslim historians credit their heroes with desecration of Hindu idols and/or
destruction of Hindu temples. The picture that emerges has the following components, depending upon
whether the iconoclast was in a hurry on account of Hindu resistance or did his work at leisure after a
decisive victory:
1. The idols were mutilated or smashed or burnt or melted down if they were made of precious metals.
2. Sculptures in relief on walls and pillars were disfigured or scraped away or torn down.
3. Idols of stone and inferior metals or their pieces were taken away, sometimes by cartloads, to be thrown
down before the main mosque in (a) the metropolis of the ruling Muslim sultan and (b) the holy cities of
Islam, particularly Mecca, Medina and Baghdad.
4. There were instances of idols being turned into lavatory seats or handed over to butchers to be used as
weights while selling meat.
5. Brahmin priests and other holy men in and around the temple were molested or murdered.
6. Sacred vessels and scriptures used in worship were defiled and scattered or burnt.
7. Temples were damaged or despoiled or demolished or burnt down or converted into mosques with some
structural alterations or entire mosques were raised on the same sites mostly with temple materials.
8. Cows were slaughtered on the temple sites so that Hindus could not use them again.
The literary sources, like epigraphic, provide evidence of the elation which Muslims felt while witnessing
or narrating these �pious deeds.� A few citations from Amir Khusru will illustrate the point. The
instances cited relate to the doings of Jalalud-Din Firuz Khalji, Alaud-Din Khalji and the letter�s military
commanders. Khusru served as a court-poet of sex successive sultans at Delhi and wrote a masnavi in
praise of each. He was the dearest disciple of Shaikh Nizamud-Din Awliya and has come to be honoured
as some sort of a sufi himself. In our own times, he is being hailed is the father of a composite HinduMuslim culture and the pioneer of secularism. Dr. R. C. Majumdar, whom the Marxists malign as a
�communalist historian� names him as a �liberal Muslim�.
1. Jhain: �Next morning he (Jalalud-Din) went again to the temples and ordered their destruction�
While the soldiers sought every opportunity of plundering, the Shah was engaged in burning the temples
and destroying the idols. There were two bronze idols of Brahma, each of which weighed more than a
thousand mans. These were broken into pieces and the fragments were distributed among the officers, with
orders to throw them down at the gates of the Masjid on their return (to Delhi)� (Miftah-ul-Futuh).
2. Devagiri: �He (Alaud-Din) destroyed the temples of the idolaters and erected pulpits and arches for
mosques� (Ibid.).
3. Somanath: �They made the temple prostrate itself towards the Kaaba. You may say that the temple
first offered its prayers and then had a bath (i.e. the temple was made to topple and fall into the sea)� He
(Ulugh Khan) destroyed all the idols and temples, but sent one idol, the biggest of all idols, to the court of
his Godlike Majesty and on that account in that ancient stronghold of idolatry, the summons to prayers was
proclaimed so loudly that they heard it in Misr (Egypt) and Madain (Iraq)� (Tarikh-i-Alai).
4. Delhi: �He (Alaud-Din) ordered the circumference of the new minar to be made double of the old one
(Qutb Minar)� The stones were dug out from the hills and the temples of the infidels were demolished to
furnish a supply� (Ibid.).
5. Ranthambhor: �This strong fort was taken by the slaughter of the stinking Rai. Jhain was also
captured, an iron fort, an ancient abode of idolatry, and a new city of the people of the faith arose. The
temple of Bahir (Bhairava) Deo and temples of other gods, were all razed to the ground� (Ibid.).
6. Brahmastpuri (Chidambaram): �Here he (Malik Kafur) heard that in Bramastpuri there was a golden
idol� He then determined on razing the temple to the ground� It was the holy place of the Hindus which
the Malik dug up from its foundations with the greatest care, and the heads of brahmans and idolaters
danced from their necks and fell to the ground at their feet, and blood flowed in torrents. The stone idols
called Ling Mahadeo, which had been established a long time at the place and on which the women of the
infidels rubbed their vaginas for (sexual) satisfaction, these, up to this time, the kick of the horse of Islam
had not attempted to break. The Musulmans destroyed in the lings and Deo Narain fell down, and other
gods who had fixed their seats there raised feet and jumped so high that at one leap they reached the fort of
Lanka, and in that affright the lings themselves would have fled had they had any legs to stand on� (Ibid).
7. Madura: �They found the city empty for the Rai had fled with the Ranis, but had left two or three
hundred elephants in the temple of Jagnar (Jagannatha). The elephants were captured and the temple
burnt� (Ibid.).
8. Fatan: (Pattan): �There was another rai in these parts �a Brahmin named Pandya Guru� his capital
was Fatan, where there was a temple with an idol in it laden with jewels. The rai fled when the army of the
Sultan arrived at Fatan� They then struck the idol with an iron hatchet, and opened its head. Although it
was the very Qibla of the accursed infidels, it kissed the earth and filled the holy treasury� (Ashiqa).
9. Ma�bar: (Parts of South India): �On the right hand and on the left hand the army has conquered from
sea to sea, and several capitals of the gods of the Hindus, in which Satanism has prevailed since the time of
the Jinns, have been demolished. All these impurities of infidelity have been cleansed by the Sultan�s
destruction of idol-temples, beginning with his first holy expedition to Deogir, so that the flames of the
light of the Law (of Islam) illumine all these unholy countries, and places for the criers of prayers are
exalted on high, and prayers are read in mosques. Allah be praised!� (Tarikh-i-Alai).
The story of how Islamic invaders sought to destroy the very foundations of Hindu society and culture is
long and extremely painful. It would certainly be better for everybody to forget the past, but for the
prescriptions of Islamic theology which remain intact and make it obligatory for believers to destroy idols
and idol temples.
Indian Express, February 19, 1989
Chapter Three
Some Historical Questions
Sita Ram Goel
Why did Islamic invaders continue to destroy Hindu temples and desecrate the idols of Hindu Gods and
Goddesses throughout the period of their domination? Why did they raise mosques on sites occupied earlier
by Hindu places of worship? These questions were asked by Hindu scholars in modern times after the
terror of Islam had ceased and could no more seal their lips.
In India - and in India alone - two explanations have come forth. One is provided by the theology of Islam
based on the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet. The other has been proposed by Marxist professors and
lapped up by apologists of Islam. We shall take up the second explanation first.
The credit for pioneering the Marxist proposition about destruction of Hindu temples goes to the late
Professor Mohammed Habib of the Aligarh Muslim University. In his book, Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin,
first published in 1924, he presented the thesis that Mahmud�s destruction of Hindu temples was actuated
not by zeal for the faith but by �lust for plunder.� According to him, India at that time was bursting with
vast hoards of gold and silver accumulated down the ages from rich mines and a prosperous export trade.
Most of the wealth, he said without providing any proof, was concentrated in temple treasuries. �It was
impossible,� wrote the professor, �that the Indian temples should not sooner or later tempt some one
strong and unscrupulous enough for the impious deed. Nor was it expected that a man of Mahmud�s
character would allow the tolerance which Islam inculcates to restrain him from taking possession of the
gold� when the Indians themselves had simplified his work by concentrating the wealth of the country at a
few places� (p. 82).
Professor Habib did not hide any of the salient facts regarding destruction of Hindu temples by Mahmud,
though the descriptions Le gave were brief, sometimes only in footnotes. He also narrated how
Mahmud�s exploits were celebrated at Baghdad by the Caliph and the populace and how the hero was
compared to the companions of the Prophet who had achieved similar victories in Arabia, Syria, Iraq and
Iran. Only the conclusion he drew was radically different from that drawn by Mahmud�s contemporaries
as well as latter-day historians and theologians of Islam. �Islam,� he wrote, �sanctioned neither the
vandalism nor the plundering motives of the invader; no principle of the Shariat justifies the uncalled for
attack on Hindu princes who had done Mahmud and his subjects no harm; the wanton destruction of places
of worship is condemned by the law of every creed. And yet Islam, though it was not an inspiring motive
could be utilised as an a posteriors justification for what was done. So the precepts of the Quran were
misinterpreted or ignored and the tolerant policy of the Second Caliph was cast aside in order that Mahmud
and his myrmidons may be able to plunder Hindu temples with a clear and untroubled conscience� (Pp.
83-84, Emphasis in source).
This proposition of Mahmud�s guilt and Islam�s innocence appealed to the architect of India�s
secularism, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. In a letter dated June 1, 1932, he wrote to his daughter, Indira
Gandhi, that Mahmud �was hardly a religious man�, that he was �a Mohammedan of course, but that
was by the way� and that Mahmud would have done what he did �to whatever religion he might have
belonged� (Glimpses of World History, 1982 Reprint, p. 155). In fact, Pandit Nehru went much farther
than Professor Habib. The latter had written how Mahmud gave orders to burn down thousands of temples
at Mathura after he had admired their architectural excellence. Pandit Nehru narrated how Mahmud
admired the temples but omitted the fact that they were destroyed by him (Ibid., Pp. 155-156). Thus a
determined destroyer of Hindu temples was transformed into an ardent admirer of Hindu architecture! This
portrayal of Mahmud remained unchanged in his Discovery of India which was published in 1946 (1982
Reprint, p. 235).
In days to come, Professor Habib�s thesis that lust for plunder and not the Islamic theology of iconoclasm
occasioned the destruction of Hindu temples, became the party line for Marxist historians who, in due
course, came to control all institutions concerned with researching, writing and teaching of Indian history.
This was extended to cover all acts of Muslim iconoclasm in medieval Indian history. It became a crime
against secularism and national integration even to mention Islam or its theology in this context. Any
historian who dared cite facts recorded by medieval Muslim historians was denounced as a �Hindu
communalist.� Three Marxist professors wrote a book attacking Dr. R.C. Majumdar in particular, simply
because the great historian was not prepared to sacrifice truth at the altar of Communist politics. The book
was printed by a Communist publishing house and prescribed for graduate and post-graduate courses in
Indian universities.
What was more, the Marxist professors discovered a political motive as well. Hindu temples were seen as
centres of political conspiracies which Muslim sultans were forced to suppress. And if the temples got
destroyed in the process, no blame could be laid at the door of the sultans who were working hard in the
interest of public order and peace. In a letter published in the Times of India on October 21, 1985, twelve
Marxist professors rallied in defence of Aurangzeb who had destroyed the Keshavdeva temple at Mathura
and raised an Idgah in its place. �The Dera Keshava Rai temple,� they wrote, �was built by Raja Bir
Singh Bundela in the reign of Jahangir. This large temple soon became extremely popular and acquired
considerable wealth. Aurangzeb had this temple destroyed, took its wealth as booty and built an Idgah on
the site. His action might have been politically motivated as well, for at the time when the temple was
destroyed he faced problems with the Bundelas as well as Jat rebellion in the Mathura region.�
The climax was reached when the same Marxist professors started explaining away Islamic iconoclasm in
terms of what they described as Hindu destruction of Buddhist and Jain places of worship. They have
never been able to cite more than half-a-dozen cases of doubtful veracity. A few passages in Sanskrit
literature coupled with speculations about some archaeological sites have sufficed for floating the story,
sold ad nauseam in the popular press, that Hindus destroyed Buddhist and Jain temples on a large scale.
Half-a-dozen have become thousands and then hundreds of thousands in the frenzied imagination suffering
from a deep-seated anti-Hindu animus. Lately, they have added to the list the destruction of �animist
shrines� from pre-Hindu India, whatever that means. And these �facts� have been presented with a
large dose ofsuppressio veri suggestio falsi. A few instances will illustrate the point.
A very late Buddhist book from Sri Lanka accuses Pushyamitra Sunga, a second century B.C. king, of
offering prizes to those who brought to him heads of Buddhist monks. This single reference has sufficed
for presenting Pushyamitra as the harbinger of a �Brahmanical reaction� which �culminated in the age
of the Guptas.� The fact that the famous Buddhist stupas and monasteries at Bharhut and Sanchi were
built and thrived under the very nose of Pushyamitra is never mentioned. Nor is the fact that the Gupta
kings and queens built and endowed many Buddhist monasteries at Bodh Gaya, Nalanda and Sarnath
among many other places.
A Pandyan king of Madura is reported to have been a persecutor of Jains. This is mentioned in a book of
the Saiva faith to which he belonged. But the source also says that before becoming a convert to Saivism,
the king was a devout Jain and had persecuted the Saivites. This part of the story is never mentioned by the
Marxist professors while they bewail the persecution of Jains.
According to the Rajatarirgini of Kalhana, King Harsha of Kashmir plundered Hindu and Buddhist temples
in his lust for the gold and silver which went into the making of idols. This fact is played up by the Marxist
professors with great fanfare. But they never mention Kalhan�s comment that in doing what he did
Harsha �acted like a Turushka (Muslim)� and was �prompted by the Turushkas in his employ.�
This placing of Hindu kings on par with Muslim invaders in the context of iconoclasm suffers from serious
shortcomings. Firstly, it lacks all sense of proportion when it tries to explain away the destruction of
hundreds of thousands of Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jain temples by Islamic invaders in terms of the
doubtful destruction of a few Buddhist and Jain shrines by Hindu kings. Secondly, it has yet to produce
evidence that Hindus ever had a theology of iconoclasm which made this practice a permanent part of
Hinduism. Isolated acts by a few fanatics whom no Hindu historian or pandit has ever admired, cannot
explain away a full-fledged theology which inspired Islamic iconoclasm. Lastly, it speaks rather poorly of
Marxist ethics which seems to say that one wrong can be explained away in terms of another.1
Coming to the economic and political motives for the destruction of Hindu temples, it does not need an
extraordinary imagination to see that the Marxist thesis is contrived and farfetched, if not downright
ridiculous. It does not explain even a fraction of the facts relating to the destruction of Hindu temples as
known from literary and archaeological sources. Even if we grant that Hindu temples in India continued to
be rich and centres of political unrest for more than a thousand years, it defies understanding why they
alone were singled out for plunder and destruction. There was no dearth of Muslim places of worship
which were far richer and greater centres of conspiracy. The desecration of Hindu idols and raising of
mosques on temple sites is impossible to explain in terms of any economic or political motive whatsoever.
Small wonder that the Marxist thesis ends by inventing facts instead of explaining them.
Professor Habib cannot be accused of ignorance about the theology or history of Islam. The most that can
be said in his defence is that he was trying to salvage Islam by sacrificing Mahmud of Ghaznin who had
become the greatest symbol of Islamic intolerance in the Indian context. One wonders whether he
anticipated the consequences of extending his logic to subsequent sultans of medieval India. The result has
been disastrous for Islam. In the process, it has been reduced to a convenient cover for plunder and
brigandage. The heroes of Islam in India have been converted into bandits and vandals.
It is amazing that apologists of Islam in India have plumped for Professor Habib�s thesis as elaborated by
succeeding Marxist scribes. They would have rendered service to Islam if they had continued admitting
honestly that iconoclasm has been an integral part of the theology of Islam. Their predecessors in medieval
India made no bones about such an admission. Nor do the scholars of Islam outside India, particularly in
Pakistan.
What we need most in this country is an inter-religious dialogue in which all religions are honest and frank
about their drawbacks and limitations. Such a dialogue is impossible if we hide or supress or invent facts
and offer dishonest interpretations. Mahatma Gandhi had said that Islam was born only yesterday and is
still in the process of interpretation. Hiding facts and floating fictions is hardly the way for promoting that
process.
Indian Express, April 16, 1989
Footnotes:
1
It is intriguing that the Marxist professors never mention the destruction of Buddhist and Jain
establishments in Transoxiana, Sinkiang, Seistan and India which on the eve of the Islamic
invasion included present-day Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Every historian and
archaeologist of that period knows that the vast Buddhist and Jain establishments at Bukhara,
Samarkand, Khotan, Balkh, Bamian, Begram, Jalalabad, Peshawar, Takshasila, Mirpur-Khas,
Nagar-Parkar, Sringar, Sialkot, Agroha, Mathura, Hastinapur, Kanauj, Sravasti, Ayodhya, Sarnath,
Nalanda, Vikramsila, Vaishali, Rajgir, Odantpuri, Bharhut, Paharpur, Jagaddala, Jajnagar,
Nagarjunikonda, Amaravati, Kanchi, Dwarasamudra, Bharuch Valabhi, Palitana, Girnar, Patan,
Jalor, Chandrawati, Bhinmal, Didwana, Nagaur, Osian, Bairat, Gwalior and Mandu were
destroyed by the swordsmen of Islam. Smaller establishments of these faiths, which met the same
fate, add up to several hundred.
Chapter Four
In the Name of Religion
Sita Ram Goel
We shall now take up the explanation provided by the theology of Islam derived from the Quran and the
Hadis.
Ibn Ishaq, the first biographer of the Prophet, devotes many pages to a description of Arab polytheism at
the time when Islam started taking shape. Every Arab household, he tells us, had an idol of some God or
Goddess. He also gives the names of many idols which were housed in sanctuaries maintained by different
tribes across the Arab peninsula. The Ka�ba at Mecca which housed 360 idols was only one of these
sanctuaries, though it was the most prestigious. One of the idols in the Ka�ba was named Allah. Though
it had some primacy over other idols, it was far from being an exclusive deity. Besides, there were many
sacred groves and places of pilgrimage visited by Arabs on special occasions.
At the same time, Ibn Ishaq informs us that Monotheism was becoming an attractive creed among some
sections of the Arab elite. It was the creed of the Roman, Iranian and Abyssinian empires which inspired
awe and admiration among the Arabs at that time. Many Jews and Christians were present, individually or
in communities, in the more important Arab towns. These People of the Book took great pride in their
worship of the one and only God and looked down upon the Arabs who had had no Prophet, who possessed
no Book and who worshipped stones and stocks. They aroused a sense of inferiority in the minds of those
Arabs who came in close contact with them but who were not equipped with an alternate theology that
could defend their own Gods and Goddesses. Such Arabs looked forward to the day when Arabia also
would have a Prophet and a Book of its own.
Those who have compared the Bible and the Quran know how close the two are in spirit and language on
the subject of idols and idol-worshippers. Like Jehovah of the Bible, Allah also advances his claim to be
the one and only God. He denounces the mushriks (idolaters) as the doubly damned category
of kafirs (unbelievers) when compared to the other category, the People of the Book. The idols, proclaims
Allah while abrogating the so-called Satanic Verses, are mere names invented by the ancestors of the
Arabs. They have neither eyes nor ears nor hands nor feet and can, therefore, neither help nor harm. They
cannot respond to prayers and will fail to save their worshippers from bell on the Day of Judgement. They
will themselves burn in the fire of hell together with those who worship them. Meanwhile, they render
their worshippers napak (abominable) in the eyes of Allah.
In the early days of Islam, Muslims were too weak to practice iconoclasm at Mecca. They had to rest
content with expressing their contempt for idols. Food which had first been offered to idols was spurned.
Names which referred to some pagan God or Goddess were changed as soon as the bearers entered the fold
of Islam. But the clarion call had come. �Herd them together,� said Allah, �those who commit
transgression and those whom they worship, and start them on the road to hellfire� (Quran, 37.22-23). The
Prophet saw Amr bin Lubayy �dragging his intestines in Fire.� Amr was a second century king,
supposed to have brought idols from Syria and set them up in Arabia.
Medina where Muslims were stronger witnessed some acts of iconoclasm even before the Prophet migrated
to that city. Ibn Ishaq tells us how the idol of Amr Ibnul-Jamuh was stolen at night by a group of Muslims
and thrown into a cesspit, again and again till Amr lost faith in it and became a Muslim. At nearby Quba,
Sahl broke up the idols of his tribe at night and took the pieces to a Muslim woman who used them as fuel.
The Prophet made iconoclasm a pious performance for all Muslims for all time to come when he practised
it himself on the very day he conquered Mecca. �When the Prophet,� writes Ibn Ishaq, �prayed the
noon prayer on the day of the conquest he ordered that all the idols which were round the Ka�ba should be
collected and burnt with fire and broken up.� Citing some other sources, the Encyclopaedia of
Islamsays, �Muhammad when he entered Mecca as victor is stated to have struck them in the eyes with
the end of his bow before he had them dragged down and destroyed by fire.� Pictorial representations of
Ali standing on the shoulders of the Prophet and tearing down the idol of Hubal from top of a Ka�ba wall,
have been published by Shias.1
Soon after, expeditions were sent to other parts of Arabia for doing what had been done at Mecca. Idols
were smashed and temples destroyed or converted into mosques everywhere, Muslim poets vied with each
other to record the events in rapturous verse. Fazal bin al-Mulawwih sang:
Had you seen Muhammad and his troops,
The day the idols were smashed when he entered,
You would have seen God�s light become manifest,
In darkness covering the face of idolatry.
And Kab bin Malik:
We foresook al-Lat, al-Uzza and Wudd
We stripped off their necklaces and earrings.
And al-Mustaughir Bin Rabia who was a warrior as well as a poet:
I smashed Ruda so completely that
I left it a black ruin in a hollow.
�Growing Islam,� concludes the Encyclopaedia of Islam, �was from the very beginning intent upon the
destruction of all traces of pagan idolatry and was so successful that the anti-quarians of the second and
third century of the Hadira could glean only very scanty details. Some of the idols were made use of for
other purposes, as for example, the idol Dhul-Kalasa� which was worshipped at Tabala, a place on the
road from Mekka to Yaman in the time of Ibn al-Kalbi (about 200 A.D.), was used as a stepping stone
under the door of the mosque at Tabala. Other stones which had been worshipped as idols were actually
used as corner-stones of the Ka�ba.�
Muslim historians tell us on the authority of the Prophet that idolaters of Arabia had set up idols in places
which were meant to be mosques when they were established for the first time by Abraham. The mosque
of Ka�ba, we are told, had been built by Abraham at the very centre of the earth.2 Those who dismiss
Rama as mythological gossip and deny him a place of birth at Ayodhya may well enquire whether
Abraham was a historical person who actually presided over the building of the Ka�ba.
It is, however, recorded history that the armies of Islam did everywhere what had been done in Arabia, as
they advanced into Iran, Khorasan, Transoxiana, Seistan, Afghanistan and India. Hundreds of thousands of
Fire Temples of the Zoroastrians, Buddhist monasteries and Hindu temples disappeared or yielded place to
mosques, ziarats and dargahs. Modern archaeology, has reconstructed what happened along the trail of
Islamic invasion of all these ancient lands.
Maulana Minhaj-us-Siraj, the thirteenth century historian, sums up the theology of Islam vis-a-vis idols and
idol-temples when he comes to Mahmud of Ghazni in his Tabqat-i-Nasiri. �He was endowed,� he
writes, �with great virtues and vast abilities; and the same predominant star was in the ascendant at his
birth as appeared at the dawn of Islam itself. When Sultan Mahmud ascended the throne of sovereignty his
illustrious deeds became manifest unto all mankind within the pale of Islam when he converted so many
thousands of idol-temples into masjids and captured many of the cities of Hindustan� He led an army to
Naharwala of Gujarat, and brought away Manat, the idol from Somnath, and had it broken into four parts,
one of which was cast before the centre of the great masjid at Ghaznin, the second before the gateway of
the Sultan�s palace, and the third and fourth were sent to Makkah and Madinah respectively.�
Mahmud�s coins struck at Lahore in the seventh year of his reign describe him as the �right hand of the
Caliph� and �the breaker of idols.�
This is the simple and straightforward explanation of why Islamic invaders desecrated the idols of Hindu
Gods and Goddesses, destroyed Hindu temples and converted them into mosques. It covers all facts,
completely and consistently, and leaves no loopholes.
Indian Express, May 21, 1989
Footnotes:
1
When Muhammad entered the Ka�ba after his conquest of Mecca by overwhelming force, he
declared, �Truth has come and falsehood has vanished� (Sahih Muslim, 4397). Ram Swarup
comments, �It takes more than an invading army or crusaders or a demolition squad with sledgehammers to establish the domain of Truth� Similarly, it is not that easy to get over
�falsehood�� True spiritual demolition involves the demolition of desire-gods and ego-gods,
the demolition of the false gods that reside in conceited theologies, in pretentious revelations and
fond belief�� (Understanding Islam Through Hadis, Voice of India, Second Reprint, 1987, Pp.
115-16.)
The Prophet of Islam gave not only a new, �religion� to his country-men but also a new
history of Arabia, the same as the prophets of Secularism have been doing in India since the days
2
of Pandit Nehru�s dominance.
Chapter Five
A Need to Face the Truth
Ram Swarup
The article �Hideaway Communalism� (Indian Express, February 5, 1989), is unusual. It discusses a
question which has been a taboo and speaks on it with a frankness rare among Indian intellectuals.
Similarly, in his articles �The Tip of An Iceberg� and �In the Name of Religion� (February 9, May
21) Sita Ram Goel brings to the subject unequalled research and discusses it in a larger historical
perspective.
In the history of Islam, iconoclasm and razing other peoples� temples are not aberrations - stray acts of
zealous but misguided rulers - but are central to the faith. They derive their justification and validity from
the Quranic Revelation and the Prophet�s Sunna or practice. It is another matter though that these could
not always be implemented in their full theological rigour due to many unfavourable circumstances - an
exigency for which Islamic theology makes ample provisions.
Early Islam
Shrines and idols of the unbelievers began to be destroyed during the Prophet�s own time and, indeed, at
his own behest. Sirat-un-Nabi, the first pious biography of the Prophet, tells us how during the earliest days
of Islam, young men at Medina influenced by Islamic teachings repeatedly crept into a house every night
and carried its idol and threw �it on its face into a cesspit.�
However, desecration and destruction began in earnest when Mecca was conquered. Ali was chosen to
destroy the idols at Ka�ba which, we are told, he did mounting on the shoulders of the Prophet. Umar was
chosen for destroying the pictures on the walls of the shrine. After this, asTarikh-i-Tabari tells us, raiding
parties were sent in all directions to destroy the images of deities held in special veneration by different
tribes including the images of al-Manat, al-Lat and al-Uzza, intercessories of the Satanic Verses. Sa�d
was sent to destroy the shrine of al-Manat, the deity of the tribes of Aus and Khazraj. When the shrine of
al-Lat was invaded, its devotees resisted. But finding themselves overpowered, they surrendered and
became Muslims. The women-worshippers wept to see how their deity was
�Deserted by Her servants,
Who did not show enough manliness in defending Her.�
Similarly, Walid was sent by the prophet to destroy the idol of al-Uzza at Nakhla, venerated by the tribes of
Kinan and Nadar. Overawed, the guardians left the deity to defend herself. They called out:
O Uzza! make an annihilating attack on Khalid,
O Uzza! if you do not kill the man Khalid
Then bear a swift punishment or become a Christian.
Why Christian? The word should have been Muslim. It seems the tradition belongs to the very early
period of Islam when at least, on the popular level, Christians and Muslims were mistaken for each other.
For, both shared a common outlook, both indulged in forced conversions and both destroyed shrines
belonging to others.
Semitic Revelation
The fact is that the Revelation of the Prophet of Islam does not stand alone. It is rooted in the older Judaic
Revelation from which Christianity also derives. The two Revelations differ in some particulars but they
have important similarities. The God of both is exclusive and brooks no rivals, no partner. He demands
exclusive loyalty and commands that his followers would �worship no other God.� But though so
demanding in their worship, he does not make himself known to them directly. On the other hand, he
communicates his will to them indirectly through a favourite messenger or prophet, or a special incarnation.
This God is so different from God in other religious traditions. For example, in Hindu tradition, a God is
not exclusive. He lives in friendliness with other Gods. In fact, �other� Gods are His own
manifestations. In this tradition, He also has no rigid form and is conceived in widely different ways:
plurally, singly, monistically. He also recognises no single favourite intermediary but reveals Himself to
all who approach Him with devotion and in wisdom. No Semitic protocol here. The Hindu tradition also
accords fullest freedom of worship. Not only every one has a right to worship his God in his own way but
every God is also entitled to the worship of His own devotees. Freedom indeed, both for men as well as for
Gods. It was on this principle that early Christians enjoyed their freedom of worship.
�Chosen� People
The other side of the coin of a �Jealous God� is the concept of a �Chosen People� or a Church
or Ummah. The chosen God has a chosen people (and even his chosen enemies). Both assist each other.
While their God helps the believers in fighting their neighbours, the believers help their God in fighting his
rival-Gods.
It is common for men and women everywhere to invoke the help of their Gods in their various
undertakings, big or small. But the God of the believers also calls upon them to fight for his greater glory,
to fight his enemies and to extend his dominion on the earth. In short, they are to become his swordsmen
and salesmen, his �witnesses�, his martyrs andGhazis. They must fight not only their unbelieving
neighbours but also, even more specifically, their (neighbours�) Gods. For these Gods are not only the
Gods of their enemies, but they are also the enemies of their God, which is even worse.
The believers have taken this god-given mission seriously. The Hedaya(Guidance), the Muslim Law
Book par excellence, quotes the Prophet and lays down: �We are directed to make war upon men until
such time as they shall confess. There is no God but Allah.�
Earthly Reward
However, it is not all God and his glory all the time. The undertaking has its practical side too. The
crusaders are not without their earthly rewards. They work to extend the sovereignty of their God and, in
the process, their own too. A pious tradition proclaims that the earth belongs to Allah and his Prophet.
Therefore, the inescapable conclusion is that the infidels are merely squatters, and they should be
dispossessed and the land returned to its rightful owners, the believers.
Today, the intellectual fashion is to emphasize the political and economic aims of imperialism and to
neglect its theological component. But history shows that the most durable imperialisms have been those
which had the support of a continuing theological motive. Such imperialisms dominated without a
conscience - or, rather, whatever conscience they had supported their domination. The power of faith killed
all possible doubts and self-criticism.
�Hideaway Communalism� quotes extensively from the Foreword of Maulana Abul-Hasan Ali Nadwi
which he contributed to the book,Hindustan under Islamic Rule. These quotes show that in its selfestimation and self-righteousness, the white-man�s burden of civilising the world is a poor match to
Islam�s responsibility of bringing the earth under Allah and his Prophet.
Iconoclasm
Semitic �My-Godism� described as Monotheism has another dimension: Iconoclasm. In fact, the two
are two sides of the same coin. When worshippers of the Semitic God came into Contact with their
neighbours, it was not clear what they abhorred more, their Gods or their idols. In point of fact, they made
no such fine distinction. Trained as they were, they made war on both indiscriminately.
The Judaic God commands his worshippers that when they enter the land of their enemies, they will
�destroy their altars, and break their images, and cut down their groves, and burn their graves images with
fire� (Bible, Deut. 7.5). Perhaps the Judaic Revelation was meant to apply only to the territory of the
Promised Land; but when Christianity and, in due course, Islam became its proud inheritors and adopted
the Biblical God, its operation became university. Wherever the two creeds went, temple-razing followed.
Today, Christianity seems to present a different face but during the better part of its career it was stoutly
iconoclastic In the Mediterranean countries, in Northern Europe, in Asia and the two Americas, it destroyed
shrines of the pagans with unparalleled thoroughness and perfect self-satisfaction. When America was
discovered, the Benedictine monks who came in the train of Columbus boasted of having destroyed singlehanded 170,000 images in Haiti alone. Juan de Zummarage, the first Bishop of Mexico, writing as early as
1531, claimed that he destroyed 500 temples and 20,000 idols of the heathens. In our own country, in Goa,
Jesuit fathers destroyed many Hindu temples.
Islam did the same. Wherever it went, it carried fire and sword and destroyed the temples of the conquered
people. Goel has documented some of the cases but as he himself says they represent merely the tip of an
iceberg.
Islam�s Religious Policy
Like its monotheism, Semitic iconoclasm too was essentially a hegemonistic idea. No imperialism is
secure unless it destroys the pride, culture and valour of a conquered people. People who retain their
religions, their Gods and their priests make poor subjects and remain potential rebels.
Islam knew this and it developed a full-fledged theory of Religious domination. Temples were destroyed
not for their �hoarded wealth� as Marxist historians propagate - who ever heard of Hindus being
specially in the habit of hoarding their wealth in their temples? - nor were they destroyed by invaders in the
first flush of their victory. On the other hand, these formed part of a larger policy of religious persecution
which was followed in peace-time too when the Muslim rule was established. The policy of persecution
had a purpose-it was meant to keep down the people and to disarm them culturally and spiritually, to
destroy their pride and self-respect, and to remind them that they were Zimmis, an inferior breed.
According to this policy, Zimmis were allowed to exercise their religion in low key so long as they
accepted civic and political disabilities and paid Jizya �in abasement�. There were many restrictions,
particularly in cities. The Muslim Law (Hedaya) lays down that �as the tokens of Islam (such as public
prayers, festivals, and so forth) appear in the cities, Zimmis should not be permitted to celebrate the tokens
of infidelity there.� Some of these restrictions placed on Hindu processions and celebrations still
continue. This is a legacy of the Muslim period.
The same law laid down that the infidels could not build new temples though they could repair old ones.
Probably this explains why there is no record of a worthwhile Hindu temple built since 1192 in Delhi. The
first such temple Lakshmi Narayan Mandir, inaugurated by Mahatma Gandhi, came up in 1938, after a
lapse of more than seven hundred years.
No Easy Solution
The foregoing discussion shows that the problem is not that of the Rama Janmabhumi Temple of Ayodhya,
or the Krishna Temple of Mathura or the Visveshvara Temple of Varanasi. In its deeper aspect, the
problem relates to an aggressive theology and political ideology which created an aggressive tradition of
history. Needless to say that the problem in all its huge dimensions admits of no easy solution. In an
ordinary situation, one could appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober, from a man�s passion to his reason
and conscience. But in the present case when Islamic theology is on the side of its historical practice and
its more aggressive aims, this option is hardly available. But even then while showing, by exercising
firmness, that aggression will not pay, we must yet be patient and understanding. We must realize that the
problem is not Muslims but Islamor Islamic theology. Therefore, this theology needs a more critical
examination than has been hitherto done. We must properly study Revelatory religions, their Gods and
their prophets, their theories of special covenants and favoured ummahs, their doctrine of one God andtwo
humanities, their categories of believers and infidels or pagans, their theory of Prophetism, their divinely
ordained mission to convert and crusade.
It is a task which needs the creative labour of all seekers and articulators of truth. Closed creeds are a
threat both to deeper spirituality and to deeper humanity, and they badly need some sort of glasnost,
openness and freedom. A wider discussion will help them to open up.
In this task, Muslim intellectuals can play an important role. In fact, it is expected of them. It may start a
new process of rethinking among the Muslims on their fundamentals - a different and truer sort of
fundamentalism than they have hitherto known.
It is also a task which imposes an inescapable duty on Hindu-Buddhist thinkers with their inheritance of
Yoga. In fact, India�s Yoga has a lot to contribute to the discussion. We are told that Revelations come
from Gods. But from another angle, Revelations and Gods themselves come from man and his psyche, as
Yoga teaches us. This psyche in turn has its various levels of purity and inwardness and every level
projects its own God, Revelation and Theology. Therefore, not all Gods and Revelations have the same
purity. In fact, some of them are not worthy enough and they support an equally questionable politics.
Such a conclusion may disappoint many Hindu wise men who fondly cling to the belief that all religions
are the same and all prophets preach and say the same things. But they must learn not to evade issues and
even while seeking unities, they must yet learn to recognise differences where they exist.
At the end, we again return to �Hideaway Communalism� which tells us of �evasion and
concealment� and the need to �face the truth.� However, the sorry fact is that in order to avoid facing
truth we have built up an elaborate system of evasion and concealment which protects not merely
�hideaway communalism�, but also shields and even fosters more sinister forces of a �hideaway
Imperialism� and a �hideaway theology� which distorts relations between man and Gods and between
man and man. The need is to become aware of the problem at a deeper level and in its larger antecedents
and consequences.
Indian Express, June 18, 1989
Chapter Six
Historians Versus History
Ram Swarup
Wole Soyinka, African Nobel Laureate, delivering the 20th Nehru Memorial Lecture on November 13,
1988, made an important though by no means a new observation - that the colonial histories have been
written from the European viewpoint. Speaking about Indian histories, he said that �there is a big
question mark on everything that the British historians have written�. He added that serious efforts are
being made by historians back home �to rewrite African history.�
We do not know what this project involves and how it is faring in Africa, but in India efforts in this
direction have yielded meagre results. Not that there has been a dearth of rewriters, but their talent has not
been equal to their zeal.
The phrase �re-writing of history� leaves a bad taste in the mouth and it is offensive to our sense of
truth. Recent instances of rewriting have not helped to improve the image of the task and they inspired
little confidence. In most cases one did not know where legitimate rewriting ended and forgery began. In
practical terms, it has meant that history is written to support the latest party line, or the latest dictator.
What does, therefore, the rewriting of history mean? How far can we go in that direction? Does it mean
saying good-bye to all sense of truth and objectivity, or does it mean only restoring some neglected truths
and perspective? Some have looked at our present through the eyes of the past, but will it be any better to
look at our past through the eyes of the present, or even go further and write about our past and present-in
the spirit of �socialist realism�-in terms of the future, in terms of tasks conceived and planned by
our avante garde for the future of the country?
There are other related questions. Is the European history of Asia and Africa all wrong and does it need
wholesale replacement? Or does it also have some valuable elements, particularly in its methodology if not
in its conclusions, which should be retained and even further developed? In the Indian context, is the
British history of India monolithic, all painted black by motivated historians? Or, is it also pluralistic and
contains many views, some of them highly appreciative of the country�s culture, philosophy and artistic
creations?
And also, looked at objectively, apart from the intentions of the writers and even in spite of their jaundiced
views, have not their histories sometimes helped us to become better aware of our past and made us in
some ways rediscover ourselves in the limited sense in which the words �past� and �rediscovery� are
understood today?
To hold that all British history of India was wrong will be highly unrealistic and will have few buyers.
True, many British, historians were prejudiced. But there were also others who had genuine curiosity and
in spite of their pre-conceived notions, they tried to do their job faithfully in the spirit of objectivity. In the
pursuit of their researches, they applied methods followed in Europe. They collected, collated and
compared old manuscripts. They desciphered old, forgotten scripts and in the process discovered an
important segment of our past. They developed linguistics, archaeology, carbon-dating, numismatics; they
found for us ample evidence of India in Asia. They discovered for us much new data, local and
international. True, many times they tried to twist this data and put fanciful constructions on it, but this
new respect for facts imposed its own discipline and tended to evolve objective criteria. Because of the
objective nature of the criteria, their findings did not always support their prejudices and preconceived
notions. For example, their data proved that India represented an ancient culture with remarkable
continuity and widespread influence and that it had a long and well-established tradition of self-rule and
self-governing republics, and free institutions and free discussion.
However, while admitting these positive factors, it is also true that the British historians distorted Indian
history on some most essential points. The distortion was not conscious but was unconscious; however, it
was not less real and potent on that account.
British Historians
The mind of British scholars was shaped by their position as rulers of a fast-expanding Empire and by its
need to consolidate itself ideologically and politically. As rulers, they felt a new racial and cultural
superiority and, reinforced by their religion, developed a strong conviction of their civilizing mission.
Many of them also felt a great urge to bring the blessings of Christian morals and a Christian God to a
benighted paganhood, as long as the attempt did not endanger the Empire.
The rulers had also more palpable political needs. The subject people should have no higher notion of their
past beyond their present status, which they should also learn to accept without murmur and even with
thankfulness. The British rulers had an interest in telling the Indian people that the latter had never been a
nation but a conglomerate of miscellaneous people drawn from diverse sources and informed by no
principle of unity; that their history had been an history of invaders and conquerors and that they had never
known indigenous rule; and that, indeed, they were indifferent to self-rule and that so long as their villagelife was intact, they did not bother who ruled at the Centre. All these lessons were tirelessly taught and
dutifully learnt, so much so that even after the British have left, these assumptions and categories still shape
our larger political thinking and historical perspective. That India is multi-racial, multi-national, multilinguistic, multi-cultural painfully trying to acquire a principle of unity under their aegis is also the
assumption of our own new leaders and elite.
These were the basic attitudes and unspoken interests that shaped the minds of the British historians, but
within this framework there was room enough for individual preferences and temperamental peculiarities.
Some of them could show their genuine appreciation for Hindu language, grammar, architecture, and other,
cultural achievements, but this appreciation would not go beyond a certain point, nor in a direction which
began to feed the people's wider national consciousness and pride in themselves as an ancient nation. In
this respect too, our intellectual elite follow the lead of the British scholars. Many of them-unless they are
Marxists or Macaulayists - are not without a measure of appreciation and pride for some of our old cultural
creations. But this appreciation does not extend to that larger culture itself which put forth those creations,
and that religion and spirit in which that culture was rooted and those people and that society which upheld
that religion and that culture.
We are told that the British highlighted Hindu-Muslim differences. They certainly did. But they had no
interest in telling the Indians that their forefathers shared a common religion, that some of them got
converted under peculiar circumstances, that those circumstances were no longer valid, and that they
should not lose their consciousness of their original and wider fold. On the other hand, the way the British
wrote their history perpetuated the myth of a Muslim rule and a Muslim period which could not but
accentuate Hindu-Muslim differences and promote Muslim separatism.
The main interest of the British was to write a history which justified their presence in India. They were
imperial rulers and by their situation and function they felt a bond of sympathy and affinity with the rulers
that had preceded them. They held India by the right of conquest; therefore, they had to recognise the
legitimacy of this right in the case of the Moghuls, the Afghans and the Arabs too.
But this justification was too crude and naked for the British conscience. To assuage it, the British offered
a legal and moral alibi. They held that they were legitimate successors of the Moghuls and represented
continuity with India�s past. The Moghuls were presented as empire builders, those who united India and
gave it law and order, peace and stability - the natural blessings of an Imperial order. And the British
themselves were merely the successors of the Imperial rights of the Moghuls and upheld the Imperial
authority of Delhi. Whatever elevated Moghul authority at Delhi, elevated their imperial authority too.
Facts sometimes compelled the British historians to speak of cruelties and vandalism of the Muslim rule
but this did not stop them from upholding its authority. For they knew that the myth of Imperialism is one
and that the glory of the Moghul rulers and the myth of their invincibility added to the glory and the myth
of the British Empire itself.
Thus all these factors made the British give a new boost to the Muslim rule in India. While trying to
legitimise their own rule, they also gave to their predecessor a kind of legitimacy which they never had in
the eyes of the Indian people. In fact, in the larger national consciousness, the Muslim rule had as little
legitimacy as the British rule had later on. Both were considered as foreign impositions and resisted as
such as far as time, opportunity and the prevailing power equation allowed it.
But by the same token and for the same reason this resistance, long and stubborn, was underplayed by
British historians and presented as �revolts� or �rebellions� against the legitimate Imperial authority
of the Centre. They felt, and quite rightly from their viewpoint, that Indian history should have nothing to
show that its people waged many battles and repulsed many invaders. Thus, in this way, India came to
have a history which is the history of its invaders, whose dominion its people accepted meekly.
Muslim Historians
Even before the British came on the stage, Muslim historians had written similar histories. Those histories
were mostly annals written by scribes or munshis employed by Muslim kings. The task of these annalists
was to glorify Islam and their immediate patrons, a task which they performed with great zeal and rhetoric.
In the performance of this task, they resorted to no moral or intellectual disguise. The glory of Islam and
the extension of Darul-Islam (the Muslim equivalent of the British �Empire�) was self-justified and
needed no artificial props. They spoke of the massacres of the infidels, of their forcible conversions, of
their temples raced and of similar tyrannies perpetrated with great rejoice, as Sir H.M. Elliot points out.
�Hindu� Historians
The results were no better when the annalist employed happened to be a Hindu. Elliot again observes that
from �one of that nation we might have expected to have learnt what were the feelings, hopes, faiths,
fears, and yearnings, of his subject race,� but this was not to be. On the other hand, in his writing, there is
�nothing to betray his religion or his nation� With him, a Hindu is an �infidel�, and a Muhammadan
�one of true faith�,� With him, when Hindus are killed, �their souls are despatched to hell�, and
when a Muhammadan suffers the same fate, he �drinks the cup of martyrdom�� He speaks of the
�light of Islam shedding its refulgence on the world�.�
But what comes next intrigues Elliot even more. Even after the tyrant was no more and the falsification of
history through terror was no longer necessary (Elliot quotes Tacitus : Teberii ac Neronis res ob metum
falsae), he finds that there is still �not one of this slavish crew who treats the history of his native country
subjectively, or presents us with the thoughts, emotions, and raptures which a long oppressed race might be
supposed to give vent to.�
This tribe of Hindu munshis or the �slavish crew� of Elliot have a long life and show a remarkable
continuity. Instead of diminishing, their number has multiplied with time. Today, they dominate the
universities, the media and the country�s political thinking.
They were reinforced by another set of historians - those who carry the British tradition. One very
important thing in common with them is that they continue to look at India through the eyes of Muslim and
British rulers even long after their rule has ceased.
Elliot regards the problem with moral indignation but the phenomenon involves deep psychological and
sociological factors. It is more complex than the question of patronage enjoyed or tyranny withdrawn.
Hindus have lived under very trying circumstances for many centuries and during this time their psyche
suffered much damage. Short term tyranny may prove a challenge but long-term, sustained tyranny tends
to benumb and dehumanize. Under continued military and ideological attack, many Hindus lost initiative
and originality; they lost naturalness and self-confidence; they lost pride in themselves, pride in their past
and in their history and in their nation. They learnt to live a sort of underground life, furtively and
apologetically. Some tried to save their self-respect by identifying themselves with the thoughts and
sentiments of the rulers. They even adopted the rulers� contempt for their own people.
These attitudes imbibed over a long period have become our second nature, and they have acquired an
independence and dynamism of their own. We have begun to look at ourselves through the eyes of our
rulers.
Post-Independence Period
One would have thought that all this would change after we attained Independence, but this did not
happen. It shows that to throw off an intellectual and cultural yoke is far more difficult than to throw off a
political yoke.
By and large we have retained our old history written by our rulers. The leaders of the nationalist
movement are quite content with it, except that they have added to it one more chapter at the end which
depicts them in a super-heroic role. The new leaders have no greater vision of Indian history and they look
forward to no greater task than to perpetuate themselves.
In fact they have developed a vested interest in old history which propagates that India was never a nation,
that it had not known any freedom or freedom-struggle in the past. By sheer contrast, it exalts their role
and proves something they would like to believe - that they are the first nation-builders, that they led the
first freedom struggle India has ever known and, indeed, she became free for the first time under their
aegis. This highly flatters their ego, and to give themselves this unique status we find that their attacks on
India�s past are as vicious and ignorant as those of the British and Muslim historians. No wonder
histories continue to be written with all the contempt we learnt to feel for our past, and with all the lack of
understanding we developed for our culture during the days of foreign domination.
A new source of distortion was opened during the period of the freedom struggle itself. Nationalist leaders
strove to win Muslim support for the Independence struggle. In the hope of achieving this end, Indian
nationalism itself began to rewrite the history of medieval times. Under this motivation, Muslim rule
became �indigenous�, and Muslim kings became �national� kings, and even nationalists, those who
fought them began to receive a low score. R.C. Mojumdar tells us how, under this motivation, national
leaders created an �imaginary history�, one of them even proclaiming that �Hindus were not at all a
subject race during the Muslim rule,� and how �these absurd notions, which would have been laughed at
by Indian leaders at the beginning of the 19th century, passed current as history� at the end of that
century�.
Marxist Distortions
Marxists have taken to rewriting Indian history on a large scale and it has meant its systematic
falsification. They have a dogmatic view of history and for them the use of any history is to prove their
dogma. Their very approach is hurtful to truth. But this is a large subject and we would not go into it here,
even though it is related intimately to the subject under discussion.
The Marxists� contempt for India, particularly the India of religion, culture and philosophy, is deep and
theoretically fortified. It exceeds the contempt ever shown by the most die-hard imperialists. Some of the
British had an orientalist�s fascination for the East or an administrator's paternal concern for their wards,
but Marxists suffer from no such sentimentality. The very �Asiatic mode of production� was primitive
and any, �superstructure� of ideas and culture built on that foundation must be barbaric too and it had
better go.
Not many realize how thoroughly European Marx was in his orientation. He treated all Asia and Africa as
an appendage of the West and, indeed, of the Anglo-Saxon Great Britain. He borrowed all his theses on
India from British rulers and fully subscribed to them. With them he believes that �Indian society has no
history at all, at least no known history,� and that what �we call its history, is the history of successive
intruders.� With them he also believes that India �has neither known nor cared for self-rule.� In fact, he
rules out self-rule for India altogether and in this matter gives her no choice. He says that the question is
�not whether the English bad a right to conquer India, but whether we are to prefer India conquered by the
Turk, by the Persian, by the Russian, to India conquered by the Briton.� His own choice was clear.
Indian Marxists fully accept this thesis, except that they are also near-equal admirers of the �Turkish�
conquest of India. Indian Marxists get quite lyrical about this conquest and find quite fulfilment in it. Let
us illustrate the point with the example of M.N. Roy. We are told that he gave up Marxism but he kept
enough of it to retain his admiration for Muslim Imperialism. He admires the �historical role of Islam�
in a book of the same name and praises the �Arab Empire� as a �magnificent monument to the memory
of Mohammad.� He hails Muslim invasion of India and tells us how �it was welcomed as a message of
hope and freedom by the multitudinous victims of Brahmanical reaction.�
Earlier, Roy had spoken of �our country� which �had become almost liberated from the Moslem
Empire.� But that was long ago when he was merely a nationalist and had not come under the influence of
Marxism. Marxism teaches a new appreciation for Imperialism; it idealises old Imperialisms and prepares
a people for a new one. Its moving power is deep-rooted self-alienation and its greatest ally is cultural and
spiritual illiteracy.
Marxist writers and historians of a sort are all over the place and they are well entrenched in the academic
and media sectors. They have a great say in University appointments and promotions, in the awarding of
research grants, in drawing up syllabi, and in the choosing and prescribing of text-books. No true history of
India is possible without countering their philosophy, ideas and influence.
Indian Express, January 15, 1989
Chapter Seven
November 9 Will Change History
Jay Dubashi
What is the need of the hour, someone asked me the other day. Is it stability, is it unity, is it communal
peace? It is none of these things, I told him. The need of the hour is COURAGE.
We Hindus have become a timid race, almost a cowardly race. We lack the courage of our convictions.
Some of us don�t even have any convictions, and have been trying to hide our shame under high-sounding
but empty phrases like secularism. For the last so many centuries, the history of the Hindus has been
created by non-Hindus, first the Moghuls, then the British. Even today, the Hindus are being denied their
right to write their own history, which, to me, is almost like genocide. Until we write our own history, this
land cannot be ours.
Upendra Baxi, director of the Indian Law Institute and a noted jurist, said the other day that �when the
foundation of the proposed Ram Temple will be put up in Ayodhya, it will change decisively the history of
India and no amount of condemnation of the Indian psyche or public self-flagellation will change that
history.� He is right. The whole purpose of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement is to change the history of
India, nothing less, nothing more.
Those who do not see this do not know what India is. For the first time in several centuries, the history of
India is being made by Indians, call them Hindu, call them anything else, if the word Hindu sticks in your
gullet, as it did in Nehru�s. The Ayodhya movement is therefore a historic movement, far more historic
than Gandhi�s Dandi March or the Quit India Movement.
Freedom does not mean flying your own flag or having your own government. Freedom means making
your own history, writing it in your own blood on the pages of Time. As I said earlier, fate precluded us
from doing so for so many centuries. Now the time has come to open up the pages of Time and begin
writing what every great race in this world has been doing for so long, every great race except the Hindus.
Small-minded people like Namboodiripad or editors of Indo-Anglian papers who bring out special editions
at Christmas time but never on Diwali, will not understand this, because they do not know Indian history.
Whatever little they understand has been learnt from foreign historians, and from foreign books like Das
Capital. We must pity these men. Namboodiripad thinks that the Ayodhya movement is communal, a word
he has learnt from the British, for whom some of his friends spied, and he repeats it parrot-like, as children
do their lessons in schools. Communists are political parrots who have been intoning Marx for years
without realising that the man is already out of date. All over Europe, his corpse is being exhumed for
public exhibition. But Indian communists are half a century behind everybody else, including their own
brethren elsewhere. Because their own faith has come down crumbling, and that too in less than three
quarters of a century, they have started cursing other faiths.
But we Hindus were not born yesterday. We were not born in the British Museum and did not emerge from
dog-eared copies of ancient history books. We are history personified, history with a capital H. And we are
going to survive for another five thousand years, not just fifty years, as Namboodiripad�s gods did.
I simply cannot understand what is so communal about a community trying to build a temple, the most
honourable of acts, in their own land. Would anyone deny Catholics their right to put up a church in
Rome? Would anyone say no if the Saudis wanted to build a mosque in Mecca? Why on earth should there
be a mosque in Ayodhya of all places? How would they feel if someone tried to build a Rama temple in
Mecca? The Babari mosque was built by Babar who had no business to be in India. He came here as a
conqueror but the right of a conqueror ceases as soon as he ceases to be a conqueror. This country is now
ours, not Babar�s and what is all this freedom worth if we cannot undo a wrong? That is also what history
is, the undoing of a patently wrong act committed by a conqueror in the full flush of power. This is what I
meant when I said that we are going to re-write history, for, I repeat again, that is precisely the meaning of
freedom.
I consider the time we were under foreign conquerors, no matter where they came from and who they wereand also how they came-as the most shameful time of our history. This is what Gandhi also said and that is
why we vowed to throw the British out. If the British were foreigners, so were the Moghuls, and so is
everything they left behind. We have taken over old British firms and Indianised them. We have taken
over their railways, their ports and harbours, their buildings, their offices, even their vice-regal house. We
would have been perfectly within our rights to demolish their leftovers including the vice-regal house.
Mahatma Gandhi actually wanted to turn that house into a hospital.
Surely, if we can do all that, we can also take over their churches and cathedrals, as also those of other
conquerors that preceded them. We have not, done that, but I do not see why not. If the descendants of
these conquerors believe that their houses of worship are too important to be treated like other buildings
they left behind, surely you cannot blame the Hindus if they think that their houses of worship are also too
important to be defiled by foreigners. What is good for others, is also good for us. You cannot have one
law for others, just because they happen to be in a minority, and another for the majority because it happens
to be too generous, or too timid to fight back.
Make no mistake. We are going to change history and we have begun doing so on November 9, 1989.
Organiser, November 19, 1989
Chapter Eight
From Shilanyas to Berlin Wall
Jay Dubashi
History has its quirks but there is a method behind the madness. I said in my last column that November 9,
1989, would go down in Indian history as one of those dates that actually make history. I was not aware at
the time that on the very same day the first brick of the Ramshila foundation was being laid at Ayodhya, the
Berliners were removing bricks from the Berlin Wall. While a temple was going up in Ayodhya, a
communist temple was being demolished five thousand miles away in Europe. If this is not history, I do not
know what is.
There hasn�t been a squeak out of our commie friends on Berlin Wall, or, for that matter, on the turmoil in
the communist world that now lies as shattered as Hitler�s fascist empire after the last war. Where is our
great Mr. Know-All, the ultra-verbose pandit of Kerala who only the other day was lecturing us poor
Hindus on the pitfalls of communalism? Where is Harkishan Singh Surjeet, the great oracle of Punjab, who
since his operation in Moscow, seems to have given up the ghost altogether? Even their great Natural Ally,
the one and only Vishwanath Pratap Singh, has not said a word about the Berlin Wall, though he keeps
advising us about what to do in Ayodhya, or rather what not to do.
The two events, one at Ayodhya and the other in Berlin, are not unrelated. They are like the two events in
Einstein�s relativity theory which appear totally unconnected but are not.
They mark the end of the post-Nehru era and the beginning of a truly national era in India on the one hand,
and the end of the post-communist era and the beginning of a truly democratic era in Europe on the other.
History has rejected Nehru in India and also overthrown communism in Europe. It is not an accident that
the two events are taking place at the same time. Both Nehruism and communism were phoney creeds,
though it has taken us a long time to see through the phoneyness. Some of us had seen it a long ago, but
there were others, the so-called leftists and progressives, who had not. The scales have still not fallen from
their eyes, but that is now only a matter of time.
The phoniest are the so-called radical humanists in India, who have given up communist clothes but not the
authoritarian way of thinking, which is the hallmark of communism. Their reaction to all popular
movements is authoritarian. These men helped the British during the Quit India Movement-just as their
brethren the commies did-on the ground that an Allied victory was more important than freedom for India.
Now they are saying the same thing.
According to the Tarkundes and other phoneys, the Nehru version of secularism is more important than
full-blooded Hindu nationalism, which is what the Ayodhya movement signifies. The Tarkundes even went
to the court on the issue asking its help in stopping the Shilapujan.
The Pujan was a perfectly democratic affair carried on peacefully by citizens of this country who happen to
be in a majority. If Indians do not have a right to have temples in their own country, who has?
But this is not the way these secular worthies look upon the issue. These men are elitist by nature and for
them any popular movement, no matter how democratic and mass-based, is almost ipso fact suspect if it
does not meet their prejudiced convictions. This is Stalinism of the worst kind, the kind that led to the
building of the Berlin Wall, one of the ugliest structures in the world.
Who is Tarkunde to decide that a temple in Ayodhya is anti-social? Who was M.N. Roy to decide that
Gandhi�s Quit India Movement was anti-national and not in national interest? Who are these men who
mock history and then are bloodied by it? They belong to the same class as Stalin in Soviet Russia and
Hitler in Nazi Germany, who presume to know what is good for you and me, the ordinary mortals. And
these man will go the same dusty way as the tyrants whose bodies are now being exhumed all over the
Soviet empire and thrown to the vultures.
The men who presume to think what is good for the man in the street are the most dangerous species and
should be locked up in asylums. Jawaharlal Nehru was one such man. He knew what was good for you and
me, just as Stalin and Hitler did, and for almost 20 years went on forcing his ideas on this hapless country.
He and his advisers decided how much steel we should have and how much electricity. They decided who
should get paid what, and who should import what. They laid down laws for who should produce what and
where, and whether a particular industry should be given to Tatas or Birlas or some babus in the
government. What was the basis for these decisions? None at all. Simply an arrogant assumption that the
Big Brother knows best what is good for you, and you should not ask too many questions.
Those who went to court on the Ayodhya issue are the same Mr. Know-Alls, the arrogant busybodies who
presume to know what is good for us. This presumptuousness-that masses do not matter and do not countwas the core of the Marxist doctrine of which Nehru�s phoney socialism and Tarkunde�s equally phoney
radical humanism are offshoots. What they have not still grasped-but Mikhail Gorbachev has-is that this is
precisely the reason Marxism failed wherever it has been put to work, and why Nehruism has failed in
India.
That is also the reason why there was no enthusiasm whatsoever for thesarkari jamboree in the name of the
Nehru centenary year, for the common man in India is a victim of this Nehruism just as the common man in
Russia is the victim of communism. And in healthy societies, victims don�t celebrate centenaries of
tyrants.
There are a number of Nehru men in India, not only in the ruling party1 but also in the opposition and we
must be on guard against them. But this generation is on its way out, though their flame may flicker for a
while.
The post-Nehru era began at Ayodhya on November 9, and it will gather momentum in the years to come,
just as the post-communist era in Europe and elsewhere. It will not be an easy task, but no great task is
easy.
Organiser, November 26, 1989
Footnotes:
1
The ruling Party, at the time this article was written, was the Indian National Congress.
Chapter Nine
Rama-Janmabhumi Temple Muslim Testimony
Harsh Narain
All relevant British government records followed by the District Gazetteer Faizabad compiled and
published by the Congress government in 1960 declare with one voice that the so-called Babari mosque at
Ayodhya is standing on the debris of a Ramjanmasthan temple demolished by the order of Babar in 1528.
Syed Shahabuddin, JNU historians, and. self-styled �secular� scholars and leaders are hotly contesting
that the existence and demolition of such a temple is a myth floated by the British in pursuance of their
policy of �divide and rule�. Syed Shahabuddin and many Muslim divines go a step further and assert
that neither Babar nor any other Muslim for that matter would take into his head to erect a mosque by
displacing a temple, for, they argue, such a mosque would not be a mosque in the eye of the Shari�ah and
would be liable to demolition by the Muslims themselves.
With this idea in mind, Syed Shahabuddin is going about proclaiming that, if it is shown independently of
the British sources that the Babari mosque has displaced a temple, he would pull it down with his own
hands and hand it over to the Hindus.
The challenge is worth taking, and I hereby do it with good grace, on behalf of those who place truth above
politics.
Well, granting for the nonce that the Babari mosque cannot be shown to have displaced a temple, there are
certain other mosques which can indisputably be shown to have done so. Is Syed Shahabuddin prepared to
keep his word in the case of such mosques? It is common knowledge that most of the mosques built by the
Muslim invaders stand on land grabbed or extorted from the Kafirs. And what about the Ka�bah itself?
Sayyid Shahabuddin Abdur Rahman, the well known Muslim historian who died in an accident recently,
modifies the stand of the Muslim divines thus: �It is also thinkable that some mosque was erected close to
or at a short distance from a temple demolished for some special reason, but never was a mosque built on
the site of a temple anywhere.� (See hisBabri Masjid, 3rd print, Azamgarh: Darul Musannifin Shibli
Academy, 1987, p. 19.)
As regards the verdict of the Shari�ah, it is true that there are theologico-juristic rulings to the effect that
no mosque can be built on land grabbed or illegally/illegitimately acquired. See for example the
great Fatawa-i Alamgiri, Vol. 16, p 214. But the question is, Do they hold true for land acquired in Jihad as
well? The answer has to be an emphatic �No�. The Prophet has made it clear that all land belongs to God
or the Prophet (A�lamu ann�l-arza li�llah-i wa rasul-i-hi), and, obviously, through the Prophet to the
Muslims (Bukhari, II, Kitab al-Jibad wa�s- Siyar, Hadith 406). Iqbal puts the following words, in a
Persian verse, into the mouth of Tariq, the great conqueror of Spain : Har mulk mulk-i ma�st ki mulk-i
Khuda-i ma�st. That is, all land belongs to the Muslims, because it belongs to their God. Ibn Taymiyyah,
the 14th century theologian and jurist, argues that Jihad simply restores lands to the Muslims, to whom they
rightly belong. This serves to vouchsafe to them the moral right to extort lands in Jihad from others.
Thus, the argument from the Shari�ah has no leg to stand upon.
Now, I proceed to cite certain purely Muslim sources beyond the sphere of British influence to show that
the Babari mosque has displaced a Hindu temple-the Ramjanmasthan temple, to be precise-wholly or
partly.
First, an indirect evidence. In an application dated November 30, 1858, filed by one Muhammad Ashghar,
Khatib and Mu�azzin, Babari Masjid, to initiate legal proceedings against �Bairagiyan-i Janmasthan�,
the Babari mosque has been called �masjid-i Janmasthan� and the courtyard near the arch and the pulpit
within the boundary of the mosque, �maqam Janmasthan ka�. The Bairagis had raised a platform in the
courtyard which the applicant wanted to be dismantled. He has mentioned that the place of Janmasthan had
been lying unkempt/in disorder (parishan) for hundreds of years and that the Hindus performed worship
there (maqam Janmasthan ka sad-ha baras se parishan para rahta tha. Ahl-i Hunud puja karte they). See
Sayyid Shahabuddin Abdur Rahman, op, cit., pp. 29-30. Well, if the Babari mosque is the Janmasthan
mosque, its courtyard is the Janmasthan, and the Hindus had all along been carrying out their worship, all
that implies that there must have been some construction there as part of a (Janmasthan) temple, which Mir
Baqi partly demolished and partly converted into the existing Babari mosque, with or without Babar�s
approval. And the Hindus had no alternative but to make do with the temple-less courtyard. Otherwise, it is
simply unthinkable that they might have been performing worship for such a long time and on such a
sacred place without a proper temple.
Failure of Jihad
My second document is the Hadiqah-i Shuhada by one Mirza Jan, an eyewitness as well as active
participant in the Jihad led by Amir Ali Amethawi during Wajid Ali Shah�s regime in 1855 for recapture
of Hanuman Garhi (a few hundred yards from the Babari mosque) from the Hindus. The book was ready
just after the failure of the Jihad and saw the light of day in the following year, viz. in 1856, at Lucknow.
Ra�is Ahmad Jafari has included it as chapter IX in his book entitled Wajid Ali Shah aur Un-ka
Ahd (Lucknow: Kitab Manzil, 1957), after, however, omitting what he considered unnecessary but without
adding a word from his side.
Now, let us see what information we gather from it, germane to our enquiry. Mirza Jan states that
�wherever they found magnificent temples of the Hindus ever since the establishment of Sayyid Salar
Mas�ud Ghazi�s rule, the Muslim rulers in India built mosques, monasteries, and inns, appointed
mu�azzins, teachers, and store-stewards, spread Islam vigorously, and vanquished the Kafirs. Likewise,
they cleared up Faizabad and Avadh, too, from the filth of reprobation (infidelity), because it was a great
centre of worship and capital of Rama�s father. Where there stood the great temple (of Ramjanmasthan),
there they built a big mosque, and, where there was a small mandap (pavilion), there they erected a camp
mosque (masjid-i mukhtasar-i qanati). The Janmasthan temple is the principal place of Rama�s
incarnation, adjacent to which is the Sita ki Rasoi. Hence, what a lofty mosque was built there by king
Babar in 923 A. H. (1528 A.D.), under the patronage of Musa Ashiqan! The mosque is still known far and
wide as the Sita ki Rasoi mosque. And that temple is extant by its side (aur pahlu mein wah dair baqi
hai)� (p. 247).
It must be borne in mind that Mirza Jan claims to write all this on the basis of older records (kutub-i
sabiqah) and contemporary accounts.
My third document is a chapter of the Muraqqah-i Khusrawi, otherwise known as the Tarikh-i Avadh, by
Shykh Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami (1811-1893), who happened to be an eyewitness to much that happened
during Wajid Ali Shah�s regime. The work was completed in 1869 but could Pot see the light of day for
over a century. Only one manuscript of it is extant and that is in the Tagore Library of Lucknow University.
A press copy of it was prepared by Dr. Zaki Kakorawi for publication with the financial assistance of the
Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad Memorial Committee, U.P., Lucknow. The committee vetoed the publication of its
chapter dealing with the Jihad led by Amir Ali Amethawi for recapture of Hanuman Garhi from the
Bairagis, from its funds, on the ground that its publication would not be opportune in view of the prevailing
political situation, with the result that Dr. Kakorawi had to publish the book minus that chapter in 1986, for
the first time. Later, however, lie published the chapter separately, and independently of any financial or
other assistance from the committee in 1987 from the Markaz-i Adab-i Urdu 137, Shahganj, Lucknow-3,
under the title �Amir Ali Shahid aur Ma�rkah-i Hanuman Garhi�.
It is a pity that, thanks to our thoughtless �secularism� and waning sense of history, such primary
sources of medieval Indian history are presently in danger of suppression or total extinction. Dr. Kakorawi
himself laments that �suppression of any part of any old composition or compilation like this can create
difficulties and misunderstandings for future historians and researchers� (p. 3).
Well, what light does our author, Shykh Muhammad Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami, have to throw on the
issue of demolition versus non-existence of the Janmasthan temple? The opening paragraph of his book is
akin to the passage quoted above from Mirza Jan�s Hadiqah-i Shuhada. I give below the paragraph in the
author�s own words, omitting very few details: �According to old records, it has been a rule with the
Muslim rulers from the first to build mosques, monasteries, and inns, spread Islam, and put (a stop to) nonIslamic practices, wherever they found prominence (of kufr). Accordingly, even as they cleared up
Mathura, Bindraban, etc., from the rubbish of non-Islamic practices, the Babari mosque was built up in
923(?) A.H. under the patronage of Sayyid Musa Ashiqan in the Janmasthan temple (butkhane Janmasthan
mein) in Faizabad-Avadh, which was a great place of (worship) and capital of Rama�s father� (p. 9).
�Among the Hindus it was known as Sita ki Rasoi� (p. 10). The passage has certain gaps, thanks to the
wretched condition of the manuscript, which I have tried to fill within brackets.
Dr. Kakorawi has appended to the book an excerpt from the Fasanah-i Ibrat by the great early Urdu
novelist. Mirza Rajab Ali Beg Surur (1787-1867), which constitutes our fourth document. It says that �a
great mosque was built on the spot where Sita ki Rasoi is situated. During the regime of Babar, the Hindus
had no guts to be a match for the Muslims. The mosque was built in 923(?) A.H. under the patronage of
Sayyid Mir Ashiqan� Aurangzeb built a mosque on the Hanuman Garhi� The Bairagis effaced the
mosque and erected a temple in its place. Then idols began to be worshipped openly in the Babari mosque
where the Sita ki Rasoi is situated,� (pp. 71-72). The author adds that �formerly, it is Shykh Ali
Hazin�s observation which held good� and quotes the following Persian couplet of the Shykh:
Bi-bin karamat-i butkhanah-i mara aiy Shaikh!
Ki chun kharab shawad khanah-i Khuda garded
Which means: O Shykh! just witness the miracle of my house of idols, which, when desecrated, or
demolished, becomes the house of God (a mosque). So, purporting to mean that formerly temples were
demolished for construction of mosques, the author, Surur, laments that �the times have so changed that
now the mosque was demolished for construction of a temple (on the Hanuman Garhi)� (p. 72).
Clinching the Issue
The forming four-fold documentary evidence leads us to certain incontrovertible conclusions, which can be
stated as under:
1. That, in their zeal to hit Hinduism and spread Islam, the Muslim rulers had the knack of desecrating or
demolishing Hindu temples and erecting mosques, etc., in their place-bigger mosques in place of bigger
temples and smaller mosques in place of smaller temples.
2. That there did exist a temple called the temple of Janmasthan at Ayodhya, where Rama is believed to
have incarnated and that adjacent to it was what is called Sita ki Rasoi, which might originally have been
part of it.
3. That, like Muslim rulers who desecrated Mathura, Vrindavana, etc., Babar chose Ayodhya for spread of
Islam and replacement of temples by mosques, thanks to its supreme importance as a holy place of the
Hindus, and in 1528, under the patronage of Sayyid Mir Musa Ashiqan, got the so-called Babari mosque
erected in displacement of the Rama Janmasthan temple, certain relics of which appear to have persisted at
least till 1855.
4. That the Babari mosque was also called �masjid-i Janmasthan� and �masjid-i Sita ki Rasoi� from
long before 1855.
5. That the Hindus had long been carrying on worship at the Rama Janmasthan even after the replacement
of the Janmasthan temple by the Babari mosque.
6. That the foregoing facts are yielded by authentic Muslim records and have not been fabricated by the
much-maligned British to �divide and rule�.
These conclusions are irresistible and should clinch the issue of demolition versus non-existence of the
Ramjanmasthan temple.
Indian Express, February 26, 1990
Chapter Ten
Let the Mute Witnesses Speak
Sita Ram Goel
The cradle of Hindu culture1 on the eve of its Islamic invasion included what are at present the Sinkiang
province of China, the Transoxiana region of Russia, the Seistan province of Iran and the sovereign states
of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Nepal and Bangladesh. The Islamic invasion commenced around 650 A.D.,
when a Muslim army secured a foothold in Seistan, and continued till the end of the eighteenth century,
when the last Islamic crusader, Tipu Sultan, was overthrown by the British. Hordes of Arabs, Persians,
Turks, and Afghans who had been successively inspired by the Theology of Islam poured in, in wave after
wave, carrying fire and sword to every nook and corner of this vast area. In the process, Sinkiang,
Transoxiana region, Seistan and Afghanistan became transformed intodaru�l-IslÃm where all vestiges of
the earlier culture were wiped out. The same spell has engulfed the areas which were parts of India till
1947 and have since become Pakistan and Bangladesh.
We learn from literary and epigraphic sources, accounts of foreign travellers in medieval times, and modern
archaeological explorations that, on the eve of the Islamic invasion, the cradle of Hindu culture was
honeycombed with temples and monasteries, in many shapes and sizes. The same sources inform us that
many more temples and monasteries continued to come up in places where the Islamic invasion had yet to
reach or from where it was forced to retire for some time by the rallying of Hindu resistance. Hindus were
great temple builders because their pantheon was prolific in Gods and Goddesses and their society rich in
schools and sects, each with its own way of worship. But by the time we come to the end of the invasion,
we find that almost all these Hindu places of worship had either disappeared or were left in different stages
of ruination. Most of the sacred sites had come to be occupied by a variety of Muslim monuments-masjids
and îdgãhs (mosques), dargãhs and ziãrats (shrines), mazãrs and maqbaras (tombs), madrasas and maktabs
(seminaries), takiyãs and qabristãns (graveyards). Quite a few of the new edifices had been built from the
materials of those that had been deliberately demolished in order to satisfy the demands of Islamic
Theology. The same materials had been used frequently in some secular structures as well-walls and gates
of forts and cities, river and tank embankments, caravanserais and stepwells, palaces and pavilions.
Some apologists of Islam have tried to lay the blame at the door of the White Huns or Epthalites who had
overrun parts of the Hindu cradle in the second half of the fifth century A.D. But they count without the
witness of Hiuen Tsang, the famous Chinese pilgrim and Buddhist savant, who travelled all over this area
from 630 A.D. to 644. Starting from Karashahr in Northern Sinkiang, he passed through Transoxiana,
Northern Afghanistan, North-West Frontier Province, Kashmir, Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh,
North-Eastern Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Nepal, Bengal, Assam, Orissa, Mahakosal and Andhra
Pradesh till he reached Tamil Nadu. On his return journey he travelled through Karnataka, Maharashtra,
Gujarat, Madhya Bharat, Sindh, Southern Afghanistan and Southern Sinkiang. In most of these provinces
he found in a flourishing state many Buddhist establishments consisting
of vihãras (monasteries),chaityas (temples) and stûpas (topes), besides what he described as heretical (Jain)
and deva (Brahmanical) temples. The wealth of architecture and sculptures he saw everywhere confirms
what we learn from Hindu literary sources. Some of this wealth has been recovered in recent times from
under mounds of ruins.
During the course of his pilgrimage, Hiuen Tsang stayed at as many as 95 Buddhist centres among which
the more famous ones were at Kuchi, Aqsu, Tirmiz, Uch Turfan, Kashagar and Khotan in Sinkiang; Balkh,
Ghazni, Bamiyan, Kapisi, Lamghan, Nagarahar and Bannu in Afghanistan; Pushkalavati, Bolar and
Takshasila in the North-West Frontier Province; Srinagar, Rajaori and Punch in Kashmir; Sialkot,
Jalandhar and Sirhind in the Punjab; Thanesar, Pehowa and Sugh in Haryana; Bairat and Bhinmal in
Rajasthan, Mathura, Mahoba, Ahichchhatra, Sankisa, Kanauj, Ayodhya, Prayag, Kausambi, Sravasti,
Kapilvastu, Kusinagar, Varanasi, Sarnath and Ghazipur in Uttar Pradesh; Vaishali, Pataliputra, Rajgir,
Nalanda, Bodhgaya, Monghyr and Bhagalpur in Bihar; Pundravardhana, Tamralipti, Jessore and
Karnasuvarna in Bengal; Puri and Jajnagar in Orissa; Nagarjunikonda and Amaravati in Andhra Pradesh;
Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu; Badami and Kalyani in Karnataka; Paithan and Devagiri in Maharashtra;
Bharuch, Junagarh and Valabhi in Gujarat; Ujjain in Malwa; Mirpur Khas and Multan in Sindh. The
number of Buddhist monasteries at the bigger ones of these centres ranged from 50 to 500 and the number
of monks in residence from 1,000 to 10,000. It was only in some parts of Eastern Afghanistan and the
North-West Frontier Province that monasteries were in a bad shape, which can perhaps be explained by the
invasion of White Huns. But so were they in Kusinagar and Kapilavastu where the White Huns are not
known to have reached. On the other hand, the same invaders had ranged over Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan,
Madhya Pradesh and most of Uttar Pradesh where Hiuen Tsang found the monasteries in a splendid state.
They had even established their rule over Kashmir where Hiuen Tsang saw 500 monasteries housing 5,000
monks. It is, therefore, difficult to hold them responsible for the disappearance of Buddhist centres in areas
where Hiuen Tsang had found them flourishing. An explanation has to be found elsewhere. In any case, the
upheaval they caused was over by the middle of the sixth century. Moreover, the temples and monasteries
which Hiuen Tsang saw were only a few out of many. He had not gone into the interior of any province,
having confined himself to the more famous Buddhist centres.
What was it that really happened to thousands upon thousands of temples and monasteries? Why did they
disappear and/or give place to another type of monuments? How come that their architectural and
sculptural fragments got built into the foundations and floors and walls and domes of the edifices which
replaced them? These are crucial questions which should have been asked by students of medieval Indian
history. But no historian worth his name has raised these questions squarely, not to speak of finding
adequate answers to them. No systematic study of the subject has been made so far. All that we have are
stray references to the demolition of a few Hindu temples, made by the more daring Hindu historians while
discussing the religious policy of this or that sultan. Sir Jadunath Sarkar2 and Professor Sri Ram
Sharma3 have given more attention to the Islamic policy of demolishing Hindu temples and pointed an
accusing finger at the theological tenets which dictated that policy. But their treatment of the subject is
brief and their enumeration of temples destroyed by Aurangzeb and the other Mughal emperors touches
only the fringe of a vast holocaust caused by the Theology of Islam, all over the cradle of Hindu culture,
and throughout more than thirteen hundred years, taking into account what happened in the native Muslim
states carved out after the British take-over and the formation of Pakistan after partition in 1947.
Muslim historians, in India and abroad, have written hundreds of accounts in which the progress of Islamic
armies across the cradle of Hindu culture is narrated, stage by stage and period by period. A pronounced
feature of these Muslim histories is a description-in smaller or greater detail but always with considerable
pride-of how the Hindus were slaughtered en masse or converted by force, how hundreds of thousands of
Hindu men and women and children were captured as booty and sold into slavery, how Hindu temples and
monasteries were razed to the ground or burnt down, and how images of Hindu Gods and Goddesses were
destroyed or desecrated. Commandments of Allah (Quran) and precedents set by the Prophet (Sunnah) are
frequently cited by the authors in support of what the swordsmen and demolition squads of Islam did with
extraordinary zeal, not only in the midst of war but also, and more thoroughly, after Islamic rule had been
firmly established. A reference to the Theology of Islam as perfected by the orthodox Imams, leaves little
doubt that the citations are seldom without foundation.
The men and women and children who were killed or captured or converted by force cannot be recalled for
standing witnesses to what was done to them by the heroes of Islam. The apologists for Islam-the most
dogged among them are some Hindu historians and politicians-have easily got away with the plea that
Muslim �court scribes� had succumbed to poetic exaggeration in order to please their pious patrons.
Their case is weakened when they cite the same sources in support of their owns speculation or when the
question is asked as to why the patrons needed stories of bloodshed and wanton destruction for feeding
their piety. But they have taken in their stride these doubts and questions as well.
There are, however, witnesses who are not beyond recall and who can confirm that the �court scribes�
were not at all foisting fables on their readers. These are the hundreds of thousands of sculptural and
architectural fragments which stand arrayed in museums and drawing rooms all over the world, or which
are waiting to be picked up by public and private collectors, or which stare at us from numerous Muslim
monuments. These are the thousands of Hindu temples and monasteries which either stand on the surface in
a state of ruination or lie buried under the earth waiting for being brought to light by the archaeologist�s
spade. These are the thousands of Muslim edifices, sacred as well as secular, which occupy the sites of
Hindu temples and monasteries and/or which have been constructed from materials of those monuments.
All these witnesses carry unimpeachable evidence of the violence that was done to them, deliberately and
by human hands.
So far no one has cared to make these witnesses speak and relate the story of how they got ruined,
demolished, dislocated, dismembered, defaced, mutilated and burnt. Recent writers on Hindu architecture
and sculpture-their tribe is multiplying fast, mostly for commercial reasons-ignore the ghastly wounds
which these witnesses show on the very first sight, and dwell on the beauties of the limbs that have
survived or escaped injury. Many a time they have to resort to their imagination for supplying what should
have been there but is missing. All they seem to care for is building their own reputations as historians of
Hindu art. If one draws their attention to the mutilations and disfigurements suffered by the subjects under
study, one is met with a stunned silence or denounced downright as a Hindu chauvinist out to raise
�demons from the past�4with the deliberate intention of causing �communal strife.�
We, therefore, propose to present a few of these witnesses in order to show in what shape they are and what
they have to say.
Tordi (Rajasthan)
�At Tordi there are two fine and massively built stone baolis or step wells known as the Chaur and Khari
Baoris. They appear to be old Hindu structures repaired or rebuilt by Muhammadans, probably in the early
or middle part of the 15th century� In the construction of the (Khari) Baori Hindu images have been built
in, noticeable amongst them being an image of Kuber on the right flanking wall of the large flight of
steps��5
Naraina (Rajasthan)
�At Naraina� is an old pillared mosque, nine bays long and four bays deep, constructed out of old Hindu
temples and standing on the east of the Gauri Shankar tank� The mosque appears to have been built when
Mujahid Khan, son of Shams Khan, took possession of Naraina in 840 A.H. or 1436 A.D� To the
immediate north of the mosque is the three-arched gateway called Tripolia which is also constructed with
materials from old Hindu temples��6
Chatsu (Rajasthan)
�At Chatsu there is a Muhammadan tomb erected on the eastern embankment of the Golerava tank. The
tomb which is known as Gurg Ali Shah�s chhatri is built out of the spoils of Hindu buildings� On the
inside of the twelve-sided frieze of the chhatri is a long Persian inscription in verse, but worn out in several
places. The inscription does not mention the name of any important personage known to history and all that
can be made out with certainty is that the saint Gurg Ali (wolf of Ali) died a martyr on the first of Ramzan
in 979 A.H. corresponding to Thursday, the 17th January, 1572 A.D.�7
SaheTh-MaheTh (Uttar Pradesh)
�The ruined Jain temple situated in the western portion of MaheTh� derives the name �Sobhnãth�
from Sambhavanãtha, the third TîrthaMkara, who is believed to have been born at �rãvastî�8
�Let us now turn our attention to the western-most part of Sobhnãth ruins. It is crowned by a domed
edifice, apparently a Muslim tomb of the Pathãn period�9
�These remains are raised on a platform, 30� square, built mostly of broken bricks
including carved ones� This platform, no doubt, represents the plinth of the last Jain temple which was
destroyed by the Muhammadan conquerors� It will be seen from the plan that the enclosure of the tomb
overlaps this square platform. The tomb proper stands on a mass of debriswhich is probably the remains of
the ruined shrine�10
�3. Sculpture� of buff standstone, partly destroyed, representing a TîrthaMkara seated cross-legged in
the attitude of meditation on a throne supported by two lions couchant, placed on both sides of a wheel�
�4. Sculpture� of buff sandstone, partly defaced, representing a TîrthaMkara seated cross-legged (as
above)�
�8. Sculpture� of buff sandstone, defaced, representing a TîrthaMkara standing between two miniature
figures of which that to his right is seated.
�9. Sculpture� of buff standstone, defaced, representing a TîrthaMkara, standing under a parasol�
�12. Sculpture� of buff standstone, much defaced, representing a male and a female figure seated side
by side under a palm tree.
�13. Sculpture� of buff standstone, broken in four pieces, and carved with five figurines of
TîrthaMkaras� seated cross-legged in the attitude of meditation. The central figure has a Nãga hood. The
sculpture evidently was the top portion of a large image slab.�11
Coming to the ruins of a Buddhist monastery in the same complex, the archaeologist proceeds:
�In the 23rd cell, which I identify with the store-room, I found half-buried in the floor a big earthen jar�
This must have been used for storage of corn�
�This cell is connected with a find which is certainly the most notable discovery of the season. I refer to
an inscribed copper-plate of Govindachandra of Kanauj� The charter was issued from Vãrãnasî on
Monday, the full moon day of ÃshãDha Sam. 1186, which� corresponds to the 23rd of June, 1130. The
inscription records the grant of six villages to the �Community of Buddhist friars of whom
Buddhabhattãraka is the chief and foremost, residing in the great convent of the holy Jetavana,� and is of
a paramount importance, in as much as it conclusively settles the identification of MaheTh with the city of
�rãvastî��12
He describes as follows some of the sculptures unearthed at SrAvastI:
�S.1. Statuette in grey stone� of Buddha seated cross-legged in the teaching attitude on a conventional
lotus. The head, breast and fore-arms as well as the sides of the sculpture are broken.
�S.2. Lower portion� of a blue schist image of Avalokite�vara in the sportive attitude (lîlãsana) on a
lotus seat.
�S. 3. Image� of Avalokite�vara seated in ardhaparyanka attitude on a conventional lotus� The head
and left arms of the main figure are missing.�13
Sarnath (Uttar Pradesh)
The report of excavations undertaken in 1904-05 says that �the inscriptions found there extending to the
twelfth century A.D. show that the connection of Sarnath with Buddhism was still remembered at that
date.� It continues that �the condition of the excavated ruins leaves little doubt that a violent catastrophe
accompanied by willful destruction and plunder overtook the place.�14 Read this report with the Muslim
account that Muhammad GhurI destroyed a thousand idol-temples when he reached Varanasi after
defeating Mahãrãjã Jayachandra of Kanauj in 1193 A.D. The fragments that are listed below speak for
themselves. The number given in each case is the one adopted in the report of the excavation.
a 42. Upper part of sculptured slab�
E.8. Architectural fragment, with Buddha (?) seated cross-legged on lotus�
a.22. Defaced standing Buddha, hands missing.
a.17. Buddha head with halo.
a. 8. Head and right arm of image.
E.22. Upper part of image.
E.14. Broken seated figure holding object in left hand.
a.11. Fragment of larger sculpture; bust, part of head, and right overarm of female chauri-bearer.
E.25. Upper part of female figure with big ear-ring.
E.6. Fragment of sculpture, from top of throne (?) on left side.
n.19. Seated figure of Buddha in bhûmispar�amudrã, much defaced.
n.221. Torso, with arms of Buddha in dharmachakramudrã.
n.91. Lower part of Buddha seated cross-legged on throne. Defaced.
n.142. Figure of Avalokite�vara in relief. Legs from knees downwards wanting.
n.1. Relief partly, defaced and upper part missing. Buddha descending from the TrãyastriM�ã Heaven
Head and left hand missing.
i.50. Lower half of statue. Buddha in bhûmispar�amudrã seated on lotus.
i.17. Buddha in attitude of meditation on lotus. Head missing.
i.46. Head of Buddha with short curls.
i.44. Head of Avalokite�vara, with Amitãbha Buddha in headdress.
n.10. Fragment of three-headed figure (? Mãrîchî) of green stone.
i.49. Standing figure of attendant from upper right of image. Half of face, feet and left hand missing.
i.1. Torso of male figure, ornamented.
i.4. Female figure, with lavishly ornamented head. The legs from knees, right arm and left forearm are
missing. Much defaced.
i.105. Hand holding Lotus.
n.172. Torso of Buddha.
n.18. Head of Buddha, slightly defaced.
n.16. Female figure, feet missing.
n.97. Lower part of female figure. Feet missing.
n.163. Buddha, seated. Much defaced.
K.4. Fragment of seated Buddha in blue Gayã stone.
K.5. Fragment of large statue, showing small Buddha seated inbhûmispar�amudrã
K.18. Fragment of statue in best Gupta style.
J.S.18. 27 and 28. Three Buddha heads of Gupta style.
J.S.7. Figure of Kubera in niche, with halo behind head. Partly defaced.
r.67. Upper part of male figure, lavishly adorned.
r.72. a and b. Pieces of pedestal with three Buddhas in dhyãnamudrã.
r.28. Part of arm, adorned with armlet and inscription in characters of 10th century, containing Buddhist
creed.
B.22. Fragment of Bodhi scene (?); two women standing on conventional rock. Head and right arm of left
hand figure broken.
B.33. Defaced sitting Buddha in dhyãnamudrã.
B.75. Lower part of Buddha in bhûmispar�amudrã seated cross-legged on lotus.
B.40. Feet of Buddha sitting cross-legged on lotus on throne.
B.38. Headless defaced Buddha seated cross-legged on lotus indharmachakramudrã.
Y.24. Headless Buddha stated cross-legged on throne indharmachakramudrã.
B.52. Bust of Buddha in dharmachakramudrã. Head missing.
B.16. Standing Buddha in varadamudrã; hands and feet broken.
Y.34. Upper part of Buddha in varadamudrã.
B.24. Bust of standing Buddha in abhayamudrã; left hand and head missing.
B.31. Defaced standing Buddha in abhayamudrã. Head and feet missing.
B.48. Feet of standing Buddha with red paint.
B.15. Lower part of AvalokiteSvara seated on lotus in lîlãsana.
Y.23. Bust of figure seated in lîlãsana with trace of halo.
B.59. Legs of figure sitting cross-legged on lotus.
B.7. Female bust with ornaments and high headdress. Left arm and right forearm missing.15
Vaishali (Bihar)
�In the southern section of the city the fort of Rãjã Bisãl is by far the most important ruin� South-west of
it stands an old brick Stûpa, now converted into a Dargãh� The name of the saint who is supposed to have
been buried there was given to me as Mîrãn-Jî��16
Gaur and Pandua (Bengal)
�In order to erect mosques and tombs the Muhammadans pulled down all Hindu temples they could lay
their hands upon for the sake of the building materials�
�The oldest and the best known building at Gaur and Pandua is the Ãdîna Masjid at Pandua built by
Sikandar Shãh, the son of Ilyãs Shãh. The date of its inscription may be read as either 776 or 770, which
corresponds with 1374 or 1369 A.D� The materials employed consisted largely of the spoils of Hindu
temples and many of the carvings from the temples have been used as facings of doors, arches and
pillars��17
Devikot (Bengal)
�The ancient city of Kotivarsha, which was the seat of a district (vishaya) under Pundra-vardhana
province (bhukti) at the time of the Guptas� is now represented by extensive mounds of Bangarh or Ban
Rajar Garh� The older site was in continuous occupation till the invasion of the Muhammadans in the
thirteenth century to whom it was known as Devkot or Devikot. It possesses Muhammadan records ranging
from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century�18
�The Rajbari mound at the South-east corner is one of the highest mounds at Bangarh and. must contain
some important remains. The Dargah of Sultan Pir is a Muhammadan shrine built on the site of an old
Hindu temple of which four granite pillars� are still standing in the centre of the enclosure, the door jambs
having been used in the construction of the gateway.
�The Dargah of Shah Ata on the north bank of the Dhal-dighi tank is another building built on the ruins of
an older Hindu or Buddhist structure� The female figure on the lintels of the doorway now, fixed in the
east wall of the Dargah appears to be Tara, from which it would appear that the temple destroyed was
Buddhist��19
Tribeni (Bengal)
�The principal object of interest at Tribeni is the Dargãh of Zafar Khãn Ghãzî. The chronology of this
ruler may be deduced from the two inscriptions of which one has been fitted into the plinth of his tomb,
while the other is inside the small mosque to the west of the tomb. Both refer to him and the first tells us
that he built the mosque close to the Dargãh, which dates from A.D. 1298; while the second records the
erection by him of a Madrasah or college in the time of Shamsuddîn Fîroz Shãh and bears a date
corresponding to the 28th April, 1313 A.D. It was he who conquered the Hindu Rãjã of Panduah, and
introduced Islam into this part of Lower Bengal� The tomb is built out of the spoils taken from Hindu
temples�20
�The eastern portion of the tomb was formerly a maNDapa of an earlier Krishna temple which stood on
the same spot and sculptures on the inner walls represent scenes from the RãmãyaNa and the Mahãbhãrata,
with descriptive titles inscribed in proto-Bengali characters� The other frieze� shows Vishnu with
Lakshmî and Sarasvatî in the centre, with two attendents, and five avatãras of VishNu on both
flanks� Further clearance work has been executed during the year 1932-33 and among the sculptures
discovered in that year are twelve figures of the Sun God, again in the 12th century style and evidently
reused by the masons when the Hindu temple was converted into a Muslim structure��21
Mandu (Madhya Pradesh)
�MãNDû became the capital of the Muhammadan Sultãns of Mãlvã who set about buildings themselves
palaces and mosques, first with material pilfered from Hindu temples (already for the most part desecrated
and ruined by the iconoclastic fury of their earlier co-religionists), and afterwards with their own quarried
material. Thus nearly all the traces of the splendid shrines of the ParamAras of MAlvA have disappeared
save what we find utilized in the ruined mosques and tombs�22
�The date of the construction of the Hindola Mahall cannot be fixed with exactitude� There can,
however, be no doubt that it is one of the earliest of the Muhammadan buildings in MãNDû. From its
outward appearance there is no sign of Hindu workmanship but the repairs, that have been going on for the
past one year, have brought to light a very large number of stones used in the structure, which appear, to
have been taken from some pre-existing Hindu temple. The facing stones, which have been most accurately
and smoothly cut on their outer surfaces, bear in very many cases on their inner sides the under faced
images of Hindu gods, or patterns of purely Hindu design, while pieces of Hindu carving and broken parts
of images are found indiscriminately mixed with the rubble, of which the core of the walls is made.�23
Dhar (Madhya Pradesh)
��The mosque itself appears from local tradition and from the numerous indications and inscriptions
found within it to have been built on the site of, and to a large extent out of materials taken from, a Hindu
Temple, known to the inhabitants as Rãjã Bhoja�s school. The inference was derived sometime back from
the existence of a Sanskrit alphabet and some Sanskrit grammatical forms inscribed in serpentine diagrams
on two of the pillar bases in the large prayer chamber and from certain Sanskrit inscriptions on the black
stone slabs imbedded in the floor of the prayer chamber, and on the reverse face of the side walls of the
mihrãb.24
�The Lãt Masjid built in A.D. 1405, by Dilãwar Khãn, the founder of the Muhammadan kingdom of
Mãlvã� is of considerable interest not only on account of the Iron Lãt which lies outside it� but also
because it is a good specimen of the use made by the Muhammadan conquerors of the materials of the
Hindu temples which they destroyed��25
Vijayanagar (Karnataka)
�During the construction of the new road-some mounds which evidently marked the remains of destroyed
buildings, were dug into, and in one of them were disclosed the foundations of a rectangular building with
elaborately carved base. Among the debris were lumps of charcoal and calcined iron, probably the remains
of the materials used by the Muhammadans in the destruction of the building. The stones bear extensive
signs of having been exposed to the action of fire. That the chief buildings were destroyed by fire, historical
evidence shows, and many buildings, notably the ViThalaswAmin temple, still bear signs, in their cracked
and fractured stone work, of the catastrophe which overtook them�26
�The most important temple at Vijayanagar from an architectural point of view, is the ViThalaswãmin
temple. It stands in the eastern limits of the ruins, near the bank of the TuNgabhadra river, and shows in its
later structures the extreme limit in floral magnificence to which the Dravidian style advanced� This
building had evidently attracted the special attention of the Muhammadan invaders in their efforts to
destroy the buildings of the city, of which this was no doubt one of the most important, for though many of
the other temples show traces of the action of fire, in none of them are the effects so marked as in this. Its
massive construction, however, resisted all the efforts that were made to bring it down and the only visible
results of their iconoclastic fury are the cracked beams and pillars, some of the later being so flaked as to
make one marvel that they are yet able to bear the immense weight of the stone entablature and roof
above��27
Bijapur (Karnataka)
�No ancient Hindu or Jain buildings have survived at Bijapur and the only evidence of their former
existence is supplied by two or three mosques, viz., Mosque No. 294, situated in the compound of the
Collector�s bungalow, Krimud-d-din Mosque and a third and smaller mosque on the way to the Mangoli
Gate, which are all adaptations or re-erections of materials obtained from temples. These mosques are the
earliest Muhammadan structures and one of them, i.e., the one constructed by Karimud-d-din, must
according to a Persian and Nagari inscription engraved upon its pillars, have been erected in the year 1402
Saka=A.D. 1324, soon after Malik Kafur�s conquest of the. Deccan.�28
Badami (Karnataka)
�Three stone lintels bearing bas-reliefs were discovered in, course of the clearance at the second gateway
of the Hill Fort to the north of the Bhûtnãth tank at Badami� These originally belonged to a temple which
is now in ruins and were re-used at a later period in the construction of the plinth of guardroom on the fort.
�The bas-reliefs represent scenes from the early life of KRISHNA and may be compared with similar
ones in the BADAMI CAVES��29
The Pattern of Destruction
The Theology of Islam divides human history into two periods-the Jãhiliyya or the age of ignorance which
preceded Allah�s first revelation to Prophet Muhammad, and the age of enlightenment which succeeded
that event. It follows that every human creation which existed in the �age of ignorance� has to be
converted to its Islamic version or destroyed. The logic applies to pre-Islamic buildings as much as to preIslamic ways of worship, mores and manners, dress and decor, personal and place names. This is too large
a subject to be dealt with at present. What concerns us here is the fate of temples and monasteries that
existed on the eve of the Islamic invasion and that came up in the course of its advance.
What happened to many �abodes of the infidels� is best described by a historian of Vijayanagar in the
wake of Islamic victory in 1565 A.D. at the battle of Talikota. �The third day,� he writes, �saw the
beginning of the end. The victorious Mussulmans had halted on the field of battle for rest and refreshment,
but now they had reached the capital, and from that time forward for a space of five months Vijayanagar
knew no rest. The enemy had come to destroy, and they carried out their object relentlessly. They
slaughtered the people without mercy; broke down the temples and palaces, and wreaked such savage
vengeance on the abode of the kings, that, with the exception of a few great stone-built temples and walls,
nothing now remains but a heap of ruins to mark the spot where once stately buildings stood. They
demolished the statues and even succeeded in breaking the limbs of the huge Narsimha monolith. Nothing
seemed to escape them. They broke up the pavilions standing on the huge platform from which the kings
used to watch festivals, and overthrew all the carved work. They lit huge fires in the magnificently
decorated buildings forming the temple of Vitthalswamin near the river, and smashed its exquisite stone
sculptures. With fire and sword, with crowbars and axes, they carried on day after day their work of
destruction. Never perhaps in the history of the world has such havoc been wrought, and wrought so
suddenly, on so splendid a city: teeming with a wealthy and industrious population in the full plenitude of
prosperity one day, and on the next seized, pillaged, and reduced to ruins, amid scenes of savage massacre
and horrors beggaring description�30
The Muslim victors did not get time to raise their own structures from the ruins of Vijayanagar, partly
because the Hindu Raja succeeded in regrouping his forces and re-occupying his capital and partly because
they did not have the requisite Muslim population to settle in that large city; another invader, the
Portuguese, had taken control of the Arabian Sea and blocked the flow of fresh recruits from Muslim
countries in the Middle East. What would have happened otherwise is described by Alexander Cunningham
in his report on Mahoba. �As Mahoba was,� he writes, �for some time the headquarters of the early
Muhammadan Governors, we could hardly expect to find that any Hindu buildings had escaped their
furious bigotry, or their equally destructive cupidity. When the destruction of a Hindu temple furnished the
destroyer with the ready means of building a house for himself on earth, as well as in heaven, it is perhaps
wonderful that so many temples should still be standing in different parts of the country. It must be
admitted, however, that, in none of the cities which the early Muhammadans occupied permanently, have
they left a single temple standing, save this solitary temple at Mahoba, which doubtless owed its
preservation solely to its secure position amid the deep waters of the Madan-Sagar. In Delhi, and Mathura,
in Banaras and Jonpur, in Narwar and Ajmer, every single temple was destroyed by their bigotry, but
thanks to their cupidity, most of the beautiful Hindu pillars were preserved, and many of them, perhaps, on
their original positions, to form new colonnades for the masjids and tombs of the conquerors. In Mahoba
all the other temples were utterly destroyed and the only Hindu building now standing is part of the palace
of Parmal, or Paramarddi Deva, on the hill-fort, which has been converted into a masjid. In 1843, I found
an inscription of Paramarddi Deva built upside down in the wall of the fort just outside this masjid. It is
dated in S. 1240, or A.D. 1183, only one year before the capture of Mahoba by Prithvi-Raj Chohan of
Delhi. In the Dargah of Pir Mubarak Shah, and the adjacent Musalman burial-ground, I counted 310 Hindu
pillars of granite. I found a black stone bull lying beside the road, and the argha of a lingam fixed as a
water-spout in the terrace of the Dargah. These last must have belonged to a temple of Siva, which was
probably built in the reign of Kirtti Varmma, between 1065 and 1085 A.D., as I discovered an inscription
of that prince built into the wall of one of the tombs.�31
Many other ancient cities and towns suffered the same tragic transformation. Bukhara, Samarkand, Balkh,
Kabul, Ghazni, Srinagar, Peshawar, Lahore, Multan, Patan, Ajmer, Delhi, Agra Dhar, Mandu, Budaun,
Kanauj, Biharsharif, Patna, Lakhnauti, Ellichpur, Daulatabad, Gulbarga, Bidar, Bijapur, Golconda-to
mention only a few of the more famous Hindu capitals-lost their native character and became nests of a
closed creed waging incessant war on a catholic culture. Some of these places lost even their ancient names
which had great and glorious associations. It is on record that the Islamic invaders coined and imposed this
or that quranic concoction on every place they conquered. Unfortunately for them, most of these
impositions failed to stick, going the way they came. But quite a few succeeded and have endured till our
own times. Reviving the ancient names wherever they have got eclipsed is one of the debts which Hindu
society owes to its illustrious ancestors.
On the other hand, a large number of cities, towns and centres of Hindu civilization disappeared from the
scene and their ruins have been identified only in recent times, as in the case of Kãpi�î, Lampaka,
Nagarahãra, Pushkalãvatî, UdbhãNDapura, Taksh�ilã, Ãlor, Brãhmanãbãd, Debal, Nandana, Agrohã
Virãtanagara, Ahichchhatra, �rãvastî, Sãrnãth, Vai�ãlî, Vikram�îla, Nãlandã, KarNasuvarNa,
PuNDravardhana, Somapura, Jãjanagar, DhãnyakaTaka, Vijayapurî, Vijayanagara, Dvãrasamudra. What
has been found on top of the ruins in most cases is a mosque or a dargãh or a tomb or some other Muslim
monument, testifying to Allah�s triumph over Hindu Gods. Many more mounds are still to be explored
and identified. A survey of archaeological sites in the Frontier Circle alone and as far back as 1920, listed
255dheris32 or mounds which, as preliminary explorations indicated, hid ruins of ancient dwellings and/or
places of worship. Some dheris, which had been excavated and were not included in this count, showed
every sign of deliberate destruction. By that time, many more mounds of a similar character had been
located in other parts of the cradle of Hindu culture. A very large number has been added to the total count
in subsequent years. Whichever of them is excavated tells the same story, most of the time. It is a different
matter that since the dawn of independence, Indian archaeologists functioning under the spell or from fear
of Secularism, record or report only the ethnographical stratifications and cultural sequences.33
Muslim historians credit all their heroes with many expeditions each of which �laid waste� this or that
province or region or city or countryside. The foremost heroes of the imperial line at Delhi and Agra such
as Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak (1192-1210 A.D.), Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (1210-36 A.D.), Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn
Balban (1246-66 A D.), Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (1296-1316 A.D.), Muhammad bin Tughlaq (1325-51 A.D.),
Fîruz Shãh Tughlaq (135188 A.D.) Sikandar Lodî (1489-1519 A.D.), Bãbar (1519-26 A.D.) and Aurangzeb
(1658-1707 A.D.) have been specially hailed for �hunting the peasantry like wild beasts�, or for seeing
to it that �no lamp is lighted for hundreds of miles�, or for �destroying the dens of idolatry and Godpluralism� wherever their writ ran. The sultans of the provincial Muslim dynasties-Malwa, Gujarat, Sindh,
Deccan, Jaunpur, Bengal-were not far behind, if not ahead, of what the imperial pioneers had done or were
doing; quite often their performance put the imperial pioneers to shame. No study has yet been made of
how much the human population declined due to repeated genocides committed by the swordsmen of
Islam. But the count of cities and towns and villages which simply disappeared during the Muslim rule
leaves little doubt that the loss of life suffered by the cradle of Hindu culture was colossal.
Putting together all available evidence-literary and archaeological-from Hindu, Muslim and other sources,
and following the trail of Islamic invasion, we get the pattern of how the invaders proceeded vis-a-vis
Hindu places of worship after occupying a city or town and its suburbs. It should be kept in mind in this
context that Muslim rule never became more than a chain of garrison cities and towns, not even in its
heyday from Akbar to Aurangzeb, except in areas where wholesale or substantial conversions had taken
place. Elsewhere the invaders were rarely in full control of the countryside; they had to mount repeated
expeditions for destroying places of worship, collecting booty including male and female slaves, and for
terrorising the peasantry, through slaughter and rapine, so that the latter may become a submissive source
of revenue. The peasantry took no time to rise in revolt whenever and wherever Muslim power weakened
or its terror had to be relaxed for reasons beyond its control.
1. Places taken by assault: If a place was taken by assault-which was mostly the case because it was
seldom that the Hindus surrendered-it was thoroughly sacked, its surviving population slaughtered or
enslaved and all its buildings pulled down. In the next phase, the conquerors raised their own edifices for
which slave labour was employed on a large scale in order to produce quick results. Cows and, many a
time, Brahmanas were killed and their blood sprinkled on the sacred sites in order to render them unclean
for the Hindus for all time to come. The places of worship which the Muslims built for themselves fell into
several categories. The pride of place went to the Jãmi� Masjid which was invariably built on the site and
with the materials of the most prominent Hindu temple; if the materials of that temple were found
insufficient for the purpose, they could be supplemented with materials of other temples which had been
demolished simultaneously. Some other mosques were built in a similar manner according to need or the
fancy of those who mattered. Temple sites and materials were also used for building the tombs of those
eminent Muslims who had fallen in the fight; they were honoured as martyrs and their tombs became
mazãrs and rauzas in course of time. As we have already pointed out, Hindus being great temple builders,
temple materials could be spared for secular structures also, at least in the bigger settlements. It can thus be
inferred that all masjids and mazãrs, particularly the Jãmi� Masjids which date from the first Muslim
occupation of a place, stand on the site of Hindu temples; the structures we see at present may not carry
evidence of temple materials used because of subsequent restorations or attempts to erase the evidence.
There are very few Jãmi� Masjids in the country which do not stand on temple sites.
2. Places surrendered: Once in a while a place was surrendered by the Hindus in terms of an agreement
that they would be treated as zimmis and their lives as well as places of worship spared. In such cases, it
took some time to eradicate the �emblems of infidelity.� Theologians of Islam were always in
disagreement whether Hindus could pass muster aszimmis; they were not People of the Book. It depended
upon prevailing power equations for the final decision to go in their favour or against them. Most of the
time, Hindus lost the case in which they were never allowed to have any say. What followed was what had
happened in places taken by assault, at least in respect of the Hindu places of worship. Thezimmi status
accorded to the Hindus seldom went beyond exaction of jizyaand imposition of disabilities prescribed by
Umar, the second rightly-guided Caliph (634-44 A.D.).
3. Places reoccupied by Hindus: It also happened quite frequently, particularly in the early phase of an
Islamic invasion, that Hindus retook a place which had been under Muslim occupation for some time. In
that case, they rebuilt their temples on new sites. Muslim historians are on record that Hindus spared the
mosques and mazãrs which the invaders had raised in the interregnum. When the Muslims came back,
which they did in most cases, they re-enacted the standard scene vis-a-vis Hindu places of worship.
4. Places in the countryside: The invaders started sending out expeditions into the countryside as soon as
their stranglehold on major cities and towns in a region had been secured. Hindu places of worship were
always the first targets of these expeditions. It is a different matter that sometimes the local Hindus raised
their temples again after an expedition had been forced to retreat. For more expeditions came and in due
course Hindu places of worship tended to disappear from the countryside as well. At the same time, masjids
and mazãrs sprang up everywhere, on the sites of demolished temples.
5. Missionaries of Islam: Expeditions into the countryside were accompanied or followed by the
missionaries of Islam who flaunted pretentious names and functioned in many guises. It is on record that
the missionaries took active part in attacking the temples. They loved to live on the sites of demolished
temples and often used temple materials for building their own dwellings, which also went under various
high-sounding names. There were instances when they got killed in the battle or after they settled down in a
place which they had helped in pillaging. In all such cases, they were pronounced shahîds (martyrs) and
suitable monuments were raised in their memory as soon as it was possible. Thus a large number
of gumbads (domes) and ganjs (plains) commemorating the martyrs arose all over the cradle of Hindu
culture and myths about them grew apace. In India, we have a large literature on the subject in which
Sayyid Sãlãr Mas�ûd, who got killed at Bahraich while attacking the local Sun Temple, takes pride of
place. His mazAr now stands on the site of the same temple which was demolished in a subsequent
invasion. Those Muslim saints who survived and settled down have also left a large number of masjids and
dargAhs in the countryside. Almost all of them stand on temple sites.
6. The role of sufis: The saints of Islam who became martyrs or settled down were of several types which
can be noted by a survey of theirziãrats and mazãrs that we find in abundance in all lands conquered by the
armies of Islam. But in the second half of the twelfth century A.D., we find a new type of Muslim saint
appearing on the scene and dominating it in subsequent centuries. That was the sufi joined to a silsila. This
is not the place to discuss the character of some outstanding sufis like Mansûr al-Hallãj, Bãyazîd Bistãmî,
Rûmî and Attãr. Suffice it to say that some of their ancestral spiritual heritage had survived in their
consciousness even though their Islamic environment had tended to poison it a good deal. The common
name which is used for these early sufis as well as for the teeming breed belonging to the latter-day silsilas,
has caused no end of confusion. So far as India is concerned, it is difficult to find a sufi whose
consciousness harboured even a trace of any spirituality. By and large, the sufis that functioned in this
country were the most fanatic and fundamentalist activists of Islamic imperialism, the same as the latterday Christian missionaries in the context of Spanish and Portuguese imperialism.
Small wonder that we find them flocking everywhere ahead or with or in the wake of Islamic armies. Sufis
of the Chishtîyya silsila in particular excelled in going ahead of these armies and acting as eyes and ears of
the Islamic establishment. The Hindus in places where these sufis settled, particularly in the South, failed to
understand the true character of these saints till it was too late. The invasions of South India by the armies
of Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî and Muhammad bin Tughlaq can be placed in their proper perspective only when
we survey the sufi network in the South. Many sufis were sent in all directions by Nizãmu�d-Dîn Awliyã,
the Chistîyya luminary of Delhi; all of them actively participated in jihãdsagainst the local
population. Nizãmu�d-Dîn�s leading disciple, Nasîru�d-Dîn Chirãg-i-Dihlî, exhorted the sufis to serve
the Islamic state. �The essence of sufism,� he versified, �is not an external garment. Gird up your loins
to serve the Sultãn and be a sufi.�34Nasîru�d-Dîn�s leading disciple, Syed Muhammad Husainî Banda
Nawãz Gesûdarãz (1321-1422 A.D.), went to Gulbarga for helping the contemporary Bahmani sultan in
consolidating Islamic power in the Deccan. Shykh Nizãmu�d-Dîn Awliyã�s dargãh in Delhi continued to
be and remains till today the most important centre of Islamic fundamentalism in India.
An estimate of what the sufis did wherever and whenever they could, can be formed from the account of a
pilgrimage which a pious Muslim Nawwãb undertook in 1823 to the holy places of Islam in the Chingleput,
South Acort, Thanjavur, Tiruchirapalli and North Arcot districts of Tamil Nadu. This region had
experienced renewed Islamic invasion after the breakdown of the Vijayanagar Empire in 1565 A.D. Many
sufis had flocked in for destroying Hindu temples and converting the Hindu population, particularly the
Qãdirîyyas who had been fanning out all over South India after establishing their stronghold at Bidar in the
fifteenth century. They did not achieve any notable success in terms of conversions, but the havoc they
wrought with Hindu temples can be inferred from a large number of ruins, loose sculptures scattered all
over the area, inscriptions mentioning many temples which cannot be traced, and the proliferation of
mosques, dargãhs, mazãrs and maqbaras.
The pilgrim visited many places and could not go to some he wanted to cover. All these places were small
except Tiruchirapalli, Arcot and Vellore. His court scribe, who kept an account of the pilgrimage, mentions
many masjids and mazãrs visited by his patron. Many masjids and mazãrs could not be visited because they
were in deserted places covered by forest. There were several graveyards, housing many tombs; one of
them was so big that �thousands, even a hundred thousand� graves could be there. Other notable places
were takiyãs of faqirs, sarãis, dargãhs, and several houses of holy relics in one of which �a hair of the
Holy Prophet is enshrined.� The account does not mention the Hindu population except as �harsh kafirs
and marauders.� But stray references reveal that the Muslim population in all these places was sparse. For
instance, Kanchipuram had only 50 Muslim houses but 9 masjids and 1 mazãr.
The court scribe pays fulsome homage to the sufis who �planted firmly the Faith of Islam� in this region.
The pride of place goes to Hazrat Natthar WalI who took over by force the main temple at Tiruchirapalli
and converted it into his khãnqãh. Referring to the destruction of the Sivalinga in the temple, he
observes: �The monster was slain and sent to the house of perdition. His image namely butling worshipped by the unbelievers was cut and the head separated from the body. A portion of the body
went into the ground. Over that spot is the tomb of WalI shedding rediance till this day.�35 Another sufi,
Qãyim Shãh, who came to the same place at a later stage, �was the cause of the destruction of twelve
temples.�36 At Vellore, Hazrat Nûr Muhammad Qãdirî, �the most unique man regarded as the invaluable
person of his age,� was the �cause of the ruin of temples� which �he laid waste.� He chose to be
buried �in the vicinity of the temple� which he had replaced with his khãnqãh.37
It is, therefore, not an accident that the masjids and khAnqAhs built by or for the sufis who reached a place
in the first phase of Islamic invasion occupy the sites of Hindu temples and, quite often, contain temple
materials in their structures. Lahore, Multan, Uch, Ajmer, Delhi, Badaun, Kanauj, Kalpi, Biharsharif,
Maner, Lakhnauti, Patan, Patna, Burhanpur, Daulatabad, Gulbarga, Bidar, Bijapur, Golconda, Arcot, Vellor
and Tiruchirapalli-to count only a few leading sufi center-shave many dargãhs which display evidence of
iconoclasm. Many masjids and dargãhs in interior places testify to the same fact, namely, that the sufis
were, above everything else, dedicated soldiers of Allah who tolerates no other deity and no other way of
worship except that which he revealed to Prophet Muhammad.
7. Particularly pious sultans: Lastly, we have to examine very closely the monuments built during the
reigns of the particularly pious sultans who undertook �to cleanse the land from the vices of infidelity and
God-pluralism� that had cropped up earlier, either because Islamic terror had weakened under pressure of
circumstances or because the proceeding ruler (s) had �wandered away from the path of rectitude.� Fîruz
Shãh Tughlaq, Sikandar Lodî and Aurangzeb of the Delhi-Agra imperial line belonged to this category.
They had several prototypes in the provincial Muslim dynasties at Ahmadabad, Mandu, Jaunpur,
Lakhnauti, Gulbarga, Bidar, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda. There is little doubt that all masjids and
mazãrs erected under the direct or indirect patronage of these sultans, particularly in places where Hindu
population predominates, stand on the sites of Hindu temples.
A Preliminary Survey
We give below, state-wise and district-wise, the particulars of Muslim monuments which stand on the sites
and/or have been built with the materials of Hindu temples, and which we wish to recall as witnesses to the
role of Islam as a religion and the character of Muslim rule in medieval India. The list is the result of a
preliminary survey. Many more Muslim monuments await examination. Local traditions which have so far
been ignored or neglected, have to be tapped on a large scale.
We have tried our best to be exact in respect of locations, names and dates of the monuments mentioned.
Even so, some mistakes and confusions may have remained. It is not unoften that different sources provide
different dates and names for the same monument. Many Muslim saints are known by several names,
which creates confusion in identifying their mazãrs or dargãhs. Some districts have been renamed or newly,
created and a place which was earlier under one district may have been included in another. We shall be
grateful to readers who point out these mistakes so that they can be corrected in our major study. This is
only a brief summary.
ANDHRA PRADESH
I. Adilabad District.
Mahur, Masjid in the Fort on the hill. Temple site.
II. Anantpur District.
1. Gooty, Gateway to the Hill Fort. Temple materials used.
2. Kadiri, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
3. Konakondla, Masjid in the bazar. Temple materials used.
4. Penukonda
(i) Fort. Temple materials used.
(ii) Masjid in the Fort. Converted Temple.
(iii) Sher Khãn�s Masjid (1546).38 Converted Temple.
(iv) Dargãh of Babayya. Converted Î�vara Temple.
(v) Jãmi� Masjid (1664-65). Temple site.
(xi) Dargãh of Shãh Fakbru�d-Dîn (1293-94). Temple site.
5. Tadpatri
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1695-96). Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh completed in 1725-26. Temple site.
6. Thummala, Masjid (1674-75). Temple site.
III. Cuddapah District
1. Cuddapah
(i) Bhãp Sãhib-kî-Masjid (1692). Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh (1717-18). Temple site.
(iii) Bahãdur Khãn-kî-Masjid (1722-23). Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh of Shãh Amînu�d-Dîn Gesû Darãz (1736-37). Temple site.
2. Duvvuru, Masjid. Temple site.
3. Gandikot, Jãmi� Masjid (1690-91). Temple site.
4. Gangapuru, Masjid. Temple site.
5. Gundlakunta, Dastgîrî Dargãh. Temple site.
6. Gurrumkonda, Fort and several other Muslim buildings. Temple materials used.
7. Jammalmaduguu, Jãmi� Masjid (1794-95). Temple site.
8. Jangalapalle, Dargãh of Dastgîr Swãmî. Converted Jangam temple.
9. Siddhavatam
(i) Qutb Shãhî Masjid (restored in 1808). Temple materials use.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1701). Temple materials used.
(iii) Dargãh of Bismillãh Khãn Qãdirî. Temple materials used.
(iv) Fort and Gateways. Temple materials used.
(v) Chowk-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
10. Vutukuru
(i) Masjid at Naligoto. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid at Puttumiyyapeta. Temple site.
IV. East Godavari District.
Bikkavolu, Masjid. Temple materials used.
V. Guntur District.
1. Nizampatnam, Dargãh of Shãh Haidrî (1609). Temple site
2. Vinukonda, Jãmi� Masjid (1640-41). Temple site.
VI. Hyderabad District.
1. Chikalgoda, Masjid (1610). Temple site.
2. Dargah, Dargãh of Shãh Walî (1601-02). Temple site.
3. Golconda
(i) Jãmi� Masjid on Bãlã Hissãr. Temple site.
(ii) Tãrãmatî Masjid. Temple site.
4. Hyderabad
(i) Dargãh of Shãh Mûsã Qãdirî. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid on the Pirulkonda Hill (1690). Temple site.
(iii) Tolî Masjid (1671). Temple materials used.
(iv) Dargãh of Miãn Mishk (d. 1680). Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Mu�min Chup in Aliyãbãd (1322-23). Temple site.
(vi) Hãjî Kamãl-kî-Masjid (1657). Temple site.
(vii) Begum Masjid (1593). Temple site.
(viii) Dargãh of Islãm Khãn Naqshbandî. Temple site.
(ix) Dargãh of Shãh Dã�ûd (1369-70). Temple site.
(x) Jãmi� Masjid (1597). Temple site.
4. Maisaram, Masjid built by Aurangzeb from materials of 200 temples demolished after the fall of
Golconda.
5. Secunderabad, Qadam RasUl. Temple site.
6. Sheikhpet
(i) Shaikh-kî-Masjid (1633-34). Temple site.
(ii) SarãiwAlî Masjid (1678-79). Temple tite.
VII. Karimnagar District.
1. Dharampuri, Masjid (1693). TrikûTa Temple site.
2. Elangdal
(i) Mansûr Khãn-kî-Masjid (1525). Temple site.
(ii) Alamgîrî Masjid (1696). Temple site.
3. Kalesyaram, Ãlamgîrî Masjid. Temple site.
4. Sonipet, Ãlamgîrî Masjid. Temple site.
5. Vemalvada, Mazãr of a Muslim saint. Temple site.
VIII. Krishna District.
1. Gudimetta, Masjid in the Fort, Temple materials used.
2. Guduru, Jãmi� Masjid (1497). Temple materials used.
3. Gundur, Jãmi� Masjid. Converted temple.
4. Kondapalli
(i) Masjid built in 1482 on the site of a temple after Muhammad Shãh BahmanI had slaughtered the
Brahmin priests on the advice of Mahmûd Gawãn, the great Bahmanî Prime Minister, who exhorted the
sultan to become a Ghãzî by means of this pious performance.
(ii) Mazãr of Shãh Abdul Razzãq. Temple site.
5. Kondavidu
(i) Masjid (1337). Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Barandaula. Temple materials used.
(iii) Qadam Sharîf of Ãdam. Converted temple.
6. Machhlipatnam
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh. Temple site.
7. Nandigram, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
8. Pedana, Iama�il-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
9. Rajkonda, Masjid (1484). Temple site.
10. Tengda, Masjid. Temple site.
11. Turkpalem, Dargãh of Ghãlib Shahîd. Temple site.
12. Vadpaili, Masjid near NarsiMhaswãmîn Temple. Temple materials used.
13. Vijaywada, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
IX. Kurnool District.
1. Adoni
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1668-69). Materials of several temples used.
(ii) Masjid on the Hill. Temple materials used.
(iii) Fort (1676-77). Temple materials used.
2. Cumbum
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1649). Temple site.
(ii) Gachinãlã Masjid (1729-30). Temple site.
3. Havli, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
4. Karimuddula, Dargãh. Akkadevi Temple materials used.
5. Kottakot, Jãmi� Masjid (1501). Temple site.
6. Kurnool
(i) Pîr Sãhib-kã-Gumbad (1637-38). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1667). Temple site.
(iii) Lãl Masjid (1738-39). Temple site.
7. Pasupala, Kalãn Masjid. Temple site.
8. Sanjanmala, Masjid. Temple sites.
9. Siddheswaram, Ashurkhãna. Temple materials used.
10. Yadavalli, Mazãr and Masjid. Temple sites.
11. Zuhrapur, Dargãh of Qãdir Shãh Bukhãrî. Temple site.
X. Mahbubnagar District.
1. Alampur, Qalã-kî-Masjid. Temple materials used.
2. Jatprole, Dargãh of Sayyid Shãh Darwish. Temple materials used.
3. Kodangal
(i) Dargãh of Hazrat Nizãmu�d-DIn. Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
4. Kundurg, Jãmi� Masjid (1470-71). Temple site.
5. Pargi, Jãmi� Masjid (1460). Temple site.
6. Somasila, Dargãh of Kamãlu�d-Dîn Baba (1642-43) Temple site.
XI. Medak District.
1. Andol, Old Masjid. Temple site.
2. Komatur, Old Masjid. Temple site.
3. Medak
(i) Masjid near Mubãrak Mahal (1641). VishNu Temple site.
(ii) Fort, Temple materials used.
4. Palat, Masjid. Temple site.
5. Patancheru
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Shykh Ibrãhîm known as Makhdûmji (1583). Temple site.
(iii) Ashrufkhãna. Temple site.
(iv) Fort (1698). Temple materials used.
XII. Nalgonda District.
1. Devarkonda
(i) Qutb Shãhî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Sharîfu�d-Din (1579). Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Qãdir Shãh Walî (1591). Temple site.
2. Ghazinagar, Masjid (1576-77). Temple site.
3. Nalgonda
(i) Garhî Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Shãh Latîf. Temple site.
(iii) Qutb Shãhî Masjid (Renovated in 1897). Temple site.
4. Pangal, Ãlamgîrî Masjid. Temple site.
XIII. Nellore District.
1. Kandukuru, Four Masjids. Temple sites.
2. Nellore, Dargãh named Dargãmittã. Akkasãlî�vara Temple materials used.
3. Podile, Dargãh. Temple site.
4. Udayagiri
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1642-43). Temple materials used.
(ii) Chhotî Masjid (1650-51). Temple materials used.
(iii) Fort. Temple materials used.
XIV. Nizambad District.
1. Balkonda
(i) Patthar-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh. Temple site.
2. Bodhan
(i) Deval Masjid. Converted Jain temple.
(ii) Patthar-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Ãlamgîrî Masjid (1654-55). Temple site.
3. Dudki, Ashrufkhãna. Temple materials used.
4. Fathullapur, Mu�askarî Masjid (1605-06). Temple site.
XV. Osmanabad District.
Ausa, Jãmi� Masjid (1680-81). Temple site.
XVI. Rangareddy District.
Maheshwar, Masjid (1687). Madanna Pandit�s Temple site.
XVII. Srikakulam District
1. Icchapuram, Several Masjids. Temple sites.
2. Kalingapatnam, DargAh of Sayyid Muhammad Madnî Awliyã (1619-20). Temple materials used.
3. Srikakulam
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1641- 42). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Bande Shãh Walî (1641- 42). Temple site.
(iii) Atharwãlî Masjid (1671-72). Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh of Burhãnu�d-Dîn Awliyã. Temple site.
XVIII. Vishakhapatnam District.
1. Jayanagaram, Dargãh. Temple site.
2. Vishakhapatnam, Dargãh of Shãh Madnî. Temple site.
XIX. Warangal District.
Zafargarh, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
XX. West Godavari District.
1. Eluru
(i) Fort. Temple materials used.
(ii) Sawãi Masjid. Converted temple.
(iii) Qãzi�s House. Some�vara Temple materials used.
2. Nidavolu, Masjid. Mahãdeva Temple materials used.
3. Rajamundri, Jãmi� Masjid (1324). Converted VeNugopãlaswãmin Temple.
ASSAM
District Kamrup
Hajo
(i) Poã Masjid (1657). Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of a Muslim saint who styled himself Sultãn Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Balban. Temple site.
BENGAL
I. Bankura District.
Lokpura, Mazãr of Ghãzî Ismãil. Converted Venugopala temple.
II. Barisal District.
Kasba, Masjid. Temple site.
III. Birbhum District.
1. Moregram, Mazãr of Sayyid Bãbã. Temple materials used.
2. Patharchapuri, Mazã of Dãtã, or Mahbûb Sãhib. Temple site.
3. Rajnagar, Several Old Masjids. Temple sites.
4. Sakulipur, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
5. Siyan, Dargãh of Makhdûm Shãh (1221). Materials of many temples used.
IV. Bogra District.
Mahasthan
(i) Dargãh and Masjid of Shãh Sultãn Mahîswãr. Stands on the ruins of a temple.
(ii) Majid on �ilãdevî Ghat. Temple materials used.
V. Burdwan District.
1. Inchalabazar, Masjid (1703). Temple site.
2. Kasba, Rãjã, Masjid. Temple materials used.
3. Kalna
(i) Dargãh of Shãh Majlis (1491-93). Temple site.
(ii) ShãhI Masjid (1533). Temple site.
4. Mangalkot, Jãmi� Masjid (1523-24). Temple site.
5. Raikha, Talãb-wãlî Masjid. Temple site.
6. Suata
(i) Dargãh of Sayyid Shãh Shahîd Mahmûd Bahmanî. Buddhist Temple materials site.
(ii) Masjid (1502-02). Temple site.
VI. Calcutta District.
Bania Pukur, Masjid built for Alãud-Dîn Alãu�l Haqq (1342). Temple materials used.
VII. Chatgaon District.
Dargãh of Badr Makhdûm. Converted Buddhist Vihãra.
VIII. Dacca District.
1. Dacca
(i) Tomb of Bîbî Parî. Temple materials used.
(ii) Saif Khãn-kî-Masjid. Converted temple.
(iii) Churihattã Masjid. Temple materials used.
2. Narayanganj, Qadam Rasûl Masjid. Temple site.
3. Rampal
(i) Masjid. Converted temple.
(ii) Dargãh of Bãbã. Adam Shahîd (1308). Temple materials used.
4. Sonargaon, Old Masjid. Temple materials used.
IX. Dinajpur District.
1. Basu-Bihar, Two Masjids. On the ruins of a Buddhist Vihãra.
2. Devatala
(i) Dargãh of Shykh Jalãlu�d-Dîn Tabrizi, Suhrawardîyyia sufi credited in Muslim histories with the
destruction of many, temples. Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1463). VishNu Temple site.
3. Devikot
(i) Dargãh and Masjid of Pîr Atãu�llah Shãh (1203). Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Shãh Bukhãrî. Temple materials used.
(iii) Dargãh of Pîr Bahãu�d-Dîn. Temple materials used.
(iv) Dargãh of Shãh Sultãn Pîr. Temple materials used.
4. Mahisantosh, Dargãh and Masjid. On the site of a big VishNu Temple.
5. Nekmard, Mazãr of Nekmard Shãh. Temple site.
X. Faridpur District.
Faridpzir, Mazãr of Farîd Shãh. Temple site.
XI. Hooghly District.
1. Jangipura, Mazãr of Shahîd Ghãzî. Temple materials used.
2. Pandua
(i) Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Mazãr of Shãh Safiu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
(iii) Fath Minãr. Temple materials used.
3. Santoshpur, Masjid near Molla Pukur (153-310). Temple site.
4. Satgaon, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
5. Tribeni
(i) Zafar Khãn-kî-Masjid (1298). Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Zafar Khãn. Temple materials used.
(iii) Masjid (1459). Temple site.
XII. Howrah District.
Jangalvilas, Pîr Sãhib-kî-Masjid. Converted temple.
XIII. Khulna District.
1. Masjidkur
(i) Shãt Gumbaz. Temple materials used.
(ii) Mazãr of Khanjã Ali or Khãn Jahãn. Temple site.
2. Salkhira, Dargãh of Maî Chãmpã. Temple materials used.
XIV. Malda District.
1. Gangarampur
(i) Dargãh of Shãh Atã. �iva Temple site.
(ii) Masjid on the river bank (1249). Temple site.
2. Gaur, Muslim city built on the site and with the ruins of LakshmaNãvatî, Hindu capital destroyed by the
Muslims at the end of the twelfth century A.D. Temple materials have been used in the following
monuments:
(i) Chhotî Sonã Masjid.
(ii) Qadam Rasûl Masjid (1530)
(iii) Tãntipãrã Masjid (1480)
(iv) Lãttan Masjid (1475)
(v) Badî Sonã Masjid (1526)
(vi) Dargãh of Makhadûm Akhî Sirãj Chishtî, disciple of Nizãmu�d-Dîn Awliya of Delhi (1347)
(vii) Darsbãrî or College of Theology.
(viii) Astãnã of Shãh Niãmatu�llãh.
(ix) Chãmkattî Masjid (1459).
(x) Chikkã Masjid.
(xi) Gunmant Masjid. Converted temple.
(xii) Dãkhil Darwãzã.
(xiii) Kotwãlî Darwãzã.
(xiv) Fîruz Minãr.
(xv) ChaNDipur Darwãzã.
(xvi) Bãrãduãrî Masjid.
(xvii) Lukãchuri Masjid.
(xviii) Gumtî Darwãzã.
3. Malda
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1566). Temple materials used.
(ii) Sak Mohan Masjid (1427). Temple site.
4. Pandua, Another Muslim city built with the ruins of LakshmaNãvatî. Temple materials have been used
in the following monuments.
(i) Ãdina Masjid (1368)
(ii) Yaklakhî Masjid.
(iii) Chheh Hazãri or Dargãh of Nûr Qutb-i-Ãlam (1415).
(iv) Bãis Hazãrî or Khãnqãh of Jalãlu�d-Dîn Tabrizî (1244).
(v) Sonã Masjid.
(vi) Barn-like Masjid.
(vii) Qadam Rasûl.
XV. Midnapur District.
1. Gagneswar, Karambera Garh Masjid (1509). �iva Temple site.
2. Hijli, Masnad-i-Ãlã-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
3. Kesiari, Masjid (1622). Mahãdeva Temple materials used.
4. Kharagpur, Mazãr of Pîr Lohãni. Temple site.
XVI. Murshidabad District.
1. Chuna Khali, Barbak-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
2. Murshidabad, Temple materials have been used in the following monuments:
(i) Katrã Masjid.
(ii) Motîjhîl Lake Embankments.
(iii) Sangî Dãlãn.
(iv) Mahal Sarã�.
(v) Alîvardî Khãn-kî-Masjid.
(vi) Hazãrduãrî Mahal.
3. Rangamati, Dargãh on the Rãkshasî DãNgã. Stands on the ruins of a Buddhist Vihãra.
XVII. Noakhali District.
Begamganj, Bajrã Masjid. Converted temple.
XVIII. Pabna District.
Balandu, Madrasa. Converted Buddhist Vihãra.
XIX. Rajshahi District.
1. Bhaturia, Masjid. �iva Temple materials used.
2. Kumarpura, Mazãr of Mukarram Shãh. Converted temple.
3. Kusumbha, Old Masjid (1490-93). Constructed entirely of temple materials.
XX. Rangpur District.
Kamatpur
(i) BaDã Dargãh of Shãh Ismãil Ghãzî. Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh on a mound one mile away. Temple materials used.
XXI. Sylhet District.
1. Baniyachung, Famous Masjid. Temple site.
2. Sylhet
(i) Masjid of Shãh Jalãl. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãrs of Shãh Jalãl and many of his disciples. Temple sites.
XXII. 24-Parganas District.
1. Barasat, Mazãr of Pîr Ekdil Sãhib. Temple site.
2. Berchampa, Dargãh of Pîr GorãchãNd. Temple site.
BIHAR
I. Bhagalpur District.
1. Bhagalpur
(i) Dargãh of Hazrat Shãhbãz (1502). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid of Mujahidpur (1511-15). Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Makhdûm Shãh (1615). Temple site.
2. Champanagar
(i) Several Mazãrs. On ruins of Jain temples.
(ii) Masjid (1491). Jain Temple site.
3. Sultanganj, Masjid on the rock on the river bank. Temple site.
II. Gaya District.
1. Amthua, Masjid (1536). Temple site.
2. Gaya, Shãhî Masjid in Nadirganj (1617). Temple site.
3. Kako, Dargãh of Bîbî Kamãlo. Temple site.
III. Monghyr District.
1. Amoljhori, Muslim Graveyard. VishNu Temple site.
2. Charuanwan, Masjid (1576). Temple site.
3. Kharagpur
(i) Masjid (1656-57). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1695-96). Temple site.
4. Monghyr
(i) Fort Gates. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Shãh Nafa� Chishtî (1497-98). Temple site.
IV. Muzaffarpur District.
Zaruha, MamûN-BhãNjã-kã-Mazãr. Temple materials used.
V. Nalanda District.
1. Biharsharif, Muslim capital built after destroying UdaNDapura which had a famous Buddhist Vihãra.
Most of the Muslim monuments were built on the site and from materials of temples. The following are
some of them:
(i) Dargãh of Makhdûmu�l Mulk Sharîfu�d-Dîn. (d. 1380).
(ii) BaDã Dargãh.
(iii) Chhotã Dargãh.
(iv) Bãrãdarî.
(v) Dargãh of Shãh Fazlu�llãh GosãîN.
(iv) Mazãr of Malik Ibrãhim Bayyû on Pîr PahãDî.
(vii) Kabîriu�d-Dîn-kî-Masjid (1353).
(viii) Mazãr of Sayyid Muhammad Siwistãni.
(ix) Chhotã Takiyã containing the Mazãr of Shãh Dîwãn Abdul Wahhãb.
(x) Dargãh of Shãh Qumais (1359-60).
(xi) Masjid in Chandpur Mahalla.
(xii) Jãmi� Masjid in Paharpur Mahalla.
2. Parbati, Dargãh of Hãjî Chandar or ChãNd Saudãgar. Temple materials used.
3. Shaikhupura, Dargãh of Shykh Sãhib. Temple materials used.
VI. Patna District.
1. Hilsa
(i) Dargãh of Shãh Jumman Madãrîyya (repaired in 1543). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid. (1604-05). Temple site.
2. Jana, Jãmi� Masjid (1539). Temple site.
3. Kailvan, Dargãh and Masjid. Temple site.
4. Maner, All Muslim monuments stand on temple sites. The following are prominent among them:
(i) BaDã Dargãh of Sultãnu�l Makhdûm Shãh Yãhyã Manerî.
(ii) Dargãh of Makhdûm Daulat Shãh.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid.
(iv) Mazãr of Hãjî Nizãmu�d-Dîn.
5. Muhammadpur, Jãmi� Masjid (1510-11). Temple site.
6. Patna
(i) Patthar-kî-Masjid (1626). Temple materials used.
(ii) Begû Hajjãm-kî-Masjid (1510-11). Temple materials used.
(iii) Muslim Graveyard outside the Qiladari. On the ruins of Buddhist Vihãras.
(iv) Dargãh of Shãh Mîr Mansûr. On the ruins of a Buddhist Stûpa.
(v) Dargãh of Shãh Arzãni. On the site of a Buddhist Vihãra.
(vi) Dargãh of Pîr Damariyã. On the site of a Buddhist Vihãra.
(vii) Mirza Mãsûm-kî-Masjid (1605). Temple materials used.
(viii) Meetan Ghãt-kî-Masjid (1605). Temple site.
(ix) Katrã Masjid of Shãista Khãn. Temple site.
(x) Khwãja Ambar Masjid (1688-89). Temple site.
(xi) Bãbuganj Masjid (1683-86). Temple site.
(xii) Sher-Shãhî Masjid near Purab Darwaza. Temple site.
(xiii) Chamnî Ghãt-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
7. Phulwarisharif
(i) Dargãh of Shãh Pashmînãposh. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Minhãju�d-Dîn Rastî. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Lãl Miãn. Temple site.
(iv) Sangî Masjid (1549-50). Temple site.
VII. Purnea District.
1. Hadaf, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
2. Puranea, Masjid in Keonlpura. Temple site.
VIII. Saran District.
1. Chirand, Masjid (1503-04). Temple site.
2. Narhan, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
3. Tajpur-Basahi Mazãr of Khwãja Bãdshãh. Temple materials used.
IX. Shahabad District.
1. Rohtasgarh
(i) Masjid of Aurangzeb. Part of a temple converted.
(ii) Mazãr of Sãqî Sultãn. Temple site.
2. Sasaram, Mazãr of Chandan Shahîd Pîr. Temple site.
X. Vaishali District.
1. Amer, Mazãr of Pîr Qattãl. Temple materials used.
2. Chehar
(i) Fort. Temple materials used.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
3. Hajipur
(i) Hãjî Ilyãs-kî- Masjid. Converted temple.
(ii) Dargãh of Barkhurdãr Awliyã. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Pîr Shattãrî. Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh of Hãjîu�l Harmain. Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Pîr Jalãlu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
4. Basarh
(i) DargAh of Pîr Mîrãn. On top of a Buddhist Stûpa.
(ii) Mazãr of Shykh Muhammad Faizu�llãh Ali alias Qãzin Shattãrî. Temple site.
(iii) Graveyard. Many tombs built with temple materials.
(iv) Masjid. Temple site.
XI. District to be determined.
1. Hasanpura, Mazãr of Makhdûm Hasan. On the site of a Buddhist Stûpa,
2. Jhangira, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
DELHI
Islamic invaders destroyed the Hindu cities of Indarpat and Dhillikã with their extensive suburbs and built
seven cities successively. The following Muslim monuments stand on the site of Hindu temples; temple
materials can be seen in some of them.
I. Mehrauli
1. Quwwatu�l Islãm Masjid (1198).
2. Qutb Mînãr.
3. Maqbara of Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (1235.)
4. Dargãh of Shykh Qutbu�d-Dîn Bakhtyãr Kãkî (d. 1236).
5. Jahãz Mahal.
6. AlãI Darwãzã.
7. AlãI Mînãr.
8. Madrasa and Maqbara of Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî.
9. Maqbara of Ghiyãu�d-Dîn Balban.
10. Masjid and Mazãr of Shykh Fazlu�llãh known as Jamãlî-Kamãlî.
11. MaDhî Masjid.
II. Sultan Ghari
Maqbara of Nãsiru�d-Dîn, son of Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (1231).
III. Palam
Bãbrî (Ghazanfar) Masjid (1528-29).
IV. Begumpur
1. Masjid.
2. Bijai Mandal.
3. Kãlu Sarãi-kî-Masjid.
4. Mazãr of Shykh Najîbu�d-Dîn Mutwakkal Chishtî (d. 1272).
V. Tughlaqabad
Maqbara of Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Tughlaq.
VI. Chiragh-Delhi
1. Dargãh of Shykh Nasîru�d-Dîn Chirãgh-i-Dehlî (d. 1356).
2. Maqbara of Bahlul Lodî.
VII. Nizamu�d-DIn
1. Dargãh and Jama�t-Khãna Masjid of Shykh Nizãmu�d-Dîn Awliyã (d. 1325).
2. Kalãn Masjid.
3. ChauNsaTh-Khambã.
4. Maqbara of Khãn-i-Jahãn Tilangãnî.
5. Chillã of Nizãm�d-Dîn Awliyã.
6. Lãl Mahal.
VIII. Hauz Khas
1. Maqbara and Madrasa of Fîruz Shãh Tughlaq.
2. Dãdî-Potî-kã-Maqbara.
3. Biran-kã-Gumbad.
4. Chhotî and Sakrî Gumtî.
5. Nîlî Masjid (1505-06).
6. Idgãh (1404-00).
7. Bãgh-i-Ãlam-kã-Gumbad (1501).
8. Mazãr of Nûru�d-Dîn Mubãrak Ghaznawî (1234-35).
IX. Malviyanagar
1. Lãl Gumbad or the Mazãr of Shykh Kabîru�d-Dîn Awlîyã (1397).
2. Mazãr of Shykh Alãu�d-Dîn (1507).
3. Mazãr of Shykh Yûsuf Qattãl (d. 1527).
4. Khirkî Masjid.
X. Lodi Gardens
1. Maqbara of Muhammad Shãh.
2. BaDã Gumbad Masjid (1494).
3. Shîsh Gumbad.
4. Maqbara of Sikandar Lodî.
XI. Purana Qila
1. Sher Shãh Gate.
2. Qalã-i-Kuhna Masjid.
3. Khairu�l Manzil Masjid.
XII. Shahjahanabad
1. Kãlî Masjid at Turkman Gate.
2. Maqbara of Raziã Sultãn.
3. Jãmi� Masjid on Bhojala PahãDî.
4. Ghatã or Zainatu�l Masjid.
5. Dargãh of Shãh Turkmãn (1240).
XIII. Ramakrishnapuram
1. Tîn Burjî Maqbara.
2. Malik Munîr-kî-Masjid.
3. Wazîrpur-kã-Gumbad.
4. Mundã Gumbads.
5. Barã-Lão-kã-Gumbad.
6. Barje-kã-Gumbad.
XIV. The Ridge
1. Mãlchã Mahal,
2. Bhûlî Bhatiyãri-kã-Mahal.
3. Qadam Sharîf.
4. Chauburzã Masjid.
5. Pîr Ghaib.
XV. Wazirabad
Masjid and Mazãr of Shãh Ãlam.
XVI. South Extension
1. Kãle Khãn-kã-Gumbad.
2. Bhûre Khãn-kã-Gumbad.
3. Chhote Khãn-kã-Gumbad.
4. BaDe Khãn-kã-Gumbad.
XVII. Other Areas
1. Maqbara of Mubãrak Shãh in Kotla Mubarakpur.
2. Kushk Mahal in Tin Murti.
3. Sundar Burj in Sundarnagar.
4. Jãmi� Masjid in Kotla Fîruz Shãh.
5. Abdu�n-Nabî-kî-Masjid near Tilak Bridge.
6. Maqbara of Raushanãra Begum.
DIU
Jãmi� Masjid (1404). Temple site.
GUJARAT
I. Ahmadabad District.
1. Ahmadabad, Materials of temples destroyed at Asaval, Patan and Chandravati were used in the building
of this Muslim city and its monuments. Some of the monuments are listed below :
(i) Palace and Citadel of Bhadra.
(ii) Ahmad Shãh-kî-Masjid in Bhadra.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid of Ahmad Shãh.
(iv) Haibat Khãn-kî-Masjid.
(v) Rãnî Rûpmatî-kî-Masjid.
(vi) Rãnî Bãî Harîr-kî-Masjid.
(vii) Malik SãraNg-kî-Masjid.
(viii) Mahfûz Khãn-kî-Masjid.
(ix) Sayyid Ãlam-kî-Masjid.
(x) Pattharwãli or Qutb Shãh-kî-Masjid.
(xi) Sakar Khãn-kî-Masjid.
(xii) Bãbã Lûlû-kî-Masjid.
(xiii) Shykh Hasan Muhammad Chishtî-kî-Masjid.
(xiv) Masjid at Isãnpur.
(xv) Masjid and Mazãr of Malik Sha�bãn.
(xvi) Masjid and Mazãr of Rãnî Sîprî (Sabarai).
(xvii) Masjid and Mazãr of Shãh Ãlam at Vatva.
(xviii) Maqbara of Sultãn Ahmad Shãh I.
2. Dekwara, Masjid (1387). Temple site.
3. Dholka
(i) Masjid and Mazãr of Bahlol Khãn Ghãzî. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Barkat Shahîd (1318). Temple site.
(iii) Tanka or Jãmi� Masjid (1316). Temple materials used.
(iv) Hillãl Khãn Qãzî-kî-Masjid (1333). Temple materials used.
(v) Khîrnî Masjid (1377). Converted Bãvan Jinãlaya Temple.
(vi) Kãlî Bazar Masjid (1364). Temple site.
4. Isapur, Masjid. Temple site.
5. Mandal
(i) Sayyid-kî-Masjid (1462). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
6. Paldi, Patthar-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
7. Ranpur, Jãmi� Masjid (1524-25). Temple site.
8. Sarkhej
(i) Dargãh of Shykh Ahmad Khattû Ganj Baksh (d. 1445). Temple materials used.
(ii) Maqbara of Sultãn Mahmûd BegaDã. Temple materials used.
9. Usmanpur, Masjid and Mazãr of Sayyid Usmãn. Temple site.
II. Banaskantha District.
1. Haldvar, Mazãr of Lûn Shãh and Gûjar Shãh. Temple site.
2. Halol
(i) Ek Mînãr-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) PãNch MuNhDã-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid (1523-24). Temple site.
3. Malan, Jãmi� Masjid (1462). Temple materials used.
III. Baroda District.
1. Baroda
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1504-05) Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Pîr Amîr Tãhir with its Ghãzî Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Pîr GhoDã (1421-23). Temple site.
2. Dabhoi
(i) Dargãh of PãNch Bîbî. Temple materials used.
(ii) Mazãr of Mãî Dhokrî. Temple materials used.
(iii) Fort. Temple materials used.
(iv) Hira, Baroda, MabuDa and NandoDi Gates. Temple materials used.
(v) MahuNDi Masjid. Temple materials used.
3. Danteshwar, Mazãr of Qutbu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
4. Sankheda, Masjid (1515-16). Temple site.
IV. Bharuch District.
1. Amod, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
2. Bharuch
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1321). Brahmanical and Jain temple materials used.
(ii) Ghaznavî Masjid (1326). Temple site.
(iii) Idgãh (1326). Temple site.
(iv) ChunãwãDã Masjid (1458). Temple site.
(v) Qãzî-kî-Masjid (1609). Temple site.
(vi) Mazãr of Makhdûm Sharîfu�d-Dîn (1418). Temple site.
3. Jambusar, Jãmi� Masjid (1508-09). Temple site.
4. Tankaria, BaDî or Jãmi� Masjid (1453). Temple site.
V. Bhavnagar District.
1. Botad, Mazãr of Pîr Hamîr Khan. Temple site.
2. Tolaja, Idgãh and Dargãh of Hasan Pîr. Temple site.
3. Ghoda, Masjid (1614). Temple site.
VI. Jamnagar District.
1. Amran, Dargãh of Dawal Shãh. Temple materials used.
2. Bet Dwarka, Dargãh of Pîr Kirmãnî. Temple site.
3. Dwarka, Masjid (1473). Temple site.
VII. Junagarh District.
1. Junagarh
(i) BorwãD Masjid (1470). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid in Uparkot. Jain Temple site.
(iii) Masjid at Mãî GaDhechî. Converted Jain temple.
2. Loliyana, Dargãh of Madãr Shãh. Temple site.
3. Kutiana, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
4. Mangrol
(i) Rahmat Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1382-83). Temple materials used.
(iii) JûnI Jail-kî-Masjid (1385-86). Temple site.
(iv) Revãlî Masjid (1386-87). Temple materials used.
(v) Masjid at Bandar. Temple materials used.
(vi) Dargãh near Revãli Masjid. Temple materials used.
(vii) Mazãr of Sayyid Sikandar alias Makhdûm Jahãniyã (1375). Temple materials used.
(viii) GaDhi Gate. Temple materials used.
5. Somnath Patan
(i) Bãzãr Masjid (1436). Temple site.
(ii) Chãndnî Masjid (1456). Temple site.
(iii) Qãzî-kî-Masjid (1539). Temple site.
(iv) PathãnwaDi Masjid (1326). Temple site.
(v) Muhammad Jamãdãr-kî-Masjid (1420). Temple site.
(vi) MiThãshãh Bhang-kî-Masjid (1428). Temple site.
(vii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
(viii) Masjid made out of the SomanAtha Temple of Kumãrapãla.
(ix) Masjid at the back of the Somanãtha Temple. Converted temple.
(x) Motã Darwãza. Temple materials used.
(xi) Mãîpurî Masjid on the way to Veraval. Temple materials used.
(xii) Dargãh of Manglûri Shãh near Mãîpurî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(xiii) Shahîd Mahmûd-kî-Masjid (1694). Temple site.
6. Vanasthali, Jãmi� Masjid. Converted VAmana Temple.
7. Veraval
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1332). Temple site.
(ii) Nagîna Masjid (1488). Temple site.
(iii) Chowk Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) MãNDvî Masjid. Temple site.
(v) Mazãr of Sayyid Ishãq or Maghribî Shãh. Temple site.
(vi) Dargãh of Muhammad bin Hãjî Gilãnî. Temple site.
VIII. Kachchh District.
1. Bhadreshwar
(i) Solãkhambî Masjid. Jain Temple materials used.
(ii) ChhoTî Masjid. Jain Temple materials used.
(iii) Dargãh of Pîr Lãl Shãhbãz. Jain Temple materials used.
2. Bhuj
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Gumbad of Bãbã Guru. Temple site.
3. Munra or MunDra, Seaport built from the materials of Jain temples of Bhadreshwar which were
demolished by the Muslims; its Safed Masjid which can be seen from afar was built from the same
materials.
IX. Kheda District.
1. Kapadwani
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1370-71). Temple site.
(ii) Sãm Shahîd-kî-Masjid (1423). Temple site.
2. Khambhat
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1325). Jain Temple materials used.
(ii) Masjid in Qaziwara (1326). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid in Undipet (1385). Temple site.
(iv) Sadi-i-Awwal Masjid (1423). Temple site.
(v) Fujrã-kî-Masjid (1427). Temple site.
(vi) Mazãr of Umar bin Ahmad Kãzrûnî. Jain Temple materials used.
(vii) Mazãr of Qãbil Shãh. Temple site.
(viii) Mazãr of Shykh Alî Jaulãqî known as Parwãz Shãh (1498). Temple site.
(ix) Mazãr of Shãh Bahlol Shahîd. Temple site.
(x) Maqbara of Ikhtîyãru�d-Daula (1316). Temple site.
(xi) IdgAh (1381-82). Temple site.
3. Mahuda, Jãmi� Masjid (1318). Temple site.
4. Sojali, Sayyid Mubãrak-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
X. Mehsana District.
1. Kadi
(i) Masjid (1384). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1583). Temple site.
2. Kheralu, Jãmi� Masjid (1409-10). Temple site.
3. Modhera, Rayadi Masjid. Temple site.
4. Munjpur, Jãmi� Masjid (1401-02). Temple site.
5. Patan
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1357). Temple materials used.
(ii) Phûtî Mahalla or Pinjar Kot-kî-Masjid (1417). Temple site.
(iii) Bãzãr-kî-Masjid (1490). Temple site.
(iv) Masjid in a field that was the Sahasralinga Talav. Temple materials used.
(v) Masjid and Dargãh of Makhdûm Husãmu�d-Dîn Chishtî, disciple of Shykh Nizãmu�d-Dîn Awliya of
Delhi. Temple materials used.
(vi) GûmDã Masjid (1542). Temple site.
(vii) RangrezoN-kî-Masjid (1410-11). Temple site.
(viii) Dargãh of Shykh Muhammad Turk Kãshgarî (1444-45). Temple site.
(ix) Dargãh of Shykh Farîd. Converted temple.
6. Sami, Jãmi� Masjid (1404). Temple site.
7. Sidhpur, Jãmi� Masjid. Built on the site and with the materials of the Rudra-mahãlaya Temple of
Siddharãja JayasiMha.
8. Una, Dargãh of Hazrat Shãh Pîr. Temple site.
9. Vijapur
(i) Kalãn Masjid (1369-70). Temple site.
(ii) Mansûrî Masjid. Temple site.
XI. Panch Mahals District.
1. Champaner
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1524). Temple site.
(ii) Bhadra of Mahmûd BegDã. Temple site.
(iii) Shahr-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
2. Godhra, Masjid. Temple site.
3. Pavagadh
(i) Masjid built on top of the Devî Temple.
(ii) PãNch MuNhDã Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site,
4. Rayania, Masjid (1499-1500). Temple site.
XII. Rajkot District.
1. Jasdan, Dargãh of Kãlû Pîr. Temple materials used.
2. Khakhrechi
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Kamãl Shãh Pîr. Temple site.
3. Mahuva, Idgah (1418). Temple site.
4. Malia, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
5. Morvi, Masjid (1553). Temple site.
6. Santrampur, Masjid (1499-1500). Temple site.
XIII. Sabarkantha District.
1. Hersel, Masjid (1405). Temple site.
2. Himmatnagar, Moti-Mohlat Masjid in Nani Vorwad (1471). Temple site.
3. Prantij
(i) Fath or Tekrewãlî Masjid (1382). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Sikandar Shãh Shahîd (d. 1418). Temple materials used.
XIV. Surat District.
1. Navasari
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1340). Temple site.
(ii) Shãhî Masjid. Temple site.
2. Rander, The Jains who predominated in this town were expelled by Muslims and all temples of the
former were converted into mosques. The following mosques stand on the site of and/or are constructed
with materials from those temples:
(i) Jãmi� Masjid.
(ii) Nit Naurî Masjid.
(iii) Miãn-kî-Masjid.
(iv) Khãrwã Masjid.
(v) Munshî-kî-Masjid.
3. Surat
(i) Mirzã Sãmi-kî-Masjid (1336). Temple site.
(ii) Nau Sayyid Sãhib-kî-Masjid and the nine Mazãrs on Gopi Talav in honour of nine Ghãzîs. Temple
sites.
(iii) Fort built in the reign of Farrukh Siyãr. Temple materials used.
(iv) Gopi Talav (1718). Temple materials used.
4. Tadkeshwar, Jãmi� Masjid (1513-14). Temple site.
XV. Surendranagar District.
1. Sara, DarbargaDh-kî-Masjid (1523). Temple site.
2. Vad Nagar, Masjid (1694). Stands on the site of the Hãtake�vara Mahãdeva temple.
3. Wadhwan, Jãmi� Masjid (1439). Temple site.
HARYANA
I. Ambala District.
1. Pinjor, Temple materials have been used in the walls and buildings of the Garden of Fidãi Khãn.
2. Sadhaura
(i) Masjid built in Khaljî times. Temple materials used.
(ii) Two Masjids built in the reign of Jahãngîr. Temple materials used.
(iii) QãzioN-kî-Masjid (1640). Temple site.
(iv) Abdul Wahãb-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Shãh Qumais. Temple site.
II. Faridabad District.
1. Faridabad, Jãmi� Masjid (1605). Temple site.
2. Nuh, Masjid (1392-93). Temple materials used.
3. Palwal
(i) Ikrãmwãlî or Jãmî� Masjid (1221). Temple materials used.
(ii) Idgãh (1211). Temple material Is used.
(iii) Mazãr of Sayyid Chirãgh. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Ghãzî Shihãbu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
(v) Mazãr of Sayyid Wãrah. Temple site.
III. Gurgaon District.
1. Bawal, Masjid (1560). Temple site.
2. Farrukhnagar, Jãmi� Masjid (1276). Temple site.
3. Sohna
(i) Masjid (1561). Temple site.
(ii) Mazãrs known as Kãlã and Lãl Gumbad. Temple sites.
IV. Hissar District.
1. Barwala, Masjid (1289). Temple site.
2. Fatehabad
(i) Idgãh of Tughlaq times. Temple materials used.
(ii) Masjid built by Humãnyûn (1539). Temple site.
3. Hansi
(i) Idgãh built in the reign of Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish. Temple site.
(ii) JulãhoN-kî-Masjid built in the same reign. Temple site.
(iii) Bû Alî Baksh Masjid (1226). Temple site.
(iv) Ãdina Masjid (1336). Temple site.
(v) Masjid in the Fort (1192). Temple site.
(vi) Shahîd-Ganj Masjid. Temple site.
(vii) Humãyûn-kî-Masjid. Temple materials used.
(viii) Dargãh of Niãmatu�llãh Walî with adjascent Bãrãdarî. Temple materials used.
(ix) Dargãh of Bû Alî Qalandar (1246). Temple site.
(x) Dargãh of Shykh Jalãlu�d-Dîn Haqq (1303). Temple site.
(xi) Dargãh of Mahammad Jamîl Shãh. Temple site.
(xii) Dargãh of Wilãyat Shãh Shahîd (1314). Temple site.
(xiii) Chahãr Qutb and its Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
(xiv) Fort and City Gates. Temple materials used.
4. Hissar, This city was built by Fîruz Shãh Tughlaq with temple materials brought mostly from Agroha
which had been destroyed by Muhammad Ghurî in 1192.
(i) Lãt-kî-Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Humayûn�s Jãmi� Masjid (1535). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid and Mazãr of Bahlul Lodî. Temple site.
(iv) Humãyûn�s Masjid outside Delhi Gate (1533). Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Bãbã Prãn Pîr Pãdshãh. Temple materials used.
(vi) Fort of Fîruz Shãh Tughlaq. Temple materials used.
(vii) Jahãz Mahal. Converted Jain Temple.
(viii) Gûjarî Mahal. Temple materials used.
5. Sirsa
(i) Masjid in the Mazãr of Imãm Nãsir (1277). Temple materials used.
(ii) Bãbarî Masjid in the Sarai (1530). Temple site.
(iii) QãzIzãda-kî-Masjid (1540). Temple site.
V. Karnal District.
Panipat
(i) Masjid opposite the Mazãr of Bû Alî Qalandar�s mother (1246). Temple site.
(ii) Bãbarî Masjid in Kãbulî Bãgh (1528-29). Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Shykh Jalãlu�d-Dîn (1499). Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Bû Alî Qalandar (1660). Temple site.
VI. Kurukshetra District.
1. Kaithal
(i) Dargãh of Shykh Salãhu�d-Dîn Abu�l Muhammad of Balkh (d. 1246). Temple materials used.
(ii) Shãh Wilãyat-kî-Masjid (1657-58). Temple site.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
(iv) Madrasa. Temple materials used.
2. Kurukshetra, Madrasa on the Tila. Temple site.
3. Thanesar
(i) Dargãh and Madrasa of Shykh Chillî or Chehalî Bannurî. Temple materials used.
(ii) Pathariã Masjid near Harsh-kã-Tîlã. Temple materials used.
(iii) Chînîwãlî Masjid. Temple materials used.
VII. Mahendergarh District.
Narnaul, Mazar of Pîr Turk Shahîd or Shãh Wilãyat (d. 1137). Temple site.
VIII. Rohtak District.
1. Jhajjar, Kãlî Masjid (1397). Temple site.
2. Maham,
(i) PirzãdoN-kî-Masjid built in Bãbar�s reign (1529). Temple site.
(ii) Humãyûn�s Jãmi� Masjid (1531). Temple site.
(iii) QasãiyoN-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1669). Temple site.
(v) Daulat Khãn-kî-Masjid (1696). Temple site.
3. Rohtak
(i) Dînî Masjid (1309). Temple materials used.
(ii) Masjid in the Fort (1324). Temple site.
(iii) Bãbar�s Masjid-i-Khurd (1527-28). Temple site.
(iv) Bãbar�s RãjpûtoN-kî-Masjid. (1528). Temple site.
(v) Second or Humãyûn�s Masjid in the Fort (1538). Temple site.
(vi) Masjid at Gokaran (1558). Temple site.
(vii) DogroN Wãlî Masjid (1571). Temple site.
(viii) Mast Khãn-kî-Masjid (1558-59) Temple site.
IX. Sonepat District.
1. Gohana, Dargãh of Shãh Ziãu�d-Dîn Muhammad. Temple site.
2. Sonepat
(i) Masjid and Mazãr of Imãm Nãsir (renovated in 1277). Temple site.
(ii) Bãbar�s ShykhzãdoN-kî-Masjid (1530). Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Khwãja Khizr. Temple site.
(iv) Humãyûn's Masjid (1538). Temple site.
HIMACHAL PRADESH
Kangra, Jahãngîrî Gate. Temple materials used.
KARNATAKA
I. Bangalore District.
1. Dodda-Ballapur, Dargãh of Muhiu�d-Dîn Chishtî of Ajodhan (d. 1700). Temple materials used.
2. Hoskot
(i) Dargãh of Saballî Sãhib. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Qãsim Sãhib. Converted temple.
II. Belgaum District.
1. Belgaum
(i) Masjid-i-Safa in the Fort (1519). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1585-86). Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Badru�d-Dîn Shãh in the Fort (1351-52). Temple site.
2. Gokak, Masjid. Temple site.
3. Hukeri
(i) Mãn Sahib-kî-Dargãh (1567-68). Temple site.
(ii) Kãlî Masjid (1584). Temple materials used.
4. Kudachi
(i) Dargãh of Makhdûm Shãh Walî. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Shykh Muhammad Sirãju�d-Dîn Pîrdãdî. Temple site.
5. Madbhavi, Masjid. �iva Temple materials used.
6. Raibag, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site,
7. Sampgaon, Masjid. Temple site.
III. Bellary District.
1. Bellary, Masjid built by Tîpû Sultãn (1789-90). Temple site.
2. Hampi, Masjid and Idgãh in the ruins of Vijayanagar. Temple materials used.
3. Hospet, Masjid in Bazar Street built by Tîpû Sultãn (1795-96). Temple site.
4. Huvinhadgalli, Fort. Temple materials used.
5. Kanchagarabelgallu, Dargãh of Husain Shãh. Temple site.
6. Kudtani, Dargãh. Durge�vara Temple materials used.
7. Sandur, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
8. Siruguppa, Lãd Khãn Masjid (1674). Temple site.
9. Sultanpuram, Masjid on the rock. Temple site.
IV. Bidar District.
1. Bidar, Ancient Hindu city transformed into a Muslim capital. The following monuments stand on temple
sites and/or temple materials have been used in their construction:
(i) Solã Khambã Masjid (1326-27).
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid of the Bahmanîs.
(iii) Mukhtãr Khãn-kî-Masjid (1671).
(iv) Kãlî Masjid (1694).
(v) Masjid west of Kãlî Masjid (1697-98).
(vi) Farrah-Bãgh Masjid, 3 km outside the city (1671).
(vii) Dargãh of Hazrat Khalîlu�llãh at Ashtûr (1440).
(viii) Dargãh of Shãh Shamsu�d-Dîn Muhammad Qãdirî known as Multãnî Pãdshãh.
(ix) Dargãh of Shãh Waliu�llãh-al-Husainî.
(x) Dargãh of Shãh Zainu�l-Dîn Ganj Nishîn.
(xi) Dargãh and Masjid of Mahbûb Subhãnî.
(xii) Mazãr of Ahmad Shãh Walî at Ashtûr (1436).
(xiii) Mazãr of Shãh Abdul Azîz (1484).
(xiv) Takht Mahal.
(xv) Gagan Mahal.
(xvi) Madrasa of Mahmûd Gawãn.
2. Chandpur, Masjid (1673-74). Temple site.
3. Chillergi, Jãmi� Masjid (1381). Temple site.
4. Kalyani, Capital of the Later Chãlukyas. All their temples were either demolished or converted into
mosques.
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1323). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1406). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid in Mahalla Shahpur (1586-87). Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh of Maulãna Yãqûb. Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Sayyid Pîr Pãshã. Temple site.
(vi) Fort Walls and Towers. Temple materials used.
(vii) Nawãb�s Bungalow. Temple materials used.
5. Kohir
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãhs of two Muslim saints. Temple sites.
6. Shahpur, Masjid (1586-87). Temple site.
7. Udbal, Jãmi� Masjid (1661-62). Temple site.
V. Bijapur District.
1. Afzalpur, Mahal Masjid. Trikûta Temple materials used.
2. Badami, Second Gateway of the Hill Fort. VishNu Temple materials used.
3. Bekkunal, Dargãh outside the village. Temple materials used.
4. Bijapur, Ancient Hindu city transformed into a Muslim capital. The following monuments are built on
temple sites and/or temple materials have been used in their construction:
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1498-99).
(ii) Karîmu�d-Dîn-kî-Masjid in the Ãrk (1320-21).
(iii) ChhoTã Masjid on way to Mangoli Gate.
(iv) Khwãja Sambal-kî-Masjid (1522-13).
(v) Makka Masjid.
(vi) AnDû Masjid.
(vii) Zangîrî Masjid.
(viii) Bukhãrã Masjid (1536-37).
(ix) Dakhînî Idgah (1538-39).
(x) Masjid and Rauza of Ibrãhîm II Adil Shãh (1626).
(xi) Gol Gumbaz or the Rauza of Muhammad Adil Shãh.
(xii) JoD-Gumbad.
(xiii) Nau-Gumbad.
(xiv) Dargãh of Shãh Mûsã Qãdiri.
(xv) Gagan Mahal.
(xvi) Mihtar Mahal.
(xvii) Asar Mahal.
(xvii) Anand Mahal and Masjid (1495).
(xviii) Sãt Manzil.
(xix) Ãrk or citadel.
(xx) Mazãr of Pîr Ma�barî Khandãyat.
(xxi) Mazãr of Pîr Jumnã.
(xxii) Dargãh of Shãh Mîrãnji Shamsu�l-Haq Chishtî on Shahpur Hill.
5. Hadginhali, Dargãh. Temple materials used.
6. Horti, Masjid. Temple materials used.
7. Inglesvara, Muhiu�d-Dîn Sãhib-kî-Masjid. Munipã Samãdhi materials used.
8. Jirankalgi, Masjid. Temple materials used.
9. Kalleeri, Masjid near the village Chawdi. Ke�avadeva Temple materials used.
10. Mamdapur
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Kamãl Sãhib. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Sadle Sãhib of Makka. Temple site.
11. Naltvad, Masjid (1315). Temple materials used.
12. Pirapur, Dargãh. Temple site.
13. Salvadigi, Masjid. Temple materials used.
14. Sarur, Masjid. Temple materials used.
15. Segaon, Dargãh. Temple site.
16. Takli, Masjid. Temple materials used.
17. Talikota
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Jain Temple materials used.
(ii) PãNch Pîr-kî-Masjid and Ganji-i-Shahîdãn. Temple site.
18. Utagi, Masjid (1323). Temple site.
VI. Chickmanglur District.
Baba Budan, Mazãr of Dãdã Hayãt Mîr Qalandar. Dattãtreya Temple site.
VII. Chitaldurg District.
Harihar, Masjid on top of Harîhare�vara Temple.
VIII. Dharwad District.
1. Alnavar, Jãmi� Masjid. Jain Temple materials used.
2. Bankapur
(i) Masjid (1538-39). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1602-03). Temple site.
(iii) Graveyard with a Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) Dongar-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Shãh Alãu�d-Dîn-Qãdirî. Temple site.
(vi) Fort (1590-91). Temple materials used,
3. Balur, Masjid. Temple materials used.
4. Dambal, Mazãr of Shãh Abdu�llãh Walî. Temple materials used.
5. Dandapur, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
6. Dharwad, Masjid on Mailarling Hill. Converted Jain Temple.
7. Hangal
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid in the Fort. Temple site.
8. Hubli, 17 Masjids built by Aurangzeb in 1675 and after Temple sites.
9. Hulgur
(i) Dargãh of Sayyid Shãh Qãdirî. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid near the above Dargãh. Temple site.
10. Lakshmeshwar, Kãlî Masjid. Temple site.
11. Misrikot, Jãmi� Masjid (1585-86). Temple site.
12. Mogha, Jãmi� Masjid. Ãdityadeva Temple materials used.
13. Ranebennur, Qalã, Masjid (1742). Temple site.
14. Savanur
(i) Jãmi� Masjid reconstructed in 1847-48. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Khairu�llãh Shãh Bãdshãh. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh and Masjid of Shãh Kamãl. Temple site.
IX. Gulbarga District.
1. Chincholi, Dargãh. Temple site.
2. Dornhalli, Masjid. Temple site.
3. Firozabad
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1406). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Shãh Khalîfatu�r-Rahmãn Qãdirî (d. 1421). Temple site.
4. Gobur, Dargãh. Ratnarãya Jinãlaya Temple materials used.
5. Gogi
(i) Araba�a Masjid (1338). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Pîr Chandã, Husainî (1454). Temple site.
(iii) Chillã of Shãh Habîbu�llãh (1535-36). Temple site.
6. Gulbarga, Ancient Hindu city converted into a Muslim capital and the following among other
monuments built on temple sites and/or with temple materials:
(i) Kalãn Masjid in Mahalla Mominpura (1373).
(ii) Masjid in Shah Bazar (1379).
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid in the Fort (1367).
(iv) Masjid-i-Langar in the Mazãr of Hãjî Zaida.
(v) Masjid near the Farman Talab (1353-54).
(vi) Dargãh of Sayyid Muhammad Husainî Bandã, Nawãz Gesû Darãz Chishtî, disciple of Shykh
Nasîru�d-Dîn Mahmûd ChîrAgh-i-Dihlî.
(vii) Mazãr of Shykh Muhammad Sirãju�d-Dîn Junaidî.
(viii) Mazãr of Hãjî Zaida of Maragh (1434)
(ix) Mazãr of Sayyid Husainu�d-Dîn Tigh-i-Barhna (naked sword).
(x) Fort Walls and Gates.
7. Gulsharam, Dargãh and Masjid of Shãh Jalãl Husainî (1553). Temple site.
8. Malkhed, Dargãh of Sayyid Ja�far Husainî in the Fort. Temple site.
9. Sagar
(i) Dargãh of Sûfî Sarmast Chishtî, disciple of Nîzãmu�d-Dîn Awlîya of Delhi. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Munawwar Bãdshãh. Temple site.
(iii) Ãshur Khãna Masjid (1390-91). Temple site.
(iv) Fort (1411-12). Temple materials used.
10. Seram, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
11. Shah Bazar, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
12. Shahpur
(i) Dargãh of Mûsã Qãdirî (1667-68). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Muhammad Qãdirî (1627). Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of IbrAhIm Qãdirî. Temple site.
13. Yadgir
(i) Ãthãn Masjid (1573). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
X. Kolar District.
1. Mulbagal, Dargãh of Hyder Walî. Temple site.
2. Nandi, Masjid east of the village. Temple site.
XI. Mandya District.
1. Pandavapur, Masjid-i-Ala. Temple site.
2. Srirangapatnam, Jãmi� Masjid built by Tîpû Sultãn (1787). Stands on the site of the Ãñjaneya Temple.
XII. Mysore District.
Tonnur, Mazãr said to be that of Sayyid Sãlãr Mas�ûd (1358). Temple materials used.
XIII. North Kanara District.
1. Bhatkal, Jãmi� Masjid (1447-48). Temple site.
2. Haliyal, Masjid in the Fort. Temple materials used.
XIV. Raichur District.
1. Jaladurga, Dargãh of Muhammad Sarwar. Temple site.
2. Kallur, Two Masjids. Temple sites.
3. Koppal
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Araboñ-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Sailãnî Pãshã. Temple site.
4. Manvi, Masjid (1406-07). Temple materials used.
5. Mudgal
(i) Masjid at Kati Darwaza of the Fort. Temple materials used.
(ii) Naî Masjid (1583-84). Temple site.
(iii) Two Ashur Khãnas built by Ali I Adil Shah. Temple site.
(iv) Fort (1588). Temple materials used.
6. Raichur
(i) Yak Mînãr Masjid in the Fort (1503). Temple site.
(ii) Daftarî Masjid in the Fort (1498-99). Temple materials used.
(iii) Hazãr Baig Masjid (1511-12). Temple site
(iv) Jãmi� Masjid in the Fort (1622-23). Temple materials used.
(v) Jãmi� Masjid in Sarafa Bazar (1628-29). Temple site.
(vi) Kãlî Masjid in the Fort. Temple materials used.
(vii) Masjid inside the Naurangi. Temple materials used.
(viii) Chowk-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ix) Jahãniyã Masjid (1700-01). Temple site.
(x) Dargãh of Shãh Mîr Hasan and Mîr Husain. Temple materials used.
(xi) Dargãh of Sayyid Abdul Husainî at Sikandari Gate. Temple site.
(xii) Pãñch Bîbî Dargãh at Bala Hissar. Temple materials used.
(xiii) Mazãr of Pîr Sailãnî Shãh in the Fort. Temple materials used.
(xiv) Fort. Temple materials used.
7. Sindhanur, Ãlamgîrî Masjid near the Gumbad. Temple site.
8. Tawagera, Dargãh of Bandã Nawãz. Temple site.
XV. Shimoga District.
1. Almel, Mazãr of Ghãlib Shãh. Temple site.
2. Basavpatna, Masjid near the Fort. Temple site.
3. Nagar, Masjid built by Tîpû Sultãn. Temple materials used.
4. Sante Bennur, Randhullã Khãn-kî-Masjid (1637). Materials of the Rañganãtha Temple used.
5. Sirajpur, Masjid built on top of the Chhinnake�ava Temple for housing Prophet Muhammad�s hair.
Images defaced and mutilated. Part of the temple used as a laterine.
XVI. Tumkur District,
1. Sira
(i) Ibrãhîm Rauza with many Mazãrs and a Jãmi� Masjid. Converted temples.
(ii) Dargãh of Malik Rihãn. Temple site.
2. Sirol, Jãmi� Masjid (1696). Temple site.
KASHMIR
1. Amburher, Ziãrat of Farrukhzãd Sãhib. Temple materials used.
2. Badgam
(i) Ziãrat of Abban Shãh in Ghagarpur. Temple site.
(ii) Ziãrat of Sayyid Swãlia Shãh in Narbai. Temple site.
3. Bijbehra, Masjid. Temple site.
4. Bumzu
(i) Ziãrat of Bãbã Bãmdîn. Converted Bhîmake�ava. Temple.
(ii) Ziãrat of Ruknu�d-Dîn Rishî. Converted temple.
(iii) Ziãrat farther up the valley. Converted temple.
5. Gulmarg, Ziãrat of Bãbã Imãm Dîn Rishî. Temple materials used.
6. Gupkar, Ziãrat of Jyesther and other monuments. Temple materials used.
7. Hutmar, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
8. Khonmuh, Several Ziãrats. Temple materials used.
9. Kitshom, Two Masjids. Stand amidst temple ruins.
10. Loduv, Ziãrat. Temple materials used.
11. Lohar, Ziãrat of Sayyid Chãnan Ghãzî. Temple site.
12. Lokbavan, Garden Pavilion. Temple materials from Lokabhavana Tîrtha used.
13. Marsus, Ziãrat of Shãh Abdu�llãh. Temple site.
14. Pampor
(i) Ziãrat of Mîr Muhammad Hamadãni. VishNusvãmin Temple materials used.
(ii) Several other Ziãrats. Temple materials used.
15. Pandrethan, Masjid. Meruvardhanaswãmin Temple materials used.
16. Sangar, Ziãrat. Temple materials used.
17. Sar, Ziãrat of Khwãja Khîzr. Temple materials used.
18. Shalmar Garden, Pavilion on the 4th terrace. Temple materials used.
19. Srinagar, Ancient Hindu city converted into a Muslim capital. The following monuments stand on
temple sites and most of them have been constructed with temple materials.
(i) Ziãrat of Bahãu�d-Dîn SAhib. Jayasvãmin Temple converted.
(ii) Graveyard and its Gate below the 4th Bridge.
(iii) Dargãh and Masjid of Shãh-i-Hamadãnî in Kalashpura. On the site of the Kãlî Temple.
(iv) Nau or Patthar-kî-Masjid built by Nûr Jahãn.
(v) Graveyard near the Nau Masjid.
(vi) Ziãrat of Malik Sãhib in Didd Mar. On the site of Diddã Matha.
(vii) Masjid and Madrasa and Graveyard near Vicharnag. On the site and from materials of the
Vikrame�vara Temple.
(viii) Madnî Sãhib-kî-Masjid at Zadibal.
(ix) Ziãrat south-west of Madnî Sãhib-kî-Masjid.
(x) Jãmi� Masjid originally built by Sikandar Butshikan and reconstructed in later times.
(xi) Ziãrat named Nûr Pirastãn. NarendrasãAmin Temple converted.
(xii) Maqbara of Sultãn Zain�ul-Abidin.
(xiii) Maqbara of Zainu�l-Ãbidin�s mother, queen of Sikandar Butshikan.
(xiv) Ziãrat of Pîr Hãjî Muhammad Sãhib, south-west of the Jãmi� Masjid. VishNu RaNasvãmin Temple
converted.
(xv) Ziãrats of Makhdûm Sãhib and Akhun Mulla on Hari Parbat. Bhîmasvamin Temple converted.
(xvi) Masjid of Akhun Mulla built by Dãrã Shikoh.
(xvii) Ziãrat of Pîr Muhammad Basûr in Khandbavan. On the site of Skandabhavana Vihãra.
(xviii) Graveyard north-east of Khandbavan.
(xix) Dargãh of Pîr Dastgîr.
(xx) Dargãh of Naqshbandî.
(xxi) Ramparts and Kathi Gate of the Fort built by Akbar.
(xxii) Stone embankments on both sides and for several miles of the Jhelum river as its passes through
Srinagar.
(xxiii) Astãna of MIr Shamsu�d-Dîn Syed Muhammad Irãqî.
20. Sudarbal, Ziãrat of Hazrat Bãl. Temple site.
21. Tapar, Bund from Naidkhai to Sopor built by Zainu�l-Ãbidin. Materials from Narendre�vara Temple
used.
22. Theda, Ziãrat near Dampor. Temple materials used.
23. Vernag, Stone enclosure built by Jahãngîr. Temple materials used.
24. Wular Lake
(i) Suna Lanka, pleasure haunt built by Zainu�l-Ãbidîn in the midst of the Lake. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Shukru�d-DIn on the western shore. Temple site.
25. Zukur, Several Ziãrats and Maqbaras. Temple materials used.
KERALA
1. Kollam, (Kozhikode District), Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
2. Palghat, Fort built by Tîpû Sultãn. Temple materials used.
LAKSHADWEEP
1. Kalpeni, Muhiu�d-Dîn-Pallî Masjid. Temple site.
2. Kavarati, Prot-Pallî Masjid. Temple site.
MADHYA PRADESH
I. Betul District.
1. Pattan, Dargãh of Sulaimãn Shãh. Temple site.
2. Umri, Dargãh of Rahmãn Shãh. Temple site.
II. Bhopal District.
1. Berasia, Masjid (1716). Temple site.
2. Bhopal, Jãmi� Masjid built by Qudsia Begum. SabhãmaNDala Temple site.
III. Bilaspur District.
Khimlasa
(i) Dargãh of Pãñch Pîr. Temple site.
(ii) Nagînã Mahal. Temple site.
(iii) Idgãh. Temple site.
(iv) Masjid with three domes. Temple site.
IV. Damoh District.
(i) Dargãh of Ghãzî Miãn. Temple site.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
V. Dewas District.
1. Dewas
(i) Masjid (1562). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1705). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid (1707). Temple site.
2. Gandhawal, Graveyard inside the village. Jain Temple materials used.
3. Sarangpur
(i) Madrasa (1493). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1640). Temple site.
(iii) Pîr Jãn-kî-Bhãtî Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) Fort. Temple materials used.
4. Unchod, Idgãh (1681). Temple site.
VI. Dhar District.
1. Dhar, Capital of Rãjã Bhoja Paramãra converted into a Muslim capital. The following Muslim
monuments tell their own story:
(i) Kamãl Maulã Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Lãt Masjid (1405). Jain Temple materials used.
(iii) Mazãr of Abdu�llãh Shãh Changãl. Temple site.
2. Mandu, An ancient Hindu city converted into a Muslim capital and the following monuments built on the
sites of and/or with materials from temples
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1454).
(ii) Dilãwar Khãn-kî-Masjid (1405).
(iii) ChhoTî Jãmi� Masjid.
(iv) Pahredãroñ-kî-Masjid (1417).
(v) Malik Mughîs-kî-Masjid.
(vi) Maqbara of Hushãng Shãh.
(vii) Jahãz Mahal.
(viii) Tawîl Mahal.
(ix) Nãhar Jharokhã.
(x) Hindolã Mahal.
(xi) Rupmatî Pavilion.
(xii) Ashrafî Mahal.
(xiii) Dãî-kî-Chhotî Bahen-kã-Mahal.
(xiv) Bãz Bahãdur-kã-Mahal.
(xv) Nîlkanth Mahal.
(xvi) Chhappan Mahal.
(xvii) Fort and Gates.
(xviii) Gadã-Shãh-kã-Mahal.
(xix) Hammãm Complex.
VII. Dholpur District.
Bari, Masjid (1346 or 1351). Temple site.
VIII. East Nimar District.
1. Bhadgaon, Jãmi� Masjid (1328). Temple site.
2. Jhiri, Masjid (1581). Temple site.
3. Khandwa, Masjid (1619-20). Temple site.
IX. Guna District.
1. Chanderi, Muslim city built from the ruins of the old or Budhi Chanderi nearby. The following
monuments stand on the sites of temples and/or have temple materials used in them:
(i) Masjid (1392).
(ii) Motî Masjid.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid.
(iv) PãñchmûhñDã Masjid.
(v) Qurbãni Chabûtrã.
(vi) Dargãh of Mewã Shãh.
(vii) Mazãr known as BaDã Madrasa.
(viii) Mazãr known as ChhoTã Madrasa.
(ix) Rãjã-kã-Maqbara.
(x) Rãnî-kã-Maqbara.
(xi) Battîsî BãoDî Masjid (1488).
(xii) Hãthîpur-kî-Masjid (1691).
(xiii) Mazãr of Shykh Burhanu�d-Dîn.
(xiv) Fort.
(xv) Kushk Mahal.
(xvi) Idgãh (1495).
2. Pipari, Masjid (1451). Temple site.
3. Shadoragaon, Jãmi� Masjid (1621-22). Temple site.
X. Gwalior District.
1. Gwalior
(i) Dargãh of Muhammad Ghaus. Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid near Gûjarî Mahal. Temple site.
(iii) Masjid near Ganesh Gate. Gawãlîpã Temple site.
(iv) Graveyards on east and west of the Fort. Temple sites.
2. Jajao, Lãl Patthar-kî-Masjid, Temple materials used.
3. Mundrail, Several Masjids (1504). Temple sites.
4. Sipri, Several Masjids and Mazãrs. Temple materials used.
XI. Indore District.
1. Depalpur, Masjid (1670). Temple site.
2. Maheshwar
(i) ShãhI Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
3. Mehdipur
(i) Mazãr of Godãr Shãh. Temple site.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
4. Sanwar, Masjid (1674). Temple site.
XII. Mandsaur District.
1. Kayampur
(i) Masjid (1676). Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh (1701-02). Temple site.
2. Mandsaur
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
3. Rampura, Pãdshãhî BãoDi. Temple materials used.
XIII. Morena District.
Alapur
(i) Masjid (1561-62). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1586-87). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid (1697-98). Temple site.
XIV. Panna District.
1. Ajaigarh, Fort. Temple materials used.
2. Nachna, Masjid. Converted temple.
XV. Raisen District.
Palmyka Mandir-Masjid. Temple materials used.
XVI. Rajgarh District.
Khujner, Mazãr of Dãwal Shãh. Temple materials used.
XVII. Ratlam District.
Barauda, Masjid (1452-56). Temple site.
XVIII. Sagar District.
1. Dhamoni, Dargãh of Bãl Jatî Shãh (1671). Temple site.
2. Kanjia
(i) Khãn Sãhib-kî-Masjid (1594-95). Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh (1640). Temple site.
(iv) Alamgîrî Masjid (1703). Temple site.
(iii) Qalã-kî-Masjid (1643). Temple site.
3. Khimlasa, Pãñch Pîr. Temple site.
XIX. Sehore District.
Masjid (1332). Temple site.
XX. Shajapur District.
Agartal, Masjid. Temple site.
XXI. Shivpuri District.
1. Narod, Zanzãrî Masjid. Temple site.
2. Narwar
(i) Dargãh of Shãh Madãr. Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1509). Temple materials used.
(iii) Masjid inside Havapaur Gate (1509). Temple site.
3. Pawaya
(i) Fort. Temple materials used.
(ii) Several other Muslim monuments. Temple materials used.
4. Ranod
(i) Masjid (1331-32). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1441). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid (1633). Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1640). Temple site.
5. Shivpuri, Jãmi� Masjid (1440). Temple site.
XXII. Ujjain District.
1. Barnagar, Masjid (1418). Temple site.
2. Ujjain,
(i) Jãmi� Masjid known as Binã-nîv-kî-Masjid (1403-04). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid unearthed near Chaubis Khamba Gate. Temple materials used.
(iii) MochI Masjid. Converted temple.
XXIII. Vidisha District.
1. Basoda, Masjid (1720-21). Temple site.
2. Bhonrasa,
(i) Qalandarî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Jãgîrdãr-kî-Masjid (1683). Temple site.
(iii) BaDî Masjid in Bada Bagh (1685). Temple site.
(iv) Bandi Bagh-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(v) Bãrã-Khambã Masjid. Temple site.
(vi) Ek-Khambã Masjid. Temple site.
(vii) Binã-nîv-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(viii) Graveyard in Bandi Bagh. Amidst temple ruins.
(ix) Idgãh. Temple site.
(x) Fort (1594). Temple materials used.
3. Parasari, Masjid (1694-95). Temple site.
4. Renkla, Masjid. (1647-48). Temple site.
5. Shamsabad, Masjid (1641). Temple site.
6. Sironj
(i) Ãlamgîrî Masjid (1662-63). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid in Mahalla Rakabganj (1657-58). Temple site.
(iii) DargAh of Shykh Sãhib (d. 1657). Temple site.
7. Tal, Masjid (1644-45). Temple site.
8. Udaypur
(i) Masjid (1336). Temple materials used.
(ii) Masjid built by Aurangzeb. Temple materials used.
(iii) Motî Masjid (1488-89). Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1549). Temple site.
(v) Two Masjids of Shãh Jahãn. Temple sites.
(vi) Masjid of Jahãngîr. Temple site.
9. Vidisha
(i) Ãlamgîrî or VijaimaNDal Masjid (1682). Converted temple.
(ii) Masjid on Lohangi Hill (1457). Temple site.
(iii) Shãh Jahãni Masjid (1650-51). Temple site.
(iv) City Wall. Temple materials used,
XXIV. West Nimar District.
1. Asirgarh
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1584). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid built in the reign of Shãh Jahãn. Temple site.
(iii) Idgãh (1588-89). Temple site.
(iv) Fort. Temple materials used.
2. Bhikangaon, Idgãh (1643-44). Temple site.
3. Baidia, Masjid (1456-57). Temple site.
4. Burhanpur
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1588-89). Temple site.
(ii) Bîbî Sãhib-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Shãh Mas�ûd-kî-Masjid (1582-83). Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh and Masjid of Shãh Bahãu�d- Dîn Bãjan. Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Sûfi Nûr Shãh. Temple site.
MAHARASHTRA
I. Ahmadnagar District.
1. Amba Jogi, Fort. Temple materials used.
2. Bhingar, Mulla Masjid (1367-68). Temple site.
3. Gogha
(i) Idgãh (1395). Temple site.
(ii) Morakhwada Masjid (1630). Temple site.
4. Jambukhed, Jãmi� Masjid (1687-88). Temple site.
5. Madhi, Dargãh of Ramzãn Shãh Mahî Sawãr. Temple site.
II. Akola District.
1. Akot, Jãmi� Masjid (1667). Temple site.
2. Balapur, Masjid (1717-18). Temple site.
3. Basim, Kãkî Shãh-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
4. Jamod
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Pîr Paulãd Shãh. Temple site.
5. Karanj
(i) Astãn Masjid (1659). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1669-70). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid (1698-99). Temple site.
6. Manglurpir
(i) Qadîmî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Pîr Hayãt Qalandar (d. 1253). Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Sanam Sãhib. Temple site.
7. Narnala
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1509). Temple site.
(ii) Ãlamgîrî Masjid. Temple site.
8. Patur, Dargãh of Abdul Azîz alias Shykh Bãbû Chishtî (d. 1388). Temple site.
9. Uprai, Dargãh of Shãh Dãwal. Temple site.
III. Amravati District.
1. Amner, Masjid and Mazãr of Lãl Khãn (1691-92). Temple site.
2. Ellichpur
(i) Jãmi� Masjid reconstructed in 1697. Temple site.
(ii) Dãru�shifa Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Chowk-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) Idgãh. Temple site.
(v) Mazãr of Shãh Ghulãm Husain. Temple site.
(vi) Mazãr of Abdul Rahmãn Ghãzî known as Dûlhã Shãh. Temple site.
3. Ritpur, Aurangzeb�s Jãmi� Masjid (reconstructed in 1878). Temple site.
IV. Aurangabad District.
1. Antur Fort, Qalã-kî-Masjid (1615). Temple site.
2. Aurangabad
(i) Jãmi Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Lãl Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Maqbara of Aurangzeb. Temple site.
3. Daulatabad
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1315). Converted lain Temple.
(ii) Yak Minãr-kî-Masjid in the Fort. Temple site.
(iii) Masjid-i-Hauz at Kazipura (1458). Temple site.
(iv) Idgãh (1359). Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Pîr Kãdû Sãhib. Converted temple.
(vi) Fort. Temple materials used.
4. Gangapur, Masjid (1690-91). Temple site.
5. Kaghzipura, Dargãh of Shãh Nizãmu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
6. Khuldabad
(i) Dargãh of Hazrat Burhãnu�d-Dîn Gharîb Chishtî (d. 1339). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh on Pari-ka-Talao. Converted temple.
(iii) Mazãr of Halîm Kãkã Sãhib. Converted temple.
(iv) Mazãr of Jalãlu�l-Haqq. Temple site.
(v) Bãrãdarî in Bani Begum�s Garden. Temple site.
7. Paithan
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1630). Converted temple.
(ii) Maulãna Sãhib-kî-Masjid. Converted ReNukãdevî Temple.
(iii) Alamagîrî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(iv) Dargãh of Makhdûm Husain Ahmad (1507). Temple site.
8. Taltam Fort, Fort. Temple materials used.
9. Vaijapur
(i) Mazãrs in Nau Ghazi. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Syed Ruknu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
V. Bid District.
Bid
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Qãzî Sãhib-kî-Masjid (1624). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid in Mahalla Sadr (1704-05). Temple site.
(iv) Masjid and Dargãh of Shãhinshãh Walî. Temple site.
(v) Idgãh (1704). Temple site.
VI. Bombay District.
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr at Mahim. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Mainã Hajjãm. Converted Mãhãlakshmî Temple.
VII. Buldana District.
1. Fathkhelda, Masjid (1581). Temple site.
2. Malkapur, Masjid near Qazi�s house. Temple site.
VIII. Dhule District.
1. Bhamer
(i) Masjid (1481-82). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1529-30). Temple site.
2. Erandol, Jãmi� Masjid in Pandav-vada. Temple materials used.
3. Nandurbar
(i) Manyãr Masjid. Siddhe�varadeva Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Sayyid Alãu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
(iii) Several Masjids amidst ruins of Hindu temples.
4. Nasirabad, Several old Masjids. Temple sites.
5. Nizamabad, Masjid. Temple site.
IX. Jalgaon District.
1. Jalgaon. Masjid. Temple site.
2. Phaskhanda, Masjid. Temple site.
3. Shendurni, Masjid-i-Kabîr (1597). Temple site.
X. Kolhapur District.
1. Bhadole, Masjid (1551-52). Temple site.
2. Kagal, Dargãh of Ghaibî Pîr. Temple site.
3. Kapshi, Masjid-e-Husainî. Temple site.
4. Panhala
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Shykh Saidu�d-DIn. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of BaDã Imãm in the Fort. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Sãdobã Pîr. Parã�ara Temple site.
5. Shirol, Jãmi� Masjid (1696). Temple site.
6. Vishalgarh, Mazãr of Malik Rihãn Pîr. Temple site.
XI. Nagpur District.
Ramtek, Masjid built in Aurangzeb�s reign. Converted temple.
XII. Nanded District.
1. Bhaisa
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Three Dargãhs. Temple sites.
2. Deglur, Mazãr of Shãh Ziãu�d-Dîn Rifai. Temple site.
3. Kandhar
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1606). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid and Dargãh inside the Fort. Temple materials used.
(iii) Causeway of the Fort. Temple materials used.
4. Nanded, Idgãh in Khas Bagh. Temple site.
XIII. Nasik District.
1. Galna
(i) Dargãh of Pîr Pûlãd (1581). Temple site.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
2. Gondengaon, Jãmi� Masjid (1703). Temple site.
3. Malegaon, Dargãh of Khãkî Shãh. Temple site.
4. Nasik, Jãmi� Masjid in the Fort. Converted Mãhãlakshmî Temple.
5. Pimpri, Mazãr of Sayyid Sadrau�d-Dîn. Temple site.
6. Rajapur, Masjid (1559). Temple site.
XIV. Osmanabad District.
1. Ausa, Masjid (1680). Temple site.
2. Naldurg, Masjid (1560). Temple site.
3. Parenda
(i) Masjid inside the Fort. Built entirely of temple materials.
(ii) Namãzgãh near the Talav. Converted Mãnake�vara Temple.
XV. Parbhani District.
1. Khari, Mazãr of Ramzãn Shãh. Temple site.
2. Latur
(i) Dargãh of Mabsû Sãhib. Converted Minapurî Mãtã Temple.
(ii) Dargãh of Sayyid Qãdirî. Converted Some�vara Temple.
3. Malevir, KhaDu Jãmi� Masjid. Converted temple.
XVI. Pune District.
1. Chakan, Masjid (1682). Temple site.
2. Ghoda, Jãmi� Masjid. Built in 1586 from materials of 33 temples.
3. Junnar
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple Site.
(ii) Diwãn Ahmad-kî-Masjid (1578-79). Temple site.
(iii) GunDi-kî-Masjid (1581). Temple site.
(iv) MadAr Chillã-kî-Masjid. (1611-12). Temple site.
(v) Kamãni Masjid on Shivneri Hill (1625). Temple site.
(vi) Fort. Temple materials used.
4. Khed, Masjid and Mazãr of Dilãwar Khãn. Temple site.
5. Mancher, Masjid at the South-Western Gate. Temple site.
6. Sasvad, Masjid. Built entirely of Hemadapantî temple materials.
XVII. Ratnagiri District.
1. Chaul
(i) Mazãr of Pîr Sayyid Ahmad. Converted Sãmba Temple.
(ii) Maqbara near Hinglaj Spur. Temple site.
(iii) Graveyard. Temple site.
2. Dabhol, Patthar-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
3. Rajpuri, Aidrusia Khãnqãh. Temple site.
4. Yeshir, Jãmi� Masjid (1524). Temple site.
XVIII. Sangli District.
1. Mangalvedh, Fort. Temple materials used.
2. Miraj
(i) Masjid (1415-16). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1506). Temple site.
(iii) Kãlî Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) Namãzgãh (1586-97). Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of BaDã Imãm. Temple site.
XIX. Satara District.
1. Apti, Masjid (1611-12). Temple site.
2. Karad
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1575-76). Temple materials used.
(ii) Qadamagãh of Alî (1325). Temple site.
3. Khanpur, Jãmi� Masjid (1325). Temple materials used.
4. Rahimatpur,
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Maqbara known as that of Jahãngîr�s Mother (1649). Temple site.
XX. Sholapur District.
1. Begampur, Maqbara near Gadheshvar. Temple site.
2. Sholapur, Fort, Temple materials used.
XXI. Thane District.
1. Kalyan
(i) Dargãh of Hazrat Yãqûb, Temple site.
(ii) Makka Masjid (1586). Temple site.
2. Malanggadh, Mazãr of Bãbã MalaNg. Temple site.
XXII. Wardha District.
1. Ashti
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1521). Temple site.
(ii) Lodî Masjid (1671-72). Temple site.
2. Girad, Mazãr of Shykh Farîd. Converted temple.
3. Paunar, Qadîmî Masjid. Converted Rãmachandra. Temple.
ORISSA
I. Baleshwar District.
Jãmi� Masjid in Mahalla Sunhat (163-74). �rî ChanDî Temple site.
II. Cuttack District.
1. Alamgir Hill, Takht-i-Sulaimãn Masjid (1719). Temple materials used.
2. Cuttack
(i) Shãhî Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Masjids in Oriya Bazar. Temple sites.
(iii) Qadam Rasûl Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1668-69). Temple site.
(v) Masjid (1690-91). Temple site.
3. Jajpur
(i) DargAh of Sayyid Bukhãri. Materials of many temples used.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid built by Nawwãb Abu Nãsir. Temple materials used.
4. Kendrapara, Masjid. Temple site.
5. Salepur, Masjid. Temple site.
III. Ganjam District.
Lalapet, Masjid (1690). Temple site.
PUNJAB
I. Bhatinda District.
Mazãr of Bãbã Hãjî Rattan (1593). Converted temple.
II. Gurdaspur District.
Batala, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
III. Jalandhar District.
Sultanpur, Bãdshãhi Sarai. Built on the site of a Buddhist Vjhãra.
IV. Ludhiana District.
(i) Dargãh and Masjid of Alî Sarmast (1570). Temple site.
(ii) Qãzî-kî-Masjid (1517). Temple site.
V. Patiala District.
1. Bahadurgarh, Masjid in the Fort (1666). Temple site.
2. Bawal, Masjid (1560). Temple site.
3. Samana
(i) Sayyidoñ-kî-Masjid (1495). Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1614-15). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid near Imãmbãra (1637). Temple site.
(iv) Pîrzãda-kî-Masjid (1647). Temple site.
VI. Ropar District.
Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
VII. Sangrur District.
Sunam
(i) Qadîmî Masjid (1414). Temple site.
(ii) Ganj-i-Shahîdãn. Temple site.
RAJASTHAN
I. Ajmer District.
It was a Hindu capital converted into a Muslim metropolis. The following monuments stand on the site of
and/or are built with materials from temples.
1. ADhãî-Dîn-kA-Jhoñprã (1199).
2. Qalandar Masjid at Taragarh.
3. Ganj-i-Shahîdãn at Taragarh.
4. Dargãh of Muinu�d-Dîn Chistî (d. 1236).
5. Chilia-i-Chishtî near Annasagar Lake.
6. Dargãh and Mazãr of Sayijid Husain at Taragah.
7. Jahãngîrî Mahal at Pushkar.
8. Shãhjahãnî Masjid (1637).
9. Annasagar Bãrãdari.
II. Alwar District.
1. Alwar, Mazãr of Makhdûm Shãh. Temple site.
2. Bahror
(i) Dargãh of Qãdir Khãn. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid near the Dargãh. Temple site.
3. Tijara
(i) Bhartari Mazãr. Converted temple.
(ii) Masjid near the Dargãh. Temple site.
III. Bharatpur District.
1. Barambad, Masjid (1652-53). Temple site.
2. Bari
(i) Graveyard of Arabs and Pathans. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1510). Temple site.
3. Bayana
(i) Ûkha or Nohãra Masjid. Converted Ûshã Temple.
(ii) Qazîpãrã Masjid (1305). Temple materials used.
(iii) Faujdãrî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(iv) Syyidpãrã Masjid. Temple materials used.
(v) Muffonkî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(vi) Pillared Cloister at Jhãlar Bãolî. Temple materials used.
(vii) Idgãh near Jhãlar Bãolî. Temple site.
(viii) Taletî Masjid in the Bijayagarh Fort. Converted temple.
(ix) Abu Qandahãr Graveyard. Temple site.
(x) Masjid in Bhitari-Bahari Mahalla. VishNu Temple materials used.
4. Etmada, Pirastãn. Temple site.
5. Kaman
(i) Chaurãsî Khambã Masjid. Converted Kãmyakesvara Temple.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
IV. Chittaurgarh District.
1. Mazãr of Ghãibî Pîr and the surrounding Graveyard. Temple sites.
2. Qanãtî Masjid in the same area. Temple site.
V. Jaipur District.
1. Amber, Jãmi� Masjid (1569-70). Temple site.
2. Chatsu
(i) Chhatrî of Gurg Alî Shãh (d. 1571). Temple materials used.
(ii) Nilgaroñ-kî-Masjid (1381). Temple site.
3. Dausa, Jãmi� Masjid (1688-89). Temple site.
4. Naraina
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1444). Temple materials used.
(ii) Tripolia Darwaza. Temple materials used.
5. Sambhar
(i) Ganj-i-Shahîdãn. Temple site.
(ii) DargAh of Khwãja Hisãmu�d-Dîn Jigarsukhta. Temple site.
(iii) Masjid in Mahalla Nakhas (1695-96). Temple site.
(iv) Masjid in Rambagh (1696-97). Temple site.
4. Tordi, Khãri Bãolî. Temple materials used.
VI. Jaisalmer District.
1. Jaisalmer, Faqiron-kã-Takiyã. Temple site.
2. Pokaran, Masjid (1704-05). Temple site.
VII. Jalor District.
1. Jalor
(i) Shãhî or Topkhãnã Masjid (1323). Pãr�vanãtha Temple materials used.
(ii) Idgãh (1318). Temple site.
(iii) Bãoliwãli Masjid (1523). Temple site.
2. Sanchor, Jãmi� Masjid (1506). Temple site.
VIII. Jhalawar District.
Sunel, Masjid (1466-67). Temple site.
IX. Jhunjhunu District.
Narhad, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
X. Jodhpur District.
1. Jodhpur, Yak-Minãr-kî-Masjid (1649). Temple site.
2. Mandor
(i) Shãhî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Ghulãm Khãn-kî-Masjid. Temple materials used.
(iii) Dargãh of Tannã Pîr. Temple materials used.
3. Pipar City, Jãmi� Masjid (1658). Temple. site.
XI. Kota District.
1. Baran, Masjid (1680). Temple site.
2. Bundi, Mîrãn Masjid on the hill east of the town. Temple site.
3. Gagraun
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1694). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Hazrat Hamîdu�d-Dîn known as Mitthã Shah. Temple site.
4. Shahabad
(i) Sher Shãh Sûrî-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid. (1671-72). Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Rahîm Khãn Dãtã (1534-35). Temple site.
5. Shergarh, Fort of Sher Shãh Sûrî. Brãhmanical, Buddhist and Jain temple materials used.
XII. Nagaur District.
1. Amarpur, Masjid (1655). Temple site.
2. Bakalia, Masjid (1670). Temple site.
3. Balapir, Masjid. Temple site.
4. Badi Khatu
(i) Shãhî Masjid (around 1200). Temple materials used.
(ii) Qanãtî Masjid (1301). Temple site.
(iii) Pahãriyoñ-kî-Masjid and Chheh Shahîd Mazãrs. Temple materials used.
(iv) Jãliyãbãs-kî-Masjid (1320). Temple site.
(v) BaDî and ChhoTî Masjid in Mahalla Sayiddan. Temple site.
(vi) Khãnzãdoñ-kî-Masjid (1482). Temple site.
(vii) Masjid and Dargãh of Muhammad Qattãl Shahîd (1333). Temple materials used.
(viii) Dhobiyoñ-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ix) Masjid-i-Sangatrãshãn (1639). Temple site.
(x) Dargãh of Bãbã Ishãq Maghribî (1360). Temple site.
(xi) Dargãh of Samman Shãh. Temple sites.
(xii) Ganj-i-Shahîdãn. Temple site.
(Xiii) Mominoñ-kî-Masjid (1667). Temple site.
(xiv) Fort. Temple materials used.
4. Basni, BaDî Masjid (1696). Temple site.
5. Chhoti Khatu, Dargãh of Shãh Nizãm Bukhãrî (1670). Temple site.
6. Didwana
(i) Qãzioñ-kî-Masjid (1252). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid in Gudri Bazar (1357). Temple site.
(iii) Band (closed) Masjid (1384). Temple site.
(iv) Shaikoñ-kî-Masjid (1377). Temple site.
(v) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(vi) Qãlã-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(vii) Havãlã Masjid. Temple site.
(viii) Sayyidoñ-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ix) Takiyã-kî-Masjid (1582-83). Temple site.
(x) Kachahrî Masjid (1638). Temple site.
(xi) Dhobioñ-kî-Masjid (1662).
(xii) Julãhoñ-kî-Masjid (1664). Temple site.
(xiii) Lohãroñ-kî-Masjid (1665). Temple site.
(xiv) Bisãtiyoñ-kî-Masjid (1675-76). Temple site.
(xv) Mochioñ-kî-Masjid (1686). Temple site
(xvi) Shãh Chãngî Madãrî Masjid (1711). Temple site.
(xvii) Idgãh. Temple site.
(xviii) Graveyard near Delhi Darwaza. Temple site.
(xix) Dîn Darwaza (1681). Temple site.
(xx) Mazãr of Rashîdu�d-Dîn Shahîd. Temple site.
7. Kathoti, Masjid (1569-70). Temple site.
8. Kumhari
(i) Masjid and Dargãh of Bãlã Pîr (1496-97). Temple site.
(ii) Qalandarî Masjid. Temple site.
9. Ladnun
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1371). Temple materials used.
(ii) Hazirawãlî or Khaljî Masjid (1378-79). Temple site.
(iii) Shãhî Masjid. Temple materials used.
(iv) Dargãh of Umrão Shahîd Ghãzî (1371). Temple site.
(v) Graveyard near the above Dargãh. Temple site.
(vi) Mazãr-i-Murãd-i-Shahîd. Temple site.
10. Loharpura
(i) Dargãh of Pîr Zahîru�d-Dîn. Temple site.
(ii) ChhoTî Masjid (1602). Temple site.
11. Makrana
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. (Sher Shãh). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid near Pahar Kunwa (1653). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid in Gaur Bas (1678). Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1643). Temple site.
12. Merta
(i) Masjid in Salawtan (1625-26). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid in Gaditan (1656). Temple site.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid. (1665). Temple site.
(iv) Mochiyoñ-kî-Masjid (1663). Temple site.
(v) Ghosiyoñ-kî-Masjid (1665). Temple site.
(vi) Mominoñ-kî-Masjid (1666). Temple site.
(vii) Masjid in Mahãrãj-kî-Jãgîr (1666). Temple site
(viii) Chowk-kî-Masjid (1670). Temple site.
(ix) Hajjãmoñ-kî-Masjid (1686-87). Temple site.
(x) Miyãñjî-kî-Masjid (1690-91). Temple site.
(xi) Sabungaroñ-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(xii) Dargãh of Ghaus Pîr. Temple site.
(xiii) Takiyã Kamãl Shãh. Temple site.
13. Nagaur
(i) Mazãr of Pîr Zahîru�d-Dîn. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Bãbã Badr. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Sûfî Hamîdu�d-Dîn Nagauri Chishtî. Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh of Shykh Abdul Qãdîr Jilãnî. Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Makhdûm Husain Nãgaurî. Temple site.
(vi) Dargãh of Ahmad Alî Bãpjî. Temple site.
(vii) Dargãh of Sayyid Imãm Nûr (1527). Temple site.
(viii) Dargãh of Shãh Abdu�s-Salãm. Temple site.
(xi) Dargãh of Mîrãn Sãhib. Temple site.
(xii) Shams Khãn Masjid near Shamsi Talav. Temple materials used.
(xiii) Jãmî� Masjid (1553). Temple site.
(xiv) Ek Mînãr-kî-Masjid (1505-06). Temple site.
(xv) Dhobiyoñ-kî-Masjid (1552). Temple site.
(xvi) Chowk-kî-Masjid (1553). Temple site.
(xvii) Mahawatoñ-kî-Masjid (1567-68). Tempe site.
(xviii) Hamaloñ-kî-Masjid (1599-1600). Temple site.
(xix) Shãh Jahãnî Masjid at Surajpole. Converted temple.
(xx) Masjid outside the Fort (1664). Temple site.
(xxi) Kharãdiyoñ-kî-Masjid(1665). Temple site
(xxii) Ghosiyoñ-kî-Masjid (1677). Temple site.
(xxiii) Masjid near Maya Bazar (1677). Temple site.
(xxiv) Qalandroñ-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(xxv) Kanehri Julãhoñ-kî-Masjid (1669). Temple site.
(xxvi) Sayyidoñ-kî-Masjid (1433-34). Temple site.
(xxvii) AkhãDewãlî Masjid (1475). Temple site.
14. Parbatsar, Mazãr of Badru�d-Dîn Shãh Madãr. Temple site.
15. Ren, Masjid (1685). Temple site.
16. Rohal, Qãzioyñ-kî-Masjid (1684). Temple site.
17. Sojat, Masjid (1680-81). Temple site.
XIII. Sawai Madhopur District.
1. Garh, Qalã-kî-Masjid (1546-47). Temple site.
2. Hinduan
(i) Rangrezoñ-kî-Masjid (1439). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid in the Takiyã of Khwãja Alî. Temple site.
(iii) Kachahrî Masjid (1659-60). Temple site.
(iv) Bãrã Khambã Masjid (1665). Temple site.
(v) Graveyard east of the Talav. Temple site.
(vi) Masjid and Mazãr of Rasûl Shãh. Temple site.
3. Ranthambor, Qalã-kî-Masjid. Temple materials used.
XIV. Sikar District.
Revasa, Masjid. Temple materials used.
XV. Tonk District.
Nagar, Ishãkhãn Bãolî. Temple materials used.
XVI. Udaipur District.
Mandalgarh, Alãi Masjid. Converted Jain Temple.
TAMIL NADU
I. Chingleput District.
1. Acharwak, Mazãr of Shãh Ahmad. Temple site.
2. Kanchipuram
(i) Large Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Eight other Masjids. Temple sites.
(iii) Gumbad of Babã Hamîd Walî. Temple site.
3. Karkatpala, Mazãr of Murãd Shãh Mastãn. Temple site.
4. Kovalam, Dargãh of Malik bin Dinãr (1593-94). Temple site.
5. Munropet
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Shãh Alî Mastãn. Temple site.
6. Pallavaram
(i) Hill of Panchapandyamalai renamed Maula Pahad and central hall of an ancient Cave Temple turned
into a Masjid for worshipping a panjã (palm).
(ii) Mazãr of Shykh Husain Qãdirî alias Bûdû ShahId. Temple site.
(iii) Poonmalle, Mîr Jumla�s Masjid (1653). Temple materials used.
7. Rajkoilpetta, Mazãr of Hãji Umar. Temple site.
8. Rampur, Takiyã of the Tabqãtî order of Faqirs. Temple site.
9. Rayapeta, Walãjãhî Masjid. Temple site.
10. Walajahbad, Masjid. Temple site.
II. Coimbatore District.
1. Annamalai, Fort. Repaired by Tîpû Sultãn with temple materials.
2. Coimbatore, Large Masjid of Tîpû Sultãn. Temple site.
3. Sivasamudram, DargAh of Pîr Walî. Temple site.
III. Madras District.
Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
IV. Madura District.
1. Bonduvarapetta, Masjid. Temple materials used.
2. Devipatnam, Large Masjid. Temple site.
3. Goripalaiyam, Dargãh of Khwãja Alãu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
4. Madura, Dargãh of Khwãza Alãu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
5. Nimarpalli
(i) Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Makhdûm Jalãlu�d-Dîn. Temple materials used.
6. Puliygulam, Masjid. Temple site.
7. Soravandam, Masjid. Temple site.
8. Tiruparankunram, Sikandar Masjid on top of the Hill. Stands admist ruins of Brahmanical, Buddhist and
Jain temples.
V. North Arcot District.
1. Arcot, A city of temples before its occupation by Muslims.
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Tomb of Sadatu�llah Khãn. Atreya Temple materials used.
(iii) Masjid and Mazãr of Tîpû Awliyã. Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh of Sayyid Husain Shãh. Temple site.
(v) Qalã-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(vi) Masjid of Shãh Husain Chishtî. Temple site.
(vii) Masjid and Gumbad of Pãpã ShahId. Temple site.
(viii) Gumbad of Shãh Sãdiq with a graveyard. Temple site.
(ix) Masjid and Mazãr of Shãh Azmatu�llãh Qãdirî. Temple site.
(x) Masjid of Shykh Natthar. Temple site.
(xi) Masjid of Murãd Shãh. Temple site.
(xii) Masjid of Mîr Asadu�llãh Khãn. Temple site.
(xiii) Masjid of Maulawî Jamãl Alî. Temple site.
(xiv) Masjid and Gumbad of Sayyid Ahmad alias Yãr Pîr. Temple site.
(xv) Masjid of Chandã Sãhib. Temple site.
(xvi) Masjid of Miskîn Shãh with Gumbad of Amîn Pîr. Temple site.
(xvii) Masjid and Mazãr of Hazrat Usmãn Khãn Sarwar. Temple site.
(xviii) Masjid in the Maqbara of Mughlãnî. Temple site.
(xix) Masjid of GhulAm Rasûl Khãn. Temple site.
(xx) Masjid of Shãh Ghulam Husain Dargãhi. Temple site.
(xxi) Masjid of Hãfiz Abdul Azîz. Temple site.
(xxii) Masjid of Hãfiz Karîmu�llãh. Temple site.
(xxiii) Masjid and Gumbad in Tajpura. Temple site. Outside the city
(xxiv) Takiyã of Qãtil Pãndû Sarguroh. Temple site.
(xxv) Masjid and Gumbad of Ahmad Tãhir Khãn. Temple site.
(xxvi) Masjid, Khãnqãh, Graveyard and Gumbad in Hasanpura. Temple site.
(xxvii) Gumbad of Hazrat Antar Jãmi with the Idgãh. Temple site.
(xxviii) Takiyã, of Sãbit Alî Shãh. Temple site.
(xxix) Masjid and Mazãr of Sayyid KarIm Muhammad. Qãdirî. Temple site.
(xxx) Masjid of Sã�datmand Khãn. Temple site.
(xxxi) Masjid of Abu�l-Hasan Zãkir. Temple site.
(xxxii) Masjid of Da�ûd Beg. Temple site.
(xxxiii) Masjid and Gumbad of Hazrat Shãh Nãsir. Temple site.
(xxxiv) Masjid of Punjî. Temple site.
(xxxv) Mazãr of Yadu�llãh Shãh. Temple site.
(xxxvi) Rangîn Masjid. Temple site.
(xxxvii) House of Relic which has a footprint of the Holy Prophet. Converted temple.
2. Arni
(i) Two Masjids. Temple sites.
(ii) Dargãh of Seven Shahîds. Temple site.
3. Kare, Naulakh Gumbad. Converted Gautama and Vi�vamitra. Temple
4. Kaveripak
(i) Idgãh. Temple site.
(ii) Takiyã. Temple site.
(iii) Three Masjids. Temple sites.
5. Nusratgarh, Many Masjids and Mazãrs in the ruined Fort. Temple sites.
6. Pirmalipak, Mazãr of Wãjid Shãh Champãr Posh. Temple site.
7. Ramna
(i) Masjid of Kamtu Shãh. Temple site.
(ii) Takiyã of Shãh Sãdiq Tabqãti. Temple site.
8. Vellore
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) ChhoTî Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Nûr Muhammad Qãdirî who �laid waste� many temples. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Shãh Abu�l-Hasan Qãdirî.
(v) Mazãr of Abdul Latîf Zauqî. Temple site.
(vi) Mazãr of Alî Husainî Chishtî. Temple site.
(vii) Mazãr of Hazrat Alî Sultãn. Temple site.
(viii) Mazãr of Amîn Pîr. Temple site.
(ix) Mazãr of Shah Lutfu�llah Qãdirî. Temple site.
(x) Mazãr of Sãhib Pãdshãh Qãdirî. Temple site.
9. Walajahnagar, Masjid and Mazãr of Pîr Sãhib on the Hill. Temple site.
10. Wali-Muhammad-Petta, Masjid. Temple site.
VI. Ramanathapuram District.
1. Eruvadi
(i) Dargãh of Hazrat Ibrãhîm Shahîd. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Hazrat Fakhru�d-Dîn Shahîd alias Kãtbãbã Sãhib. Temple site.
2. Kilakari
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Muhammad Qãsim Appã. Temple site.
(iii) Apparpallî Masjid. Temple site.
3. Periyapattanam, Dargãh of Sayyid Sultãn Walî. Temple site.
4. Valinokkam
(i) Pallîvãsal Masjid (1417-18). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Katupalli (1425). Temple site.
5. Ramanathapuram, Old Masjid. Temple site.
VII. Salem District.
Sankaridurg, Masjid on the ascent to the Fort. Temple site.
VIII. South Arcot District.
1. Anandapur, Masjid. Temple site.
2. Chidambaram
(i) Lãlkhãn Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Nawal Khãn Masjid. Temple materials used.
(iii) Idgãh. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Amînu�d-Dîn Chishtî. Temple site.
(v) Mazãr of Sayyid Husain. Temple site.
3. Gingee
(i) Masjid (1718). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1732). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid in the Fort. Temple site.
4. Kawripet, Mazãr of Qalandar Shãh. Temple site.
5. Manjakupham, Mazãr of Shãh Abdu�r-Rahîm. Temple site.
6. Mansurpeta, Itibãr Khãn-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
7. Nallikuppam
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Shykh Mîrãn Sãhib. Temple site.
8. Pannuti
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Gumbad of Nûr Muhammad Qãdirî. Temple site.
9. Swamiwaram, Masjid. Temple site.
10. Tarakambari
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Shykh Ismãil Sãhib. Temple site.
11. Tirumalarayanapatnam, Mazãr of Abdul Qãdir Yamînî. Temple site.
12. Warachkuri, Mazãr of Shãh Jalãl Husainî. Temple site.
IX. Thanjavur District.
1. Ammapettah
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Muînu�d-Dîn Husain Qãdirî. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Shah Jãfar. Temple site.
2. Ilyur
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Inãyatu�llãh Dirwesh. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Muhammad Mastãn. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Mîrãn Husain. Temple site.
3. Karambari
(i) Mazãr of Arab Sãhib. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Mubtalã Shãh. Temple site.
4. Kurikyalpalayam
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Makhdûm Hãjî. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Makhdûm Jahãn Shãh. Temple site.
5. Kurkuti, Gumbad of Hasan Qãdirî alias Ghyb Sãhib. Temple site.
6. Kushalpalayam
(i) Mazãr of Hazrat Tãj Firãq Badanshãhî. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Hidãyat Shãh Arzãnî. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Yãr Shãh Husainshãhî. Temple site.
7. Nagur
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Qãdir Walî Shãh. Temple site.
8. Urancheri, Mazãr of Pîr Qutbu�d-Dîn. Temple site.
9. Vijayapuram, GumbaD of Sultãn Makhdûm. Temple site.
10. Wadayarkari, MazAr of Bãwã SAhib Shãhid. Temple site.
X. Tiruchirapalli District.
1. Puttur, Mazãr. Temple materials used.
2. Tiruchirapalli
(i) Dargãh of NãtThãr Shãh Walî. Converted �iva Temple. Lingam used as lamp-post.
(ii) Masjid-i-Muhammadî. Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Bãbã Muhiu�d-Dîn Sarmast. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Hazrat Fathu�llãh Nûrî. Temple site.
(v) Mazãr of Shams Parãn. Temple site.
(vi) Mazãr of Sayyid Abdul Wahhãb. Temple site.
(vii) Mazãr of Shãh Fazlu�llah Qãdirî. Temple site.
(viii) Mazãr of Shãh Nasîru�d-Dîn. Temple site.
(ix) Mazãr of Farîdu�d-Dîn Shahîd. Temple site.
(x) Mazãr of Hazrat Chãnd Mastãn. Temple site.
(xi) Mazãr of Sayyid Zainu�l-Ãbidîn at Tinur. Temple site.
(xii) Mazãr of Sayyid Karîmu�d-Dîn Qãdirî. Temple site.
(xiii) Mazãr of Alîmu�llãh Shãh Qãdirî called Barhana Shamsîr (Nãked Sword). Temple site.
(xiv) Mazãr of Shãh Imamu�d-Dîn Qãdirî. Temple site.
(xv) Mazãr of Kãkî- Shãh. Temple site.
(xvi) Mazãr of Khwãja Aminu�d-Dîn Chistî. Temple site.
(xvii) Mazãr of Khwãja Ahmad Shãh Husain Chishtî. Temple site.
(xviii) Mazãr of Shãh Bhekã. Converted temple.
(xix) Mazãr of Shãh Jamãlu�d-Dîn Husain Chishtî. Temple site.
(xx) Mazãr of Qãyim Shãh who destroyed twelve temples. Temple site.
(xxi) Mazãr of Munsif Shãh Suhrawardîyya. Temple site.
(xxii) Mazãr of Itiffãq Shãh. Temple site.
(xxiii) Mazãr of Sayyid Jalãl Qãdirî. Temple site.
(xxiv) Mazãr of Mahtab Shah Shirãzî Suhrawardîyya. Temple site.
(xxv) Masjid of Hãjî Ibrãhîm where NãTThãr Shãh Walî (see i above) stayed on his arrival. Temple site.
3. Valikondapuram
(i) Masjid opposite the Fort. Converted temple.
(ii) Mazãr near the Masjid. Converted temple.
(iii) Sher Khãn-kî-Masjid (1690). Temple site.
(iv) Old Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
XI. Tirunelvelli District.
1. Ambasamudram, Mazãr of Hazrat Rahmtu�llãh near the ruined Fort. Temple site.
2. Kayalpattanam
(i) Periyapallî Masjid (1336-37).
(ii) Sirupallî Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Nainãr Muhammad. Temple site.
(iv) Marukudiyarapallî Masjid. Temple site.
3. Tirunelvelli, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
UTTAR PRADESH
I. Agra District.
1. Agra
(i) Kalãn Masjid in Saban Katra (1521). Temple materials used.
(ii) Humãyûn-kî-Masjid at Kachhpura (1537-38). Temple site.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid of Jahãnãrã (1644). Temple site.
(iv) Dargãh of Kamãl Khãn Shahîd in Dehra Bagh. Temple material uses.
(v) Riverside part of the Fort of Akbar. Jain Temple sites.
(vi) Chînî kã Rauzã. Temple site.
2. Bisauli, Masjid (1667-68). Temple site.
3. Fatehpur Sikri
(i) Anbiyã Wãlî Masjid and several others in Nagar. Converted temples.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
(iii) Dargãh of Shykh Salîm Chishtî. Temple site.
(iv) Fatehpur Sikri Complex. Several temple sites.
4. Firozabad, Qadîm Masjid. Temple site.
5. Jajau, Masjid. Temple site.
6. Rasulpur, Mazãr of Makhdûm Shah. Temple site.
7. Sikandra
(i) Maqbara of Akbar. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid in the Mission Compound. Temple site.
II. Aligarh District
1. Aligarh
(i) Idgãh (1562-63). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Shykh Jalãlu�d-Dîn Chishtî Shamsul-Arifîn. Temple site.
(iii) Graveyard with several Mazãrs. Temple site.
(iv) Shershãhî Masjid (1542). Temple site.
(v) Masjid (1676). Temple site.
2. Pilkhana, Bãbarî or Jãmi� Masjid (1528-29). Temple: materials used.
3. Sikandara Rao, Jãmi� Masjid (1585). Temple site.
III. Allahabad District.
1. Allahabad
(i) Fort of Akbar. Temple sites.
(ii) Khusru Bagh. Temple sites.
(iii) Dargãh of Shãh Ajmal Khãn with a Graveyard. Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1641-22). Temple site.
(v) Gulabbari Graveyard. Temple site.
2. Koh Inam, Jãmi� Masjid (1384). Temple site.
3. Mauima, Qadîm Masjid. Temple site.
4. Shahbazpur, Masjid (1644-45). Temple site.
IV. Azamgarh District.
1. Dohrighat, Kalãn Masjid. Temple site.
2. Ganjahar, Masjid (1687-88). Temple site.
3. Mehnagar, Tomb of Daulat or Abhimãn. Temple site.
4. Nizambad
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Miãn Maqbûl and Husain Khãn Shahîd (1562). Temple sites.
5. Qasba, Humãyûn�s Jãmi� Masjid (1533-34). Temple site.
V. Badaun District.
1. Alapur, Ãlamgîrî Masjid. Temple materials used.
2. Badaun
(i) Shamsî or Jãmi� Masjid (1233). Temple materials used.
(ii) Shamsî Idgãh (1209). Temple materials used.
(iii) Hauz-i-Shamsî (1203). Temple materials used.
(iv) Dargãh of Shãh Wilãyat (1390). Temple site.
(v) Several other Masjids and Mazãrs. Temple sites.
3. Sahiswan, Jãmi� Masjid (1300). Temple site.
4. Ujhani, Abdullãh Khãn-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
VI. Bahraich District.
DargAh of Sãlãr Mas�ûd Ghãzî. Sûryadeva Temple site.
VII. Ballia District.
Kharid
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Ruknu�d-Dîn Shãh. Temple site.
VIII. Banda District.
1. Augasi, Masjid (1581-82). Temple site.
2. Badausa, Masjid (1692). Temple site.
3. Kalinjar
(i) Masjid in Patthar Mahalla (1412-13). Converted Lakshmî-NãrãyaNa Temple.
(ii) Masjid (1660-61). Temple site.
(iii) Several other Masjids and Mazãrs. Temple sites.
4. Soron, Dargãh of Shykh Jamãl. Temple site.
IX. Bara Banki District.
1. Bhado Sarai, Mazãr of Malãmat Shãh. Temple site.
2. Dewa
(i) Dargãh of Hãjî Wãris Alî Shãh. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1665). Temple site.
3. Fatehpur
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Imambãrã. Temple site.
4. Radauli
(i) Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Shãh Ahmad and Zuhrã Bîbî. Temple site.
5. Rauza Gaon, Rauza of Da�ûd Shãh. Temple site.
6. Sarai-Akbarabad, Masjid (1579-80). Temple site.
7. Satrikh, Dargãh of Sãlãr Sãhû Ghãzî. Temple site.
X. Bareilly District.
1. Aonla
(i) Begum-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Maqbara of Alî Muhammad Rohilla. Temple site.
2. Bareilly, Mirzai Masjid (1579-80). Temple site.
3. Faridpur, Fort built by Shykh Farîd. Temple materials used.
XI. Bijnor District.
1. Barmih-ka-Khera, Masjid. Temple materials used.
2. Jahanabad, Maqbara of Nawãb Shuja�at Khãn. Temple site.
3. Kiratpur, Fort with a Masjid inside. Temple materials used.
4. Mandawar, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
5. Najibabad, Patthargarh Fort. Temple materials used.
6. Nihtaur, Masjid. Temple site.
7. Seohara, Masjid. Temple site.
XII. Bulandshahar District.
1. Aurangabad Sayyid, All Masjids stand on temple sites.
2. Bulandshahar
(i) Dargãh. Temple site.
(ii) Fort. Materials of many temples used.
(iii) Idgãh. Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1311). Temple site.
(v) Masjid (1538). Temple site.
(vi) Masjid (1557). Temple site.
3. Khurja, Mazãr of Makhdûm Sãhib. Temple site.
4. Shikarpur, Several Masjids built in Sikandar Lodî�s reign. Temple sites.
5. Sikandarabad, Several Masjids built in Sikandar Lodî� a reign. Temple sites.
XIII. Etah District.
1. Atranjikhera, Mazãr of Hazrat Husain (or Hasan). Temple site.
2. Jalesar
(i) Mazãr of Mîrãn Sayyid Ibrãhîm (1555). Temple site.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
3. Kasganj, Jãmi� Masjid (1737-38). Temple site.
4. Marahra, Masjid and Mazãr. Temple site.
5. Sakit
(i) Qadîm Masjid (1285). Temple materials used.
(ii) Akbarî Masjid (1563). Temple site.
XIV. Etawah District.
1. Auraiya, Two Masjids. Temple sites.
2. Etawah, Jãmi� Masjid. Converted temple.
3. Phaphund, Masjid and Mazãr of Shãh Bukhãrî (d. 1549). Temple site.
XV. Farrukhabad District.
1. Farrukhabad, Several Masjids. Temple materials used.
2. Kannauj
(i) Dînã or Jãmi� Masjid (1406). Sîtã-kî-Rasoî. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Makhdûm Jahãniãn. Temple materials used.
(iii) Dargãh of Bãbã Hãji Pîr. Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1663-64). Temple site.
(v) Dargãh of Bãlã Pîr. Temple site.
3. Rajgirhar, Mazãr of Shykh Akhî Jamshed. Temple site.
4. Shamsabad, All Masjids and Mazãrs. Temple sites.
XVI. Fatehpur District.
1. Haswa, Idgãh (1650-51). Temple site.
2. Hathgaon
(i) Jayachandi Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Burhãn Shahîd. Temple site.
3. Kora (Jahanabad)
(i) Daraãh of Khwãja Karrak. Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1688-89). Temple site.
4. Kot, Lãdin-ki-Masjid (built in 1198-99, reconstructed in 1296). Temple site.
XVII. Fyzabad District.
1. Akbarpur
(i) Qalã-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1660-61). Temple site.
2. Ayodhya
(i) Bãbarî Masjid. RAma-Janmabhûmi Temple site.
(ii) Masjid built by Aurangzeb. Swargadvãra Temple site.
(iii) Masjid built by Aurangzeb. Tretã-kã-Thãkur Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Shãh Jurãn Ghurî. Temple site.
(v) Mazãrs of Sîr Paighambar and Ayûb Paighambar near Maniparvat. On the site of a Buddhist Temple
which contained footmarks of the Buddha.
3. Fyzabad, Imãmbãrã. Temple site.
4. Hatila, Mazãr of a Ghãzî. A�okanãtha Mahãdeva. Temple site.
5. Kichauchha, Dargãh of Makhdûm Ashraf in nearby Rasulpur. Temple site.
XVIII. Ghazipur District.
1. Bhitri
(i) Masjid and Mazãr. Temple materials used.
(ii) Idgãh. Temple site.
(iii) Bridge below the Idgãh. Buddhist Temple materials used.
2. Ghazipur
(i) Mazãr and Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Chahal Sitûn Palace. Temple site.
3. Hingtar
(i) Qala-kî-Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
4. Khagrol, Bãrã Khambã or Dargãh of Shykh Ambar. Temple site.
5. Saidpur, Two Dargãhs. Converted Buddhist Temples.
XIX. Gonda District.
Sahet-Mahet (�rãvastî)
(i) Maqbara. On the plinth of Sobhnãth Jain Temple.
(ii) Mazãr of Mîrãn Sayyid. On the ruins a Buddhist Vihãra.
(iii) Imlî Darwãzã. Temple materials used.
(iv) Karbalã Darwãzã. Temple materials used.
XX. Gorakhpur District.
1. Gorakhpur, Imãmbãrã. Temple site.
2. Lar, Several Masjids. Temple sites.
3. Pava, Karbalã. On the ruins of a Buddhist Stûpa.
XXI. Hamirpur District
1. Mahoba
(i) Masjid outside Bhainsa Darwaza of the Fort (1322). Converted temple.
(ii) Masjid built on a part of the Palace of Parmardideva on the Hill. Temple materials used.
(iii) Two Maqbaras. Temple materials used.
(iv) Dargãh of Pîr Muhammad Shãh. Converted Siva temple.
(v) Dargãh of MubArak Shãh and Graveyard nearby. Contain no less than 310 pillar from demolished
temples.
2. Rath, Two Maqbaras. Temple materials used.
XXII. Hardoi District.
1. Bilgram
(i) Sayyidoñ-kî-Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid (1438). Temple materials used.
(iii) Several other Masjids and Dargãhs. Temple materials used.
2. Gopamau, Several Masjids. Temple sites.
3. Pihani
(i) Abdul Gafûr-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Sadr-i-Jahãn (1647-48). Temple site.
4. Sandila
(i) Qadîm Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr in Bãrah Khambã. Temple site.
XXIII. Jalaun District.
1. Kalpi
(i) Chaurãsî Gumbad complex of tombs. Many temple sites.
(ii) Dargãh of Shãh Abdul Fath Alãi Quraishi (1449). Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Shãh Bãbû Hãjî Samad (1529). Temple site.
(iv) DeoDhi or Jãmi� Masjid (1554). Temple site.
2. Katra, Masjid (1649). Temple site.
XXIV. Jaunpur District.
1. Jaunpur
(i) Atãlã Masjid (1408). Atala DevI Temple materials used.
(ii) Daribã Masjid. Vijayachandra�s Temple materials used.
(iii) Jhãñjarî Masjid. Jayachandra�s Temple materials used.
(iv) Lãl Darwãzã Masjid. Temple materials from the Vi�ve�vara Temple at Varanasi used.
(v) HammAm Darwãzã Masjid (1567-68). Temple materials used.
(vi) Ibrãhîm Bãrbak-kî-Masjid inside the Fort (1360). Temple materials used.
(vii) Jãmi� Masjid. Pãtãla Devî Temple site.
(viii) Fort. Temple materials used.
(ix) Akbarî Bridge on the Gomatî. Temple materials used.
(x) Khãlis Mukhlis or Chãr Angulî Masjid. Temple site.
(xi) Khãn Jahãn-kî-Masjid (1364). Temple site.
(xii) Rauzã of Shãh Fîruz. Temple site.
2. Machhlishahar
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Karbalã. Temple site.
(iii) Sixteen other Masjids. Temple sites.
3. Shahganj, Dargãh of Shãh Hazrat Alî. Temple site.
4. Zafarabad
(i) Masjid and Dargãh of Makhdûm Shah (1311 or 1321). Temple materials used.
(ii) Ibrãhîm Barbak-kî-Masjid. Converted temple.
(iii) Zafar Khãn-kî-Masjid (1397). Converted temple.
(iv) Ganj-i-Shahîdãn. Temple materials used.
(v) Fort. Temple materials used.
(vi) Early Sharqî buildings including many Maqbaras. Temple materials used.
(vii) Dargãh of Asaru�d-Dîn. Temple materials used.
XXV. Jhansi District.
1. Irich, Jãmi� Masjid (1412). Temple materials used.
2. Lalitpur, Bãsã Masjid (1358). Materials of four temples used.
3. Talbhat
(i) Masjid (1405). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Pîr Tãj Bãj. Temple site.
XXVI. Kanpur District.
1. Jajmau
(i) Dargãh of Alãu�d-Dîn Makhdûm Shãh (1360). Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh (1307). Temple site.
(iii) Qalã-kî-Masjid. Temple site.
(iv) Jãmi� Masjid (renovated in 1682). Temple site.
2. Makanpur, Mazãr of Shãh Madãr. Converted temple.
XXVII. Lucknow District.
1. Kakori, Jhãñjharî Rauza of Makhdûm Nizãmu�d-Dîn. Temple materials used.
2. Lucknow
(i) Tîlewãlî. Masjid Temple site.
(ii) Ãsafu�d-Daula Imambara. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Shãh Muhammad Pîr on Lakshmana Tila renamed Pir Muhammad Hill. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Shykh Ibrãhîm Chishtî Rahmatullãh. Temple materials used.
(v) Nadan Mahal or Maqbara of Shykh Abdu�r-Rahîm. Temple site.
(vi) Machchi Bhavan. Temple sites.
3. Musanagar, Masjid (1662-63). Temple site.
4. Nimsar, Fort. Temple materials used.
5. Rasulpur, Masjid (1690-91). Temple site.
XXVIII. Mainpuri District.
Rapri
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Idgãh (1312). Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Pîr Faddû. Temple site.
XXIX. Mathura District.
1. Mahaban, Assî Khambã Masjid. Converted temple.
2. Mathura
(i) Idgãh on the Katrã Mound. Ke�vadeva. Temple site.
(ii) Jãmi� Masjid built by Abdu�n-nabi (1662). Temple materials used.
(iii) Mazãr of Shykh Farîd. Temple materials used.
(iv) Mazãr of Makhdûm Shãh Wilãyat at Sami Ghat. Temple materials used.
3. Naujhil, Dargãh of Makhdûm Shykh Saheti Sãhib. Temple materials used.
XXX. Mecrut District.
1. Barnawa, Humãyun�s Masjid (1538-39). Temple site.
2. Garhmuktesar, Masjid (1283). Temple site.
3. Hapur, Jãmi� Masjid (1670-71). Temple site.
4. Jalali, Jãmi� Masjid (1266-67). Temple materials used.
5. Meerut
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Stands on the ruins of a Buddhist Vihãra.
(ii) Dargãh at Nauchandi. Nauchandî Devî Temple site.
6. Phalauda, Dargãh of Qutb Shãh. Temple site.
XXXI. Mirzapur District.
1. Bhuli, Masjid in Dakhni Tola. Temple site.
2. Chunar
(i) Mazãr of Shãh Qãsim Sulaimãn. Temple site.
(ii) Fort. Temple materials used.
3. Mirzapur, Several Masjids. Temple sites.
XXXII. Moradabad District.
1. Amroha
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Converted temple.
(ii) Dargãh and Masjid of Shykh Saddû. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Shykh Wilãyat. Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1557-58). Temple site.
(v) Many other Masjids. Temple sites.
2. Azampur, Masjid (1555-56). Temple site.
3. Bachhraon, Several Masjids. Temple sites.
4. Moradabad, Jãmi� Masjid (1630). Temple site.
5. Mughalpura-Agwanpur, Masjid (1695-96). Temple site.
6. Sirsi, Qadîmî Masjid. Temple site.
7. Ujhari, Mazãr of Shykh Da�ûd. Temple site.
8. Sambhal
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Converted VishNu Temple.
(ii) Masjid in Sarai Tarim (1503). Temple site.
(iii) Mazãr of Miãn Hãtim Sambhali. Temple site.
(iv) Mazãr of Shykh Panjû. Temple site.
XXXIII. Muzaffarnagar District.
1. Daira Din Panah, Mazãr of Sayyid Dîn Panãh. Temple site.
2. Ghausgah, Fort and Masjid. Temple materials used.
3. Jhinjhana
(i) Dargãh (1495). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid and Mazãr of Shãh Abdul Razzãq (1623). Temple site.
4. Kairana
(i) Dargãh. Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1551). Temple site.
(iii) Masjid (1553-54). Temple site.
(iv) Masjid (1617-18). Temple site.
(v) Masjid (1630-31). Temple site.
(vi) Masjid (1651-52). Temple site.
5. Majhera, Masjid and Mazãr of Umar Nûr. Temple site.
6. Sambhalhera, Two Masjids (1631-32). Temple site.
7. Thana Bhawan, Masjid (1702-03). Temple site.
XXXIV. Pilibhit District.
Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
XXXV. Pratapgarh District.
Manikpur, Many Masjids and Mazãrs. On the ruins of demolished temples.
XXXVI. Rampur District.
Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
XXXVII. Rae Bareli District.
1. Datmau
(i) Idgãh (1357-58). Temple site.
(ii) Fort. On the ruins of Buddhist Stûpas.
(iii) Masjid (1616). Temple site.
2. Jais
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple materials used.
(ii) Masjid (1674-75). Temple site.
3. Rae Bareli
(i) Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
(ii) Jahãn Khãn Masjid. Temple site.
(iii) Dargãh of Makhdûm Sayyid Jãfari. Temple site.
(iv) Fort. Temple materials used.
XXXVIII. Saharanpur District.
1. Ambahata
(i) Masjid (1533-34). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1534-35). Temple site.
2. Deoband
(i) Masjid (1510). Temple site.
(ii) Masjid (1557). Temple site.
(iii) Jãmi� Masjid (1677-78). Temple site.
3. Gangoh
(i) Mazãr of Shykh Abdul Quddûs. Temple site.
(ii) Three Masjids. Temple sites.
4. Jaurasi, Masjid (1675-76). Temple site.
5. Kaliyar, Dargãh of Shykh Alãu�d-Dîn Alî bin Ahmad Sãbrî, a disciple of Bãbã Farîd Shakar Ganj of
Pak Pattan. Temple site.
6. Manglaur
(i) Masjid (1285). Temple site.
(ii) Dargãh of Shãh Wilãyat. Temple site.
7. Rampur, Mazãr of Shykh Ibrãhîm. Temple site.
8. Saharanpur, Jãmi� Masjid. Temple site.
9. Sakrauda, Dargãh of Shãh Ruknu�d-Dîn or Shãh Nachchan. Temple site.
10. Sirsawa, Mazãr of Pîr Kilkilî Shãh. On top of temples destroyed.
XXXIX. Shahjahanpur District.
1. Kursi, Masjid (1652). Temple site.
2. Shahjahanpur, Bahadur Khãn-kî-Masjid (1647). Temple site.
XL. Sitapur District.
1. Biswan, Masjid (1637-38). Temple site.
2. Khairabad, Several Masjids. Temple sites.
3. Laharpur, Mazãr of Shykh Abdu�r-Rahmãn. Temple site.
XLI. Sultanpur District.
1. Amethi, Mazãr of Shykh Abdul Hasan. Temple site.
2. Isuli
(i) Jãmi� Masjid (1646-47). Temple site.
(ii) Mazãr of Sayyid Ashraf Jahãngîr Simnãnî. Temple site.
XLII. Unao District.
1. Bangarmau
(i) BaDi Dargãh of Alãu�d-Dîn Ghanaun (1320). Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Jalãlu�d-DIn (d. 1302). Temple site.
(iii) ChhoTî Dargãh (1374). Temple site.
(iv) Jãmi� Masjid (1384). Temple site.
2. Rasulabad, Alamgîrî Masjid. Temple site.
3. Safipur
(i) Dargãh of Shãh Shafî. Temple materials used.
(ii) Dargãh of Qudratu�llãh. Temple materials used.
(iii) Dargãh of Fahîmu�llãh. Temple materials used.
(iv) Dargãh of Hãfizu�llãh. Temple materials used.
(v) Dargãh of Abdu�llãh. Temple materials used.
(vi) Fourteen Masjids. Temple sites.
XLIII. Varanasi District.
1. Asla, Shãh Jahãnî Masjid. Temple site.
2. Varanasi
(i) Masjid at Gyanavapi. Vi�ve�vara Temple material used.
(ii) Masjid at Panchaganga Ghat. KirîTavi�ve�vara Temple materials used.
(iii) Masjid and Dargãh of Sayyid Fakhru�d-Dîn Sãhib Alvî (1375) Temple site.
(iv) Bindu Madhava Masjid (1669). Converted Biñdu-Mãdhava Temple.
(v) Masjid and Mazãr at Bakariya Kund. Temple materials used.
(vi) ADhãi Kãñgrã-kî-Masjid in Adampura. Temple site.
(vii) Darharã Masjid. Temple site.
(viii) Mazãr of Lãl Khãn at Rajghat. Temple site.
Footnotes:
The word �Hindu� in the present context stands for all schools of Sanatana DharmaBuddhism, Jainism, Saivism, Shaktism, Vaishnavism and the rest.
1
2
History of Aurangzeb, Calcutta, 1925-52.
3
Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors, Bombay, 1962.
4
Advice tendered to this author by Dilip Padgaonkar, editor of The Times of India, in the context
of quoting correct history. Small wonder that he has converted this prestigious daily into a
platform for communist politicians masquerading as historians. �Perhaps you want,� wrote a
reader, �to invest them with some kind of academic glory by using the legend of JNU, but their
best introduction, intellectually speaking, is that they are Stalinist historians� Their ideological
brothers in the press make sure, through selective reporting and publishing, that their views are
properly advertised. The Times of India, too, is in this rank; its editorials, leading articles, special
reports-all breathe venom, not just against Ram Janmabhumi but any Hindu viewpoint. Anything
in sympathy with this viewpoint is conscientiously kept out� (The Times of India, November 11,
1989, Letters).
5
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report 1925-26. Pp. 129-30.
6
Ibid., p. 129.
7
Ibid., p. l28.
8
Ibid., 1907-08, p. 113.
9
Ibid., Pp. 114.
10
Ibid., p. 114-15. Technical details have been omitted and emphasis added.
11
Ibid., p. 116.
12
Ibid., p. 120.
13
Ibid., p. 126.
14
Ibid., p. 61.
15
Ibid., 1907-08, Pp. 47, to 72.
16
Ibid., 1903-04, p. 86.
17
Ibid., 1902-3, p. 52.
18
Ibid., 1921-22, p. 83.
19
Ibid., p. 84.
20
Ibid., 1902-03, p. 56.
21
Ibid., 1933-34, Pp. 36-37.
22
Ibid., 1902-03, Pp. 16-17.
23
Ibid., 1993-4, Pp. 31-32.
24
Ibid., 1902-03, Pp. 17-18.
25
Ibid., 1903-04, p. 43.
26
Ibid., p. 63.
27
Ibid., 1904-05, p. 24.
28
Ibid., 1929-30, p. 29.
29
Ibid., 1928-29, Pp. 167-68.
30
Robert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, New Delhi Reprint, 1962, Pp. 199-200.
31
Archaeological Survey of India, Volume I : Four Reports Made During the Years 1862-63-6465, Varanasi Reprint, 1972, Pp. 440-41.
32
Ratan Pribhdas Hingorani, Sites Index to A.S.I. Circle ReportsNew Delhi 1978, Pp. 17-262.
33
A decision to this effect was taken by the Archaeological Survey of India soon after
independence, ostensibly under guidelines laid down by an international conference.
34
S.A.A. Rizvi, History of Sufism in India, Volume 1, New Delhi, 1978, P. 189.
Ghulãm Abdul Qãdir Nazîr, Bahr-i-�Azam or Travels of �Azam Shãh Nawwãb Walãjãh,
1823, Madras, 1960, p. 128.
35
36
Ibid., p. 64.
37
Ibid., p. 128.
38
Dates given in brackets refer to the Christian era.
Appendix
Using the Babari Masjid-Ramajanmabhumi controversy as a pretext, Muslim mobs went on a rampage all
over Bangladesh. They attacked and burnt down Hindu houses and business establishments in many places,
murdered some Hindus and inflicted injuries on many others. Hindu temples and monasteries invited their
special attention everywhere.
Starting on October 29, 1989, the mob fury reached its climax on November 9 and 10 after the Shilanyas
ceremony at Ayodhya. Many temples were demolished or burnt down or damaged in various ways. Images
of deities were broken and thrown out. Temple priests were beaten up.
The Government of Bangladesh kept on looking the other way for almost two weeks. Then it called off the
operation. It also ordered repairs to a dozen temples in order to maintain the pretence that what had been
done was not a command performance.
We reproduce below a report received by us.
INCIDENTS OF COMMUNAL REPRESSION IN BANGLADESH
Occurred on the Pretext of Babri-Masjid / Ram-Mandir
Situation in India
(Translated from original in Bengali published by the Hindu, Buddhist and Christian Unity Council, 53,
Tejturi Bazar, Dhaka, Bangladesh)
District: Narsingdi
1. On November 11, 1989: The 400-year-old historic Kali-Temple at Chinishpur was looted and set on fire.
2. On the same day the Shiv-Temple of Brahmanadi was looted and set on fire.
3. On the same day the Kali-Temple of Bhelanagar was looted and set on fire.
4. In the market place of Bhelanagar near Narsingdi town a good number of shops were looted, broken in,
and some of the houses were set on fire on the same day.
5. In the town of Narsingdi, the Bhagbat Ashram was attacked on the same day.
6. The Kali-Temple of Narsingdi town was attacked with arms on the same day (11-11-89).
7. On the 8th of November 1989, the Milan Kali-Temple of Srirampur Bazar in the Raipur Upajila was
attacked and the image of the deity broken up.
8. On the same day the Raipur Bazar Temple was attacked and the image of the deity broken up.
9. On the same day at the village of Hashimpur under Raipur Upajila many houses were attacked, looted,
and set on fire.
District: Tangail
10. On November 10 and 11, 1989, in the town of Tangail several temples were attacked and set on fire,
and many shops were looted.
11. In the village of Bajitpur hear Tangail many houses belonging to the religious minorities were attacked,
looted, and set on fire, and the temples and the images of the deities were broken up.
12. The temple in the village of Pakrail under Delduar Upajila was attacked, and acts of breaking up and
setting on fire were carried out.
13. In several other villages under Delduar Union the temples were set on fire.
14. One temple in the village of Pakutia in Tangail was attacked, set on fire and destroyed.
15. House-to-house attacks were made on the traditional makers of handloom sarees belonging to the
members of religious minorities in the village of Bajitpur, and their handlooms were destroyed.
16. In the village of Akua in Tangail a temple was destroyed and its foundations removed.
17. A similar incident took place in the village of Kalihati.
18. Mr. Dinesh Ch. Basak, deputy chief medical officer of the Meghna Textile Mills, under Bangladesh
Textile Industry Corporation, died on November 10 in Tongi. The Mill authorities sent his body to Tangail
for cremation, and there a group of miscreants attacked the car carrying the dead body. They also
obstructed carrying out of the cremation.
District: Moulavi Bazar
19. On November 10, 1989, in the District of Moulavi Bazar, at Srimangal Upajila several temples
including Ramkrishna Mission, Mangaleswari Kali-Bari, Durga-Bari, Jagannath Dev�s Akhra, and
Kalachand Mandir were attacked, broken in, and set on fire. At present no temple exists at Srimangal.
20. On November 10, 1989, the Ramkrishna Mission in the city of Moulavi Bazar was attacked and burnt
down.
21. On the same day several Hindu houses and shops in the Srimangal Upajila were attacked, structurally
damaged and looted. This happened in front of the officers responsible for law and order.
District: Naogaon
22. On November 10, 1989, several temples in the city of Naogaon were attacked and structurally
damaged.
23. Fear and panic spread in the Hindu villages near the city of Naogaon and many villagers went into
hiding for fear of life and prosecution.
District: Sirajganj
24. On November 11, 1989, at dusk, attackers as a large group emerged from a mosque at Chanyaikona in
Upajila Raigarh with agitating slogans, and they attacked many nearby shops and residential places.
District: Rangpur
25. On November 10, 1989, Friday at 4 pm in the city of Rangpur a huge group in a procession shouting
slogans with excitement went on attacking places of worships belonging to the minority communities.
26. On the same day, the famous Rangpur Dharma Shava building at the Station Road was attacked and
severely damaged.
27. The main Kali Temple in Rangpur known as Sri Sri Karunamoyee Kali-Bari was attacked.
28. Sri Sri Anandamoyee Ashram at College Road was attacked and massively damaged.
District: Netrokona
29. The Kali-Mandir at Bara Bazar in the city of Netrokona was attacked, looted, structurally damaged and
set on fire.
District: Magura
30. In Magura Sadar Upajila, Bagia Union, at Bagia Thakur-Bari at the performance of Puja in the
Jagadhatri Temple on November 6, 1989, armed attacks were made and, Ranjit Roy and Jagadish Roy were
killed, and the image of the deity was broken up and thrown away. Seriously wounded Samar Roy had to
be transferred to a Hospital for Disabled in Dhaka.
District: Barishal
31. On November 15 in the city of Barishal the temple of Chandan Nagar Para was attacked, broken up and
set on fire.
32. On November 2, 1989 in the village of Dhamura in Uzirpur Upajila a Kali Temple was attacked by an
armed group under Haji Mobashar Uddin at 8 pm, the image of the deity was broken up and thrown away
and the temple was set on fire.
33. On November 17, the Hindu Hostel under B.M. College was attacked and students were
indiscriminately beaten up and forced out of the Hostel.
34. On November 13, at the Sadar Betagi Upajila, temples were broken in and shops belonging to Hindu
community were looted. In Agoyeeljhara, the Kali-Mandir was destroyed and the image of the deity
disappeared.
District: Chittagong
35. On November 10, in the city of Chittagong, procession took place shouting communal slogans.
36. In Raujan Upajila at the Jagatpur Ashram attacks were made.
37. At the historic Kaibalyadham Ashram in Chittagong attacks were made.
38. At the villages of Sadhanpur and Lankarchar in Patia Upajila some 25 temples were attacked and set on
fire and the images of the deities in these temples were broken. Many houses and shops belonging to the
members of minority communities were attacked and looted.
39. In the villages of Uttar Satta and Fate Nagar in Raujan Upajila, and in Nanupur, Baktapur, S. Rosong
Giri and Ajadi Bazar under Fatikchar Upajila several temples were attacked.
40. On October 29 and 31, in the village of Unainagar Patia Upajila on the Chittagong-Kox�s Bazar
Highway, a bus was stopped and the Buddhist and Hindu passengers were beaten up. In many Buddhist
temples the statues of Buddha were broken up.
41. Under Rajaun Upajila in the village of Gujra on October 29 and November 9, the Jalakumari House,
Radha-Gobinda Ashram and other temples were attacked and set on fire repeatedly.
42. The Kali Temple of Bashkhali Upajila was attacked.
43. On November 10, in the region called Patenga Kath-Ghar many Hindu families abandoned their homes
for fear of communal persecution. In the city of Sandwip the images of the deities in the Jagannath-Bari,
Kali-Bari, and Char-Ani Shidheswari Kali-Bari were broken up and scattered.
District: Kox�s Bazar
44. Many temples in the various Upajilas of Kox�s Bazar were attacked.
District: Noakhali
45. In the city of Hatia several temples were attacked. In Bazra under Begumganj Upajila the Hari-Mandir
was destroyed.
District: Jamalpur
46. The temple at Basakpara in the city of Jamalpur was destroyed.
District: Chadpur
47. On November 10, at the Purana Bazar area in the city of Chadpur many shops and businesses and many
temples in the suburb of Chadpur were attacked. The temple of Raja Lakshmi-Narayan in Habiganj has
been destroyed.
District: Nilfamari
48. In Saidpur area many temples have been attacked and severely damaged.
District: Jhalakati
49. On November 9, in the city of Jhalakati almost all temples and the houses and shops belonging to the
members of the minority communities were attacked.
50. The living quarters and a temple belonging to the famous folk poet (Charan Kabi) Mukunda Das was
attacked and broken up.
District: Narayanganj
51. On November 10, the Ramakrishna Mission and several shops belonging to the members of the
minority communities were attacked.
District: Dhaka
52. Several temples in Dhamrai and Savar were attacked. On November 10, at night, the Dhaka
Ramakrishna Mission was attacked. In Demra an ancient cremation structure has been destroyed. In Lalbag police station in Nagar-Bel-Tali Rishi-Para several shops and businesses were attacked, looted and
structurally damaged.
District: Laksmipur
53. On November 14, 1989, in the Union of Charbadam, Char Alexander, Char Algi and Hajarihat under
Ramgati Upajila of Laksmipur District, some 36 houses, shops and businesses belonging to the minority
communities wore attacked, looted and set on fire, and women were raped and rendered destitute. Besides
these, some 11 temples were attacked and destroyed by setting on fire including the temple of RamaThakur and Ashram of Burakarta.
District: Sylhet
54. The historic Akhra of Mahaprabhu in Chhatak was attacked and the statue of the Mahaprabhu was
broken and damages were done to the Akhra.
District: Khulna
55. On November 17, 1989 in the city of Khulna. Dharma-Shava Temple, Koylaghat Kalibari, Barabazar
Kalibari, and many other temples were attacked and set on fire. At the corner of Barabazar and Picture
Palace all shops and businesses belonging to the Hindu community were looted. In the localities inhabited
by many Hindus including Tutpara, Baniakhamar and Banargati, armed attacks were made and acts of
looting, breaking-in and setting-on-fire were carried out.
District: Bagerhat
56. On November 17, 1989, the entire temple complex at the Ramakrishna Mission in Bagerhat including
Hari-Mandir was attacked and structures and the statue of Ramakrishna were broken up. Besides these
attacks, acts of destruction were carried out on Fatepur Kalibari, Bemta Kali-Temple Giletala Hari and Kali
temples, Karapara Kali Temple, and Patarpara Kali-Temple, and a famous black-stone Siva-Linga was
looted.
District: Maimensing
57. Hindu houses in the vicinity of the Zamidar-bari of Muktagachha were attacked with arms and looted
and acts of breaking-up were carried out.
District: Feni
58. On November 9, in the Union of Radhanagar, and on November 14 in the Union of Dhalia, under
Chhagal-Naiya Upajila, temples were attacked and acts of breaking-up were carried out.
59. In the village of Char Sonapur under Sonagachhi Upajila, a temple was attacked and acts of breakingup carried out on November 12. In the villages of Desherhat and Semerkhil several temple statutes were
broken up.
60. The image of Goddess Kali in the village of Hirapur in Daganbhuia Upajila was broken up.
61. In the village of Daulatpur under Feni police station the image of Goddess Kali was broken up.
62. The image of Goddess Kali in the temple of Dakshineswari at Shubhapur Bazar in Chhagal-Naiya, was
broken up and the place was looted and set on fire.
District: Bhola
63. On November 17, in the city of Bhola, several shops belonging to the religious minorities were attacked
and money was collected through threats of violence.
District: Comilla
64. On November 11 at Muradpur, under Sadar Upajila, a temple was destroyed. In the village of Ramaganj
a similar incident happened.
65. On November 11, at the festival of Rama-Thakur in the city of Comilla, attacks were made using stones
and bricks and several people were injured.
66. On November 12, a Kali-Temple in the village of Gahin-khali under Barmbara Upajila was set on fire.
Under Muradnagar Upajila at Ramachandrapur Bazar, a temple was totally destroyed.
District: Brahmanbaria
67. In the villages of Shyamgram and Srigram under Nabinagar Upajila several temples were attacked.
District: Madaripur
68. On November 11, the Hari-Temple of Puranabazar in the city of Madaripur was broken up and a
procession against the religious minorities was taken out.
69. The Dhamusa�s Ashram of Kalkini was broken up.
District: Munshiganj
70. The Kali-Temple at Baligaon was broken up.
District: Manikganj
71. In Saduria Upajila at Saduria itself and in the village of Buriara temples were attacked and acts of
breaking-up were committed.
District: Pabna
72. Temples and shops and businesses in the city of Pabna wore attacked and looted.
District: Habiganj
73. Several temples in the District of Habiganj were attacked.
HINDU TEMPLES
WHAT HAPPENED TO THEM
Volume II
The Islamic Evidence
(Second Enlarged Edition)
SITA RAM GOEL
VOICE OF INDIA
NEW DELHI
Contents
Preface
Section I
THE TIP OF AN ICEBERG
1. The Dispute at Sidhpur
2. The Story of Rudramahãlaya
3. Muslim Response to Hindu Protection
Section II
SUPPRESSIO VERI SUGGESTIO FAWI
4. The Marxist Historians
5. Spreading the Big Lie
Section III
FROM THE HORSE�S MOUTH
6. The Epigraphic Evidence
7. The Literary Evidence
8. Summing up
Section IV
ISLAMIC THEOLOGY OF ICONOCLASM
9. Theology of Monotheism
10. The Pre-Islamic Arabs
11. Religion of Pagan Arabia
12. Monotheism Spreads to Arabia
13. Meaning of Monotheism
14. The Bible Appears in Arabic
15. Muhammad and the Meccans
16. The Prophet Destroys Pagan Temples
Section V
APPENDICES
1. Muslim Dynasties in India�s History
2. Was the Ka�ba a �iva Temple?
3. Meaning of the Word �Hindu�
4. Questionnaire for the Marxist Professors 408
Bibliography
PREFACE
A court order in 1986 threw open for Hindu worship the gates of the temple-turned-mosque at the
Rãmajanmabhûmi at Ayodhya. Hindus were overjoyed, and started looking forward to the coming up of a
grand Rãma Mandir at the sacred site. But they were counting without the stalwarts of Secularism in the
Nehruvian establishment. It was not long before a hysterical cry was heard � �Secularism in danger!�
The Marxist-Muslim combine launched a two-pronged campaign. On the one hand, they proclaimed that
Muslims had destroyed no Hindu temples except those few which were stinking with hoarded wealth or
had become centres of local rebellions, and that Islam as a religion was never involved in iconoclasm. On
the other hand, they accused the Hindus of destroying any number of Buddhist, Jain and Animist shrines in
the pre-Islamic days.
As a student of India�s history, ancient as well as medieval, I could see quite clearly that they were
playing the Goebbelsian game of the Big Lie. But they could not be countered because they had come to
dominate the academia and control the mass media during the heyday of the Nehru dynasty. Most of the
prestigious press was owned by Hindu moneybags. But they had placed their papers in the hands of the
most brazen-faced Hindu-baiters.
The most unkindest cut of all, however, came from the Vishva Hindu Parishad and the Bharatiya Janata
Party. They were doing nothing towards debunking Secularist lies about Hinduism vis-a-vis Buddhism and
Jainism. But they were trumpeting from the house-tops that Islam did not permit the destruction of other
people�s places of worship, and thatnamãz offered in a mosque built on the site of a temple was not
acceptable to Allãh! They were laying the blame for the destruction of the Rãm Mandir not on Islam as an
ideology of terror but on Bãbur as a foreign invader!
The only ray of light in this encircling gloom was Arun Shourie, the veteran journalist and the chief editor
of the Indian express at that time. On February 5, 1989, he frontpaged an article, Hideaway Communalism,
showing that while the Urdu version of a book by Maulana Hakim Sayid Abdul Hai of the NadwatulUlama at Lucknow had admitted that seven famous mosques had been built on the sites of Hindu temples,
the English translation published by the Maulana�s son, Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi (Ali Mian) had eschewed
the �controversial evidence�. He also published in the Indian Express three articles written by me on the
subject of Islamic iconoclasm. This was a very courageous defiance of the ban imposed by Islam and
administered by Secularism, namely, that crimes committed by Islam cannot even be whispered in private,
not to speak of being proclaimed in public.
Finally, VOICE OF INDIA published in April, 1991 Volume I of a projected series - Hindu Temples: What
Happened to Them. It was a collection of relevant articles by Arun Shourie, Harsh Narain, Jay Dubashi,
Ram Swarup, and myself. An important part of the volume was a list of 2000 Muslim monuments built on
the sites and/or with the materials of Hindu temples. This list became famous all over the country as soon
as it came out.
Meanwhile, the evidence I had collected regarding Islamic iconoclasm could already cover several, and
much bigger volumes. VOICE OF INDIA published in May, 1991 Volume II of the series. It was devoted
exclusively to Islamic evidence, historical as well theological. It was received very well, particularly by the
world of scholarship. Only the prestigious newspapers and periodicals in this country ignored it completely;
they did not even acknowledge it in their �Books Received� column. But an extensive review written by
the Belgian scholar, Koenraad Elst, was published by VOICE OF INDIA in 1992 under the
title Negationism in India: Concealing the Record of Islam.
This second edition of Volume II is a thoroughly revised and somewhat enlarged version of the first
edition. Its main merit is that the lengthy chapters in the earlier edition have been divided into smaller ones,
and placed under several well-defined sections. A new Appendix on the meaning of the word �Hindu�
has been added. And the Appendix which carries the Questionnaire For the Marxist Professors, has been
considerably expanded by inclusion of correspondence between myself and Professor Romila Thapar, the
doyen of Marxist historians.
I take this opportunity to point out that the subject of this volume is not so much the destruction of Hindu
temples as the character of Islam - an imperialist ideology of terrorism and genocide masquerading as a
religion, in fact, as the only true religion. It is high time for Hindus to see Islam not with its own eyes but
from the viewpoint of the great spiritual vision which is their inheritance.
New Delhi
SITA RAM GOEL
25 March 1993
CHAPTER ONE
THE DISPUTE AT SIDHPUR
The Fourth Annual Report of the Minorities� Commission
submitted to the President of India through the Ministry of Home
Affairs on April 19, 1983, carries an account of a dispute over the
Jãmi� Masjid at Sidhpur in the Mehsana District of Gujarat. The
account raises some significant questions about certain aspects of
Islam as a religion and the character of Muslim rule in medieval
India. We have to go to primary source materials in order to find
satisfactory answers to these questions.
Sidhpur is a Taluka town, sixty-four miles north of Ahmadabad. It
is situated on the left bank of the river Saraswati, fifteen miles
upstream of ANhilwãD PãTan, the old capital of Gujarat before
Ahmadabad was founded in the first quarter of the fifteenth
century. �In a part of the town,� says the Commission�s
Report, �is located what is known as Rudramahãlaya complex.
This complex was built by Siddhraj Jayasimha in the 12th
century� This temple seems to have been destroyed partly by
Ulugh Khan in AD 1297-98 and partly by Ahmedshah in AD
1415. Some of the cubicles and a number of pillars on the Western
side of the temple it would appear were later converted into a
mosque.�1
At the dawn of independence in 1947, Sidhpur was in the territory
of Baroda, the princely state ruled by the Maratha house of the
GãekwãDs. �The princely state of Baroda,� proceeds the
Report, �had treated the complex consisting of the mosque and
the remnants of the temple as a monument of historical
importance. Subsequently, by virtue of an agreement between the
Trustees and the Archaeological Survey of India on 31st March,
1954, the mosque was declared as a national monument and its
maintenance and protection were taken over by the Archaeological
Survey of India. One of the terms of this agreement was that the
mosque would continue to be used by the Muslims for offering
prayers .�2
The Trustees of the Jãmi� Masjid, however, became dissatisfied
with the Archaeological Survey which, they complained, was not
doing its duty towards maintenance of the mosque.
�Subsequently,� continues the Report, �a dispute arose
between the Trustees of the mosque and the officials of the
Archaeological Department with regard to the maintenance of the
mosque as according to the Trustees, necessary repairs to the
mosque were not being carried out by the Archaeological
Department and the mosque was in danger of falling down. These
disputes led to some litigation in the High Court which, however,
ended in a compromise. An undertaking was given by the
Archaeological Department in terms of the compromise that they
would carry out the necessary repairs to the mosque. It is alleged
that the undertaking was not given effect to and this resulted in
further litigation which again ended in a compromise. Under the
fresh compromise terms, the Archaeological Department again
gave an undertaking to carry out the repairs of the mosque and
also to lay out a garden in the courtyard of the mosque.
Unfortunately, this compromise again did not bring about a final
settlement between the Trustees of the mosque and the
Archaeological Department. According to the Muslims, the
Archaeological Survey of India, instead of carrying out repairs to
the mosque, started digging operations which exposed the relics of
the temples and also the rich sculptural carvings on the two wings
of the mosque. These exposures appear to have attracted the
attention of the Hindus and they demanded that not only should
these ancient temple relics be preserved but that the mosque
should also no longer be used by the Muslims for offering prayers
or they may also be allowed to worship the Siva Linga discovered
during the excavations within the premises of the mosque.�3
The Minorities� Commission came into the picture on October 4,
1979 when it received a letter from the Trustees of the mosque,
�conveying the apprehensions of the Muslims of Sidhpur that the
Hindus were trying to usurp the Jama Masjid.�4 The letter from
the Trustees reported: �On the 6th September, 1979, one
Yogeshwar Dutt had illegally led a huge crowd into the mosque
and instigated them to usurp it. He again entered the mosque on
2nd October, 1979 and demanded that Namaz in the Jama Masjid
should be stopped and also incited the Hindus to demolish the
mosque.�5 The Commission referred the matter to the Director
General of the Archaeological Survey of India and called for a
report.
But before the Commission could receive a reply from the Survey,
�Begum Ayesha Sheikh, MLA, of the Gujarat Assembly wrote to
the Chairman, Minorities� Commission about the threats to
which the local Muslims were being continually subjected by the
majority community and especially the Jan Sangh and the RSS
elements for their use of the Jama Masjid and that this had created
a serious communal tension in the town.�6 The Commission
wrote to the Government of Gujarat on December 7, 1979 and
asked for a factual report. �On 16th January, 1980,� says the
Commission�s Report, �Government of Gujarat denied any
RSS hand in the demand of the local Hindus for conversion of the
Jama Masjid at Sidhpur into a temple as alleged. The State
Government further reported that the dispute between the Muslims
and the Hindus about the use of the Jama Masjid had been going
on for quite some time past and that the local police and State
Government were aware of the situation. They also assured the
Commission that there was no possibility of any communal trouble
at Sidhpur.�7
A Hindu-Muslim riot, however, broke out at Sidhpur on March 14,
1980 and took some toll of limbs and property. �The critical
stage,� records the Commission, �was reached on 14th March,
1980, when a group of Hindus led by a local Sadhu started
Bhajans at the Rudramahalaya. At about 10.00 A.M. a group of
boys started closing shops and people started coming towards the
Rudramahalaya. Everything was peaceful till the Muslims started
assembling for their Namaz around 1.00 P.M. By 1.15 P.M. both
Bhajans and Namaz were going on simultaneously. According to
reports, some Muslims from the houses adjoining the
Rudramahalaya started throwing stones on the Hindus. The Hindus
retaliated. By this time about 800 to 900 Hindus and about 300 to
400 Muslims had collected. The police, anticipating trouble, was
on the spot along with the Taluka Magistrate. They burst teargas
shells to disperse the crowd. The Muslims who had to pass
through Hindu localities before reaching their houses, were stoned
by the Hindus from housetops and lanes. Six shops were forced
open and looted. Two of them belonged to the Hindus. The jeep of
the Mamalatdar was also burnt and the Mamalatdar himself also
sustained some minor injuries due to the stone throwing. In all 72
persons sustained injuries during the incident on the 14th March,
1980. The situation was brought under control by 2.15 P.m.
Curfew was immediately imposed and the situation at Sidhpur
remained peaceful for some time barring some minor incidents.�8
Begum Ayesha Sheikh again wrote to the Commission on March
28, 1980, reporting the communal trouble that had broken out on
March 14. �She also mentioned that the State Government had
been deliberately trying to play down the gravity of the incident
and, therefore, any report submitted by the State Government
would not be fair and impartial. She, therefore, requested that
instead of asking for a report from the State Government the
Minorities� Commission itself should undertake an on-the-spot
inquiry into the incidents.�9
But before the Commission could decide what to do, another
round of Hindu-Muslim riots took place at Sidhpur on April 8,
1980. �However again on the 8th April, 1980,� records the
Commission, �at about 11.45 A.M. one Muslim was assaulted by
three Hindus as a result of which two Hindus were stabbed by the
Muslims. Incidents of assault took place thereafter in different
parts of the town. Curfew was imposed on the 8th April, 1980, and
42 persons were arrested.�10 On April 14, �nine important
Muslim representatives including one Member of Parliament met
the Chairman and handed over a memorandum on the dispute and
requested the Commission to visit Sidhpur.�11
The Commission, however, could not visit Sidhpur without prior
consultation with the Government of Gujarat. By that time the
State had been placed under Governor�s rule. It had neither an
elected Assembly nor a popular Ministry. Shri K.T. Satarawala,
Adviser to the Governor of Gujarat, came to New Delhi on May 1,
1980 and met the Chairman of the Commission. After a discussion
on the prevailing communal situation at Sidhpur, it was agreed that
the Adviser would send to the Chairman �a detailed note on the
communal incidents which took place during March and April
1980.�12 The Adviser�s �Note on Rudramahalaya and Jama
Masjid� was duly sent to the Chairman on May 16, 1980. It was
accompanied by �a map of the area and some photographs.�13
The Note starts by giving a slightly different version of the status
of the Jãmi� Masjid under the Baroda State and the frequency of
Muslim prayers in the Masjid. �The erstwhile Baroda State,�
says the Note, �took under protection in 1936-37 the Toranas and
other architectural remains of the Rudramahalaya excluding the
Masjid portion. After the merger of the State, the Rudramahalaya
and other State protected monuments were declared as Monuments
of National Importance under the 1951 Act. Subsequently, the
Jami Masjid being originally a part of the Rudramahalaya was also
declared a monument of National Importance. However, as it was
a monument in religious use, an agreement under the Ancient
Monuments and Sites and Remains Act was entered into between
the Trustees and the Archaeological Survey of India on behalf of
the President of India on the 31st March, 1954. At that time, the
monument was used for Friday prayers only and that too by a
small number of persons.�14
Next, the Note provides the background before the dispute arose
between the Survey and the Trustees. �In 1959,� proceeds the
Note, �the then Superintending Archaeologist recommended that
the modern buildings covering the view of the Rudramahalaya and
Jami Masjid should be removed for improving the environs and to
throw open the grand edifice to view. The Superintending
Archaeologist recommended the removal of the intermediate wall
also as it was a modern accretion. The proposals were accepted
and the acquisition of buildings was undertaken.�15
It took the Survey ten long years to acquire the modern buildings.
�After compensation was paid,� continues the Note, �the
buildings were handed over to the Survey in 1969. The Joint
Director General (later Director General) inspected the site on
3.6.69 and after discussion with the Collector, Mehsana, and the
Trustees of the Masjid, drew up an Inspection Note in which he
instructed that (i) the demolition of buildings should be done in
one sweep (ii) the compound wall of the Masjid may be retained
with necessary modifications to include the acquired area and (iii)
the architectural remains that may be found in the clearance
operations should be preserved as they are likely to throw light on
the plan of the Rudramahalaya and (iv) a garden should be laid out
in the acquired area.�16
For various reasons, the Survey could start operations at Sidhpur
only after ten more years had elapsed. �As the Trustees were
pressing for pulling down the acquired houses, the Superintending
Archaeologist, Baroda, inspected the site early in May, 1979 and
decided to implement the decision of the Joint Director General of
Archaeology by pulling down the acquired houses.�17 The
operations were started on May 29, 1980. �As the northern wall
was very shabby and in a dilapidated condition, it had to be
repaired after pulling down. The digging of the acquired area was
necessary for the preparation of a garden. He discussed the
operation with the Trustees but before any step to pull down the
compound wall was taken, the Trustees filed a Writ Petition in the
High Court on 12th June, 1979 and an injunction asking the
Archaeological Survey of India to maintain status quo in the
Masjid area was issued.�18
The Note gives greater details about the litigation and the
compromises that followed. The Writ Petition No. 1662 of 1979
versus Union of India was filed by six Trustees of the Jãmi�
Masjid. They prayed for �(a) an order or direction permanently
restraining the correspondent, his servants and agents from
demolishing the surrounding buildings situated on the southern
side of the land bearing survey No. 37 of Sidhpur town in
Mehsana district in which the ancient Mosque named Jumma
Masjid is situated, without constructing a protecting wall
surrounding the said Masjid; (b) to issue an order or direction
directing the respondent to erect or allow the petitioners to erect a
compound wall surrounding the said survey No. 37 of the town of
Sidhpur in Mehsana district; (c) issue an injunction restraining the
respondent, his servants or agents from demolishing the walls of
the buildings on the southern side and northern side of survey No.
37 which have yet not been demolished by him.�19
The Survey decided to contest the Writ Petition. �Shri B.L.
Nagarch, Superintending Archaeologist, Western Circle, Baroda,
filed an affidavit in reply in the Gujarat High Court in July, 1979
wherein he stated that the purpose of demolishing die modern
buildings situated around the Jumma Masjid and Rudramahalaya
acquired by the Government of India was to arrest further damage
caused by the modern accretions and natural causes such as rain
and growth of vegetation, that it is the responsibility of the
Department to preserve the Masjid and the Rudramahal and they
have not interfered with the established religious usage of a
portion near the Jumma Masjid and that the Department has taken
clearance work necessary for undertaking structural repairs to the
roof and back wall which is out of plumb and has some
cavities. He further stated that the structures being demolished
were not within the Jumma Masjid but outside the monument, that
the acquisition was solely with a view to undertaking the repairs to
the monument and improve the surroundings by laying a garden.
He further stated that the Department would only demolish the
modern wall and not any ancient structure.�20
The Honourable Judge suggested a compromise as he felt that the
Archaeological Survey was only trying to improve the monument
and its surroundings. �A �Compromise� was then arrived at
according to which the compound walls were to be repaired and a
garden was to be laid out in the courtyard of the Masjid. Its back
wall was also to be repaired.�21 The Trustees withdrew their Writ
Petition on July 30, 1979.
The �Compromise�, however, did not work. �While digging
for examining the foundation of shrines and the back wall of the
Masjid, important temple remains were found on the west and the
north. According to para 3 of �Compromise� when garden
operations (digging) were started in the open courtyard temple
remains were found there also.� The Trustees started �hindering
further work.� The Superintending Archaeologist appealed to the
Collector of the District. The Collector called a meeting at
Mehsana on November 30, 1979. �The Trustees were also
present in the meeting. It was agreed that further digging should be
stopped and that measures to preserve the temple remains such as
the provision of a canopy over it could be thought of. It was
pointed out that area within the courtyard for the garden was not
used for prayers as could be made out from the debris etc., that
were lying there.�22
This agreement also did not work. �Shri A.S. Quereshi, Advocate
for the Trustees, issued a notice dated the 6th Feb. 1980 to the
Superintendent, Archaeological Department asking the
Department to build the compound walls as per the compromise
and cover up the temple remains. The Supdt. Archaeological
Deptt. explained in person the importance of the discoveries made
and the need for revision of the compromise in the interest of
preserving the precious cultural heritage of the country. As Shri
Quereshi wanted to visit the site along with Supdt. Archaeological
Deptt. he went to Sidhpur on the 8th March, 1980. At first, he
agreed to the preservation but later he insisted on closing the
trenches in his very presence that day. The Supdt. Archaeological
Department ordered closure of the trenches and construction of
compound wall and both the works were started in his
presence.�23
The Hindus of Sidhpur objected to the covering of the temple
remains that had been uncovered. Tension mounted in the town as
reports spread that the Survey was filling up the trenches. �Upto
the 14th March, 1980, a major part of the complex was covered
and the northern compound wall was constructed over some length
but then the trouble started and the labourers refused to
work.�24 On March 15, 1980, the Puratatva Sanskrutik Abhyas
and Sansodhan Mandal, an organisation formed by some Hindus
of Sidhpur in January, 1980, filed a Civil Application No. 644 of
1980 against the Union of India and Mr. S.R. Rao, Superintending
Archaeologist. �Their prayer is mainly that the excavated area in
the courtyard of the Masjid should not be filled up and that status
quo should be maintained in the excavated area.�25 The High
Court granted a stay and the Archaeological Survey could not
proceed further with the construction of the compound wall.
Yet another attempt at a compromise was made after the riot on
March 14 had been controlled. �Soon after the incident,� says
the Commission�s Report, �a series of meetings were held by
the District Magistrate with the representatives of the Muslims and
Hindus to work out an amicable solution. An agreement was
reached between the representatives of the two communities to the
effect that the Muslims would forgo their right of prayer at the
Jama Masjid on the following conditions: (a) a suitable plot of
land situated near the railway station is allotted to them for the
construction of an alternative Masjid; (b) pending the construction
of the Masjid by the Muslims on this plot of land, they should be
allowed to offer their Namaz at the Jama Masjid; and (c) the Jama
Masjid should be maintained as a national monument by the
Archaeological Department and should not be open for any other
use.�26
But this compromise made by the Muslims of Sidhpur was
rejected by some Muslim organisations at the State level.
�However, on the instigation of some of the Muslim
organisations,� proceeds the Report, �the local Muslim leaders,
who had earlier agreed in the presence of the Distt. Magistrate to
the above terms of settlement conveyed their decision to wait until
a decision was taken on the terms of settlement at the State level.
At the same time, some of the Muslim organisations stepped up
their demand for allowing the Muslims to use the Jama Masjid for
Namaz.�27
The Note from the Government of Gujarat gives some more
details in this context. �On the 26th March, 1980, Her Excellency
the Governor visited Sidhpur. She met both Hindus and Muslims
and advised them that they should select five persons and then sit
together and find out an amicable solution. Since both the parties
wanted some Government representative to remain present during
the discussion, the Collector was instructed to help them. The
same afternoon i.e. on the 26th March, both the parties met and the
above proposal was put up by the Muslims and discussed at
length. It was decided that they should effect this agreement before
the High Court the next day. Next day, they left for Ahmadabad
but on the intervention of certain organisations such as the All
India Muslim League, Jamat-e-Islami, Gujarat Avkaf and Trust
Federation, they decided to wait till a decision at the Gujarat level
was taken.�28
Finally, eight Muslim leaders joined together to file a further Writ
in the Gujarat High Court on April 5, 1980. The Note gives their
names and designations29 as follows:1. Shri Gulzarsha Ahmedshah Hakim, Managing Trustee of
Jumma Masjid, Sidhpur.
2. Haji Hussainbhai Habibur Mansuri, Trustee Jumma Masjid
Trust, Sidhpur.
3. Haji Ibrahim Haji Issak Quoreshi, Vice-President, Jamiet-ulUlema-e-Hind, Branch Sidhpur.
4. Imtiskhan Mahabubkhan Pathan, Secretary, Jamiet-ul-Ulema-eHind, Sidhpur Branch.
5. Maulvi Dawoodbhai Haji Suleman, President, Jamiet-ul-Ulmae-Hind, Mehsana Distt. Branch-Resident-Patan.
6. Maulvi Mohammed Ussian Fateh Mohammed, President, Uttar
Gujarat Masjid Bachao Samiti, Village Bhagal, Taluka Palanpur.
7. Abbas Tajmohammed, Vice-President of Uttar Gujarat Masjid
Bachao Samiti, Village Bhagal, Tal-Palanpur.
8. Dr. Rehmatulla Ahmedullah Hakim, President, Gujarat Muslim
Vakf and Trust Federation, Ahmadabad.
�Their prayers,� according to the Note, �are: (a) Jumma
Masjid should be declared Masjid open for offering Namaz; (b) To
fill up the excavation at the floor of the �Kibla� (Western) wall
and in the courtyard of the Masjid before 1.5.80; (c) To put a
compound wall where it existed before and it should be of stone
and high enough to prevent outside interference; (d) To cover the
entire courtyard with stone slab flooring and to rebuild muazams
quarter with stone slab; (e) To give permission to the Trustees to
have electric points in adequate number.�30
The Muslim Organisations, according to the Note, adopted some
other methods also for pressing their demands. �Some of the
organisations appear to have taken the decision that telegrams
should be sent to Government requesting to allow Muslims to use
the Jumma Masjid for Namaz and accordingly, a large number of
telegrams have been received by Government from the Muslims of
Gujarat and Bombay.�31Again: �The Muslims appear to have
also decided to send printed letters to Government requesting that
any compromise or any writings regarding conversion of Jumma
Masjid at Sidhpur into a protected monument will not be binding
on them. Accordingly, more than 2400 printed letters have been
received by Government.�32
Having �considered the totality of the situation in the light of the
pepresentation/memorandum received from the Muslims of
Sidhpur and the report sent by the Adviser to the Governor,� the
Commission decided to visit Sidhpur for an �on-the-spot study of
the dispute.�33 But the visit had to be postponed due to various
reasons. �The Commission was finally able to visit Sidhpur on
2nd November, 1980, when it inspected the site of the Jama
Masjid and also held discussions with representatives of the
Muslims and Hindus at Sidhpur and the State Govt.
officials.�34 The list of persons who �appeared before the
Commission in connection with the dispute,� names 15 Muslims,
7 Officials and 5 Hindus.35
As a result of the discussion the Commission suggested an 8-point
formula for settlement: �(1) The Rudramahalaya complex
including the mosque would be retained as a national monument.
(2) The Mosque would be maintained in its original shape. The
sanctity of the mosque would be ensured by the A.S.I. and the
State Government. Also the sancity of the newly exposed temple
on either side of the mosque would be maintained. (3) The
excavations on the western side of the mosque as well as those in
the courtyard on the eastern side of the mosque will be filled up.
Ancient relics found in the present excavations would be removed
before the filling up. The existing Western Qibla wall of the
mosque proper would be restored to its original condition and
strengthened. The outer wall which was covering the two towers
on either side containing sculptures would not be rebuilt. (4) No
worship in any form would be offered by any community within
the precincts of the Rudramahalaya Complex. (5) The A.S.I.
would not make any further excavations within the mosque area
formerly enclosed by the compound wall. (6) No gathering for any
religious purpose would be permitted within the Rudramahalaya
complex. (7) The enforcement of these items would be guaranteed
by the State Government and the Central Government. (8) The
State Government would provide at nominal cost an alternative
site for the construction of a new mosque at the Government
Dharmashala near the clock tower after removing all existing
cabins and evicting the occupants of the Dharmashala.�36
The formula was hailed by the then Home Minister and Chief
Secretary of the Government of Gujarat. They assured the
Commission that �they would be able to bring about a solution of
the dispute to the satisfaction of both the communities on the basis
of the above-mentioned terms.�37 But it did not lead to a final
settlement. The Commission records at the end of its Report on
this dispute: �Five months have elapsed since the Commission
visited Sidhpur and settled most of the differences between the
two communities over the use of the Jama Masjid and the
Rudramahalaya complex. The Home Minister and the
representatives of the State Government had extended the
assurance to the Commission that they would be able to bring
about a satisfactory solution to the above dispute on the basis of
the terms of settlement suggested by the Commission within a
reasonable span of time. However, no final settlement seems to
have been reached yet.�38
The story as related in the Commission�s report combined with
the Note from the Government of Gujarat tells us a few things
about the behaviour patterns of the different parties involved in the
dispute - the Trustees of the Jãmi� Masjid, the Archaeological
Survey of India and the Government of Gujarat. It also gives us a
glimpse of the quality and character of leadership thrown up by the
two communities in the dispute over a place of worship. But what
interests us primarily in the present study is the �temple
remains� exposed by the Archaeological Survey of India in and
around the Jãmi� Masjid. These �temple remains� point
towards a far more momentous story which has yet to be told.
II
A picture of the �temple remains� exposed in the Jãmi�
Masjid area at Sidhpur has to be pieced together from five sources
which we have arranged according to the extent of details given.
First, we have the Note from die Government of Gujarat.
Secondly, we have the reply received by the Minorities�
Commission from the Archaeological Survey of India. Thirdly, we
have the Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India for
1979-80 and 1980-81. Fourthly, we have a description in the
Minorities� Commission�s Report of what its members saw
during their visit to Sidhpur on November 2, 1980. Lastly, we
have an article by B.L. Nagarch included in a commemoration
volume brought out by a private publishing house in 1987. Shri
Nagarch was one of the Superintending Archaeologists at Sidhpur
at the time the �temple remains� were sighted.
The Note from the Government of Gujarat
The main purpose of the Note was to narrate the incidents which
took place at Sidhpur during March and April, 1980. It refers to
�temple remains� only when the narration touches them while
describing the dispute between the Trustees of the Jãmi� Masjid
and the Archaeological Survey. The narration mentions �temple
remains� several time in different contexts. But we are left
wondering whether they are architectural or sculptural or both.
The Archaeological Survey of India
The Minorities� Commission had called for a report from the
Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India
immediately after it received on October 4, 1979 a letter from the
Trustees of the Jãmi� Masjid stating that the Hindus of Sidhpur
were trying to usurp the Masjid. The date on which the
Commission wrote to the Survey is not given in the
Commission�s Report, nor the date on which it received a reply
from the Survey. All we have is one para incorporated in the
Commission�s Report. It says, �The matter was taken up with
the Archaeological Survey of India which reported that ruins of
Rudra Mahalaya Complex and Jama Masjid at Sidhapur, though
forming one Complex were being protected individually under the
Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains
(Declaration of Places of National Importance) and were being
preserved on the lines they were originally protected. The dispute
arose out of demolition of the surrounding buildings, while
constructing a protective wall around the Masjid, which exposed
some Hindu idols within the precincts of the mosque.�39
The Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of India for 1979-80
published in 1983 has three entries on what was discovered at
Sidhpur. The first entry is in Chapter IV which deals with �Other
Important Discoveries�, State by State. We find the following
entry under Gujarat:
7. SCULPTURES, SIDHPUR, DISTRICT MEHSANA - Shri P.K.
Trivedi of the Western Circle of the Survey, discovered sculptures
of Hindu and Jaina pantheons, assignable variously from the tenth
to eighteenth century AD and an inscribed brass image of Vishnu
dated Samvat 1485 (AD 1429). 40
Next, it has the following two entries in Chapter IX dealing with
�Preservation of Monuments� in different Circles of the Survey:
288. JAMI-MASJID, SIDHPUR, DISTRICT MEHSANA - The
dilapidated western wall of the mosque is being repaired. While
carrying out demolition and clearance of wooden structures from
the acquired area the remains of some earlier structures have been
found. The work is in progress.
289. RUDRAMAHALAYA, SIDHPUR, DISTRICT MEHSANA
- The clearance of debris after demolition of the modern buildings
from the acquired area yielded number of loose sculptures,
including remains of an earlier temple.41
The publication has sixty-four plates carrying one hundred and
thirty photographs. No photograph of what was found at Sidhpur
has been included.
The Annual Report for 1980-81 also published in 1983 has one
entry in Chapter IV dealing with �Other Important
Discoveries.� It says:
13. MEDIEVAL SCULPTURES, SIDHPUR, DISTRICT
MEHSANA - B.L. Nagarch, P.K. Trivedi and H. Michael of the
Western Circle of the Survey noticed sculptures of seated UmaMahesvara, a royal worshipping couple, a head of Siva (pl.
XXXVI A) and a fragment of Salabhanjika recovered from the
Jami Mosque. All these are assignable to circa twelfth century
AD.42
The publication has fifty-eight plates carrying one hundred and
forty photographs. Only one photograph, A on plate XXXVI,
shows the �Head of Siva� found at Sidhpur.
Report of the Minorities� Commission
The Report has recorded in eight paras what its members saw with
their own eyes while visiting the site at Sidhpur. Out of them, six
paras - 1-2, 5-6, and 8 - relate to �temple remains�. They are as
follows:
1. A portion of the courtyard of the mosque in the east was dug
upto a depth of 10 ft. In a portion of this pit a stone Nandi (bull)
was embedded in the earth. We also saw several pieces of temple
architecture which had been dug up and kept in the pit.
2. The open site to the North of the mosque was also found
similarly dug up and several temple relics were lying exposed in
these pits.
3. There were two cubicles, one at the Northern and the other one
at the Southern side of the mosque. In the Northern cubicle, there
was a Siva Linga embedded in the earth and an idol carving
embedded in the wall while in the Southern cubicle there was only
an idol carving in the wall but no Siva Linga.
5. The Northern and Southern wings of the mosque which had
hitherto been covered up were now lying exposed obviously as a
result of removal of the covering material on these two wings
disclosing rich temple carvings.
6. The foundation of the Northern wing was also lying exposed
and it also revealed rich temple carvings.
8. A portion of the ground on the Western side of the mosque was
also found dug up and this was found to contain some temple
relics as well as the stone slabs which had been removed from the
outer wall of the mosque.43
It may be mentioned that by the time the Commission came to
Sidhpur, a major part of the excavations had been covered up. The
Note from the Government of Gujarat states that, �upto the 14th
March, 1980, a major part of the complex was covered and the
northern compound wall was constructed over some length��44
Article by B.L. Nagarch
B.L. Nagarch is a trained archaeologist familiar with the technical
language used for describing details of Hindu temples. He also
knows how to identify and describe various sculptures and
decorative designs. As the major part of his article is devoted to
�temple remains�, we have to cite him at some length and under
several sections.
1. The Buried Temples
�For carrying out repairs to the bulged western wall of the masjid
and overhanging foundation of the south-western shrine, it was
necessary to examine the foundation by excavating. Ornamental
plinth of a pre-Solanki temple (Period-I) was found in the course
of excavation for underpinning overhanging foundation of southwestern shrine. This plinth (jagatî) consists of a bhiTTa,
kapota decorated with kuDûs, karNikã, tamãla-paTTikã (frieze
decorated with tamãlapatras), plain khura, kumbhadecorated with
half diamond designs and plain kala�a (Pl. I). The dislodged
courses of the western wall of the masjid below the ground level
were also revealed during the course of examination of its
foundation by excavation. A Jar in situ was also exposed over the
plinth of this pre-Solanki temple.
�The debris near the entrance of masjid was removed. The
hidden plinth of north-western shrine was exposed as a result of
excavation for examining its foundation. During the course of
examination of the foundation of this north-western shrine, the
plinth of another pre-Solanki temple was found (Pl. II). The stone
flooring of the plinth showed the use of clamps and dowels for
binding the stones together. The mouldings of this plinth show
from bottom upwards bhiTTa, kapota decorated withkuDûs,
antarapatra, karNikã, antarapatra, tamãlapaTTikã carved
withtamãla-patras, khura, kumbha decorated with half diamond
designs,kala�a and kapota decorated with kuDûs.
�Another exquisitely carved temple attached to the aforesaid preSolanki temple (I) was laid bare in the north-west corner outside
the mosque while excavating for gardening (Pl. III). The plinth of
this temple shows from bottom upwards bhiTTa, kapota decorated
with kuDûs, antarapatra, karNikã, antarapatra, tamãla-
paTTikã carved with tamãla-patras, narathara and diamonds in
panels. Only the plinth of the maNDapa of this temple has
survived. The sanctum of this temple is missing. The door-sill of
the sanctum door-way is fortunately in situ. Themandãraka carved
with spiral lotus scroll is flanked on either side by a
bold kîrtimukha. A panel on the right of the kîrtimukha on the right
depicts worship of GaNe�a (Plate-IV). Four-armed GaNe�a is
seated in a niche. He is flanked on the right by a standing male and
on the left by a standing female attendant. The niche is flanked on
the right by a standing female standing in tribhañga and
carrying kaTi and kala�a and on the left by two female
attendants, each standing in tribhañga and carryingkaTi and
upraised in praise of god (pra�ansã mudrã). GaNe�a carries
chopped off para�u, padma and modaka-pãtra. He wears
akaraNDamukuTa, hãra and sarpayajñopavîta.
�A panel on the left of the kîrtimukha on the left shows niche
containing an image of a four-armed Kubera seated
in lalitãsana with his consort. He is flanked on the right by a
female chaurî-bearer standing in tribhañgaand holding a chaurî by
her right hand. The niche is flanked on the right by two female
attendants, each standing in tribhañga and on the left by a male
attendant standing in tribhañga. Kubera and his consort wear each
akaraNDamukuTa. Kubera holds a purse. His belly has been
chopped off.
�A beautifully carved panel shows a fighting scene (Period-IA)
with warriors holding swords in their hands, a horse rider and an
elephant (Pl. V). Another panel on narathara depicts a fighting
scene with three warriors holding swords, a galloping horse and a
running camel.
�Other noteworthy (Pl. VI) among the scenes carved on
the narathara is a hunting scene wherein a man holding a bow and
arrow is seen shooting an arrow at the band of seven deers. (Pl.
VII).
�A small shrine of IndrãNî opposite the aforesaid temple IA (preSolanki), was also laid bare during excavation for gardening after
demolishing modern buildings (Pl. VIII). This shrine is composed
of two ornamented pilasters and is surmounted by
a chhadya carved with lotus petals. Each of the pilasters shows
from bottom upwards kumbhikã, decorated with half-diamond
design, plain kala�a, shaft showing square, octagonal and
circular sections carved with a human figure, kîrtimukhawith
pearls coming out, bharaNî consisting
of karNîkã and padmasurmounted by vase and foliage motif. The
human figure on the right pilaster is a female standing
in tribhañga and carrying kaTi andpra�ansã mudrã. Above this
is carved the name of the sculptor VoDa deva in Devanãgarî
characters. The human figure on the left pilaster is a dancing male.
Above this is carved the name of the sculptor as Dadã.
�Four-armed IndrãNî is seated in lalitãsana and
carries varadãksha, modakapãtra, lotus-stalk and kamaNDalu. She
wears karaNDamukuTa, vaikakshayaka, hãra, keyûras, valayas,
nûpuras and a sãrî fastened by amekhalã. The mount elephant is
carved below. On the pedestal is inscribed the name of the sculptor
in Devanãgarî characters (Pl. IX).
�The mouldings of the plinth of north-western shrine with friezes
of sculptures carved on a number of them, were exposed in course
of removal of debris and digging for gardening. They show from
bottom upwards bhiTTa, bhiTTa, plain jãDaMba, antarapatra,
karNikã, antarapatra, grãsapaTTi, gajathara, narathara, khura,
kumbha,decorated with friezes of sculptures and
bejewelled kalaSa (Pl. X). Carvings on the plinth and parapet of
the sabhãmaNDapa of north-west shrine were also revealed during
clearance of debris. The full view of thesabhãmaNDapa of northwest shrine was exposed after removing the rubble-and-mud
compound wall (Pl. XI). The plinth of temple II which served as
base for northwest shrine was also revealed (Pl. XII).
�The open area in front of the prayer hall of the masjid with
shabby pavement where shrubs and trees were growing and debris
had accumulated and which was not used for prayer, was
excavated for laying out a garden. While excavating for garden in
the eastern part of open courtyard in front of the prayer hall, the
sculpture of an elephant and remains of a temple were found. The
ornamented plinth of this temple shows from bottom
upwards jãDaMba decorated with bold lotus-scroll,karNikã,
kapota decorated with kuDûs and grãsapaTTi (Pl. XIII). The
plinth shows that the temple above it was pañcharatha in plan. An
underground passage below the plinth of this temple (Period-II)
also came to light. Well polished stones have been used for the
construction of this underground passage. Besides the sculptures
of the elephant mentioned above, a human figure and lotus designs
were also found by the side of the beautifully carved plinth of the
temple. This temple found during excavation for gardening
operation is perhaps of the time of Mûlarãja (Period-II).�45
2. Smothered Sculptures
�When the bulged portion of the western wall of the masjid was
being dismantled, it was brought to light that this wall was a
double wall. When the outer wall was dismantled the debris
including sculptural and architectural fragments filled in between
the inner and outer wall came out. There was a difference of one
metre between the inner and outer wall and all this space was
filled with debris. It could now be seen that the inner wall was
built out of the vedikã pilasters and other ruins of Rudramahãlaya.
When the outer wall was removed, a number of hidden sculptures
of the south-west and north-west shrine, which were previously
hidden due to wall, were also exposed to view (Pl. XIV).
Noteworthy among the sculptures of the south-western shrine are:
1. A standing apsaras.
2. A standing ascetic.
3. Four-armed VaruNa standing in tribhañga.
4. Four-armed Vãyu standing in tribhañga.
5. A standing ascetic.
6. A standing naked ascetic.
7. Two-armed dancing female-deity holding a sword and a
chopped head.
8. Two-armed female-deity holding añku�a and kapãla.
9. A standing ascetic.
10. A standing female with her right hand upraised and left hand in
kaTi.
11. A niche-shrine on the northern bhadra (central projection)
containing an image of eight-armed ChãmuNDã standing
in tribhañga.
�Noteworthy among the sculptures of the north-western shrine
are:
1. A chopped niche.
2,3. A standing bearded ascetic holding a dagger in his right hand.
4. Four-armed standing NiRriti with a serpent canopy above his
head.
5. Four-armed standing Yama with his head and hands chopped
off.
6. A standing ascetic holding a kamaNDalu in his left hand.
7. A standing ascetic wearing a kaupîna. His right hand is
upraised.
8. Two-armed dancing female-deity. A dancing dwarf male
attendant is seen on her right.
9. Two-armed standing female-deity.
10. A standing ascetic. His right hand is upraised and he holds a
knife by his left hand.
11. Two-armed dancing female-deity.
12. A niche-shrine on the southern bhadra containing an image of
sixteen-armed �iva with his right foot upraised and placed on a
lotus. A warrior with a sword is shown below the lotus. �iva
holds sarpa, khaTvãñgaand kheTaka in his surviving hands. He is
multi-headed.�46
3. Inside the Qibla Wall of the Masjid
�While the bulged and out of plumb western wall of the Jami
Mosque was being dismantled the following sculptures and
architectural members embedded inside the wall came to light:1. An elephant rider.
2. A beautiful head of �iva.
3. A dancing gaNa.
4. A bust of a four-armed bearded male-deity.
5. A bearded male drummer.
6. Fragments of an elephant.
7. Three busts of �ãlabhañjikã bracket figures.
8. An image of four-armed dancing Siva (NaTarãja).
9. Fragments of an ãmalaka.
10. Fragments of chandrikã.
11. Fragments of SaMvarNã roof of the maNDapa.
12. Fragments of �hikhara decorated with chaitya-gavãkshas.
13. Fragments of vedikã, kakshãsana and rãjãsana.
�Among the sculptures recovered from the western wall of the
mosque noteworthy is a head of Siva wearing elaborately
carved jaTãmukuTa. The expression of his face with half open
eyes, gracefully carved nose and prominent chin is serene (Pl.
XVI). It measures 40 x 25 x 25 cms.�47
4. Converted Shrines
�During the course of dismantling of the western wall of the
mosque, two of the three shrines which were converted into
mosque, were also exposed to view. The debris filled inside them
was removed. The shrine on the southern side has inside it a
circular yonipaTTa fixed into its floor. The�ivalinga above
this yonipaTTa is missing. The rear wall of this shrine has niches
composed of three pilasters and each surmounted by a small
pediment of chaitya arches. One of the niches contains
seated Umã-Mahe�vara on the mount bull and the other contains
a donor couple (probably King Siddharãja Jaisingh and his queen).
The bearded male (Siddharãja Jaisingh) is shown standing with
folded hands in an attitude of supplication. His queen is standing
on his left. On the southwestern corner is a small water cistern for
storage of water (Plate-XVI).
�The ceiling of the shrine is elaborately carved. The architrave of
the ceiling is carved with padmalatã and cut-triangles. The ceiling
is carved with a kîrtimukha at each corner. This domical ceiling
has four concentric courses of lotuses. The centre of the dome is
carved with a full-blown lotus. It has an elaborately carved doorway. The ceiling of the antarãla is carved with fine full blown
lotuses. The shrine measures 2.08 x 2.15 x 3.07 mtrs.
�The northern shrine measures 2.19 x 2.02 x 2.95 mtrs.
internally.
�The architrave of the ceiling is elaborately carved with lotus
scroll and cut-triangles. Each of the corners of the ceiling is carved
with akîrtimukha. The domical ceiling consists of three courses of
lotus courses of concentric circles. At the centre of the domical
ceiling is carved a full blown lotus. There is a chandra�ilã in
front of the shrine.
�The shrine has an elaborately carved doorway which has been
badly damaged. The ceiling of the antarãla is carved with five full
blown lotuses.
�The northern shrine has inside its sanctum a �ivaliñga installed
on ayonipaTTa. The rear wall of the sanctum is carved with two
niches, one of which contains a donor, a royal couple (probably
Siddharãja Jaisingh with his wife). A female is seen holding a
parasol above the head of the bearded king the head of whose wife
has been chopped off. The pilasters of this niche are highly
ornamented. The other niche contains an image of a queen
standing in tribhañga. Her both hands and head have been
chopped off. She is flanked on either side by two female
attendants standing intribhañga. (Pl. XVIII). Both of these
sculptures are of white marble. The other images which are at
present kept in the sanctum are:
1. Bust of a dancing apsaras, her male attendant holding a parasol
above her head is depicted on her left. Her right breast has been
Chopped off. It measures 45 x 17 x 12 cms.
2. �iva NaTarãja inside a niche with a makara toraNa. The niche
is flanked on either side by a standing male attendant. It measures
48 x 58 x 25 cms.
3. A stone slab carved with a niche composed of two circular
pilasters and surmounted by a small pediment of chaitya-arches.
The niche is carved with an elaborate door from which a woman is
seen coming out and catching hold of a child in her right hand. Her
head has been chopped off. The niche is flanked on either side by
a dwarf male attendant. It is made of white sand-stone and
measures 70 x 60 x 42 cms.
4. Four-armed dancing NaTarãja inside a niche, carrying
indistinctpara�u, khaTvãñga and kapãla. It is made of white
sand-stone and measures 40 x 55 x 8 cms.
5. Head of a deity wearing karaNDamukuTa. It is made of white
sand-stone and measures 20 x 15 x 15 cms.
6. A dancing male. It measures 35 x 27 x 7 cms. Made of white
sand-stone.
7. Head of Yama wearing karaNDmukuTa. He has long
moustaches, protruding teeth, bulging eyes, and is bearded. It
measures 27 x 15 x 7 cms.
8. Bust of a bearded male drummer measuring 20 x 19 x 20 cms.
9. Head of an apsaras measuring 20 x 20 x 20 cms.
10. Bust of a dancing apsaras. It measures 40 x 15 x 20 cms.
11. A dancing male inside a small niche. At the left end of this
slab is carved a beautiful head of an apsaras whose hair are very
elaborately arranged. It is made of white sand-stone and measures
40 x 40 x 25 cms.
12. A stone slab carved with a dancing male. On his right is carved
a bearded male drummer whose head has been partly chopped off.
It is made of white sand-stone and measures 32 x 35 x 12 cms.
13. A bearded male dancing. Both his legs have been chopped off.
He has moustaches. It measures 52 x 35 x 20 cms. It is made of
white sand-stone. He wears earlobes.�48
The article by B.L. Nagarch is accompanied by eighteen plates of
photographs and a plan of the Rudramahãlaya complex. The
photographs show the �temple remains�, sculptural and
architectural, discovered in and around the Jãmi� Masjid. The
plan shows three unexcavated zones where it is most likely that
many more �temple remains� are lying buried, waiting to be
exposed some day by the excavator�s spade.
Footnotes:
Fourth Annual Report of the Minorities�
Commission for the Period 1.1.1980 to 31.3.1981, New
Delhi, 1983, p. 130.
1
2
Ibid., pp. 130-31.
3
Ibid., p. 131.
4
Ibid., p. 129.
5
Ibid., p. 133.
6
Ibid., pp. 133-34. It may be noted that no Jana Sangh
existed at that time, the party having merged itself in the
Janata Party in May, 1977.
7
Ibid., p. 134.
8
Ibid., p. 132.
9
Ibid., p. 134.
10
Ibid., p. 132.
11
Ibid., p. 134.
12
Ibid.
13
Ibid., p. 140.
14
Ibid., p. 141. Emphasis added.
15
Ibid., pp. 141-42.
16
Ibid., p. 142.
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid.
19
Ibid., pp. 149-50.
20
Ibid., p. 150.
21
Ibid., p. 143.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid., Emphasis added.
24
Ibid., p. 144.
25
Ibid., p. 151.
26
Ibid., pp. 132-33.
27
Ibid., p. 133.
28
Ibid., p. 146.
29
Ibid., pp. 151-52.
30
Ibid., p. 152.
31
Ibid., p. 146.
32
Ibid., p. 147.
33
Ibid., pp. 134-35.
34
Ibid., p. 135.
35
Ibid., p. 139.
36
Ibid., pp. 136-37.
37
Ibid., p, 137.
38
Ibid., p. 138.
39
Ibid., P. 9.
40
Indian Archaeology 1979-80 - A Review, p. 99.
41
Ibid., P. 148.
42
Indian Archaeology 1980-81 -A Review, p. 90.
43
Fourth Annual Report, pp. 135-36.
44
Ibid., p. 144.
45
Recent Archaeological, Discoveries from
Rudramahãlaya and Jãmi Masjid, Sidhpur�, Kusumãñjali:
Shri Sivarãmamûrti Commemoration Volume, Delhi, 1987,
Vol. II, pp. 396--97.
46
Ibid., pp. 397-98.
47
Ibid., pp. 398-99.
48
Ibid., pp. 399-400.
CHAPTER TWO
THE STORY OF RUDRAMAHÃLAYA
In order to understand fully the meaning of what was exposed at Sidhpur and the strife it caused, we have
to know what the Rudramahãlaya was, how it came to be built at Sidhpur and how a Jãmi� Masjid was
raised on its site and from its debris. The Report of the Minorities� Commission provides some historical
background. So does the Note from the Government of Gujarat. But the information is meagre and leaves a
lot to be told. Both of them were dealing with a �communal problem� and were not expected to give a
detailed history of Sidhpur, the Rudramahãlaya and the Jãmi� Masjid.
Sidhpur
The Note from the Government of Gujarat gives no information about the historical or religious importance
of Sidhpur. The Report of the Minorities� Commission says that �Sidhpur is a historical town� and that
�it was ruled successively by Hindu Rajas and Muslim Sultans.�1There is no reference to the religious
importance of Sidhpur as a place of Hindu pilgrimage. The article by B.L. Nagarch brings out that point
when it says that �as the obsequial offerings to the paternal ancestors must be made at Gaya, so
corresponding offerings to the maternal ancestors have to be performed at Sidhpur.� Nagarch tells us also
that �the ancient name of Sidhpur appears to have been �rîsthala or �rîsthalaka� and that �the name
of Sidhapur was given to this place in honour of Siddharãja JayasiMha who completed the Temple of
Rudra-Mahãdeva in the twelfth century here.�2
The PurãNas regard �rîsthala as the most sacred spot in the Sãrasvata-maNDala of Gujarat. The Bhãgvata
PurãNa associates it with Kardamarishi, who had his hermitage here, and also with Kapila muni, who was
born in this place on the bank of the sacred Sarasvati river. It was also known as Vindusara.3 It is said that
ANahillapãTaka or ANahillapaTTaNa, the capital of medieval Gujarat before Ahmadabad came up in the
first quarter of the fifteenth century, was founded where it was because of its nearness to �rîsthala.
ANahillapaTTaNa, now known as Patan, was built in AD 745 by Vanarãja, the founder of the ChãvoTkaTa
or Chãpã or Chãvdã dynasty. It reached its greatest glory, however, in the reign of JayasiMha (AD 10941143), the most illustrious ruler of the Chaulukya or Solãñkî dynasty of Gujarat. Jayasimha was very much
devoted to �rîsthala and visited it often in order to keep the company of sages and saints living at this
place. There is a popular legend that JayasiMha defeated and captured Barbara, a demon who was
molesting the holy men at �rîsthala. Barbara, we are told, became his obedient servant and performed
many superhuman deeds for him. That is how JayasiMha earned the sobriquet of Siddharãja. He built at
�rîsthala a temple dedicated to Rudra Mahãkãla which became known as Rudramahãlaya or simply
Rudramãla. Because of its close association with Siddharãja, �rîsthala became known as Siddhapura
which name was corrupted to Sidhpur in course of time.
The spiritual fame of Sidhpur, however, proved to be its misfortune when Gujarat passed under a long spell
of Muslim rule towards the close of the thirteenth century. Thereafter it attracted the attention of every
Islamic iconoclast. Its temples were reduced to ruins and its holy men were either killed or scared away. Its
spiritual importance had become greatly reduced when MuNhata NaiNasî, the famous historian of
Rajasthan, visited it in Samvat 1717 (AD 1660). NaiNasî was at that time the Dîwãn of Mahãrãja Jaswant
Singh of Jodhpur who had been appointed the Governor of Gujarat by Aurangzeb in AD 1658. He has left
for us a brief description, historical and topographical, of Sidhpur as he saw it. �Sidhpur,� writes
NaiNasî �is a pleasant city. It was founded by Sidharão after his own name. He invited from the East one
thousand Udîchya BrãhmaNas who were well-versed in the Vedas and gave them seven hundred villages
around Sidhpur� He had built a big temple named Rudramãla. That was razed to the ground by Sultãn
Alãuddîn. Even so, several temples survive today. Beyond the city, towards the east, there is the river
Sarasvarî. A temple dedicated to Mãdhava had been built on its bank. A ghãTa [flight of steps leading to
the river] has also been constructed. The temple was destroyed by the Mughals but the ghãTa can still be
seen� A Turk has built his bungalow on the ghãTa.�4
Sidhpur was liberated from the Muslim stranglehold by the Marathas in the first quarter of the eighteenth
century. By the first quarter of the nineteenth, the Marathas lost to the British and in the settlement that
followed Sidhpur was included in the princely state of Baroda along with Patan. The Marathas made no
attempt to revive Sidhpur as a centre of Hindu pilgrimage. Nor did they try to restore Patan as the seat of a
Hindu government. Neither the spiritual nor the political capital of Gujarat at one time has retained
anything of a great past except wistful memories.
Rudramahãlaya
The Note from the Government of Gujarat says that the Rudramahãlaya was �built by Siddharaja
Jayasimha in the 12th century� and that �it had eleven shrines dedicated to Akadasa Rudras.�5 The
Report of the Minorities� Commission repeats this description with the elucidation that �in the centre of
this complex was situated the temple and in and around the courtyard were 11 other shrines dedicated to the
Rudras��6Both of them say that the temple was profusely sculptured and ornamented. But none of them
mentions what has survived of the central temple or the surrounding shrines.
B.L. Nagarch gives greater details in his aforementioned article. He writes:
�In about AD 944 Mûlarãja had founded the Rudra Mahãlaya, but as he had to remain busy in invasions
and other engagements he could not complete it. This temple fell into ruins during the following centuries.
Siddharãja JayasiMha took up the work of reconstruction of this temple on a scale greater than that
originally conceived and could not finish the work till his death in AD 1143.
�Rudramahãlaya is the grandest and the most imposing conception of a temple dedicated to �iva. Only a
few fragments of the mighty shrine now survive, namely, four pillars in the north and five in the eastern
side, porches of the three storeyed maNDapa. Four pillars in the back of it, atoraNa and a cell at the back
remain in situ after being dismantled in the 13th century AD. With its adjacent shrines, possibly eleven,
part of which was converted into Jami mosque later in the Mughal period, it must have formed part of a
grand conception dedicated to Ekãda�a Rudras.
�Originally it covered an area of 100 x 66 mtrs. The central building itself occupies an area of about 50 x
33 mtrs. The mighty pillars of this temple are the tallest so far known in Gujarat.�7
It is difficult to visualize what the Rudramahãlaya looked like when it stood intact and in all its majesty. No
other edifice of a similar conception has survived. We have only some legendary accounts, one of which is
from NaiNasî who tells us how the Rudramahãlaya was conceived and constructed. We give below a
summary of what he has written at length.
Sidharão, says NaiNasî, saw the Earth in a dream, appearing in the form of a damsel and demanding that
she be decorated with a choice ornament. The king consulted the learned men who could divine dreams and
they told him that the ornament for the Earth could mean only a magnificent temple. So the king invited
architects from every land and they presented to him models of what they could conceive to be the best.
But no model satisfied Sidharão and he became despondent. At that time there were two notorious thieves
in his kingdom, Khãprã and Kãlã. As they started gambling on the Dîvãlî day, Khãprã wagered that he
would give KoDidhaja, the renowned steed of Sidharão, if he lost the game. He lost and promised to the
winner that he would procure the steed by the time of the next Dîvãlî day. He wormed himself into the
confidence of Sidharão, first as a sweeper in the royal stable and then as a syce of KoDidhaja. The king
who visited the stable everyday was very much pleased with Khãprã�s services and spent some time
talking to him. One day the king confided to Khãprã his (the king�s) disappointment in the matter of a
suitable temple. Soon after, the thief ran away with the horse and stopped for rest only when he reached the
valley of Mount Abu. All of a sudden he saw the earth split and a temple came out. Gods and Goddesses
staged a play in the temple as Khãprã watched sitting in a window of the divine edifice. He was reminded
of Sidharão�s despondence and thought that this was the temple which would meet the king's
expectations. He found out from the, Gods that the same miracle would be enacted again on the night of the
day after next and rushed back to PãTaNa where he gave a graphic account to the king. The king came to
the same spot and saw the temple which fully satisfied him. The Gods told him how to find the master
architect who would build a similar temple for him. It took sixteen years to be completed, even though
thousands of artisans were employed.8
NaiNasî has included in his chapter on the Rudramãla a poem written in its praise by Lalla BhaTTa.9 The
first two stanzas which describe the architecture and sculptures of the temple are as follows:
Fourteen storeys rise above the earth and seven thousand pillars,
In row after row, while eighteen hundred statues studded with emeralds adorn it.
It is endowed with thirty thousand flagstaffs with stems carved and leaves of gold.
Seven thousand sculptured elephants and horses stand in attendance on Rudra.
Seeing it all, Gods and men get struck with wonder and are greatly charmed,
JayasiMha has built a temple which excites the envy of emperors. The sculptured elephants and lions
trumpet and roar, all around, again and again,
The golden kala�as glitter on the maNDapa upheld by numerous pillars.
The statues sing and dance and roll their eyes,
So that even the Gods jump with joy and blow their conches.
The ecstatic dance of Gods is watched by Gods and men who crowd around,
That is why the Bull,10 O Sidha! O King of Kings! is feeling frightened.
A modern expert on medieval Hindu architecture has speculated about the Rudramahãlaya on the basis of
what has survived. �The Solãñkî tradition maintains,� writes Dr. S.K. Saraswati, �a rich and prolific
output in the twelfth century AD which saw two eminent royal patrons of building art in Siddharãja
JayasiMha and Kumãrapãla. With the former is associated the completion of an imposing conception, the
Rudra Mãlã or Rudra Mahãlaya, at Siddhapur (Gujarãt). Unfortunately it is now completely in ruins but a
picture of its former splendour seems to have survived in a Gujarãtî ballad which speaks of the temple as
covered with gold, adorned with sixteen hundred columns, veiled by carved screens and pierced lattices,
festooned with pearls, inlaid with gems over the doorways and glistening with rubies and diamonds. Much
of this is, no doubt, exaggeration full of rhetoric; but the impressive character of the conception is
evidenced by the scanty, though co-lossal, remains. They consist of groups of columns of the
pillared maNDapa, which seems to have been in more than one storey, and had three enterance porticos on
three sides. The surviving foundations suggest that the conception with the usual appurtenances occupied a
space nearly 300 feet by 230 feet. In front there stood a kîrti-toraNa of which one column still remains.
From the dimensions the Rudra Mãlã seems to have been one of the largest architectural conceptions in this
area. The rich character of its design is fully evident in the few fragments that remain.�11
The Jãmi� Masjid
The Note from the Government of Gujarat says that �the temple was destroyed and three shrines in the
eastern flank of the temple were converted into a mosque but there is no evidence as to the date of
conversion.�12 The Report of the Minorities� Commission gives more details about the destruction and
conversion of the temple. �This temple,� says the Report, �seems to have been destroyed partly by
Ulugh Khan in AD 1297-98 and partly by Ahmadshah in AD 1415. Some of the cubicles and a number of
pillars on the Western side of the temple, it would appear were later converted into a mosque. The prayer
hall of the mosque so converted has three domes. In the Western (Qaba) waft of the mosque Mimbar and
Mehrabs were provided by using the doors of the shrines which were then filled with debris. The exact date
of conversion of this part of Rudramahalaya complex is not known. However, according to inscriptions at
the entrance it appears that the mosque known as Jama Masjid, was constructed during the reign of
Aurangzeb in 1645.�13
B.L. Nagarch, on the other hand, writes that �the inscription fixed in the modern entrance gate to the
mosque mentions the construction of shops by Ali Askari in Adil Ganj and there is no reference to the
mosque.�14Moreover, Aurangzeb was not the ruling Mughal monarch in 1645, having ascended the throne
thirteen years later in 1658. The �temple remains� discovered inside the mosque also go to show that at
least that part of the structure was built not long after the Rudramahãlaya was demolished. The
Minorities� Commission, it seems, has relied upon some local tradition about Aurangzeb having built the
mosque. Aurangzeb did live in Gujarat in 1645 when he was appointed Governor of that province by Shãh
Jahãn. He also destroyed Hindu temples in Gujarat as is evident from hisfirmãn dated November 20, 1665
which says that �In Ahmadabad and other parganas of Gujarat in the days before my accession (many)
temples were destroyed by my order.�15 It seems that somewhere along the line several stories have got
mixed up and Aurangzeb has been credited with a pious deed he did not perform at Sidhpur, not at least in
respect of the Jãmi� Masjid built on the site and from the debris of the Rudramahãlaya. What might have
happened is that some major repairs to the Jãmi� Masjid were carried out while he was the Governor of
Gujarat and at his behest. The subject needs examination with reference to records, if any.
Nor do we find a specific mention of Sidhpur or the Rudramahãlaya in the available accounts of Ulugh
Khãn�s invasion of Gujarat. The Minorities� Commission has made a mistake in giving the date of the
invasion as AD 1297-98. The correct date is 1299.
There is, however, no doubt that Ahmad Shãh I (AD 1411- 43), the Sultãn of Gujarat, destroyed the
Rudramahãlaya and raised a mosque on the site. �Soon after his return to Ahmadabad,� writes S.A.I.
Tirmizi, �Ahmad marched to Sidhpur, which was one of the most ancient pilgrim centres in north Gujarat.
It was studded with beautiful temples, some of which were laid low.�16 A.K. Majumdar is more specific.
�Ahmad Shãh like his grandfather,� he says, �was a bigot and seized every opportunity to demolish
Hindu temples. In 1414, he appointed one Tãj-ul-Mulk to destroy all temples and to establish Muslim
authority throughout Gujarat. According to Firishta, the task was �executed with such diligence that the
names of Mawass and Girass (i.e. Hindu zamindãrs) were hereafter unheard of in the whole kingdom.�
Next year Ahmad attacked the celebrated city of Sidhpur in north Gujarat where he broke the images in the
famous Rudramahalaya temple and converted it into a mosque.�17
A poetic account of what Ahmad Shãh did at Sidhpur is available inMirãt-i-Sikandarî, the history of
Gujarat, written by Sikandar ibn-i-Muhammad alias Manjhû ibn-i-Akbar in the first quarter of the sixteenth
century. �He marched on Saiyidpur,�18 writes the historian, �on Jamãd-ul-Awwal in AH 818
(July/August, AD 1415) in order to destroy the temples which housed idols of gold and silver.
Verse
He marched under divine inspiration,
For the destruction of temples at Saiyidpur,
Which was a home of the infidels,
And the native place of accursed fire-worshippers.19
There they dwelt, day and night,
The thread-wearing idolaters.20
It had always remained a place for idols and idol-worshippers,
It had received no injury whatsoever from any quarter.
It was a populous place, well-known in the world,
This native place of the accursed infidels.
Its foundations were laid firmly in stone,
It was decorated with designs as if drawn from high heaven.
It had doors made of sandal and ûd.21
It was studded with rings of gold,
Its floors were laid with marble,
Which shone like mirrors.
Ûd was burnt in it like fuel,
Candles of camphor in large numbers were lighted in it.
It had arches in every corner,
And every arch had golden chandeliers hanging in it.
There were idols of silver set up inside,
Which put to shame the idols of China and Khotãn.
Such was this famous ancient temple,
It was famous all over the world.
By the effort of Ahmad, it was freed from the idols,
The hearts of idol-worshippers were shattered with grief.
He got mosques constructed, and mimbars placed in them,
From where the Law of Muhammad came into force.
In place of idols, idol-makers and idol-worshippers,
Imãms and callers to prayers and khatîbs were appointed.
Ahmad�s good grace rendered such help,
That an idol-house became an abode of Allãh.
�When the Sultãn was free from Saiyidpur, he marched on Dhãr in AH 819 (AD 1416-17).�22
Siddharãja JayasiMha
The destruction of Hindu temples and their conversion into mosques was, as we shall see, a normal
occupation for most of the Muslim rulers in medieval India. What adds a touch of pathos to the destruction
and conversion of the Rudramahãlaya is that its builder, Siddharãja JayasiMha, had become known to the
Muslims as a protector of their places of worship in Gujarat. Many other Hindu rulers provided the same
protection to their Muslim subjects, as is evident from the presence of Muslim populations and religious
establishments in all leading towns of western, southwestern and northern India long before these towns
were sacked and occupied by Islamic invaders. K.A. Nizami has devoted a long essay to this subject and
named Lahore, Benares, Bahraich, Ajmer, Badaun, Kanauj, Bilgram, Gopamau and Koil (Aligarh), etc., in
this context.23 Other sources point to Muslim presence in the towns of Bengal, Bihar, Rajasthan, Gujarat
and Maharashtra. The doings of Siddharãja JayasiMha have, however, found place in a Muslim
history. Jami�u-l Hikãyãt, written by Muhammad �Ufî who lived at Delhi in the reign of Shamsu�dDîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-36). The writer was a great collector of anecdotes regarding persons, places and
events. He wrote:
�Muhammad �Ufî, the compiler of this work, observes that he never heard a story to be compared with
this. He had once been to Kambãyat (Cambay), a city situated on the sea-shore, in which, a number of
Sunnîs, who were religious, faithful, and charitable lived. In this city, which belonged to the chiefs of
Guzerãt and Nahrwãla,24 was a body of Fire-worshippers25 as well as the congregation of Musulmãns. In
the reign of a king named Jai Singh, there was a mosque and a minaret from which the summons to prayers
were cried. The Fire-worshippers instigated the infidels to attack the Musulmãns and the minaret was
destroyed, the mosque burnt, and eight Musulmãns were killed.
�A certain Muhammadan, a Khatîb, or reader of the Khutba by name Khatîb �Ali, escaped and fled to
Nahrwãla. None of the courtiers of the Rãî paid any attention to him, or rendered him any assistance, each
one being desirous to screen those of his own persuasion. At last, having learnt that the Rãî was going out
to hunt, Khatîb �Ali sat down behind a tree in the forest and awaited the Rãî�s coming. When the Rãî
had reached the spot, Khatîb �Ali stood up, and implored him to stop the elephant and listen to his
complaint. He then placed in his hand a kaîsda, which he had composed in Hindi verse, stating the whole
case. The Rãî having heard the case placed Khatîb �Ali under charge of a servant, ordering him to take the
greatest care of him, and produce him in court when required to do so. The Rãî then returned, and having
called his minister, made over temporary charge of the Government to him, stating that he intended to
seclude himself for three days from public business in his harem, during which seclusion he desired to be
left unmolested. That night, Rãî Jai Singh, having mounted a dromedary started from Nahrwãla for
Kambãyat and accomplished the distance, forty parasangs, in one night and one day. Having disguised
himself by putting on a tradesman�s dress, he entered the city, and stayed a short time in different places
in the market place, making inquiries as to the truth of Khatîb �Ali�s complaint. He then learnt that the
Muhammadans were oppressed and slain without any grounds for such tyranny. Having thus learnt the
truth of the case, he filled a vessel with sea-water and returned to Nahrwãla, which he entered on the third
night from his departure. The next day he held his court, and summonning all complainants he directed the
Khatîb to relate his grievance. When he had stated his case, a body of the infidels wanted to intimidate him
and falsify his statements. On this the Rãî ordered his water-carrier to give the water pot to them that they
may drink from it. The Rãî then told them that he had felt unable to put implicit confidence in any one
because a difference of religion was involved in the case; he had himself therefore gone to Kambãyat, and
having made personal enquires as to the truth, had learnt that the Muhammadans were victims of tryanny
and oppression. He said that it was his duty to see that all his subjects were afforded such protection as
would enable them to live in peace. He then gave orders that two leading men from each class of Infidels,
Brahmans, Fire-worshippers and others should be punished. He then gave a lac of Balotras26 to enable them
to build their mosque and minarets. He also granted to Khatîb four articles of dress. These are preserved to
this day, but are exposed to view on high festival days. The mosque and minaret were standing until a few
days ago.�27
Footnotes:
1
The Fourth Annual Report, p. 130.
2
B.L Nagarch, op cit., p. 395.
3
Nundo Lal Day, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, third edition, New
Delhi, 1971, p. 38.
4
Muñhatã NaiNasîrî Khyãta, Jodhpur, 1984, Vol. 1, pp. 261-62. The passage quoted has been
Translate from The original in MãravãRî language.
5
The Fourth Annual Report, p. 141.
6
Ibid., p. 130.
7
B.L Nagarch, op.cit., p. 395.
8
Muñhatã NaiNasî, op.cit., pp. 258-61.
9
Ibid., pp. 262-63.
10
The reference is to the Bull who according to Hindu mythology supports the Earth on his horns.
11
R.C. Majumdar (ed.), The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. V, The Struggle For
Empire, Third Edition, Bombay, 1976, pp. 595-96.
12
The Fourth Annual Report, p. 141.
13
Ibid., p. 130.
14
B.L Nagarch, op. cit., p. 395.
15
Quoted by Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, Vol. III, Calcutta, 1972 Impression. p. 285.
16
Mohammad Habib (ed.), A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. V, The Delhi Sultanat, First
Reprint, New Delhi, 1982, p. 853.
17
R.C. Majumdar (ed.), op. cit., Vol. VI, The Delhi Sultanate, Bombay, 1960, p. 158.
18
The Islamic name of Sidhpur, unless it is a mispronunciation on the part of the historian. As we
shall see in this study. Muslim rulers had Islamicized practically every important place-name in
India.
Applied to Zoroastrians of Iran to start with, the term �fire-worshippers� mars later of, used
for idol-worshippers in India.
19
20
The BrãhmaNas wearing the sacred thread.
21
A kind of costly wood.
22
Translated from the Hindi rendering in S.A.A. Rizvi�s Uttara Taimûra Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1959, Vol. II, pp. 268-69. Strangely enough, this poem has been omitted Iron the English
translation by Fazlullah Lutfullah Faridi published from Dharampur and recently reprinted
(Gurgaon.1990). The English translation says, �In AH 818 (AD 1416), the Sultãn attacked
Sidhpur and broke the idols and images in the big temple at that place and turned the temple into a
mosque� (p. 14).
23
Mohammad Habib, op. cit., pp. 137-42.
24
The Muslim pronunciation of ANahilwãDa.
�The word in the original is Mugh which has been generally accepted to indicate the
Zoroastrians or fire-worshippers, but Prof. S.H. Hodiwala, Studies in Indo-Muslim History
25
(Bombay, 1939) pp. 72-73, thinks it may refer to Jains� (Epigraphia Indica-Arabic and Persian
Supplement, 1961, p. 5n).
26
27
Unit of a silver currency at that time.
Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. II, pp. 162-64. �Ufî expresses
surprise at the Hindu King�s behaviour because such behaviour was inconceivable for a Muslim.
According to the Islamic norm, a king is expected to destroy rather than restore other people�s places of
worship.
CHAPTER THREE
MUSLIM RESPONSE TO HINDU PROTECTION
The protection provided by Siddharãja JayasiMha to Muslims and their places of worship was continued by
his successors in Gujarat. The population of Muslims as well as their places of worship continued to
multiply in several cities of Gujarat as is borne out by numerous inscriptions, particularly from Khambat,
Junagadh and Prabhas Patan, dated before Gujarat passed under Muslim rule in the aftermath of Ulugh
Khãn�s invasion in AD 1299.
�These records,� observes Z.A. Desai, the learned Muslim epigraphist, �make an interesting study
primarily because they were set up in Gujarat at a time when it had still resisted Muslim authority. That the
Muslims inhabited quite a few cities, especially in the coastal line of Gujarat, quite long before its final
subjugation by them, is an established fact. The accounts of Arab travellers like Mas�ûdî, Istakharî, Ibn
Hauqal and others, who visited Gujarat during the ninth and tenth centuries of the Christian era, amply
testify to the settlements of Muslims in various towns and cities. The inscriptions studied below also tend to
corroborate the fact that the Muslims had continued to inhabit Gujarat until it became a part of the Muslim
empire of Delhi. Moreover, they furnish rare data for an appraisal of the condition of Muslims under nonMuslim rulers of Gujarat. On one hand, they indicate the extent of permeation of Islamic influence in
Gujarat at a time when it was still ruled by its own Rajput princes and show that Muslims had long
penetrated into different parts of Gujarat where they lived as merchants, traders, sea-men, missionaries,
etc.; these settlements were not only on the coastal regions but also in the interior as is indicated by some of
these records. On the other hand, these epigraphs form a concrete and ever-living proof of the tolerance and
consideration shown vis-a-vis their Muslim subjects by Hindu kings who were no doubt profited by the
trade and commerce carried on by these foreign settlers.�1
It seems, however, that these �merchants, traders, sea-men and missionaries� were not satisfied with the
situation obtaining under Hindu rule. They kept looking forward to the day when the Dãr al-Harb (land of
the infidels against which Muslims are obliged to wage war) that was Gujarat would become Dãr alIslãm (land of the faithful). The evidence of how these Muslim settlers worked as sappers and miners of
Islamic invasions of Gujarat remains to be collected from Muslim annals. Here we are citing an inscription
from Prabhas Patan, the city which was famous for its temple of Somanatha.
The inscription is dated AD 1264 and records the construction of a mosque at Prabhas Patan by a Muslim
ship-owner. The stone slab containing its Arabic version is now fixed in the Qazi�s Mosque at Prabhas
Patan and is not in situ. The Sanskrit version which, it seems, was removed at some time and is now in a
wall of the Harasiddha Mata temple in the nearby town of Veraval, has been summarised as follows by
Z.A. Desai:
�Ship-owner Nûru�d-Dîn Pîrûz, son of ship-owner Khwãja Abû Ibrãhîm, a native of Hormuz,2 had come
for business to the town of god Somnath during the reign of Arjunadeva, the Vãghelã king of Gujarat (C.
AD 1261-74) when Amîr Ruknu�d-Dîn was the ruling chief of Hormuz; Pîrûz purchased a piece of land
situated in the �ikottari Mahãyãnpãl outside the town of Somnath in the presence of the leading men like
Thakkur �ri Palugideva, Rãnak �ri Some�varadeva, Thakkur �ri Rãmdeva, Thakkur �ri Bhimsiha
and others and in the presence of all (Muslim) congregations, from Rãjakula �ri Chhãdã, son of Rãjakula
�ri Nãnasiha; Pîrûz, who by his alliance with the great man Rãjakula �ri Chhãdã, had become his
associate in meritorious work, caused a mosque to be constructed on that piece of land; for its maintenance,
i.e., for the expenses of oil for lamp, water, preceptor, crier to prayers and a monthly reader (of
the Qur�ãn) and also for the payment of expenses of the particular religious festivals according to the
custom of sailors, as well as for the annual white-washing and repairs of rents and defects in the building,
the said Pîrûz bequeathed three sources of income: firstly, apallaDika (particulars regarding whose location
and the owner are given in detail); secondly, a dãnapala belonging to one oil-mill; and thirdly, two shops in
front of the mosque, purchased from Kilhanadeva, Lunasiha, Ã�ãdhar and others; Pîrûz also laid down
that after meeting the expenses as indicated above, the surplus income should be sent to the holy cities of
Mecca and Medina; as regards the management, he desired that the various classes of Muslims such as the
communities of sailors, ship-owners, the clergy (?), the artisans (?), etc., should look after the source of
income and properly maintain the mosque.�3
The English translation of the first seven lines of the Arabic text as given by Z.A. Desai, is as follows:
1. Allãh the Exalted may assign this (reward) to one who builds a house in the path of Allãh� [This
auspicious mosque was built].
2. on the twenty-seventh of the month of RamaDãn, year [sixty-two].
3. and six hundred from migration of the Prophet (23rd July AD 1264), in the reign of the just Sultãn and
[die generous king].
4. Abu�l-Fakhr (lit., father of pride), Ruknu�d-Dunyã wa�d-Dîn (lit., pillar of State and Religion),
Mu�izzu�l-Islãm wa�l-Muslimîn (lit. source of glory for Islãm and the Muslims), shadow of Allãh in
[the lands],
5. one who is victorious against the enemies, (divinely) supported prince, Abi�n-Nusrat (lit., father of
victory), Mahmûd, son of Ahmad, may Allãh perpetuate his�
6. and may his affair and prestige be high, in the city of Somnãt (i.e. Somnath), may God make it one of the
cities of Islãm ad [banish?].
7. infidelity and idols� 4
Z.A. Desai has noted some differences between the Arabic and the Sanskrit versions. �For example,� he
writes, �the Arabic inscription does not give all the details regarding the sources of income, the procedure
for its expenditure, management, etc., which are mentioned at some length in the Sanskrit record. Also, the
Arabic version mentions only the leader of prayer (imãm), caller to prayers (mu�addhin) and the cities of
Mecca and Medina among the beneficiaries� Likewise, no mention is made of the provision for the
celebration of religious festivals as stated in the Sanskrit record. Further, in the extant portion of the Arabic
record, we do not find mention of the then Vãghelã king of Gujarat, Arjunadeva� On the other hand, the
Arabic version gives some more information regarding the status and position of Pîrûz (Fîrûz) and his
father Abû Ibrãhîm. For example, Fîrûz is called therein �the great and respected chief (sadr), prince
among sea-men, and king of kings and merchants.� He is further eulogised as the �Sun of Islãm and
Muslims, patron of kings and monarchs, shelter of the great and the elite, pride of the age�, etc. Likewise,
his father, Abû Ibrãhîm, son of Muhammad al-�Irãqî, is also mentioned with such lofty titles as �the
great chief of fortunate position, protector of Islãm and the Muslims, patron of kings and monarchs, prince
among great men of the time, master of generosity and magnanimity�, etc. Needless to say, all these titles
are absent in the Sanskrit version.�5
One wonders, however, why the learned epigraphist has overlooked the most glaring difference in the two
versions and tried to cover it up by stating that �in the extant portion of the Arabic record, we do not find
mention of the then Vãghelã king of Gujarat.� The record is complete for all practical purposes except for
a few gaps which the epigraphist has filled up creditably with the help of his long experience in reading and
reconstructing such inscriptions. It is difficult to imagine that the name of Arjunadeva, the then Vãghelã
king of Gujarat, could have occurred in any of these gaps even if the king was stripped of all his
appellations. Moreover, the name of a Hindu king could have found no place in the scheme followed in the
inscription.
The scheme followed in the inscription is similar to that which we find in thousands of such inscriptions set
up on mosques and other Muslim monuments all over India, before and after AD 1264. The name of the
ruling Muslim monarch with his appellations finds a prominent place in most of these inscriptions. And that
is exactly what we find in the present instance. The only difference is that there being no Muslim monarch
at that time in Gujarat and Gujarat being a Hindu kingdom independent of the Delhi Sultanate, the builder
of the mosque chose the king of Hormuz for showing his solidarity with Dãr al-Isãm.
That in itself was objectionable enough for a subject of the Hindu king of Gujarat or a resident alien doing
business in Gujarat. The mosque was erected at Prabhas Patan which was situated in the kingdom of
Gujarat and not at a place in the kingdom of Hormuz. But the builder went much farther as, after extolling
the king of Hormuz as �the source of glory for Islãm and the Muslims,� he prayed fervently that �may
his affair and prestige be high in the city of Somnãt, may Allãh make it one of the cities of Islãm, and
[banish?] infidelity and idols� from it. In other words, he was praying for and looking forward to another
Islamic invasion of Gujarat.
Comparing the Sanskrit and Arabic versions of this inscription, the conclusion is unavoidable that the
Muslim merchant from Hormuz had eschewed carefully from the Sanskrit version what he had included
confidently in the Arabic text. He must have been sure in his mind that no Hindu from Prabhas Patan or
elsewhere was likely to compare the two texts and that even if a Hindu noticed the difference between the
two he was not likely to understand its meaning and purport. At the same time, he was sharing with his coreligionists in Gujarat a pious aspiration enjoined on all believers by the tenets of Islam.
There was a similar Muslim settlement at ANhilwãD Pãtan, the capital of Gujarat under the Chaulukya and
the Vãghelã dynasties of Hindu kings. An inscription dated AD 1282 fixed in the wall of a mosque in this
place, records the death of a Muslim merchant in the reign of the Vãghelã king Sãrañgadeva (AD 127496). �Within our present state of knowledge,� writes Z.A. Desai, �this is the only record at Pãtan which
is dated in the pre-Muslim period of Gujarat, furnishing evidence of the settlement, or at least presence, of
Muslims in the very capital of the Rajput rulers.�6 But as he himself admits �Muslim remains also have
not survived the ravages of time�7 in this town. It is quite likely that an inscription similar to that at
Prabhas Patan existed at ANhilwãD Pãtan also.
Cambay or Khambat, the famous port of Gujarat, abounds in Muslim inscriptions from the time when
Gujarat was a Hindu kingdom. An inscription dated AD 1218 in the reign of the Chaulukya king
Bhîmadeva II (AD 1178-1242), records the construction of a Jãmi� Masjid and says in the very first
sentence that no one else would be invoked with Allãh.8 Another inscription dated AD 1232 in the reign of
the same Hindu king records the death of a Muslim and declares, again in the first sentence, that �Surely,
the true religion with Allãh is Islãm.�9 A third inscription dated 1284 in the reign of the Vãghelã king
Sãrañgadeva (AD 1274-96), records the death of another Muslim and says that �whoever disbelieves in
the communications of Allãh-then, surely Allãh is quick in reckoning.�10
An inscription dated AD 1286-87 records the construction of a mosque at Junagadh in the reign of
Sãrañgadeva. The record invests the name of the builder, Abu�l Qãsim, with high-sounding titles. �The
titles,� observes Z.A. Desai, �may be taken to suggest that Abu�l Qãsim, probably an influential
merchant conducting business in that part, was associated in some way with the liaison work between the
state and its Muslim population. The record also indicates that there was a considerable number of Muslim
population residing at Junagadh, which necessitated the building of a prayer house and that some of the
Saurashtra ports used to clear the traffic of Haj pilgrims from Gujarat and possibly from outside too.�11
Settlements of Arab and other merchants from West Asia were nothing new for Gujarat. These merchants
had established colonies all along the West Coast of India and even farther afield, long before the prophet
of Islam was born. The ports of Gujarat being the most prosperous had exercised a particular attraction for
them. They also travelled in the interior of Gujarat in search of merchandise fit for the markets in Africa,
West Asia and Europe. Mecca itself was an entrepot for trade between India and the Far East on the one
hand and the Roman Empire on the other. At the same time, Indian merchants including those from Gujarat
had established their colonies in most of the coastal towns along the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and the
Mediterranean. Neither religion nor politics had ever divided the two merchant fraternities.
All this, however, changed radically after Arabia was conquered by the sword of Islam and every Arab was
forced to become a Muslim on pain of death or permanent exile from his homeland. The Indian colonies
along the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and the Mediterranean were attacked by Islamic legionaries, both from
land and sea. Indian merchants, except a few who opted for the new faith, were killed or hounded out from
every place which came under Islamic occupation. Meanwhile, Arab merchants added a new item to their
merchandise-they became salesmen of Islam as well. Arab settlements in India had not suffered the
slightest discomfort or dislocation following from the stormy events in Arabia and the march of Islamic
hordes towards the frontiers of India. Many more people to the west and north of India passed under the
yoke of Islam in the next few decades. Merchants from all these places had also to embrace Islam and make
a common cause with the Arab merchants. A new fraternity known as the ummah or millat of Islam
emerged all along the West Coast of India as also at many places in the interior.
Only a state and a population that did not know or understand the tenets of Islam and the obligations which
those tenets imposed upon every Muslim, could permit these seditious settlements in its leading cities and
ports. There is little doubt that each one of these settlements served as an intelligence network for Islamic
invaders. The missionaries of Islam who took care of the flock might have hoodwinked the Hindus around
them with their pieties. But the faithful understood the message of these missionaries and readily served as
advance guards of the armies of Islam hovering on the borders of Gujarat.
II
It cannot be said that at the time these inscriptions were set up at ANhilwãD Pãtan, Prabhas Patan,
Khambat, Junagadh and other places, the Hindus of Gujarat had had no taste of what Islam had in store for
them, their women, their children, their cities, their temples, their idols, their priests, and their properties.
The invasion of Ulugh Khãn that was to subjugate Gujarat to a long spell of Muslim rule, was the eighth in
a series which started within a few years after the Prophet�s death at Medina in AD 632. Five Islamic
invasions had been mounted on Gujarat before Siddharãja JayasiMha ascended the throne of that kingdom
in AD 1094 - first in AD 636 on Broach by sea; second in AD 732-35 by land; third and fourth in AD 756
and 776 by sea; and fifth by Mahmûd of Ghazni in AD 1026. Two others had materialised by the time the
Muslim ship-owner set up his inscription in AD 1264 on a mosque at Prabhas Patan. The sixth invasion
was by Muhammad Ghûrî in AD 1178, and the seventh was by Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak in AD 1197. The only
conclusion that can be drawn from the evidence is that either the Hindus of Gujarat had a very short
memory or that they did not understand at all the inspiration at the back of these invasions. The temple of
Somnath which stood, after the invasion of Mahmûd of Ghazni in AD 1026, as a grim reminder of the
character of Islam, had also failed to teach them any worthwhile lesson. Nor did they visualize that the
Muslim settlements in their midst could play a role other than that of carrying on trade and commerce.
The foreign merchants turned Muslims had continued to do business and amass wealth as in the earlier
days. But the leadership in the Muslim settlements had now passed into the hands of the missionaries of
Islam known as Sufis, Walîs, Dirvishes and by several other high-sounding names. The sole occupation of
these missionaries was to see the frontiers of Dãr al-Islãm extend towards Gujarat. All Muslims in Gujarat
were now expected to serve as the eyes and ears of the Caliphate which had started on a career of
imperialist aggression in all directions. Gujarat had had a taste of this aggression earlier than any other part
of India. As the armies of Islam marched towards the land frontiers of India in Makran and Seistan, Indian
ports on the West Coast became targets for the newly created Islamic navy.
Legends about Mahmûd of Ghazni
Mahmûd of Ghazni had led twelve to seventeen expeditions to India, according to different accounts. He
destroyed many temples and smashed or burnt numerous idols wherever he was victorious over Hindu
resistance. But what made him into a myth was his expedition to Somnath. �The destruction of the temple
of Somnãth,� observes Muhammad Nãzim, �was looked upon as the crowning glory of Islam over
idolatry, and Sultãn Mahmûd as the champion of the Faith, received the applause of all the Muslim
world. Poets vied with each other in extolling the real or supposed virtues of the idol-breaker and the prose
writers of later generations paid their tribute of praise to him by making him the hero of numerous
ingenious stories.�12
One such story was told by Shykh Farîdu�d-Dîn ATTãr, the renowned �mystic poet� in
his ManTiqu�t-Tair (Conference of Birds). �In this story,� writes Muhmmad Nãzim, �the Sultãn is
made to show his preference for the title of idol-breaker to that of idol-seller.� While rejecting the offer of
the BrãhmaNas to ransom the idol of Somnath with its weight in gold, Mahmûd is supposed to have said,
�I am afraid that on the Day of Judgment when all the idolaters are brought into the presence of Allãh, He
would say, �Bring Ãdhar and Mahmûd together one was idol-maker, the other idol-seller�.� Ãdhar or
Ezra, the uncle of Abraham, according to the Qur�ãn, made his living by carving idols. �The Sultãn,�
according to ATTãr, �then ordered a fire to be lighted round it. The idol burst and 20 manns of precious
stones poured out from its inside. The Sultãn said, �This (fire) is what Lãt13 (by which name ATTãr calls
Somnãth) deserves; and that (the precious stones) is my guerdon from my God.�14
Another story is told in the Futûhu�s-Salãtîn. �It is stated,� summarises Muhammad Nãzim, �that
shortly after the birth of Mahmûd, the astrologers of India divined that a prince had been born at Ghazna
who would demolish the temple of Somnãth. They therefore persuaded Rãjã Jaipãl to send an embassy to
Mahmûd while he was still a boy, offering to pay him a large sum of money if he promised to return the
idol to the Hindûs whenever he captured it. When Mahmûd captured Somnãth the Brahmins reminded him
of his promise and demanded the idol in compliance with it. Mahmûd did not like either to return the idol
or to break his promise. He therefore ordered the idol to be reduced to lime by burning and when, on the
following day, the Brahmins repeated their demand, he ordered them, to be served with betel-leaves which
had been smeared with the lime of the idol. When the Brahmins had finished the chewing of the betelleaves they again repeated their demand, on which the Sultãn told them that they had the idol in their
mouths.�15 As we would see at a later stage in this study, this story inspired some other Sultãns to do
actually what Mahmûd was supposed to have done in the imagination of a story-teller.
Finally, we have a story which presents the Muslims as a persecuted community in the Hindu kingdom of
Gujarat and Mahmûd�s invasion as a punitive expedition. The Rãjã of Gujarat, we are told, used to
sacrifice a Muslim everyday �in front of the idol of Somnãth.� So Prophet Muhammad appeared in a
dream to Hãjjî Muhammad of Mecca and told him to go to the rescue of the Prophet's beloved people in
Gujarat. The Hindu Rãjã tried to kill the Hãjjî but did not succeed. �The Hãjjî,� the story goes on, �now
invited Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazna to come with his army and stop this iniquity.� The Sultãn came,
reduced the idol of Somnath to powder which he fed to Rãjã Kunwar Rãy in betel-leaves. The deputy he
appointed at Somnãtha before his return to Ghazni �demolished the temple and set fire to it.�16
The story, of course, seeks psychological compensation for an unprovoked aggression against a king and a
people who had been kind to the Muslims settled in Gujarat. We hear similar stories about many other
places which were invaded by the armies of Islam and which had provided protection to Muslim
settlements, particularly the Sufis. But at the same time, it betrays the secret that the Muslim community in
Gujarat had invited Mahmûd to invade the kingdom and destroy the temple of Somnath. Professor
Mohammad Habib was telling this truth when he wrote that �the far-flung campaigns of Sultan Mahmud
would have been impossible without an accurate knowledge of trade routes and local resources, which was
probably obtained from Muslim merchants.�17
Sidhpur, like many other famous Hindu cities, is a small town today. But it reminds us of the days when it
was the most important place of Hindu pilgrimage in North Gujarat.
The Rudramahãlaya, like many other magnificent Hindu temples, is a heap of ruins at present. But it
reminds us of a past when it was one of the most magnificent temples ever built in India.
The Jãmi� Masjid, like many other historical mosques, stands as a dilapidated structure now. But it
reminds us of a regime under which it symbolised the might of Islam.
The destruction of the Rudramahãlaya at Sidhpur in Gujarat was not an isolated event; it was only a link in
the long chain which stretches from the middle of the seventh century, when the first Islamic invaders
stepped on the soil of India, to the closing years of the eighteenth century when Tîpû Sultãn led his
expedition into Malabar. The vast land which is spread from Transoxiana, Khurasan and Seistan in the
West to Assam in the East, and from Sinkiang in the North to Tamil Nadu in the South, is literally littered
with the ruins of temples belonging to all Hindu sects- Bauddha, Jaina, �aiva, �ãkta VaishNava, and the
rest.
The Jãmi� Masjid at Sidhpur is not the only mosque built on the site and from the debris of a demolished
Hindu temple. There are innumerable mosques all over India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan and the
neighbouring lands towards the north-west which have, embedded in their masonry, some epigraphical or
sculptural or architectural evidence that they were places of Hindu worship in the past. Quite a few of these
mosques have failed to withstand the ravages of time and are in ruins at present. But quite a few are still in
use by the worshippers of Allãh.
Conclusion
The story of Gujarat was repeated all over India in wave after wave of Islamic invasions from the middle of
the seventh century onwards. Hindus fought the invaders at every step and defeated them quite often. But
they failed to study and understand the theology of Islam, and the aspirations of Muslims living in their
midst. The invaders continued to forge ahead for several centuries. The situation is the same today.
Afghanistan, North-West Frontier Province, Punjab, Sindh, and East Bengal have been lost. No one can say
how things will turn out in Kashmir. Muslims inside India continue to create street riots on an ascending
scale. But the Hindus have refused to learn, either from history or from contemporary experience.
Footnotes:
1
Arabic Inscriptions of the Rajput period from Gujarat�,Epigraphia Indica-Arabic and Persian
Supplement, 1961, pp. 1-2. It is, of course, his personal view that Hindu tolerance towards
Muslims was inspired in part by profits derived from foreign trade.
2
A principality in the Persian Gulf.
3
Epigraphia Indica-Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1961, pp. 11-12.
4
Ibid., p. 14.
5
Ibid., p. 12.
6
Ibid., p. 16.
7
Ibid., p. 15.
8
Ibid., p. 6.
9
Ibid., p. 8
10
Ibid., p. 17.
11
Ibid., p. 18.
12
Muhammad Nãzim. The Lift and Times of Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazna, second edition, 1971, p.
219.
13
Al-Lãt was a Goddess of the pre-Islamic Arabs. Prophet Muhammad had got her idols
destroyed. She was seen by Islamic iconoclasts in many Hindu idols.
14
Muhammad Nãzim, op. cit., p. 221.
15
Ibid., pp. 221-22.
16
Ibid. pp. 222-24. The story is based on a ballad written by some Muslim in Gujarati language in
AH 1216 (AD 1800). The ballad was summarised by Major J.W. Watson in Indian Antiquary,
Vol. VIII (June, 1879), pp. 153-61.
17
Quoted by Ram Gopal Misra in his Indian Resistance to Early Muslim Invaders upto AD 1206, Meerut
City, 1983, p. 101.
CHAPTER FOUR
THE MARXIST HISTORIANS
What was uncovered at Sidhpur only to be covered up again was verilythe tip of an iceberg which remains
submerged in hundreds of histories written by Muslim historians, in Hindu literary sources which are
slowly coming to light, in the accounts of foreign travellers who visited India and the neighbouring lands
during medieval and modern times, and above all in the reports of the archaeological surveys carried out in
all those countries which had been for long the cradles of Hindu culture. No systematic effort has yet been
made by scholars to see the iceberg emerge from the dark depths and tell its own story in a simple and
straight-forward manner. Rare is the historian or archaeologist who had related this vandalism to the
theology of Islam based on the Qur�ãn and the Sunnah of the Prophet. On the contrary, the subject has
been politicised by the votaries of Secularism who become hysterical by the very mention of the untold
story. Politicians in power have made and are making frantic efforts to suppress every tip of the iceberg
which chances to surface in spite, of the conspiracy to keep it out of sight.
Some of these politicians are masquerading as academicians and selling far-fetched and fantastic apologies
for the havoc caused by Islamic iconoclasm. The following story illustrates what happens whenever the
subject comes into the open and invites attention.
One day in August, 1986, The Times of India printed on its front page the photographs of two stones
carrying defaced carvings of some Hindu deities. There was a short statement beneath the photographs that
the stones had been found by the Archaeological Survey of India in course of repairs to the Qutb Mînãr at
Delhi. The stones, according to the Survey, had been built into a wall with the carved faces turned inwards.
But the daily had dropped this part of the news.
Some correspondence cropped up in the letters-to-the-editor column of the newspaper. The majority of
writers congratulated the editor for breaking a conspiracy of silence regarding publication of a certain type
of historical facts in the mass media. A few writers regretted that a news item like that should have been
published in a prestigious daily in an atmosphere of growing communal tension. None of the writers raised
the question or speculated as to how those stones happened to be there. None of them drew any inference
from the fact that the Qutb Mînãr stands near the Quwwat al-Islãm Masjid which, according to an
inscription on its eastern gate, was built from the materials of twenty-seven Hindu temples.
The correspondence would have closed after a few days but for another photograph which was front-paged
by The Times of India dated September 15, 1986. It depicted the Îdgãh built by Aurangzeb on the site of
the Ke�avadeva temple at Mathura and gave the news that a committee had been formed by some leading
citizens for the liberation of what is known to be �rî KrishNa�s place of birth. A few more letters for and
against the photograph and the news item were published in the newspaper. None of them was wellinformed. None of them threw any light on what was the Ke�vadeva temple and why and when
Aurangzeb converted it into a mosque.
But even these meagre and ill-informed comments were too much for a dozen professors from Delhi. They
wrote a long letter of protest which was published in The Times of India on October 2, 1986. The letter is
being reproduced in full because it reveals the line laid down by a well-entrenched clique which has come
to control all institutions concerned with the researching, writing and teaching of history in this country.
They said:
�Sir-We have noted with growing concern a recent tendency in The Times of India to give a communal
twist to news items and even to editorial comments. An example of this is a report from Mathura dated 15
September and entitled, �Krishna�s Birthplace after Aurangzeb.� It evoked considerable
correspondence some of which, as could be expected, was markedly communal in tone.
�Your readers should know that historical analysis and interpretations involve more than a mere listing of
dates with an eye to pious sentiments. The Dera Keshava Rai temple was built by Raja Bir Singh Deo
Bundela during Jahangir�s reign. This large temple soon became extremely popular and acquired
considerable wealth. Aurangzeb had this temple destroyed, took the wealth as booty and built an Idgah on
the site. His actions might have been politically motivated as well, for at the time when the temple was
destroyed he faced problems with the Bundelas as well as Jat rebellions in the Mathura region. It should be
remembered that many Hindu temples were untouched during Aurangzeb�s reign and even some new
ones built. Indeed, what is really required is an investigation into the theory that both the Dera Keshava Rai
temple and the Idgah were built on the site of a Buddhist monastery which appears to have been destroyed.
�Your news report also gives credence to the suggestion that this site was the birthplace of Krishna. This
is extraordinary to say the least, when even the historicity of the personality is in question. It creates the
kind of confusion such as has been created, probably deliberately, over the question of the birthplace of
Rama in the matter of the Ramajanam-bhumi. A Persian text of the mid-nineteenth century states that the
Babari mosque was adjacent to the Sita-ka-rasoi-ghar and was known as the Rasoi-Sita mosque and
adjoined the area associated with the birthplace of Rama. It would be worth enquiring whether there is
reliable historical evidence of a period prior to the nineteenth century for this association of a precise
location for the birthplace of Rama. Furthermore such disputes as there were between Hindus and Muslims
in this area upto the nineteenth century were not over the Babari mosque but the totally different site of
Hanuman-baithak.
�It cannot be denied that acts of intolerance have been committed in India by followers of all religions.
But these acts have to be understood in their context. It is a debasement of history to distort these events for
present day communal propaganda.
�The statement in your news report that the site at Mathura is to be �liberated� and handed over to the
�rightful owners� as the birthplace of Krishna raises the question of the limits to the logic of restoration
of religious sites (and this includes the demand for the restoration to worshippers of disused mosques now
under the care of the Archaeological Survey of India). How far back do we go? Can we push this to the
restoration of Buddhist and Jaina monuments destroyed by Hindus? Or of pre-Hindu animist shrines?�
The letter was signed by Romila Thapar, Muzaffar Alam, Bipan Chandra, R. Champaka Lakshmi, S.
Bhattacharya, H. Mukhia, Suvira Jaiswal, S. Ratnagar, M.K. Palat, Satish Saberwal, S. Gopal and Mridula
Mukherjee. Most of them are minor fries who merely lent their names to the protest letter. But four of
them, namely, Romila Thapar, Bipan Chandra, H. Mukhia and S. Gopal are well-known as Marxist
historians. It is for future scholarship to judge the worth of their work in the field of historical research.
What is relevant to our present purpose is that the prestige which they have come to enjoy in our times,
succeeded in suppressing what might have been an informative and interesting debate in The Times of
India.
Quite a few readers of The Times of India including several professors of equal rank wrote letters
challenging the facts as well as the logic of the Marxist professors. But none of these letters was published
in the letters-to-the-editor column of the newspaper. After a fortnight, the daily published some nondescript
letters from its lay readers and announced that the �controversy has been closed�. It was a curious
statement, to say the least. The controversy had only started with the publication of the long letter from the
Marxist professors, accusing The Times of India of spreading �communalism� and making a number of
sweeping statements. The other side was waiting for its rejoinders to appear in print. The Times of
India would have been only fair to itself and its readers to let the other side have its say. But it developed
cold feet. Perhaps it was not prepared to get branded as �communalist� for the sake of �a few facts
from the dead past.� Perhaps it was in a hurry to retrieve its reputation which had been �compromised�
by the publication of the �controversial photographs.� Whatever the reason or calculation, the Marxist
professors walked away with victory in a match which the other side was not permitted to contest, leaving
an impression on the readers of the newspaper that the Marxist case was unassailable.
It would, therefore, be worthwhile to examine the Marxist case and find out if it has any worth.
Incidentally, the Marxist historians have equipped the Muslim historians as well with what is now
considered to be a fool-proof apologetics vis-a-vis the destruction of Hindu temples during Muslim rule in
India. An examination of the Marxist case in this context, therefore, constitutes an examination of the
Muslim case as well.
We are leaving aside die Marxist accusation of �communalism� againstThe Times of India. Marxist of
all hues have a strong nose for smelling communalism in the faintest expression of Indian nationalism
which they have fought with great vigour and vigilance ever since they appeared on the Indian scene in the
twenties of this century. Their writings and doings during nearly seven decades testify to the type of
patriotism they preach and practise.
We are also overlooking the ex-cathedra tone which characterises their pronouncements regarding
interpretation of history. The tone comes quite easily to those who have enjoyed power and prestige for
long and, therefore, begun to believe that they have a monopoly over truth and wisdom. We shall confine
our examination to what they have stated as facts and what they claim to be the correct interpretations of
those facts.
The Ke�avadeva Tradition at Mathura
It is true that the temple of Ke�avadeva which was destroyed and replaced with an Îdgãh by Aurangzeb,
was built by Bir Singh Deva Bundela in the reign of Jahãngîr. But he had not built it on a site of his own
choosing. An age-old tradition1 had continued to identify the KaTrã mound (on which Aurangzeb�s Îdgãh
stands at present) with the spot where KaMsa had imprisoned the parents of �rî KrishNa, and where the
latter was born. The same tradition had also remembered with anguish that an earlier Ke�avadeva temple
which stood on this spot had been destroyed by an earlier Islamic iconoclast.
Romila Thapar has herself testified to this tradition about Ke�avadeva. Referring to descriptions of the
Mathura region by Greek historians, she writes, �The identification of Sourasenoi, Methora and
Iobares/Jomanes do not present any problem. But the identification of Cleisobora or Carisobora or the other
variants suggested such as Carysobores remain uncertain.... The reading of Cleisobora as KRSNpura has
not yielded any firm identification. A possible connection could be suggested with Keshavadeva on the
basis of this being an alternative name for KRSNa and there being archaeological evidence of a settlement
at the site of Keshavadeva during the Mauryan period.�2
Dr. V.S. Agrawala is well-known for his study of the sculptures and inscriptions found on the ancient sites
of Mathura and around. He was Curator of the museum at Mathura as well as that at Lucknow. He makes
the following observations:
1. �Mathurã on the Yamunã is famous as the birthplace of KRishNa. It was the scat of the Bhãgvata
religion from about second century BC to fifth Century AD�3
2. �Brãhmanical shrines of Mathurã began to be built quite early as shown by the discovery of an
epigraph, viz. the Morã Well-Inscription as well as other records like the lintel of the time of �oDãsa. It
was in the reign of Chandragupta Vikramãditya that a magnificent temple of VishNu was built at the site of
KaTrã Ke�avadeva� 4
3. �The rich store of Brãhmanical images in Mathurã Museum is specially noteworthy. The formulation of
these images was a natural result of the strong Bhãgavata movement of which Mathurã had been the
radiating centre from about the first century BC� The chronological priority in the making of Brãhmanical
images to that of the Buddha should be taken as a settled fact on the basis of an image of Balarãma from
JãnsuTî village. It is definitely in the style of the �uñga period. Patañjali also writing in the same age
informs us of the existence of shrines dedicated of Rãma and Ke�ava i.e., Balarãma and KrishNa��5
An inscription of Svãmî MahãkSatrapa �oDãsa recovered by Pandit Radha Krishna in 1913 testifies that a
temple dedicated to Vãsudeva existed at Mathura in the first century BC. �From an examination of the
stone,� writes Professor H. Luders, �Mr. Ram Prasad Chanda came to the conclusion, which
undoubtedly is correct, that the epigraph was originally incised on a square pillar which was afterwards cut
lengthwise through the inscribed side into two halves and turned into door jambs.�6Scholars have differed
regarding the location of the temple mentioned in the epigraph. The latest to study and interpret the
inscriptions of �oDãsa is Professor R.C. Sharma. �Luders thought,� he writes, �that it belonged to the
Bhãgvata shrine of Morã about 12 kms to the west of Mathurã. But V.S. Agrawala opined that it must have
originated from the site of KaTrã, the famous Bhãgvata spot. We shall see that the conjecture of Agrawala
carries weight� The upper part of the inscription is corroded and five lines cannot be made out properly.
The remaining part is better preserved and it can be translated as: �At the great temple of Lord Vãsudeva,
a gateway and a railing was erected by Vasu son of Kau�iki Pãk�akã. May Lord Vãsudeva be pleased
and promote the welfare of Svãmî Mahãksatrapa �oDãsa.� This is the earliest archaeological evidence to
prove the tradition of the building of KRSNa�s shrine.�7 It is possible that some more inscriptions may
surface in future and take the tradition of KrishNa-worship at Mathura still farther in the past.
Another inscription found at the same site points to the same tradition prevailing in the seventh and eighth
centuries AD. �A fragment of an inscribed stone slab,� writes Dr. D.C. Sircar, �was discovered in 1954
at Katra Keshavdev within Mathurã city, headquarters of the District of that name in Uttar Pradesh. It was
presented by the Shri Krishna Janmabhumi Trust, Mathurã, to the local Archaeological Museum.� After
describing the size of the slab and the style of writing that has survived on it, he continues, �The
characters resemble those of such inscriptions of the seventh and eighth centuries belonging to the Western
parts of Northern India as the Banskhera plate of Harsh (AD 606-47), the Kundesvar inscription (vs 718 =
AD 661) of Aprajita, the Jhalarpatan inscription (vs 746 = AD 689) of DurgagaNa, the Kudarkot
inscription of about the second half of the seventh century, the Nagar inscription (vs 741 = AD 684) of
Dhanika, and the Kanaswa inscription (vs 795 = AD 738) of �ivagaNa.�8 The inscription was composed
�in adoration of a god whose epithets kãl-ãñjana-rajah-puñja-dyuti, (ma)hãvarãharûpa andjañgama have only been preserved�. It leaves �no doubt that the reference is to the god VishNu
since the expression mahãvarãha-rûpacertainty speaks of the Boar incarnation of the deity.�9 The hero of
the pra�asti is a king named DiNDirãja of the Maurya dynasty. �It therefore seems,� concludes Dr.
Sircar, �that the king performed the deed in question in the chain of many other pious works and at the
cost of a large sum of money. The purpose seems to have been to put garlands around the head of a deity
whose name seems to read �auri (i.e. VishNu; cf. the Vaishnavite adoration in verse 1).�10
That Bir Singh Dev Bundela�s choice of the site was not arbitrary is proved by another inscription
discovered by Dr. A. Fuhrer in 1889 �from the excavations made by railway contractors at the Ke�ava
mound.�11 It is a long pra�asti in Sanskrit stating that �Jajja, who long carried the burden of
the varga together with the committee of trustees (gosThîjana) built a large temple of VishNu brilliantly
white and touching the clouds.�12 The colophon in prose informs us that thepra�asti was composed by
�two �wise� men, Pãla and Kuladdhara (?)� and �incised by the mason Somala in SaMvat 1207 on
the full moon day of Kãrttika, during the reign of his glorious majesty, the supreme king of kings,
Vijayapãla.� The king cannot be identified with certainty. But SaMvat 1207 corresponds to AD 114951. �This king,� concludes the epigraphist, �certainly was the ruler of Mathurã at this period, and Jajja
was one of his vassals. This much is absolutely certain, and the inscription also settles the date of at least
one of the temples buried under the Ke�ava mound.�13
Why Aurangzeb Destroyed the Temple
There is no substance in the Marxist statement that the temple was destroyed because it had �acquired
considerable wealth� which attracted Aurangzeb�s greed for booty or that the destruction of the temple
was �politically motivated as well, for at the time when the temple was destroyed he faced problems with
the Bundela as well as the Jat rebellions in the Mathura region.� We have only to refer to contemporary
records to see how these explanations are wide of the mark.
The temple of Ke�avadeva was destroyed in January, 1670. This was done in obedience to an
imperial firmãn proclaimed by Aurangzeb on April 9, 1669. On that date, according to Ma�sîr-iÃlamgîrî, �The Emperor ordered the governors of all provinces to demolish the schools and temples of the
infidels and strongly put down their teaching and religious practices.�14 Jadunath Sarkar has cited several
sources regarding the subsequent destruction of temples which went on all over the country, and right up to
January 1705, two years before Aurangzeb died.15
None of the instances cited by him make any reference whatsoever to booty or the political problem of
rebellion. The sole motive that stands out in every case is religious zeal. Our Marxist professors will find it
very hard, if not impossible, to discover economic and/or political motives for all these instances of temple
destruction. The alibis that they have invented in defence of Aurangzeb�s destruction of the Ke�avadeva
temple are, therefore, only plausible, if not downright fraudulent. It is difficult to believe that the learned
professors did not know of Aurangzeb�s firmãndated April 9, 1669 and the large-scale destruction of
Hindu temples that followed. If they did not, one wonders what sort of professors they are, and by what
right they pronounce pontifically on this subject.
Putting the Cart Before the Horse
The veneer of plausibility also comes off when we look into the chronology of Hindu rebellions in the
Mathura region. We find no evidence that Aurangzeb was faced with any Hindu rebellion in that region
when he destroyed the Ke�avadeva temple. There was no Bundela uprising in 1670 when the
Ke�avadeva temple was destroyed. The first Bundela rebellion led by Jujhar Singh had been put down by
December, 1635 in the reign of Shãh Jahãn when that Rajput prince was killed and the ladies of his household were forced into the Mughal harem. The second Bundela rebellion had ended with the suicide of
Champat Rai in October, 1661. The third Bundela rebellion was still in the future. Champat Rai�s son,
Chhatrasal, had joined the imperial army sent against Shivaji in 1671 when Shivaji drew his attention to
what was being done to the Hindus by Aurangzeb. It may also be pointed out that our professors stretch the
Mathura region too far when they include Bundelkhand in it.
The professors have put the cart before the horse by holding the Jat rebellion in the Mathura region
responsible for the destruction of the Ke�vadeva temple. The Jats had risen in revolt under the leadership
of Gokla (Gokul) after and not before Aurangzeb issued his firmãn of April, 1969 ordering destruction of
Hindu temples everywhere. This highly provocative firmãn had come as a climax to several other
happenings in the Mathura region. The Hindus of this region had been victims of Muslim high-handedness
for a long time, particularly in respect of their women. Murshid Qulî Khãn, the faujdãr of Mathura who
died in 1638, was notorious for seizing �all their most beautiful women� and forcing them into his
harem. �On the birthday of Krishna,� narrates Ma�sîr-ul-Umara, �a vast gathering of Hindu men and
women takes place at Govardhan on the Jumna opposite Mathura. The Khan, painting his forehead and
wearing dhoti like a Hindu, used to walk up and down in the crowd. Whenever he saw a woman whose
beauty filled even the moon with envy, he snatched her away like a wolf pouncing upon a flock, and
placing her in the boat which his men kept ready on the bank, he sped to Agra. The Hindu [for shame]
never divulged what had happened to his daughter.�16
Another notorious faujdãr of Mathura was Abdu�n Nabî Khãn. He plundered the people unscrupulously
and amassed great wealth. But his worst offence was the pulling down of the foremost Hindu temple in the
heart of Mathura and building a Jãmi� Masjid on its site. This he did in AD 1660-61. Soon after, in 1665,
Aurangzeb imposed a pilgrim tax on the Hindus. In 1668, he prohibited celebration of all Hindu festivals,
particularly Holi and Diwali. The Jats who rightly regarded themselves as the defenders of Hindu hounour
were no longer in a mood to take it lying.
It is true that the capture and murder of Gokul with fiendish cruelty and the forcible conversion of his
family members to Islam, coincided with the destruction of the Ke�avadeva temple. But there is no reason
to suppose that the temple would have been spared if there was no Jat rebellion. There were no rebellions in
the vicinity of many other temples which were destroyed at that time or at a later stage. The temples were
destroyed in obedience to the imperial firmãn and for no other reason.
The Logic of the Argument
The real worth of the defence of Aurangzeb put up by the professors becomes evident if we lead their
argument for economic and political motives to its logical conclusion. The Ke�vadeva temple was not the
only place of worship which was wealthy. Many mosques and dargãhs and other places of Muslim worship
were bursting with riches in Aurangzeb�s time. But he is not known to have sought booty in any one of
them. There were several rebellions led by Muslims against the rule of Aurangzeb. Some of these
rebellions had their centres in places of Muslim worship. Yet Aurangzeb is not known to have destroyed
any one of these places before or after suppressing the rebellions. So, even if we accept the economic and
political motives for the destruction of Hindu temples, an irreducible minimum of the religious motive
remains. That alone can explain the erection of an Îdgãh on the site of the Ke�avadeva temple and taking
away the idols to Agra for being trodden under foot by the faithful.
The Argument about Historicity
Now we can take up the last point by raising which the professors seem to clinch their case in defence of
Aurangzeb. They question the historicity of �rî KrishNa and dismiss him as a mythological character who
can have no place of birth. The implication is that Hindus are getting unduly excited by associating the
Ke�avadeva temple with the birth-place of �rî KrishNa and should cool down after discovering that the
temple was built by a Rajput protege of Jahãngîr, at a nondescript place and on a much later date. This is a
strange argument, to say the least. It means that the sanctity of a religious place declines in proportion to its
dissociation from a historical personality. One wonders if the professors would extend the logic to
Muslim ziãrats and qadam-sharîfs which are associated with characters who cannot be traced in any
history. Some of these ziãrats have been built on the sites and from the debris of Hindu temples according
to unimpeachable archaeological evidence. The qadam-sharîfs are without a doubt the Buddha�s feet
carved in the early phases of Buddhism and worshipped in subsequent ages by the Buddhists as well as the
Hindus. The Ka�ba at Mecca was taken over by Muhammad because, according to him, it was built by
Abraham in the first instance and occupied by the polytheists at a later stage. Should the Muslims take the
desecration or demolition of the Ka�ba less seriously if they are told that Abraham has never figured in
human history? There is no evidence that he did.
Of course, �rî KrishNa is a historical character which the professors can find out for themselves by
reading Bankim Chandra, �rî Aurobindo and many other savants who have, unlike them, studied the
subject. But that is not the point. The �rî KrishNa for whom the Hindus really care is a far greater figure
than the �rî KrishNa of history. What they really worship is the �rî KrishNa of mythology. There are
many temples and places of pilgrimage all over India associated with this mythological �rî KrishNa. So
are the various �aktipîThas associated with the limbs of Pãrvatî scattered by �iva during the course of his
anguish over her death. So are the various jyotirliñgas and most other places of Hindu pilgrimage. In fact, a
majority of the renowned places of Hindu worship and pilgrimage have only mythology in support of their
sanctity. Are the professors telling the Hindus that the desecration or destruction of these places should
cause no heart-burn to them because the characters associated with these places are drawn from mythology,
and that an iconoclast is badly needed in every case for blowing up the myth?
The Birth-Place of �rî Rãma
Having cleared the �confusion� over the birth-place of �rî KrishNa, the professors proceed to clear a
similar �confusion� regarding the birth-place of �rî Rãma. We are ignoring their insinuation that the
second �confusion� has been created �probably deliberately�. The insinuation has its source in
political polemics and not in academic propriety to which professors are expected to adhere. We are also
ignoring the implication that �rî Rãma being another mythological character is not entitled to a place of
birth because, mercifully, the professors concede that a place called Rãma-janmabhûmi did exist at
Ayodhya, and that it did not occupy the site of a Buddhist monastery demolished by the devotees of �rî
Rãma. We shall only examine the point they have raised, namely, that the mosque known as the Babari
Masjid does not stand on the site of the Rãma-janmabhûmi.
The professor have referred us to a �Persian text of the mid-nineteenth century� which �states that the
Babari mosque was adjacent to the Sita-ka-rasoi-ghar and was known as Rasoi-Sita mosque and adjoined
the area associated with the birthplace of Rama�. What they mean in plain language is that the real Babari
Masjid, also known as Rasoi-Sita Masjid, has disappeared or been demolished by the Hindus at some stage,
and that there is no substance in the current Hindu claim that die mosque known as the Babari Masjid at
present stands on the site of a temple built on theRãma-janmabhûmi.
This contention could have been examined satisfactorily if the professors had named the Persian text and
told us whether, according to it, the Rasoi-Sita Masjid stood on the right or left of the Sita-ka-rasoi-ghar.
We can, therefore, thank the professors only for admitting that the Muslims did raise a mosque on a spot
which, we may be permitted to infer, was also sacred for the Hindus. But, at the same time, we cannot help
wondering why the professors are at pains to pin-point the exact spot where �rî Rãma was born instead of
conceding that the temple built in his memory must have occupied a large area. Maps of the area in which
the mosque now known as the Babari Masjid stands, show clearly that the site of the Sita-ka-rasoi-ghar is
adjacent to the mosque. Is it not possible that what is now known as the Babari Masjid was also known as
Rasoi-Sita Masjid in the mid-nineteenth century? Moreover, the mosque in dispute has been named as the
Babari Masjid by the Muslims and not by the Hindus.
Thus the Persian text dragged in by the professors creates complications rather than clear the
�confusion� which, according to the professors, exists in the Hindu mind. On the face of it, it looks like a
deliberate attempt to side-track the issues involved. The suspicion gets strengthened when the professors go
on to suggest that prior to the nineteenth century the dispute was not over the Rãma-janmabhûmi but over
�the totally different site of Hanuman-baithak.� No doubt the suggestion admits, although inadvertently,
that there was a Hanuman temple at Ayodhya which also the Muslims had converted into a mosque. But we
are trying to straighten the record regarding a mosque standing on the site of the Rãmajanmabhûmi temple.17
Finally, their thesis is that �acts of intolerance have been committed in India by followers of all
religions.� Having found it difficult to hide the atrocities committed by Islam in India, they have invented
stories of Buddhist, Jain and Animist temples destroyed by the Hindus. We shall examine these stories in
some detail at a later stage in this study. Here it should suffice to say that in their effort to whitewash Islam
they have ended by blackening Hinduism. The exercise is devoid of all academic scruples and is no more
than a neurotic exhibition of their deep-seated anti-Hindus animus.18
The Appropriate Context
What is most amazing about our Marxist professors, however, is that while they are never tired of
preaching that facts of history should be placed in their proper context, they have studiously managed to
miss the only context which explains simply and satisfactorily the destruction of Hindu temples by Islamic
invaders. Our reference here is to the theology of Islam systematised on the basis of the Qu�rãn and the
Sunnah of the Prophet. This theology lays down loud and clear that it is a pious act for Muslims to destroy
the temples of the infidels and smash their idols. Conversion of infidel temples into mosques wherever
practicable, is a part of the same doctrine. We have presented this theology at some length in Section IV.
Destruction of idols and conversion of infidel places of worship into mosques became obligatory on
Muslim conquerors and kings whenever they got the opportunity. The plunder which the iconoclasts
obtained from infidel places of worship was not the main motive; that was only an additional bounty which
Allãh had promised to bestow on them for performing pious deeds and earning religious merit. Those who
want to know the relevant prescriptions of Islam should read the orthodox biographies of the Prophet, the
orthodox collections of Hadîth, and the authentic commentaries by recognised imãms rather than swallow
old wive�s tales told by Marxist professors.
This is the simple and straightforward explanation why Muslim invaders of India destroyed Hindu temples
on a large scale and converted many of them into mosques. The economic and political motives, invented
by the Marxists, are not only far-fetched but also do not explain the destruction and/or conversion of
numerous temples which contained no riches, and where no conspiracy could be conceived.
The Muslim apologists who have been in a hurry to borrow the Marxist explanation do not know what they
are doing. The explanation converts Islam into a convenient cover for brigandage and the greatest Muslim
heroes into mere bandits. In the mouth of those Muslims who know what their religion prescribes vis-a-vis
infidel places of worship, this apologetics is dishonest as well. They should have the honesty to admit the
tenets of the religion to which they subscribe. It is a different matter whether those tenets can be defended
on any spiritual or moral grounds. That is a subject on which Islam will have to do some introspection and
hold a dialogue with Hinduism some day.
Finally, the professors want us to remember that �many Hindu temples were untouched during
Aurangzeb�s reign, and even some new ones were built�. The underlying assumption is that
Aurangzeb�s writ ran in every nook and corner of India, all through his reign. But the assumption is
unwarranted. There is plenty of evidence in Persian histories themselves that there were regions in which
Hindu resistance to Aurangzeb�s terror was too strong to be overcome even by repeated expeditions. It is
no credit to Aurangzeb that the Hindus in those regions were able to save their old temples and also build
some new ones. The Hindus all over north India were up in arms against the Muslim rule during
Aurangzeb�s long absence in the South. If they built some new temples, it was in spite of Aurangzeb. The
subject needs a detailed scrutiny on the basis of concrete cases located in space and time. It must, however,
be pointed out that the professors bid goodbye to all sense of proportion when they gloat on the few
temples that survived or were newly built while they forget the large number of temples that were
destroyed. They also forget that, in the present context, exceptions only prove the rule.
Footnotes:
1
The Varãha PurãNa says, The is no God like Ke�ava and no BrãhmaNas like those of Mathurã.
Romila Thapar, �The Early History of Mathurã upto and including the Mauryan period�
in Mathurã: The Cultural Heritage, edited by Doris Meth Sriniwasan, New Delhi, 1989. p. 15. It
is her habit to speak with two tongues - one when she is in the midst of scholars who know the
facts, and another when she functions as a professional Hindu-baiter.
2
3
V.S. Agarawala, Masterpieces of Mathura Sculpture, Varanasi, 1965. p. 1.
4
Ibid., P. 2.
5
Ibid., p. 11.
6
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIV (1937-38), New Delhi, Reprint, 1982, p. 208.
R.C. Sharma, �New Inscriptions from Mathurã� in Mathurã: The Cultural Heritage, op. cit.,
p. 309.
7
8
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXII (1957-58), New Delhi, Reprint, 1987, p. 206.
9
Ibid., p. 208.
10
Ibid., pp. 208-209.
11
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I (1892), New Delhi, Reprint, 1983, p. 287.
12
Ibid., p. 288.
13
Ibid., 289.
14
Quoted by Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., p. 186.
15
Ibid., pp. 186-89.
16
Quoted by Ibid., pp. 193-94. The Jat rebellion is dealt with in detail by Girish Chandra Dwivedi
in his book, The Jats: Their Role in the Mughal Empire, New Delhi, 1979.
17
The Hindu case is presented in two publications of Voice of India - Ram Janmabhoomi Vs.
Babri Masjid, by Koenraad Elst (1990) andHistory Versus Casuistry: Evidence of the
Ramajanmabhoomi Mandir presented by the Vishva Hindu Parishad to the Government of India
in December-January 1990-91 (1991).
18
See Appendix 4 for the Marxist proposition of placing Hinduism on the same level as Islam.
CHAPTER FIVE
SPREADING THE BIG LIE
According to the Marxist professors �what is really required is an investigation into the theory that both
the Dera Keshav Rai temple and the Idgah were built on the site of a Buddhist monastery which appears to
have been destroyed.� Thank God, they have suggested it only as a theory; elsewhere in their writings
they have not been that cautious. In fact, they have gone out of their way in spreading the Big Lie that the
Hindus destroyed many Buddhist and Jain temples and monasteries in the pre-Islamic past. They have
never been able to cite more than half-a-dozen instances of dubious veracity. But that has sufficed for
providing a vociferous plank in the �progressive� party line. �If the descendants of Godse,� writes the
executive editor of a prestigious Marxist monthly, �think that every medieval mosque has been built after
demolishing some temple, why should we stop at the medieval period? After all, Hindu kings had also got a
large number of Jain and Buddhist temples destroyed. The KrishNa temple at Mathutã rose on the ruins of a
Buddhist monastery. There are hundreds of such places (that is, Hindu temples built on the ruins of
Buddhist and Jain places of worship) in Karnataka, Rajasthãn, Bihãr and Uttar Pradesh.�1 The author of
the article did not think it necessary to quote some instances. The proposition, he thought, was self-evident.
Herr Goebbles, too, never felt the need of producing any evidence in support of his pronouncements.
It is unfortunate that some Buddhist and Jain scholars have swallowed this lie without checking the quality
and quantity of the evidence offered. Some of these �scholars� are known for their �progressive�
inclinations. But there are others who have become victims of a high-powered propaganda. The happiest
people, however, have been the Christian missionaries and the apologists of Islam. Does it not, they say,
blow up the bloody myth that Hinduism has a hoary tradition of religious tolerance and that all religions
coexisted peacefully in this country before the advent of Islam and Christianity? We shall examine this
canard exhaustively at a later stage in this study. For the present we are confining ourselves to the
�evidence� offered in the context of the Ke�avadeva temple. We reproduce below the relevant reports
of the Archaeological Survey of India.
�In 1853,� writes Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, �regular explorations were started by General Cunningham on the
KaTrã and continued in 1862. They yielded numerous sculptural remains; most important among them is
an inscribed standing Buddha image (height 3�6�) now in the Lucknow Museum. From the inscription it
appears that this image was presented to the Ya�ã-Vihãra in the Gupta year 230 (AD 549-50)�2
�The last archaeological explorations at Mathura were carried out by Dr. Fuhrer between the year 1887
and 1896. His chief work was the excavation of the Kañkãlî Tîlã in the three seasons of 1888-91. He
explored also the KaTrã site. Unfortunately, no account of his researches is available, except the meager
information contained in his Museum Reports for those years� The plates of which only a few are
reproductions of photographs and the rest drawings, illustrate the sculptures acquired in the course of Dr.
Fuhrer�s excavations but do not throw much fight on the explorations themselves ...3
�He [Cunningham] proposes to identify Kesopura, the quarter in which the KaTrã is situated, with �the
Klisobora or Kaisobora of Arrian and the Calisobora of Pliny.� It is, however, evident that the Mohalla
Kesopura was named after the shrine of Keso or Kesab (Skt. Ke�ava) Dev. This temple stood, as we
noticed above, on the ruins of a Buddhist monastery which still existed in the middle of the sixth century. It
is, therefore, highly improbable that the name Kesopura goes back to the days of Arrian.4
�All we can say from past explorations is the following: The KaTrã must have been the site of a Buddhist
monastery named the Ya�ã-Vihãra which was still extant in the middle of the sixth century. It would seem
that in the immediate vicinity there existed a stûpa to which the Bhûtesar railing pillars belong. Dr. Fuhrer
mentions indeed in one of his reports that, in digging at the back of Aurangzeb�s mosque, he struck the
procession path of a stûpa bearing a dedicatory inscription.�5
Dr. Vogel returned to the theme in 1911-12. He wrote:
�The Keshab-Dev temple, of which the foundation can still clearly be traced stood again on earlier
remains of Buddhist origin. This became at once apparent from General Cunningham�s explorations on
this site in the years 1853 and 1862, which opened the era of archaeological research at Mathurã. Among
his finds was a standing Buddha image (4�3.5�), now in the Lucknow Museum, bearing an inscription,
which is dated in the Gupta year 230 (AD 549-50) and records that the image was dedicated by the
Buddhist nun JayabhaTTã at the Ya�ã-Vihãra.
�Several Buddhist sculptures, mostly of the KushãNa period have since been discovered in the KaTrã
mound. So that there can be little doubt, that it marks the site of an important monastic establishment. It
was particularly �one� find which seemed to call for further investigation. Dr. Fuhrer while describing
his last exploration of the year 1896 on the KaTrã, says the following, �About 50 paces to the north of this
plinth [of the Ke�avadeva Temple] I dug a trail trench, 80 feet long, 20 feet broad and 25 feet deep, in the
hope of exposing the foundations and some of the sculptures of this Ke�ava temple. However, none of the
hoped for Brahmanical sculptures and inscriptions were discovered, but only fragments belonging to an
ancient stûpa. At a depth of 20 feet I came across a portion of the circular procession-path leading round
this stûpa. On the pavement, composed of large red sandstone slabs, a short dedicatory inscription was
discovered, according to which this stûpa, was repaired in samvat 76 by the Kushana King Vasushaka;
unfortunately, I was unable to continue the work and lay bare the whole procession-path, as the walls of the
brick structure, adjoining the Masjid are built right across the middle of this stûpa.�
�Unfortunately, the inscription referred to by Dr. Fuhrer was never published, nor were estampages of it
known to exist. Since the discovery of the inscribed sacrificial post (yûpa) of Isãpur had established the fact
that between Kanishka and Huvishka there reigned a ruler of the name of Vãsishka, it became specially
important to verify the particulars given by Dr. Fuhrer in the above quoted note.
�The endeavours made by Pandit Radha Krishna to recover Dr. Fuhrer�s inscription were not crowned
with success. It is true, however, that on the spot indicated the remains of a brick stûpa honeycombed by
the depredations of contractors came to light. This monument, however, cannot be assigned a date earlier
than about the sixth century of our era. Of the circular procession path of red stone slabs mentioned in Dr.
Fuhrer�s report, no trace was found, but at a much higher level there was a straight causeway of stone
referable to about the 12th or 13th century AD. Evidently it has nothing whatsoever to do with the stûpa.
The causeway in question, which is 48� long, 4� 6� wide, runs straight from north to south and is
constructed of large sandstone slabs roughly dressed and apparently obtained from different quarries. The
size of these stones shows considerable variations, one measuring 6�6� by 1�6� by 9� and another
4� 7� by 1�7� by 9�. The causeway consists of a double layer of these slabs laid three by three, the
whole being very irregular. The slabs were bound with iron clamps, some of which still remain. Five of the
stones are marked with a trident (tri�ûl).
�In course of excavation numerous sculptural fragments came to light mostly of a late date and apparently
decorative remains of the Kesab Deb temple destroyed by Aurangzeb. Among earlier finds I wish only to
mention a broken fourfold Jaina image (pratimã sarvato bhadrikã) with a fragmentary inscription in Brãhmî
of the Kushan period.�6
A persual of these reports yields the following facts and conclusions:
1. General Cunningham�s surmise about a Buddhist monastery being buried in the KaTrã mound was no
more than a mere speculation. The speculation was based on the discovery of a loose sculpture and not on
the laying bare of any foundations or other remains of a monastery. Can the subsequent discovery of a Jain
sculpture at the same site be relied upon to say that a Jain monastery also lies buried there? It has to be
noted, that in Mathura many Brahmanical sculptures and architectural fragments have been found on sites
such as the Jamãlpur and Kañkãlî mounds which are definitely known as Buddhist and Jain sites on the
basis of foundations of monasteries etc., discovered there. No one has ever speculated that the Buddhist and
Jain monuments at these sites were built on the ruins of Brahmanical temples.7
2. Dr. Vogel rejected General Cunningham�s identification of the KaTrã site with Kesopura on the basis
of the latter�s speculation that a Buddhist monastery was buried under the Ke�avadeva temple. This was
tantamount to proving what he had already assumed. With equal logic, he could have rejected General
Cunningham�s speculation about a Buddhist monastery and confirmed his identification of the KaTrã site
with Kesopura. It seems that a pro-Buddhist and anti-Brahmanical bias, which was as dominant in his days
as it is in our own, was responsible for his arbitrary choice from two equally plausible speculations on the
part of the same explorer, namely, General Cunningham.
3. That a stûpa existed in the vicinity of the Ke�vadeva temple is clear from the findings of Dr. Fuhrer as
well as Pandit Radha Krishna. But Dr. Fuhrer�s discovery of a circular procession path belonging to the
stûpa and passing under the KaTrã mound was not confirmed by the digging undertaken by Pandit Radha
Krishna. It seems that the large sandstone slabs which Dr. Fuhrer construed as belonging to the procession
path of the stûpa belonged in fact to the causeway which was uncovered by Pandit Radha Krishna and
which had nothing whatsoever to do with the stûpa. Obviously, Dr. Fuhrer was misled into another
speculation because of his reliance on the earlier speculation by General Cunningham.
4. Dr. Fuhrer had surmised that the stûpa was repaired in the reign of Vãsishka, that is, in the first decade of
the second century AD. This he had done on the basis of an inscription he claimed to have read on a slab in
what he thought to be the circular procession path of the stûpa. He is not known to have copied the
inscription, nor has it ever been published. Pandit Radha Krishna who excavated in 1911-12 with the
specific purpose of discovering that inscription failed not only to find it but also the circular procession
path. What is more, the stûpa which was the same as that seen by Dr. Fuhrer could not be assigned to a date
earlier than the sixth century AD, that is, four centuries after the reign of Vãsishka!
That is the picture which emerges from the explorations and excavations undertaken at the KaTrã site by
General Cunningham in 1853 and 1862, Dr. Fuhrer in 1896, and Pandit Radha Krishna in 1911-12. There is
no positive evidence about the existence of a Buddhist edifice in the KaTrã mound. All that can be said is
that a Buddhist stûpa was built in the vicinity of the site some time in the sixth century.
No trace of a Buddhist monastery or any other Buddhist monument was found in the extensive exploration
and excavation undertaken by the Archaeological Survey of India at the KaTrã site during 1954-55, 197374, 1974-75, 1975-76 and 1976-77. None of the archaeologists who undertook the diggings has subscribed
to the theory propounded earlier by General Cunningham, Dr. Fuhrer and Dr. Vogel and now by the
Marxist professors. �Thirty eight sculptures,� wrote R.C. Sharma in 1984, �saw their way to the
Mathurã Museum in July 1954 when Sri K.D. Vajpeyi (later Professor) was the Curator. They were
unearthed as a result of levelling and digging of the KaTrã site for renovating the birthplace of Lord
KRSNa and were made over to the Museum by the Janmabhûmi Trust. Some other objects which were
casually picked up by others from KaTrã site were also acquired. The finds include terra-cottas from
Mauryan to Gupta periods, a few brick panels with creeper designs and several Brãhmanical objects
ranging from Gupta to early Medieval age. The number of fragments of ViSNu figures is quite considerable
and this suggests that a big VaiSNava or Bhãgvata complex once stood on the site.�8
The controversy should stand closed with what Professor Heinrich Luders, the great expert on Mathura, has
to say on the subject. �Considering the well-known untrustworthiness of Dr. Fuhrer�s reports,� he
writes, �there can be no doubt that the VasuSka inscription is only a product of his
imaginations.�9 Steven Rosen has accused Dr. Vogel of �attempted forgery� in editing the Morã Well
inscription discovered by Cunningham in 1882. �Many early archaeologists in India,� he writes, �were
Christian - and they made no bones about their motivation.�10 He adds, �Dr. Vogel in attempting to
distort the Morã Well inscription was right in the line with many of his predecessors in the world of
Indology and archaeology.�11
II
It is welcome that the professors are prepared for an investigation for finding whether the KaTrã mound
hides the remains of a Buddhist monastery under the remains of the Ke�avadeva temple. Only a thorough
excavation of the site on which the Îdgãh stands can settle the question. But it must be pointed out that the
excavation may not stop at the Buddhist monastery if it is uncovered at all. If it is true, as they say, that
Hindus and Buddhists were at daggers drawn in the pre-Islamic period, they should be prepared for the
possibility that the Buddhist monastery itself was built on the ruins of an earlier Hindu temple. After all, the
most ancient and prolific Indian literature associates Mathura with the birth and youth of �rî KrishNa,
while the Buddhist associations with Mathura do not go beyond Greek and KushãNa times. We have
already quoted Romila Thapar regarding the Ke�vadeva tradition going back to the Mauryan period. It is
quite plausible on the hypothesis of the professors that some Greek or KushãNa patron of Buddhism
destroyed a Hindu temple which stood at �rî KrishNa�s place of birth before he raised a Buddhist
monastery on the site. Of course, we do not subscribe to this story of Hindu-Buddhist conflict. There is no
evidence that the Hindus ever destroyed a Buddhist place of worship or vice versa. We are only proposing
a test for the Marxist hypothesis.
It is intriguing indeed that whenever archaeological evidence points towards a mosque as standing on the
site of a Hindu temple, our Marxist professors start seeing a Buddhist monastery buried underneath. They
also invent some �aiva king as destroying Buddhist and Jain shrines whenever the large-scale destruction
of Hindu temples by Islamic invaders is mentioned. They never mention the destruction of big Buddhist
and Jain complexes which dotted the length and breadth of India, Khurasan, and Sinkiang on the eve of the
Islamic invasion, as testified by Hüen Tsang. We should very much like to know from them as to who
destroyed the Buddhist and Jain temples and monasteries at Bukhara, Samarqand, Khotan, Balkh, Bamian,
Kabul, Ghazni, Qandhar, Begram, Jalalabad, Peshawar, Charsadda, Ohind, Taxila, Multan, Mirpurkhas,
Nagar-Parkar, Sialkot, Srinagar, Jalandhar, Jagadhari, Sugh, Tobra, Agroha, Delhi, Mathura, Hastinapur,
Kanauj, Sravasti, Ayodhya, Varanasi, Sarnath, Nalanda, Vikramasila, Vaishali, Rajgir, Odantapuri,
Bharhut, Champa, Paharpur, Jagaddal, Jajnagar, Nagarjunikonda, Amravati, Kanchi, Dwarasamudra,
Devagiri, Bharuch, Valabhi, Girnar, Khambhat Patan, Jalor, Chandravati, Bhinmal, Didwana, Nagaur,
Osian, Ajmer, Bairat, Gwalior, Chanderi, Mandu, Dhar, etc., to mention only the more prominent ones. The
count of smaller Buddhist and Jain temples destroyed by the swordsmen of Islam runs into hundreds of
thousands. There is no dearth of mosques and other Muslim monuments which have buried in their
masonry any number of architectural and sculptural pieces from Buddhist and Jain monuments.
It is not so long ago that Western scholars, even Christian missionaries, used to credit the Hindus at least
with one virtue, namely, religious tolerance. Hindus had received universal acclaim for providing refuge
and religious freedom to the Jews, the Christians, and the Parsis who had run away from persecutions at the
hands of Christian and Islamic rulers in West Asia and Iran. It was also conceded that though Brahmanical,
Buddhist and Jain sects and subsects had had heated discussions among themselves and used even strong
language for their adversaries, the occasions when they exchanged physical blows were few and far
between. The recent spurt of accusations that Hindus also were bigots and vandals like Christians and
Muslims, seems to be an after-thought. Apologists who find it impossible to whitewash Christianity and
Islam, are out to redress the balance by blackening Hinduism. Till recently, the Marxists were well-known
for compiling inventories of capitalist sins in order to hide away the crimes committed in Communist
countries.
The professors see some retributive justice in the destruction of the Ke�avadeva temple by Aurangzeb
because they believe that the temple was built on the ruins of a Buddhist monastery destroyed by the
Hindus in the pre-Islamic past. It does not speak very highly of whatever moral sense the professors may
possess that they should justify or explain away the wrong done by someone during one period in terms of
another wrong done by someone else at some distant date. The whole argument is tantamount to saying that
the murder of A by B is justified or should be explained away because the great-great-great grandfather of
A had murdered C!
But after all is said about the Marxist professors, we must admit the merit of their last point, namely, �the
question of limits to the logic of restoration of religious sites.� Our plea is that the question can be
answered satisfactorily only when we are prepared to face facts and a sense to proportion is restored. That
is exactly what this study intends to do.
Footnotes:
Gautama Navalakhã, �Bhakti Sãhitya kã Durupayoga�, HaMsa, Hindi monthly, New Delhi,
June 1987, p. 21. Emphasis added.
1
2
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report 1906-07, p. 137.
3
Ibid., p. 139.
4
Ibid., p. 140.
5
Ibid., pp. 140-41.
6
Ibid., Annual Report 1911-12, pp. 132-33.
7
How much mistaken General Cunningham could be in his speculations sometimes is shown by
Dr. R.C. Sharma who has been a Curator of the Museum at Mathura. �Sir Alexander
Cunningham,� he writes, �during his first exploration in 1853 found some pillars of a Buddhist
railing at the site of KaTra Keshavadev renowned as birthplace of Lord KRSna. Later he
recovered a gateway from the same spot and a standing Buddha figure from a well recording the
name of the monastery as Yasã Vihãra. He remarks, �I made the first discovery of Buddhist
remains at the temple of Kesau Ray in January 1853, when, after a long search I found a broken
pillar of a Buddhist railing sculptured with the figure of Mãyã Devî standing under the Sãla tree�.
Cunningham was mistaken when he identified the lady on railing as Mãyã Devî. Since it was the
first discovery he thought the representation conveyed some special event. Now we know that the
lady under tree was a common representation on the rail posts of KuSãNa period and it does not
specifically represent Mãyã Devî� (R.C. Sharma, Buddhist Art of Mathurã, Delhi, 1984, p. 51).
8
R.C. Sharma, op. Cit. PP. 83-84.
9
Heinrich Luders, Mathura Inscriptions, Gottingen, 1961, p. 30.
10
Steven Rosen, Archaeology and the Vaishnava Traditions: The Pre-Christian Roots of Krishna
Worship, Calcutta, 1989, pp. 25-26.
11
Ibid., p. 28.
CHAPTER SIX
THE EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE
Commenting on the history of Central Asia, Heinrich Zimmer writes: �During the sixth and early seventh
centuries AD the whole tract was controlled by Turkish rulers, but in the course of the seventh, with
increasing strength of the T�ang Emperors, China gained control. Finally, however, under the onslaught
of Islam, from the eighth century to the tenth, both Buddhist and Manichaean as well as the Nestorian
Christian culture and monuments of the region were destroyed.�1
Coming to North India, he continues: �In the north very little survives of the ancient edifices that were
there prior to the Muslim conquest: only a few mutilated religious sites remain2� It is clear from Indian
literature that both temples and images must have existed in the second century BC and perhaps earlier.
Very little architectural evidence remains, however, antedating the epoch of the Gupta dynasty (C. AD 320650), for it was precisely in the Ganges Valley, the central and chief area of the Gupta empire, that the
Muslim empire flourished a millennium later and most of the monuments above ground were destroyed by
the sectarian zeal of Islam. The oldest stone ruins that have been found represent not the beginnings of a
style, but fully developed forms.�3
He is specific about the destruction of Buddhism in India. �Since the earliest important body of Indian art
surviving to us,� he says, � stems from the century of A�oka, it is predominantly Buddhist. During
subsequent periods, however, Buddhist and Hindu (Brahmanical) themes alternate in rich profusion. The
two traditions flourished side by side, even sharing colleges and monasteries, for nearly two millenniums,
until about the height of the Muslim conquest (C. AD 1200), Buddhism disappeared from the land of its
birth.�4
By now there are hundreds of publications which provide detailed studies of the architecture and sculpture
of many Hindu monuments from all over India. But only a few of them, mostly written by foreigners, state
clearly that what have been studied are heaps of ruins dug out by archaeologists from under tell-tale
mounds. Hindu writers, by and large, leave the impression as if they have studied monuments which stand
intact and in all their original majesty. It is only when we come to the plates that the truth dawns upon us.
What we find there staring us in the face are mostly ruins with architectural fragments and mutilated
sculptures lying scattered on the surface or brought up from underneath.
The travels of Buddhist pilgrims from China and the pre-Islamic epigraphic records on stones and copper
plates tell us how many temples and monasteries stood at what place and at what time. Histories written by
medieval Muslim historians inform us as to who made these monuments disappear and when. The two
sources, taken together, present a total picture which historians have so far studied in separate parts.
Hindus are famous (or notorious) for their poor sense of history as Christians, Muslims and the modern
Westerners understand it. Hindus of medieval India were no exception. They have left no record of what
happened to their places of worship and pilgrimage at the hands of Islamic iconoclasm. We do come across
descriptions of the Muslim behaviour pattern in the Hindu literature from that period. An invariable
ingredient of that pattern is the destruction of temples and the desecration of idols. Accounts relating to
destruction of particular temples at particular dates and places are very rare. That sort of detailed evidence
comes almost entirely from medieval Muslim sources, literary and epigraphic. Archaeological explorations
and excavations in modern times have only confirmed and supplemented that evidence.
Times have changed and so also some moral standards of mankind. Religious tolerance is a value which is
cherished today universally by the dominant intellectual elite of the world. Muslim theologians, scholars
and politicians in present-day India, therefore, want us to believe that Islam stands for religious tolerance
and that there was never a time when it interfered by means of force with the religious beliefs or practices
of other people. They resent any reference whatsoever to the destruction of Hindu temples by Muslim
invaders and rulers in medieval India. Leftist professors and politicians who subscribe to what they
describe as Secularism, dismiss this significant chapter in medieval India's history as a canard spread by
�Hindu communalists�. As most of these worthies happen to be Hindus by accident of birth, they add
considerable weight to Muslim assertions.
There was, however, a time not so long ago when Muslim theologians prescribed and Muslim swordsmen
practised destruction of Hindu temples5 on a large scale. Hundreds of Muslim historians have credited their
heroes with what they rightly regarded as a pious performance according to the principal tenets of Islam.
Most of these histories, written in India as well as elsewhere in the Islamic world, have been printed and
translated in one or more of the modern languages. They are on the shelves of public and private libraries
all over the world. Then there are inscriptions in Arabic and Persian which proclaim the destruction of
Hindu temples or their conversion into mosques with considerable pride. These, too, have been deciphered,
translated and published by archaeological surveys covering India, Central Asia, Eastern Iran, Afghanistan,
Pakistan and Bangladesh. They leave us in no doubt about one of the favourite pastimes of pious Muslim
princes in all these countries which constituted at one time the vast cradle of Hindu culture.
In this and the following chapter we shall present evidence of temple destruction from Islamic sources
which we have been able to reach within limits of our resources. Many sources have remained untapped. It
is hoped that future scholars will fill the gaps in what is a very important subject in the domain of religious
studies. Destroying places of worship of the conquered people has been an important aspect of Christianity
and Islam. But religious studies in the West have so far neglected this aspect because of their Christian
bias. Religious studies in India have failed to take it up partly because we follow the Western patterns of
research but mostly because we subscribe to a mistaken notion of Secularism. Secularism arose in the
modern West as a revolt against the closed theology of Christianity which had acquired a stranglehold on
the State; in India, unfortunately, Secularism has become the biggest single protector of closed theologies
promoted by Christianity and Islam.
There will be frequent references to Muslim kings and dynasties in this narrative. Appendix 1 can be
consulted for placing every reference in its proper historical context. At a later stage in this study we shall
follow the trail of Islamic invasions as they advanced towards different parts of the Hindu homeland and
worked havoc all along their path. That will facilitate an understanding of the evidence from modern
archaeological explorations and excavations which we shall present subsequently.
There are many Muslim monuments all over India which provide unmistakable evidence that materials
from demolished Hindu temples have been used in their construction. Most of them carry inscriptions in
Arabic or Persian stating when they were built and by whom. Some of these inscriptions, installed in
mosques, proclaim that the mosques occupy the sites of Hindu temples which were destroyed. Others say
that temple materials were used in the construction of the mosques. Similar inscriptions on stone slabs lying
loose or not in situ have been discovered in many places; it is difficult to determine as to on what mosques
or other Muslim monuments they were installed. It is a safe bet that many more inscriptions which refer to
destruction of Hindu temples and construction of mosques etc., remain undiscovered or undeciphered or
unpublished. Epigraphists in secular India do not seem to be keen or scrupulous in searching and publishing
evidence which compromises the picture of this country as a �haven of communal amity and peace before
the advent of the British.�
We give below some instances of inscriptions discovered and copied quite some time ago but not published
so far:
1. An Arabic inscription was discovered in the Jãmi� Masjid at Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh in 1953-54.
It says that the idol was broken and the mosque constructed by Sher Muhammad Khãn Ghãzî in AH 1051
(AD 1641-42). Another inscription in the same place says that this Sher Muhammad Khãn was given the
title of Fîrûz Jang by Sultãn Abdullãh Qutb Shãh of Golconda in AH 1055 (AD 1645-46).6 The inscription
has not been published so far.
2. A Persian inscription on the entrance gateway of a mosque at Nuh in the Gurgaon District of Haryana
states that the foundation of this mosque was laid by Bahãdur Khãn Nãhar in the reign of Muhammad Shãh,
son of Fîrûz Shãh (Tughlaq), from the materials of a Hindu temple in village Sainthali where Hindus used
to assemble in large numbers every year. The qãzî of Nauganwa made a representation to Bahãdur Khãn
Nãhar who destroyed the temple and completed the mosque in AH 803 (AD 1400).7 This inscription has
yet to be published though it was discovered in 1963-64.
3. Another Persian inscription discovered in the Jãmi� Masjid at Ritpur in the Amraoti District of
Maharashtra proclaims that the mosque which was originally built by Aurangzeb on the site of a Hindu
temple, having become desolate through passage of time, was reconstructed in AH 1295 (AD 1878) with
the help of contributions raised by the local Muslims.8 This inscription discovered in 1964-65 has not been
published so far.
4. An inscription discovered in 1978-79 on the facade of the Jãmi� Masjid in Mahalla Sunhat at Balasore
in Orissa states die in AH 1079 (AD 1668-69) a mob of Muslim mendicants (faqîrs) led by Tãlib stormed
and set fire to the temple of �rî ChaNdî which was being resorted to by the Hindus. Five years later, the
local faujdãr built the mosque on the same site.9 This inscription, too, remains unpublished.
5. An inscription in the Jãmi� Masjid at Tadpatri in Andhra Pradesh records that the mosque was
constructed on the site of a temple by Mahmûd for offering prayers to Allãh. The inscription dated AH
1107 (AD 1695) was discovered in 1980-81.10 It is not yet published. We do not know anything about
Mahmûd who performed this pious deed in the reign of Aurangzeb.
Similar inscriptions are known to exist in some mosques which are still in use. But they cannot be copied
because they have been covered with plaster. Years ago, Dr. Bloch had seen an inscription in the Pattharkî-Masjid at Patna, the capital of Bihar, stating that the materials for the mosque were obtained from a
Hindu temple at Majhauli (now in the Gorakhpur District of Uttar Pradesh).11 The temple was demolished
in AH 1036 (AD 1626) by Prince Parwiz, a son of the Mughal emperor Jahãngîr. �I made the car stop,�
writes Syed Hasan Askari, �and took my friends to the upper part of the historic Patthar-ki-Masjid. One
of my American friends was an Arabist, but there was nothing for him to read, for the demoralised
custodians had the inscription plastered with cement, considering that it contained provocative
references.�12 Some friends of this author who visited the Jãmi� Masjid at Sambhal in the Moradabad
District of Uttar Pradesh had the same experience when they expressed a desire to have a look at the
inscriptions. This mosque was built in AD 1526 by an officer of Bãbur on the site and from the materials of
the local Hari Mandir.
It may also be mentioned that similar inscriptions which have been published by the archaeological surveys
in countries outside the present-day precincts of India have remained beyond our reach because of the
paucity of our means.
The inscriptions that we present below have been deciphered for the most part by learned Muslim
epigraphists and placed in their proper historical context. The Archaeological Survey of India has published
their fascimilies in its learned journals. They are being presented in a chronological order with reference to
the dates they carry and not in the order in which they were discovered or published.
1. Delhi
This inscription can be seen over the inner eastern gateway of the Quwwat al-Islãm Masjid near the Qutb
Mînãr. It is in situ. Its language is Persian. It states:
�This fort was conquered and this Jãmi� Masjid built in the months of the year 587 by the Amîr, the
great, the glorious commander of the Army, Qutb-ud-daula wad-dîn, the Amîr-ul-umarã Aibeg, the slave of
the Sultãn, may God strengthen his helpers! The materials (?) of 27 idol temples, on each of which
2,000,000 Deliwãl had been spent were used in the (construction of) this mosque. God the Great and
Glorious may have mercy on that slave, every one who is in favour of the good (?) builder prays for this
faith.�13
The Amîr mentioned in the inscription was Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak, a slave of Shihabu�d-Dîn or
Muizzu�d-Dîn Muhammad bin Sãm popularly known as Muhammad Ghûrî. Aibak died at Lahore in
1210. He had crowned himself at the same place in 1206 and is counted as the first sultãn of the Slave or
Mamlûk Dynasty.
The date AH 587 mentioned in the inscription presents a problem. It corresponds to AD 1191 while it is
indisputable according to all sources that Delhi came under Muslim occupation for the first time in 1192,
after the second battle of Tarain. Moreover, Delhi like Ajmer, was left at that time in the hands of a Hindu
prince who was to rule as a tributary of the Ghurid empire. Soon after, Delhi was besieged by a Hindu army
under the leadership of Jhat Rai, a Chauhan general. Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak whom Muhammad Ghûrî had
left in charge of his Indian conquests had to rush back from Meerut which he had captured in the
meanwhile. He was able to reoccupy Delhi and drive away the Hindu only in 1193. It is difficult to say
whether the destruction of the Hindu temples and construction of the mosque mentioned in the inscription
took place during the first occupation in 1192 or the second occupation in 1193. It is surmised that it could
not have happened while Delhi was in charge of a Hindu prince, though it is not a very strong argument the
Hindu prince must have been a helpless witness of what the conquerors did. The only thing that is certain is
that the mosque could not have been built in 1191 when Delhi was still in the hands of an unconquered
Hindu king.
The epigraphist has tried to solve the puzzle. �This inscription,� he writes, �exhibits the titles which he
had assumed in 602 when he received his manumission from the ruler of Ghaznî. Before that date, as long
as his master was alive, there was nothing to prevent him from inscribing his own name on any building he
liked, but he could have done so only if he included the name of his overlord in the record. Now in our
inscription Shihabuddîn�s name is not mentioned, nor does Qutbuddîn appear in it as anything higher than
the Amîr-ul-Umarã. This leads us to the conclusion that the inscription was put up after Qutbuddîn�s
death by order of some ruler, who wished Qutbuddîn�s memory to be preserved as the conqueror of Delhi,
but who had no interest in having it stated that Shihabuddîn was his sovereign at that time. Had
Qutbuddîn�s descendants ruled at Delhi, they might have preferred to assign to him the titles he assumed
as an independent ruler; but his successors were not of his lineage� How long after Qutbuddîn�s death it
was put up, it is difficult to say. But a terminus ante quem is furnished by Ibn Battûtã who read it when at
Delhi during the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq Shãh.�14 It is surmised that the inscription was installed in
the reign of Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236) and the date on it was somehow bungled.
There is thus no doubt that the inscription is very old. Ibn Battûta had reached Delhi in AD 1334 and seen
the mosque immediately afar his arrival. �On the site of this mosque,� he writes, �there was
abudkhãna, that is an idol-house. After the conquest of Delhi it was turned into a mosque.�15 He also
makes a mistake about the date of the conquest which he says was given to him by the Sadr-i-Jahãn, chief
justice of Hind and Sind. But he confirms that �I read that date in an inscription on the arch of the great
congregational mosque there.�16
2. Vijapur
This town is the headquarters of a Taluka in the Mehsana District of Gujarat. The ManSûrî Masjid in the
town has been �entirely reconstructed in the past decade or so, but the inscribed tablet from the old
mosque has been retained and fixed above the central miHrãb.�17 The Persian inscription reads as follows:
�The Blessed and Exalted Allãh says, �And verily, mosques are for Allãh only; hence invoke not anyone
else with Allãh.� This edifice was (originally) built by the infidels. After the advent (lit. time) of Islãm, it
was converted into (lit. became) a mosque. Sermon was (delivered here) for sixty-seven years. Due to the
sedition of the infidels, it was again destroyed. When during the reign of the Sultãn of the time, AHmad,
the affairs of each Iqtã attained magnificence, Babãdur, the Sarkhail, once again carried out repairs.
Through the generosity of Divine munificence, it became like new.�18
The inscription does not mention the date when the Hindu temple was destroyed and a mosque built on its
site, nor the date when the mosque was repaired after the restoration of Muslim authority. �"The
reconstruction,� comments the epigraphist, �must have obviously taken place at a time when Sultãn
Ahmad Shãh had established his unquestioned sway over that region, that is to say, in about 1428. Again, it
is not easy to determine when the Hindu building was first used as a mosque. It is reasonable to think that
after the conquest of Gujarãt, and the consolidation of Muslim rule in the province, by �Alãu�d-Dîn
Khaljî, the building might have been used as a place of Muslim worship and it was used as such till the
time when, about three quarters of a century later, sometime towards the end of the fourteenth century
synchronising with the defiance of central authority by the Gujarãt governor Malik Mufarrîh, the mosque
was desecrated or destroyed.�19
The reference to sermon being delivered in the mosque indicates that it was a Jãmi� Masjid. The Hindu
temple, too, it means must have been a major temple. Muslim iconoclasts generally used the sites of the
most important Hindu temples for raising Jãmi� Masjids.
3. Chittaurgarh
At present this place is the headquarters of a District of the same name in Rajasthan. But in medieval times
it had become famous on account of its very strong fort with which was associated the glory of Mewar. It
was occupied by Muslims for the first time in AD 1303 after a seize of eight months by �Alãu�d-Dîn
Khaljî (AD 1296-1310), the second sultãn of the Khaljî dynasty of Delhi.
At a distance of about one mile outside the Delhi Gate of the fort there is a tomb known as that of Ghaibî
Pîr. Opposite to the tomb is a Muslim graveyard in which there is a small one-wall mosque. The prayer
niche of the mosque carries a Persian inscription of which only a small portion has survived. The learned
epigraphist has read it as follows after restoring some words by conjecture: �He constructed the
congregational mosque. There was temple lying in ruins.�20
The inscription is not in situ as it belongs to a Jãmi� Masjid which this small mosque is not. The
epigraphist thinks that the tablet bearing the inscription seems to be a fragment of another tablet fixed in the
west wall of the tomb of Ghaibî Pîr. The second tablet bears another inscription which mentions the name
Bu�l Muzaffar, the second Sikandar, that is, �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî, and the year AD 1310.21 �If this
guess is correct,� the epigraphist concludes, �it would mean that �Alãu�d-Dîn had ordered the
construction in Chitor, of a congregational mosque, which was completed on the day of Sacrifice, the 10th
of Dhi�l-Hijja of the year AH 709 (11 May AD 1310). Needless to say, no trace remains of any old
mosque in Chitor today.�22
There is another conclusion drawn by the epigraphist after his conjectural restoration of the first inscription.
�It is also interesting to note,� he writes, �provided of course I am not wrong in my conjectural reading
of the second hemistich, that the said Jãmi� mosque was constructed at the site of a temple which was
then lying in ruins� This is particularly important as showing that, not always as is generally supposed, the
Hindu buildings were pulled down to provide materials for mosques and other similar monuments.�23 We
find it difficult to agree. The conjectural reading, �lying in ruins,� is not the only possible reading. It can
as well be read as �made into ruins�, which is the standard expression used in many other inscriptions.
4. Manvi
It is the headquarters of a Taluka of the same name in the Raichur District of Karnataka. A mosque in this
place has a Persian inscription fixed above its door. It reads as follows:
�He (Allãh) is Omniscient. Praise be to Allãh that by the decree of the Nourisher, a mosque has been
converted out of a temple as a sign of religion, in the reign of the world-conquering emperor, the king who
is asylum of the Faith and possessor of the crown, whose kingdom is young (i.e. flourishing), viz. Fîrûz
Shãh Bahmanî, who is the cause of exuberant spring in the garden of religion, Abu�l-Fath the king who
conquered (lit. on horseback). After the victory of the emperor, the chief of chiefs, Safdar (lit. the valiant
commander) of the age, received (the charge of) the fort. The builder of this noble place of prayer is
Muhammad ZaHîr Aqchî, the pivot of the Faith. He constructed in the year eight hundred and nine from the
Migration of the Chosen (prophet Muhammad) this Ka�ba like memento.�24
The year AH 809 corresponds to AD 1406-07. Fîrûz Shãh Bahmanî (AD 1397-1422) was the eighth ruler
of this independent Muslim dynasty established by �Alãu�d-Dîn Bahmanî in AD 1347. The capital of
Fîrûz Shãh was at Gulbarga. It was shifted to Bidar by his son, Ahmad Shãh Bahmanî, some time about AD
1425.
5. Dhar
This is a famous town in the Malwa region of Madhya Pradesh, and head-quarters of a distinct of the same
name. It was the capital of the renowned Bhoja Parmãra who ruled between AD 1000 and 1055. It has a
mausoleum known to be that of Shykh �Abdullãh Shãh Changãl, now in ruins. The doorway of the
entrance to the mausoleum has a long inscription in Persian which, after singing fulsome praises of the
Shykh, says:
�This centre became Muhammadan first by him (and) all the banners of religion were spread� This lionman came from the centre of religion to this old temple with a large force. He broke the images of the false
deities, and turned the idol temple into a mosque. When Rãi Bhoj saw this, through wisdom he embraced
Islãm with the family of his brave warriors. This quarter became illuminated by the light of the
Muhammadan law, and the customs of the infidels became obsolete and abolished. Now this tomb since
those days has become the famous pilgrimage-place of the world. Graves from their oldness became
levelled (to the ground), (and) there remained no mound on any grave. There was [no place] also for the
retirement, wherein the distressed dervish could take rest� The Khaljî king MaHmûd Shãh who is such
that by his justice the world has become adorned like paradise; he built afresh this old structure, and this
house with its enclosure again became new� From the hijra it was 859 (AD 1455) that its (the
building�s) date was written anew��25
The inscription was put up by Mahmûd Shah Khaljî of Malwa, who overthrew the independent Ghurî
dynasty of that province in AD 1436 and ruled as the founder of the independent Khaljî dynasty of Malwa
till 1469. Nothing is known about �Abdullãh Shãh Changãl except that he hailed from Medina and was
one of the earliest crusaders of Islam in Malwa. G. Yazdani who has published and translated this
inscription speculates that �Abdullãh belonged to the army of Mahmûd of Ghaznî who fought with Rãjã
Bhoja� and though he �might have converted only a few Hindus to Islãm, after a period of four hundred
years, can easily have been believed to have converted Rãjã Bhoja with all his family and others to
Islãm.�26 It is, however, more probable, as some other scholars have surmised, that the Hindu king was
Bhoja II who ascended the throne at Dhar in AD 1283 and during whose reign Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD
1290-1296) of Delhi is known to have invaded Malwa. In that case Abdullãh Shãh Changãl seems to have
been a Muslim missionary who accompanied the army of Islam from Delhi, destroyed a Hindu temple,
built a mosque in its place, and forced the Hindu king to profess the faith of the victor.
6. Malan
This is now a small village in the Palanpur Taluka of the Banaskantha District of Gujarat. But in the reign
of Mahmûd Shãh I, also known as Mahmûd BegDhã (AD 1458-1511), of Gujarat, it was the seat of a
Thana and had a Fort. That is why the place has a Jãmi� Masjid. A Persian inscription, fixed on the
central mihràb of the mosque, reads as follows:
�I seek refuge in Allãh from (the mischief of) the accursed Satan (and begin) in the name of Allãh, the
Beneficent, the Merciful. Praise be to Allãh! Allãh the Blessed and Exalted says, �And verily the mosques
are for Allãh only; hence, invoke not anyone else with Allãh.�27 (The prophet), on him be peace, says
�He who builds a mosque in the world, the Exalted Allãh builds for him a palace in Paradise.� In the
auspicious time of the government and peaceful time of Mahmûd Shãh, son of Muhammad Shãh, the
sultãn, the Jãmi�, mosque was constructed on the hill of the fort of Mãlûn (or Mãlwan) by Khãn-iA�zam Ulugh Khãn, may Allãh prolong his life for justice, generosity and benevolence, at the request of
the thãnadãr Kabîr, (son of Diyã), the building was constructed by a servant of Ulugh Khãn (who is)
magnanimous, just, generous, brave (and who) suppressed the wretched infidels. He eradicated the idolhouses and mine of infidelity, along with the idols in the enemy�s country with the blow of the sword, and
made ready this abode with different kinds of stone, marble and marim (?). He made its walls and doors out
of the stone of the idols; the back of every stone became the place for prostration of the believers� the date
was Thursday, fifth of the month of Rajab of the year eight hundred and sixty at the time (5th April, AD
1462).�28
At the end of the inscription, we find a verse from the Qur�ãn (73.20). It says, �And whatever of good
you send on beforehand for yourselves, you will find it with Allãh - that is the best and greatest in reward.
And ask forgiveness of Allãh. Surely, Allãh is Forgiving, Merciful.�
Khãn-i-A�zam Ulugh Khãn was the title conferred upon �Alãu�d-Dîn Suhrãb, the Governor of
Sultanpur, by Qutbu�d-Dîn Ahmad Shãh or Ahmad Shãh II (AD 1451-1458) of Gujarat. He �is last
heard of as being sent to fetch Prince Fath Khãn to be crowned as Mahmûd Shãh I in AH 862 or
863,�29 that is, AD 1457 or 1458.
7. Amod
It is the headquarters of a Taluka of the same name in the Bharuch District of Gujarat. Above the
central mihrãb of its Jãmi� Masjid there is a Persian inscription providing particulars of its construction. It
reads as follows:
�Allãh and His grace. When divine favour was bestowed on Khalîl Shãh, he constructed the Jãmi�
Masjid for the decoration of Islãm; he ruined the idol-house and temple of the polytheists, (and) completed
the Masjid and pulpit in its place. Without doubt, his building was accepted by Allãh. What a pleasing
edifice became the calculation of its year.�30
The italicised portion of the last line is a chronogram which yields the year AH 911 corresponding to AD
1505-06. Khalîl Shãh was the third son of Sultãn Mahmûd BegDhã of Gujarat. At the time he constructed
the Jãmi� Masjid at Amod, he was the Governor of Baroda. He succeeded BegDhã in AD 1511 as
Muzaffar Shãh II and ruled till 1526.
8. Narwar
It is a town in the Shivpuri District of Madhya Pradesh. Inside its fort there is a Muslim place of pilgrimage
known as the shrine of Shãh Madãr. An inscription from this shrine was removed to the Archaeological
Museum at Gwalior. Written partly in Arabic and partly in Persian, it reads:
�Dilãwar Khãn, the chief among the king�s viceroys, caused this mosque to be built which is like a place
of shelter for the favourites. Infidelity has been subdued, and Islãm has triumphed because of him. The
idols have bowed (to him) and the temples have been laid waste on account of him. The temples have been
razed to the ground along with their foundations, and mosques and worship houses are flowing with
riches.�31
The mosque to which the inscription refers was built in AH 960 (AD 1552) when Islãm Shãh, the second
king of the Sûr dynasty founded by Sher Shãh in 1538, was the reigning sultãn. He was the son of Sher
Shãh and ruled from AD 1545 to 1554. The inscription was composed by Sayyid Ahmad and written by
Nazîr Shattãrî. Both of them belonged to the Shattãrî sect of Sufism. An outstanding Sufi of this sect,
Shykh Muhammad Ghaus, had settled down at Gwalior before the invasion of Bãbur and helped the latter
to seize the fort of Gwalior in AD 1527. His services have been recognized by Bãbur in his memoirs.32 The
Shykh�s shrine inside the fort is reported to have replaced a Hindu temple. He had received great favours
from Bãbur (AD 1526-1530) and Humãyûn (AD 1530-1538 and 1555-1556). Akbar (AD 1556-1605)
�revered the Shykh (Muhammad Ghaus) and afterwards became his disciple.�33 Shãh Madãr belonged to
the same Sufi sect.
9. Jaunpur
It is the headquarters of a District of the same name in Uttar Pradesh. Its Hammãm-Darwãza Masjid has
three inscriptions which are complimentary to each other. The first inscription which is over the central
mihrãb of the mosque says that it was built in the reign of �Abu�l-Muzaffar Jalãlu�d-Dîn Muhammad
Akbar Bãdshãh Ghãzi (AD 1556-1605).� The second inscription is built into the wall above the right
mihrãb. It reads as follows:
�Thanks that by the guidance of the Everlasting and Living (Allãh), this house of infidelity became the
niche of prayer (i.e. mosque). As a reward for that, the generous Lord, constructed an abode for its builder
in paradise: The Pen of Reason wrote (the words): the mosque of Nawwãb Muhsin Khãn for the date of its
construction.�34
The italicised words in the last line form a chronogram and yield the year AH 975 (AD 1567-68), which is
the same as in the third inscription fixed above the right mihrãb of the mosque. The builder of the mosque
was Nawwãb Muhsin Khãn. Muhammad Fasîhu�d-Dîn writes in The Sharqi Monuments of
Jaunpur (Allahabad, 1922) that the materials of the mosque were �taken from those of the temple of
Lachman Das, Diwan of Khan-i-Zaman Ali Quli Khan� Akbar made over an the property of the Diwan to
Nawab Mohsin Khan.�35
�It is surprising,� writes the learned epigraphists, W.H. Siddiqi and Z.A. Desai, �that practically
nothing is known about Nawwãb Muhsin Khãn, the builder of this mosque and several other edifices, from
contemporary or later records. The tide Nawwãb prefixed to his name clearly suggests that he was a man of
high status in the reign, probably holding jãgîr or a high post in the sarkãr of Jaunpur, which was included
in Akbar�s time in the sûba of Allãhãbãd.�36 Abu�l Fazl mentions a Muhsin Khãn in Akbar Nãma in
the annals of the year 1571. He was a brother of the �celebrated Shihãbu�d-Dîn Ahmad Khãn� who
belonged to �a Sayyid family of Nishãpur in Iran.� This Muhsin Khãn is probably the same as the
Muhsin Khãn who, according to Abu�l Fazl again, �in AH 982 participated in the Bengal expedition led
by Khãn-i-Khãnãn Munîm Khãn.�37
10. Ghoda
It is now a village in the Khed Taluka of Poona District in Maharashtra. The old Jãmi� Masjid of this
place is known for two Persian inscription on two of its pillars. Joined together, the inscriptions read as
follows:
�Oh Allãh! Oh Muhammad! O �Alî! Mir Muhammad Zamãn made up his mind, he opened the door of
prosperity on himself with his own hand. He demolished thirty-three idol-temples (and) by divine grace,
laid the foundation of a building in this abode of perdition. That the mosques are Allãh�s, therefore call
not upon any one with Allãh (Qur�ãn LXXII, 18). He opened the arms of magnanimity with goodness and
scattered gold, (and) laid the foundation of a mosque like the palace of paradise. I went in contemplation
and sought its date from Wisdom. Wisdom was astonished and said, he built this blessed building.�38
The chronogram contained in the italicised words yields the year AH 994 (AD 1586). The Poona region at
that time was in the Nizãm Shãhî kingdom of Ahmadnagar. The ruler was Murtazã Nizãm Shãh I (15651588) during whose reign the kingdom reached its greatest territorial extent. The epigraphists do not tell us
anything about Mîr Muhammad Zamãn, the builder of the mosque. But one thing is clear from the mention
of Imãm �Alî in the inscription, namely, that Mîr Muhammad Zamãn was a Shi�ah.
11. Poonamalle
This is a town in the Sriperumbudur Taluka of Chingleput District in Tamil Nadu. It has a mosque which
has two inscriptions, one in Persian and the other in Telugu. The Persian inscription states that the mosque
was built in AH 1063 (AD 1653) in the reign of Sultãn �Abdullãh Qutb Shãh (AD 1626-1672) of the Qutb
Shãhî dynasty of Golconda when Mîr Jumlã was the governor of the Carnatic province. The builder was
Rustam ibn Zul-Fiqãr of Istarabad in Iran. �In the margin of the tablet,� writes the epigraphist, G.
Yazdani, �two Persian couplets are carved, the letters of which have been abraded by the effect of
weather. The following words, however, can be deciphered: �Destroyed the house of idols� and built a
mosque, demolished� infidels� built�.�39
The Telugu version, engraved below the Persian inscription, mentions Rustam, the builder, as
�Havaludãrû of the fort at Pûnamalli� and Mîr Jumla as �Hajarati Navãbu-Sãhebulugãru, the agent of
Hajarati Ãlampanna Sultãnu Abdullã Kutupu �abãrãjugãru, the lord of Golconda throne.� The mosque, it
says, is �to last as long as the Moon and Sun,� and �those that cause obstruction (to it) will incur the sin
of killing cow at Kã�i [Varanasi].� The epigraphist adds, �The superstructure of the mosque is built of
brick and mortar, the base being of stone, which may have originally formed part of a Hindu temple.�40
Mîr Jumla whose name was Muhammad Sayyid was �an adventurer from Ardistãn in Persia.� He rose in
the service of the Sultãn of Golconda as whose general he invaded the Carnatic and became Governor of
the conquered territories. �By plundering Hindu temples,� writes J.N. Chaudhuri, �and searching out
hidden treasures, Mir Jumla accumulated a vast fortune, and according to Thevnot, he had twenty maunds
of diamonds in his possession. His jãgîr in Carnatic was like a kingdom� He was almost an independent
ruler and absented himself from the court of Golconda. Alarmed at the growing power of the Wazir, the
Sultãn attempted to bring him under his control but Mîr Jumla entered into intrigues with Bijãpur and
Persia.�41 Later on, he deserted his first employer and entered the service of the Mughals under
Aurangzeb. He destroyed many Hindu temples while operating as a Mughal general in Kuch Bihar.
12. Udayagiri
It is the headquarters of a Taluka of the same name in the Nellore District of Andhra Pradesh. It is famous
for its fort which was held by the Vijayanagara kings before it fell to the Qutb Shãhî rulers of Golconda.
The big mosque on the Udayagiri Hill has a Persian inscription which reads as follows:
�Ghãzî �Alî, lord of the age, victor in war� with the help and support of the victorious king, pivot
(Kutb) of the world, king (Shãh) of the throne of the Dakhan, from one end to the other, he (Ghãzî �Alî)
burnt away the sweepings of idolatry� with the fire of his sword (he) burnt in one moment the idol of the
idol-worshippers; he killed all, that breaker-through (annihilator) of the army; when he captured the fort of
Udayagiri, the world became full of Jessamine; (he) began to construct the mosque and the date
was, �Founder of the mosque - (Ghãzî) �Alî the iconoclast�.�42
The chronogram yields the year AD 1642-43. Ghãzî �Alî was presumably a general of Abdullãh Qutb
Shãh (AD 1626-1672) of Golconda. Nothing more is known about him.
The small mosque on the same Hill carries another Persian inscription which reads as follows:
�During the days of Abdulla Kutb Shãh, the pride of kings, Husain Khãn secured the blessings of God in
that he constructed a new mosque and embellished it. May God accept it for the purpose of prayers. A
thousand and sixty and ten and one elapsed from Hijra (AD 1660-61). He destroyed a temple and
constructed the House of God.�43
Husain also was most probably another general of the same Sultãn of Golconda. Histories of the reign or
period do not supply information about his status or role.
13. Bodhan
It is the headquarters of a Taluka of the same name in the Nizamabad District of Andhra Pradesh. �The
place,� writes G. Yazdani, �is strewn with sculptures of Jaina and Brahmanical professions of
faith� Contemporary history does not mention Bodhan; but the array of antiquities and the discovery of
both Hindu and Muslim inscriptions in recent times establish the fact that the town possessed considerable
religious and strategic importance in early days.�44
The town has a mosque known as Deval Masjid. It carries two inscriptions which state that it was built in
the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq (AD 1325-1351). �The Deval Masjid,� comments G. Yazdani, �as its
name signifies, was originally a Hindu temple, and converted into a mosque by Muhammad Tughlaq at the
time of his conquest of the Deccan. The plan of the building is star-shaped; it has undergone little alteration
at the hands of Moslems excepting the removal of the shrine-chamber and the setting up of a pulpit. The
original arrangement of the pillars remains undisturbed and the figures of tirthankaras may be noticed on
some of them to this day.�45 The date of the conversion of this temple into a mosque is not mentioned in
the inscriptions. The building of the temple is assigned by experts to 9-10th century AD.
The eastern part of the same town has a small mosque known as the �Ãlamgîrî Masjid. One of the two
inscriptions on this mosque reads as under:
�In obedience to the commandment of the Almighty God, the Lord of both the worlds; and in love of�
the exalted Prophet: During the reign of Shãhjahãn, the king of the seven climes, the viceregent of God (lit.
Truth), the master of the necks of people� the benevolent and generous Prince Aurangzeb, whose
existence is a blessing of the Merciful God on people: He built a house for worship with (all) the qualities
of heaven: after the site has been previously occupied by the temple of infidels�� 46
The chronogram, �Most blessed House�, given at the end of the inscription yields the year AH 1065 (AD
1655) �which tallies with the period of Aurangzeb�s governorship of the Deccan, shortly before his
marching upon Delhi against his imperial father.�47
14. Mathura
The Jãmi� Masjid in the heart of this Hindu city has a Persian inscription which reads as follows:
�In the reign of Shãh �Ãlamgîr Muhîu�ddin Walmillah, the king of the world, Aurangzeb, who is
adorned with justice, the lustre of Islãm shone forth to the glory of God; for �Abd-un-Nabi Khãn built this
beautiful mosque. This second �Holy Temple� caused the idols to bow down in worship. You will see
the true meaning of the text, �Truth came and error vanished.�48 Whilst I search for a tãrikh, a voice
came from blissful Truth ordering me to say �Abd-un-Nabi Khãn is the builder of this beautiful
mosque.� May this Jãma Masjid of majestic structure shine forth for ever like the hearts of the pious! Its
roof is high like aspirations of love; its court-yard is wide like the arena of thought.�49
The chronogram which contains the name of the builder, �Abdu�n-Nabî Khãn, yields the year AH 1470
corresponding to AD 1660-1661. �Abdu�n-Nabî Khãn had risen high in the service of Shãh Jahãn. He
fought on the side of Dãrã Shukoh in the decisive Battle of Samugadh in 1658. After the defeat and flight
of Dãrã Shukoh, he joined service under Aurangzeb who appointed him faujdãr in various places. �Abdun
Nabi Khãn,� says Mã�sîr-�Ãlamgîrî, �after removal from his post in Fathpur Jhunjhnu, was created a
2-hazari and appointed faujdãr of Mathurã.�50 Jadunath Sarkar adds, �Aurangzeb chose him as faujdãr of
Mathurã probably because he, being �a religious man� (as the Court history calls him), was expected to
enter heartily into the Emperor�s policy of 'rooting out idolatry.� Soon after joining this post Abdun
Nabi built a Jama� Masjid in the heart of the city of Mathurã (1661-1662) on the ruins of a Hindu
temple. Later, in 1669, he forcibly removed the carved stone railing presented by Dara Shukoh to Keshav
Rai�s temple. When in 1669, the Jat peasantry rose under the leadership of Gokla, the zamindar of Tilpat,
Abdun Nabi marched out to attack them in the village of Bashara, but was shot dead during the encounter
(about 10th May).�51
15. Gwalior
There is a small mosque on the right hand side of the GaNe�a Gate in the fort at Gwalior, headquarters of
a District in Madhya Pradesh. It has a Persian inscription which reads as follows:
In the reign of the great Prince Ãlamgîr,
Like the full shining moon,
The enlightener of the world,
Praise be to God that this happy place,
Was by Motamid Khãn completed as an alms.
It was the idol temple of the vile Gwãlî,
He made it a mosque, like a mansion of paradise.
The Khãn of enlightened heart,
Nay light itself from head to foot,
Displayed the divine light, like that of mid-day,
He closed the idol temple:
Exclamations rose from earth to heaven,
When the light put far away the abode of darkness,
Hatif said �light be blessed.�52
�Gwãlî� mentioned in the inscription refers to the famous Siddha Gawãlîpã after whom Gwalior is
supposed to have been named. Whatever be the truth of the legend, a temple dedicated to Gawãlîpã did
exist at the site now occupied by the mosque. A small temple dedicated to the Siddha exists even now in
the vicinity of the mosque. It seems to have been built after the fort was freed from Muslim occupation.
Mu�tmad Khãn who destroyed the original temple and built the mosque on its site was the Governor of
Gwalior under Aurangzeb. The chronogram in the inscription gives AH 1075 (AD 1664) as the date when
the mosque was completed.
16. Akot
It is the headquarters of a Taluka of the same name in the Akola District of Maharashtra. The
central mihrãb of its Jãmi� Masjid carries a Persian inscription which reads as follows:
�In the name of Allãh, the Beneficent, the Merciful. There is no god except Allãh. Muhammad is His
Prophet, verily. In the just reign of �Ãlamgîr, the king who is the asylum of Faith (and) whose universal
generosity makes the sea and mine shame-stricken, one of his devoted servants, Muhammad Ashraf of god
faith, saw a place where there was a temple. Like Khalîl (Prophet Abraham), he broke the temple at the
command of God, and arranged for the construction of a very steadfast mosque. Year (AH) one thousand
and seventy-eight� (AH 1078 = AD 1667).53
Nothing is known from history about Muhammad Ashraf who constructed this Jãmi� Masjid, though it
ran be surmised that he was some official of the Mughal empire under Aurangzeb (AD 1658-1707).
17. Bidar
It is the headquarters of a District of the same name in the State of Karnataka. It was the capital of the
Bahmanî Empire from AD 1422 to 1569 when it became the seat of the Barîd Shãhî kingdom, one of the
five Muslim states which arose on the eclipse of the Bahmanî dynasty. There is a small mosque on the
slope of a mountain, some two miles to the south-east of Bidar. It has an inscription in Persian which says:
�God there is none but He and we worship not anyone except Him. (He) built a mosque in place of the
temple, and wrote over its door the (Qur�ãnic) verse-�Verily, We conquered.�54 When the exalted
mind of the Khedive, the refuge of Religion, supported by Divine Grace, Abu�z-Zafar MuHi-ud-dîn
Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahãdur �Ãlamgîr, the victorious, was inclined to, and occupied in, destroying
the base of infidelity and darkness and to strengthen the foundation of Islamic religion, the humblest
servant Mukhtãr Khãn al-Husaini as-Sabzwãrî, the governor of the province of Zafarãbãd, demolished the
temple and built a mosque and laid out a garden which by the Grace of the Omniscient God were
completed on the 25th of Rabi�-ul-Awwal in the 14th year of the auspicious reign (AH 1082)
corresponding with the date contained in this hemistich-By the Grace of God this temple became a
mosque��55
The corresponding year of the Christian era was 1670. Aurangzeb was the Mughal emperor from AD 16581707. Mukhtãr Khãn was his local officer. It may be noticed that Bidar is described as Zafarãbãd in this
inscription. This is only one instance of many attempts to Islamicise the names of Indian cities, towns and
even villages. Many of these Islamic place-names have become current so that the original names have to
be excavated from ancient records. Others did not stick and are found only in Muslim histories.
18. Siruguppa
This is now a small town in the Bellary Taluka of the Bellary District of Karnataka. The name means
�pile of wealth� which is justified by its location in a rich wet land as compared to the dry land around it.
Its Lãd Khãn�s Masjid has a Persian inscription regarding the construction of the mosque. �The present
building of the mosque,� writes G. Yazdani, �is of modest dimensions and does not seem to be very old,
but it is not unlikely that it stands upon the site of an older mosque.�56 The inscription reads as follows:
�In Eternity when the Founder of the Fort of �blue firmament� opened the gates of grace and
benevolence and mercy into the face of mankind, since then a ball of �religion� and �state�, justice
and benevolence, was thrown in the pologround and arena of the world. Each of the rulers, monarchs and
sovereigns came (into this world) in turn, and manifested majesty according to his �star�; (each)
gallopped the horse of ambition, but could not bear away the ball, hence (each) threw down the ball of his
head on the chaughãn of �prostration�. Now when the turn of Mas�ûd Khãn came, he bore away the
ball with the chaughãn of courage. Know him of pure faith and belief, and of mature fortune and glory; his
justice has been praised by Naushîrwãn and his generosity (applauded) by Hãtim. The court of his (kingly)
grace is (resplendent) like the Moon; but in the battle-field his awe destroys heads, his wrath and grace in
respect of infidelity and faith add darkness and light (to each). Destroyed temples and idols and built
mosques and Mihrãbs, levelled the mountains in several places and raised walls touching the sky��57
The inscription goes on to credit Mas�ûd Khãn with the construction of a gate at Adoni and another at
Sirkopa (Siruguppa) in the year AH 1086, corresponding to AD 1674. �Mas�ûd Khãn�s name,�
comments G. Yazdani, �is given by Khãfî Khãn in connection with the conquest of the fortress of Ãdoni
by the Mughal army under Firoz Jang in AH 1098-99 (AD 1687-88). Mas�ûd Khãn defended the fort
gallantly on behalf of the Bijapur king, but being unsuccessful in repulsing the Imperial troops, he
ultimately made over to them the key of the Fortress and asked for the safety of his life.�58 His bragging
about his own prowess was of no avail when he was faced with superior military might.
19. Cuddapah
It is the headquarters of a District of the same name in the State of Andhra Pradesh. �Kadapa means a
�gate� in Telegu and the name is said to be derived from the fact that Cuddapah town is the gate to the
holy places at Tirupati.�59 The District was a part of the Chola Empire of Tanjore from the eleventh to the
thirteenth century. In the fourteenth century it became a part of the Vijayanagara Empire. The Qutb Shãhî
Sultãns of Golconda seized it after the defeat of Vijayanagara in 1565 and renamed it Neknãmãbãd. It
passed under Mughal rule in 1688.
A mosque in Cuddapah town carries an inscription which reads as follows:
�In the name of God, the most Merciful and Compassionate. Praise be to God, the Lord of all worlds, and
blessing and peace be upon Muhammad, the apostle of God, and upon all his descendants and companions.
O God, help Islãm and the Muslims by preserving the kingdom of Abu�z-.Zafar Muhîu�d-Dîn
Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahãdur �Ãlamgîr, the victorious king. Blessed be the ruler of the world, the
refuge of the universe; whose name effaces the existence of sin. Since the time of Tîmur who conquered the
kingdom of Romans, there has been no ruler just like the present king (Aurangzeb). The bow which he has
stretched by his powerful arms, is such that the echo of its twing has reached the (distant) seas. By the
sword, which the powerful king has wielded, panic has sprung (even) in the ocean. Although the king of the
time is not a prophet, yet there is no doubt in his being a friend of God. He built the mosque and broke the
idols (at a time) when 1103 years had passed from the flight (of the Prophet).�60
The year AH 1103 corresponds to AD 1692. The first two lines of the inscription are in Arabic and eight
hemistiches that follow are in Persian. Aurangzeb needs no introduction.
20. Surat
It is a large town and the headquarters of a District of the same name in the State of Gujarat. A prosperous
port on the West Coast of India since ancient times, it passed under Muslim rule at the end of the 13th
century. As a gateway to Mecca, it became Bandar Mubãrak, the blessed port.
The walls of a stepped well known as Gopî Talão have two Persian inscriptions. The first one in which
several lines are lost reads as follows: ��The dust of whose feet is the crown of all. Farrukh Siyar the
king, by the fame of whose justice, the creation and the world are in the cradle of repose. The sky of
beneficence, Haidar Qulî Khãn during whose reign tyranny has become extinct� By the grace of God he
completed it� He laid waste several idol temples, in order to make this strong building firm��61
The second inscription is intact and reads as follows: �[During] the period of the second �Ãlamgîr, king
of the faith, Farrukh Siyar, whose sword became the guardian of the realm of Islãm. The hand of his justice
struck a blow on the head of Naushîrwãn (i.e., surpassed him in justice), the country and the nation
everywhere secured tranquility by his justice. Mîr �Ãlam, sincere friend of Haidar Qulî Khãn, a reservoir
of water constructed in Sûrat, which became life-giving to the high and the low. Salsabîl (a fountain of
Paradise) of the Ka�ba of heart, this reservoir of the water of life. The inspirer communicated this
chronogram and showed eloquence. As its bricks were taken from an idol temple, one rose and said, Mîr
�Ãlam became the founder of this reservoir by revelation 1130.�62
The chronogram also yields AH 1130 which corresponds to AD 1718. Haidar Qulî Khãn mentioned in the
two inscriptions was the Mughal officer in charge of Surat in the reign of the Mughal emperor Farrukh
Siyyar (AD 1713-1719) who got Bandã Bairagî tortured and killed and who himself died a dog�s death at
the hands of the Sayyid Brothers. We have a locality in old Delhi which is known as Havelî Haidar Qulî.
21. Cumbum
It is the headquarters of a Taluka of the same name in the Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh. The
central mihrãb of its Gachînãlã Masjid carries a Persian inscription which reads as follows:
�He is Allãh, may He be glorified, the Most Exalted. During the august rule of the emperor, king of the
world, Muhammad Shãh, there was a well-established idol-house in Kuhmum which was strengthened and
fortified by a small fortress. The Khãn of lofty dignity (and) of high position, the source of generosity and
mine of beneficence, the Khan who is the master of (high) position, (namely), Muhammad Sãlih, who
prospers in the rectitude of the affairs of Faith, son of Hãjî Muhammad Kãzim was the ruler of Kuhmum.
He is one of the select grandees of the city of Tabrîz which place is celebrated for producing great persons.
(He) razed to the ground the edifice of the idol-house, and also broke the idols in a manly fashion. (He)
constructed on the site a suitable mosque, towering above the buildings of all. The Angel of the Unseen
communicated the date of its construction in the words: A mosque pleasant in appearance, well founded,
and elegant. The year of the migration of the Prophet, may peace (of God) be upon him, was forty-two, one
hundred and one thousand. Year AH 1142.�63
The chronogram also yields AH 1142 which corresponds to AD 1729-30. Muhammad Sãlih was the
Governor and Nãzim of Cumbum in that year under the Mughal emperor, Muhammad Shãh (AD 171948).
Conclusions
Three conclusions can be safely drawn from a study of these 21 inscriptions. Firstly, the destruction of
Hindu temples continued throughout the Muslim rule, from the date of its first establishment at Delhi in
AD 1192 to its downfall with the death of the Mughal emperor Muhammad Shah in 1748. Secondly, the
destruction took place all over India and was undertaken by rulers belonging to all Muslim dynasties,
imperial as well as provincial. Thirdly, the destruction had no economic or political motive as has been
proposed by Marxist scholars and Muslim apologists; it was inspired by religious zeal and regarded as a
pious performance by Muslim kings and commanders, all of whom took considerable pride in it and sought
blessing from Allãh and the Prophet. The iconoclasts, it may be added, have been idolised all along as
paragons of faith, virtue, justice and generosity. These conclusions become clearer still when we come to
evidence from Islamic literary sources.
Footnotes:
1
Heinrich Zimmer, Art of Indian Asia, Princeton, Paperback Edition, 1983, Vol. I, p. 201.
2
Ibid., p. 246.
3
Ibid., p. 270.
4
Ibid., p. 5n.
5
The word �Hindu� has been used throughout this book to denote all schools of Sanãtana
Dharma - Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jain. See Appendix 3 for how the words �Hindu� and
�Hinduism� have been made to mean what they never meant.
6
Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy 1953-54, C-70 and C-71.
7
Ibid., 1963-M, D-286.
8
Ibid., 1964-65, D-123. The date is significant. As late as AD 1878, Muslims in Maharashtra took
pride in proclaiming that a Jãmi� Masjid occupied the site of a demolished Hindu temple.
9
Ibid., 1978-79, C-56.
10
Ibid., 1980-81, C-14.
11
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report 1906-07, p. 196.
12
Qeyamuddin Ahmad (c-d.), Patna through the Ages, New Delhi, 1988, p. 64.
13
Epigraphia Indo Moslemica, 1911-12, p. 13.
14
Ibid., p. 14.
15
The Rehalã of Ibn Battûta, translated into English by Mahdi Hussain, Baroda. 1976, p. 27.
16
Ibid., p. 32
17
Epigraphia Indica-Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1974, p. 10.
18
Ibid., p. 11.
19
Ibid., p. 12.
20
Epigraphia Indica - Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1959-60, p. 73.
21
Ibid., p. 72.
22
Ibid., p. 73.
23
Ibid., p. 72.
24
Epigraphia Indica - Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1962, p. 58.
25
Epigraphia Indo - Moslemica, 1909-10, pp. 4-5.
26
Ibid., p. 1.
27
Qur�ãn, 72.18.
28
Epigraphia Indica - Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1963, pp. 28-29.
29
Ibid., p. 27.
30
Epigraphia Indo - Moslemica, 1933-34, p. 36.
31
Indian Antiquary, June. 1927, pp. 101-04.
32
Bãbur-Nãma, translated into English by A.S. Beveridge, New Delhi Reprint, 1979, Vol. II, pp.
539-40.
33
Majumdar, R.C. (ed.), op. cit, Vol. VII, The Mughal Empire, Bombay, 1974, p. 106.
34
Epigraphia Indica -Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1969, p. 69.
35
Quoted in Ibid., footnote 2.
36
Ibid., p. 70.
37
Ibid., p. 71.
38
Epigraphia Indo-Mostemica, 1933-34. p. 24.
39
Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1937-38, p. 53, footnote 2.
40
Ibid., pp. 53-54.
41
Majumdar R.C., (ed.), op. cit., Vol. VII, The Mughal Empire. pp. 475-76.
42
Allen Buterworth and V. Venugopaul Chetty, Copper-plate and Stone Inscriptions of South
India, Delhi Reprint, 1989, pp. 385-86.
43
Ibid., pp. 381-82.
44
Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1919-1920, p. 16.
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid., p. 18.
47
Ibid., p. 17.
48
Qur�ãn, 17.83. This ãyat was recited first by Muhammad when he destroyed the idols of pagan
Arabs in the Ka�ba at Mecca.
49
The inscription has been reproduced and translated into English by F.S. Growse in his Mathura:
A District Memoir, third edition (1883) reprinted from Ahmadabad in 1978, pp. 150-51.
Mãã�sir-i-�Ãlamgiri, translated into English by Sir Jadu-Nath Sarkar, Calcutta, 1947, pp. 4748.
50
51
Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 194-95.
52
Archaeological Survey of India, Four Reports Made During the Years 1862-63-64-65 by
Alexander Cunningham, Varanasi Reprint, 1972. p. 335.
53
Epigraphia Indica - Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1963, p. 54.
54
Qur�ãn, 48.1.
55
Epigraphia Indo - Moslemica, 1927-28, p. 33.
56
Epigraphia Indo - Moslemica, 1921-22, p. 8.
57
Ibid., pp. 11-12.
58
Ibid., p. 10.
59
Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series, Madras, New Delhi Reprint. 1985, Vol. I, p. 370.
60
Epigraphia Indo - Moslemica, 1937-38, p. 55.
61
Epigraphia Indo - Moslemica. 1933-34, p. 42.
62
Ibid., p. 41.
63
Epigraphia Indica - Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1959, pp. 65-66.
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE LITERARY EVIDENCE
Islamic literary sources provide far more extensive evidence of temple destruction by the Muslim invaders
of India in medieval times. They also cover a larger area, from Sinkiang and Transoxiana in the North to
Tamil Nadu in the South, and from the Seistan province of present-day Iran in the West to Assam in the
East. As we wade through this evidence, we can visualise how this vast area, which was for long the cradle
of Hindu culture, came to be literally littered with the ruins of temples and monasteries belonging to all
schools of Sanãtana Dharma-Bauddha, Jaina, �aiva, �ãkta, VaishNava and the rest. Archaeological
explorations and excavations in modern times have proved unmistakably that most of the mosques, mazãrs,
ziãrats and dargãhs which were built in this area in medieval times, stood on the sites of and were made
from the materials of deliberately demolished Hindu monuments.
Hundreds of medieval Muslim historians who flourished in India and elsewhere in the world of Islam, have
written detailed accounts of what their heroes did in various parts of the extensive Hindu homeland as they
were invaded one after another. We have had access only to a few of these histories on account of our
limitations in terms of language and resources. Most of the histories pertaining to what are known as
provincial Muslim dynasties, have remained beyond our reach. One thing, however, becomes quite clear
from the evidence we have been able to compile, namely, that almost all Muslim rulers destroyed or
desecrated Hindu temples whenever and wherever they could. Archaeological evidence from various
Muslim monuments, particularly mosques and dargãhs, not only confirms the literary evidence but also
adds the names of some Muslim rulers whom Muslim historians have failed to credit with this pious
performance.
We are citing the literary evidence also in a chronological order, that is, with reference to the time at which
a particular work was written and not with reference to the period with which it deals. Appendix 1 Provides
the names and dates of dynasties and kings described in these histories in the context of India. Most of
these histories start with the creation of Adam and Eve or the rise of the Prophet of Islam, and come down
to the time when the authors lived. Glorification of Islam, as its armies invaded various countries and laid
them waste with slaughter and rapine, is their common theme. The writers have exhausted their imagination
in describing g the holocaust that was caused everywhere and in coining names for those whom they look
down upon as infidels and idolaters.1
The apologists of Islam are likely to point out that quite often the instances of iconoclasm have been copied
by succeeding historians from the writings of their predecessors and that this repetition should be kept in
mind while assessing the extent of temple destruction. There is no substance in this argument. Firstly, there
are many instances of temple destruction which are not reported in the histories but which archaeological
evidence proves. Secondly, what is relevant in this context is that the historians regard some instances as
significant enough to bear repetition. It is obvious that no account of some reigns was considered complete
unless the concerned ruler was credited with the destruction of Hindu temples. Had it not been an important
pious performance from the point of view of Islam, it is inconceivable that historians who wrote in times
when the dust of war had settled down, would have cared to mention it. The repetitions are valuable from
another point of view as well. In quite a few cases, succeeding historians add details which are not found in
the preceding accounts. It is immaterial whether the details were missed by the earlier historians or are the
products of the succeeding historians� imagination. What matters is that the historians thought them fit for
the glorification of Islam.
(1)
Futûhu�l-Buldãn
The author, Ahmad bin Yahya bin Jãbir, is known as al-Bilãdhurî. He lived at the court of Khalîfa AlMutawakkal (AD 847-861) and died in AD 893. His history is one of the earliest and major Arab
chronicles. It gives an account of Arab conquests in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Iran, Armenia,
Transoxiana, Africa, Spain and Sindh. The account is brought down to Khalîfa Mu�tasim�s reign in AD
842. We have had no access to a translation of the full text in a language we know, and have depended on
extracts.
Ibn Samûrah (AD 653)
His full name was �Abd ar-Rahmãn bin Samûrah bin Habîb bin �Abd ash-Shams. He was appointed
governor of Seistan after the first Arab invasion of that province in AD 650 was defeated and dispersed. Ibn
Samûrah reached the capital of Seistan in AD 653.
Seistan (Iran)
�On reaching Dãwar, he surrounded the enemy in the mountain of Zûr, where there was a famous Hindu
temple.�2
��Their idol of Zûr was of gold, and its eyes were two rubies. The zealous Musalmãns cut off its hands
and plucked out its eyes, and then remarked to the Marzabãn how powerless was his idol to do either good
or evil��3
Qutaibah bin Muslim al-Bãhilî (AD 705-715)
He was a general of Al-Hajjãj bin Yûsuf Saqafî, the notorious Governor of Iraq under Caliph Al-Walîd I
(AD 705-715). He was made Governor of Khurasan in AD 705 and is renowned in the history of Islam as
the conqueror of Central Asia right upto Kashghar.
Samarqand (Farghana)
�Other authorities say that Kutaibah granted peace for 700,000 dirhams and entertainment for the
Moslems for three days. The terms of surrender included also the houses of the idols and the fire
temples. The idols were thrown out, plundered of their ornaments and burned, although the Persians used to
say that among them was an idol with which whoever trifled would perish. But when Kutaibah set fire to it
with his own hand, many of them accepted Islãm.�4
Muhammad bin Qãsim (AD 712-715)
He was the nephew as well as son-in-law of Al-Hajjãj, who sent him to Sindh after more than a dozen
invasions of that province had been defeated by the Hindus.
Debal (Sindh)
��The town was thus taken by assault, and the carnage endured for three days. The governor of the town,
appointed by Dãhir, fled and the priests of the temple were massacred. Muhammad marked a place for the
Musalmans to dwell in, built a mosque, and left four thousand Musalmans to garrison the place�
���Ambissa son of Ishãk Az Zabbî, the governor of Sindh, in the Khilafat of Mu�tasim billah
knocked down the upper part of the minaret of the temple and converted it into a prison. At the same time
he began to repair the ruined town with the stones of the minaret��5
Multan (Punjab)
��He then crossed the Biyãs, and went towards Multãn� Muhammad destroyed the water-course; upon
which the inhabitants, oppressed with thirst, surrendered at discretion. He massacred the men capable of
bearing arms, but the children were taken captive, as well as the ministers of the temple, to the number of
six thousand. The Muslamãns found there much gold in a chamber ten cubits long by eight broad, and there
was an aperture above, through which the gold was poured into the chamber��6
Hashãm bin �Amrû al-Taghlabî
He was appointed Governor of Sindh by Khalîfa Al-Mansûr (AD 754-775) of the Abbãsid dynasty. He led
many raids towards different parts of India, both by land and sea.
Kandahar (Maharashtra)
�He then went to Kandahãr in boats and conquered it. He destroyed the Budd there, and built in its place a
mosque.�7
(2)
Tãrîkh-i-Tabarî
The author, Abu Ja�far Muhammad bin Jarîr at-Tabarî, is considered to be the foremost historian of Islam.
His Tãrîkh is regarded as Umdatu�l-Kutab, mother of histories. He was born at Amil in Tabaristan in the
year AD 839. He was educated at Baghdad and lived in Basra and Kufa as well. He travelled to Egypt and
Damascus in order to perfect his knowledge of Traditions. He spent the last days of his life in Baghdad
where he died in AD 922. We have had no access to his work in a translation we could follow. The
citations below are only summaries made by modern historians.
Qutaibah bin Muslim al-Bãhilî (AD 705-715)
Beykund (Khurasan)
�The ultimate capture of Beykund (in AD 706) rewarded him with an incalculable booty; even more than
had hitherto fallen into the hands of the Mahommedans by the conquest of the entire province of
Khorassaun; and the unfortunate merchants of the town, having been absent on a trading excursion while
their country was assailed by the enemy, and finding their habitations desolate on their return contributed
further to enrich the invaders, by the ransom which they paid for the recovery of their wives and children.
The ornaments alone, of which these women had been plundered, being melted down, produced, in gold,
one hundred and fifty thousand meskals; of a dram and a half each. Among the articles of the booty, is also
described an image of gold, of fifty thousand meskals, of which the eyes were two pearls, the exquisite
beauty and magnitude of which excited the surprise and admiration of Kateibah. They were transmitted by
him, with a fifth of the spoil to Hejauje, together with a request that he might be permitted to distribute, to
the troops, the arms which had been found in the place in great profusion.�8
Samarqand (Farghana)
�A breach was, however, at last effected in the walls of the city in AD 712 by the warlike machines of
Kateibah; and some of the most daring of its defenders having fallen by the skill of his archers, the
besieged demanded a cessation of arms to the following day, when they promised to capitulate. The request
was acceded to by Kateibah; and a treaty was the next day accordingly concluded between him and the
prince of Samarkand, by which the latter engaged for the annual payment of ten millions of dirhems, and a
supply of three thousand slaves; of whom it was particularly stipulated, that none should either be in a state
of infancy, or ineffective from old age and debility. He further contracted that the ministers of his religion
should be expelled from their temples and their idols destroyed and burnt; that Kateibah should be allowed
to establish a mosque in the place of the principal temple, in which, to discharge the duties of his faith� To
all this, Ghurek, with whatever reluctance, was compelled to subscribe, and he proceeded accordingly to
prepare for the reception of Kateibah; who at the period agreed upon, entered Samarkand with a retinue of
four hundred persons, selected from his own relatives, and the principal commanders of his army. He was
met by Ghurek, with a respect bordering on adoration, and conducted to the gate of the principal temple,
which he immediately entered; and after performing two rekkauts of the ritual of his faith, directed the
images of pagan worship to be brought before him, for the purpose of being committed to the flames. From
this some of the Turks or Tartars of Samarkand, endeavouring to dissuade him, by a declaration, that
among the images, there was one, which if any person ventured to consume, that person should certainly
perish; Kateibah informed them, that he should not shrink from the experiment, and accordingly set fire to
the whole collection with his own hands; it was soon consumed to ashes, and fifty thousand meskals of
gold and silver, collected from the nails which has been used in the workmanship of the images.�9
Yã�qûb bin Laith (AD 870-871)
He was a highway robber who succeeded in seizing Khurasan from the Tãhirid governors of the Abbãsid
Caliphate. He founded the short-lived Saffãrid dynasty.
Balkh and Kabul (Afghanistan)
�He first took Bãmiãn, which he probably reached by way of Herãt, and then marched on Balkh where he
ruined (the temple) Naushãd. On his way back from Balkh he attacked Kãbul�10
�Starting from Panjhîr, the place he is known to have visited, he must have passed through the capital city
of the Hindu �ãhîs to rob the sacred temple - the reputed place of coronation of the �ãhî rulers-of its
sculptural wealth�11
�The exact details of the spoil collected from the Kãbul valley are lacking. The Tãrîkh [-i-Sistãn] records
50 idols of gold and silver and Mas�udî mentions elephants. The wonder excited in Baghdãd by elephants
and pagan idols forwarded to the Caliph by Ya�qûb also speaks for their high value.
�The best of our authorities put the date of this event in 257 (870-71). Tabarî is more precise and says that
the idols sent by Ya�qûb reached Baghdãd in Rabî� al-Ãkhar, 257 (Feb.-March, 871). Thus the date of
the actual invasion may be placed at the end of AD 870.�12
(3)
Tãrîkhu'l-Hind
�The author, Abû Rîhan Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Bîrûnî al-Khwãrizmî, was born in about AD 970-71.
He was an astronomer, geometrician, historian and logician. He was sent to Ghazni in an embassy from the
Sultãn of Khwãrizm. On invitation from Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030) he entered his service,
travelled to India and spent forty years in the country, chiefly in the Punjab. He learnt Sanskrit and
translated some works from that language into Arabic. His history treats of the literature and learning of the
Hindus at the commencement of the eleventh century.
Jalam ibn Shaiban (Ninth century AD)
Multan (Punjab)
The Sun Temple at Multan has been described by early Arab geographers like Sulaimãn, Mas�ûdî,
Istakhrî and Ibn Hauqal who travelled in India during the ninth and tenth centuries of the Christian era. The
Arab invaders did not destroy it because besides being a rich source of revenue, it provided protection
against Hindu counter-attack. �Mûltan,� wrote Mas�ûdî, �is one of the strongest frontier places of the
Musalmãns� In it is the idol also known by the name of Mûltãn.13 The inhabitants of Sind and India
perform pilgrimages to it from the most distant places; they carry money, precious stones, aloe wood and
all sorts of perfumes there to fulfil their vows. The greatest part of the revenue of the king of Mûltãn is
derived from the rich presents brought to the idol� When the unbelievers14 march against Mûltãn and the
faithful 15 do not feel themselves strong enough to oppose them, they threaten to break their idol, and their
enemies immediately withdraw.�16
Al-Bîrûnî records: �A famous idol of theirs was that of Multan, dedicated to the sun, and therefore
called Aditya. It was of wood and covered with red Cordovan leather; in its two eyes were two red rubies. It
is said to have been made in the last Kritayuga� When Muhammad Ibn Alkasim Ibn Almunabih
conquered Multan, he inquired how the town had become so very flourishing and so many treasures had
there been accumulated, and then he found out that this idol was the cause, for there came pilgrims from all
sides to visit it. Therefore he thought it best to have the idol where it was, but he hung a piece of cow�s
flesh on its neck by way of mockery. On the same place a mosque was built. When the
Karmatians17 occupied Multan, Jalam Ibn Shaiban, the usurper, broke the idol into pieces and killed its
priests��18
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Thanesar (Haryana)
�The city of Taneshar is highly venerated by Hindus. The idol of that place is called Cakrasvamin, i.e. the
owner of the cakra, a weapon which we have already described. It is of bronze, and is nearly the size of a
man. It is now lying in the hippodrome in Ghazna, together with the Lord of Somanath, which is a
representation of the penis of Mahadeva, calledLinga.�19
Somnath (Gujarat)
�The linga he raised was the stone of Somnath, for soma means the moon and natha means master, so that
the whole word means master of the moon. The image was destroyed by the Prince Mahmud, may God be
merciful to him! - AH 416. He ordered the upper part to be broken and the remainder to be transported to
his residence, Ghaznin, with all its coverings and trappings of gold, jewels, and embroidered garments. Part
of it has been thrown into the hippodrome of the town, together with theCakrasvamin, an idol of bronze,
that had been brought from Taneshar. Another part of the idol from Somanath lies before the door of the
mosque of Ghaznin, on which people rub their feet to clean them from dirt and wet.�20
(4)
Kitãbu�l-Yamînî
The author of this history in Arabic was Abû Nasr Muhammad ibn Muhammad al Jabbãru�l-�Utbî. The
family from Utba had held important offices under the Sãmãnîs of Bukhara. �Utbi himself became
Secretary to Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030). His work comprises the whole of the reign of
Subuktigîn and that of Sultãn Mahmûd down to the year AD 1020. He lived a few years longer. Persian
translations of this history are known as Tarjuma-i-Yamînî or Tãrîkh-i-Yamînî.
Amîr Subuktigîn of Ghazni (AD 977-997)
Lamghan (Afghanistan)
�The Amîr marched out towards Lamghãn, which is a city celebrated for its great strength and abounding
wealth. He conquered it and set fire to the places in its vicinity which were inhabited by infidels, and
demolishing idol temples, he established Islãm in them. He marched and captured other cities and killed the
polluted wretches, destroying the idolaters and gratifying the Musalmãns.�21
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Narain (Rajasthan)
�The Sultãn again resolved on an expedition to Hind, and marched towards Nãrãîn, urging his horses and
moving over ground, hard and soft, until he came to the middle of Hind, where he reduced chiefs, who, up
to that time obeyed no master, overturned their idols, put to the sword the vagabonds22 of that country, and
with delay and circumspection proceeded to accomplish his design��23
Nardin (Punjab)
�After the Sultãn had purified Hind from idolatry, and raised mosques therein, he determined to invade
the capital of Hind to punish those who kept idols and would not acknowledge the unity of God� He
marched with a large army in the year AH 404 (AD 1013) during a dark night�24
�A stone was found there in the temple of the great Budda on which an inscription was written purporting
that the temple had been founded fifty thousand years ago. The Sultãn was surprised at the ignorance of
these people, because those who believe in the true faith represent that only seven thousand years have
elapsed since the creation of the world, and the signs of resurrection are even now approaching. The Sultãn
asked his wise men the meaning of this inscription and they all concurred in saying that it was false, and no
faith was to be put in the evidence of a stone.�25
Thanesar (Haryana)
�The chief of Tãnesar was� obstinate in his infidelity and denial of God. So the Sultãn marched against
him with his valiant warriors, for the purpose of planting the standards of Islãm and extirpating idolatry�26
�The blood of the infidels flowed so copiously, that the stream was discoloured, not withstanding its
purity, and people were unable to drink it� The victory was gained by God�s grace, who has established
Islãm for ever as the best of religions, notwithstanding that idolaters revolt against it� Praise be to God,
the protector of the world, for the honour he bestows upon Islãm and Musulmãns.�27
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�The Sultãn then departed from the environs of the city, in which was a temple of the Hindûs. The name
of this place was Maharatul Hind� On both sides of the city there were a thousand houses, to which idol
temples were attached, all strengthened from top to bottom by rivets of iron, and all made of masonry
work�28
�In the middle of the city there was a temple larger and firmer than the rest, which can neither be
described nor painted. The Sultãn thus wrote respecting it: - �If any should wish to construct a building
equal to this, he would not be able to do it without expending an hundred thousand, thousand red dînãrs,
and it would occupy two hundred years even though the most experienced and able workmen were
employed�� The Sultãn gave orders that all the temples should be burnt with naptha and fire, and
levelled with the ground.�29
Kanauj (Uttar Pradesh)
�In Kanauj there were nearly ten thousand temples, which the idolaters falsely and absurdly represented to
have been founded by their ancestors two or three hundred thousand years ago� Many of the inhabitants
of the place fled and were scattered abroad like so many wretched widows and orphans, from the fear
which oppressed them, in consequence of witnessing the fate of their deaf and dumb idols. Many of them
thus effected their escape, and those who did not fly were put to death,�30
(5)
Dîwãn-i-Salmãn
The author, Khwãjah Mas�ûd bin Sa�d bin Salmãn, was a poet. He wrote poems in praise of the
Ghaznavid Sultãns � Mas�ûd, Ibrãhîm and Bahrãm Shãh. He died sometime between AD 1126 and
1131.
Sultãn Abu�l Muzaffar Ibrãhîm (AD 1059-1099)
�As power and the strength of a lion was bestowed upon Ibrãhîm by the Almighty, he made over to him
the well-populated country of Hindustãn and gave him 40,000 valiant horsemen to take the country, in
which there were more than 1000 rãîs� Its length extends from Lahore to the Euphrates, and its breadth
from Kashmîr to the borders of Sîstãn� The army of the king destroyed at one time a thousand temples of
idols, which had each been built for more than a thousand years. How can I describe the victories of the
king��31
Jalandhar (Punjab)
�The narrative of thy battles eclipses the stories of Rustam and Isfandiyãr. Thou didst bring an army in
one night from Dhangãn to Jãlandhar� Thou didst direct but one assault and by that alone brought
destruction upon the country. By the morning meal not one soldier, not oneBrãhman, remained unkilled or
uncaptured. Their beads were severed by the carriers of swords. Their houses were levelled with the ground
with flaming fire� Thou has secured victory to the country and to religion, for amongst the Hindus this
achievement will be remembered till the day of resurrection.�32
Malwa (Madhya Pradesh)
�Thou didst depart with a thousand joyful anticipations on a holy expedition, and didst return having
achieved a thousand victories� On this journey the army destroyed a thousand idol-temples and thy
elephants trampled over more than a hundred strongholds. Thou didst march thy arm to Ujjain; Mãlwã
trembled and fled from thee� On the way to Kãlinjãr thy pomp obscured the light of day. The lip of
infidelity became dry through fear of thee, the eye of plural-worship became blind��33
(6)
Chach-Nãmah
This Persian history was translated from Arabic by Muhammad �Alî bin Hamîd bin Abû Bakr Kûfî in the
time of Nãsiru�d-Dîn Qabãcha, a slave of Muhammad Ghurî, who contested the throne of Delhi with
Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236). The translator who lived at Uccha had gone to Alor and
Bhakkar in search of accounts of the Arab conquest. He met a Maulãna who had inherited a history written
in Arabic by one of his ancestors. The translation in Persian followed because Kûfî found that the Hijãjî
Arabic of the original was little understood by people in those days while the work was �a mine of
wisdom.� The Arabic original has been lost. The author remains unknown.
Muhammad bin Qãsim (AD 712-715)
Nirun (Sindh)
�Muhammad built at Nîrûn a mosque on the site of the temple of Budh, and ordered prayers to be
proclaimed in the Muhammadan fashion and appointed an Imãm.�34
Siwistan and Sisam (Sindh)
Muhammad bin Qãsim wrote to al-Hajjãj, the governor of Iraq: �The forts of Siwistãn and Sîsam have
been already taken. The nephew of Dãhir, his warriors, and principal officers have been despatched, and
infidels converted to Islãm or destroyed. Instead of idol temples, mosques and other places of worship have
been built, pulpits have been erected, the Khutba is read, the call to prayers is raised so that devotions are
performed at the stated hours. The takbîr and praise to the Almighty God are offered every morning and
evening.�35
Alor (Sindh)
�Muhammad Kãsim then entered and all the town people came to the temple of Nobhãr, and prostrated
themselves before an idol. Muhammad Kãsim enquired: �Whose house is this, in which all the people
high and low are respectfully kneeling and bowing down.� They replied: �This is an idol-house called
Nobhãr.� Then, by Muhammad Kãsim�s order, the temple was opened. Entering it with his officers he
saw an equestrian statue. The body of the idol was made of marble or alabaster, and it had on its arms
golden bracelets, set with jewels and rubies. Muhammad Kãsim stretched his hand and took off a bracelet
from one of the idol�s arms. Then he asked the keeper of the Budh temple Nobhãr: �Is this your idol?�
�Yes,� he replied, �but it had two bracelets on, and one is missing.� �Well� said Muhammad
Kãsim, �cannot your god know who has taken away his bracelet?� The keeper bent his head down.
Muhammad Kãsim laughed and returned the bracelet to him, and he fixed it again on the idol�s arm.�36
Multan (Punjab)
�Then all the great and principal inhabitants of the city assembled together, and silver to the weight of
sixty thousand dirams was distributed and every horseman got a share of four hundred dirams weight. After
this, Muhammad Kãsim said that some plan should be devised for realizing the money to be sent to the
Khalîfa. He was pondering over this, when suddenly a Brahman came and said, �Heathenism is now at an
end, the temples are thrown down, the world has received the light of Islãm, and mosques are built instead
of idol temples. I have heard from the elders of Multãn that in ancient times there was a chief in this city
whose name was Jîbawîn, and who was a descendent of the Rãî of Kashmîr. He was a Brahman and a
monk, he strictly followed his religion, and always occupied his time in worshipping idols. When his
treasures exceeded all limits and computation, he made a reservoir on the eastern side of Multãn, which
was hundred yards square. In the middle of it he built a temple fifty yards square, and he made a chamber
in which he concealed forty copper jars each of which was filled with African gold dust. A treasure of three
hundred and thirty mans of gold was buried there. Over it there is an idol made of red gold, and trees are
planted round the reservoir.� It is related by historians, on the authority of �Ali bin Muhammad who had
heard it from Abû Muhammad Hinduî37 that Muhammad Kãsim arose and with his counsellors, guards and
attendants, went to the temple. He saw there an idol made of gold, and its two eye were bright red rubies.
���Muhammad Kãsim ordered the idol to be taken up. Two hundred and thirty mans of gold were
obtained, and forty jars filled with gold dust� This gold and the image were brought to treasury together
with the gems and pearls and treasures which were obtained from the plunder of Multãn.�38
Jãnakî�s Evidence
Jãnakî was one of the daughters of King Dãhir of Sindh. She was captured along with her sister and sent to
the Khalîfa at Baghdad. When the Khalîfa invited Jãnakî to share his bed, she lied to him that she had
already been violated by Muhammad bin Qãsim. Her sister supported her statement. The Khalîfa ordered
that Muhammad be sewed up in raw hide and sent to his court. Muhammad was already dead when the
chest containing him arrived in Baghdad. Jãnakî accused the Khalîfa of having killed one of his great
generals without making proper enquiry. She said:
�The king has committed a very grievous mistake, for he ought not, on account of two slave girls, to have
destroyed a person who had taken captive a hundred thousand modest women like us� and who instead of
temples had erected mosques, pulpits and minarets��39
(7)
Jãmiu�l-Hikãyãt
The author of this collection of stories was Maulãna Nûru�d-Dîn Muhammad �Ufî. He was born in or
near the city of Bukhara in Transoxiana. He came to India and lived in Delhi for some time in the reign of
Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236). He travelled to several other places in India.
�Amrû bin Laith (AD 879-900)
Sakawand (Afghanistan)
�It is related that Amrû Lais conferred the governorship of Zãbulistãn on Fardaghãn and sent him there at
the head of four thousand horse. There was a large Hindu place of worship in that country, which was
called Sakãwand, and people used to come on pilgrimage from the most remote parts of Hindustãn to the
idols of that place. When Fardaghãn arrived in Zãbulistãn he led his army against it, took the temple, broke
the idols in pieces and overthrew the idolaters��40
(8)
Tãju�l-Ma�sîr
The author, Sadru�d-Dîn Muhammad Hasan Nizãmî, was born at Nishapur in Khurasan. He had to leave
his ancestral place because of the Mongol invasion. He came to India and started writing his history in AD
1205. The history opens with the year 1191 and comes down to AD 1217.
Sultãn Muhammad Ghûrî (AD 1175-1206)
Ajmer (Rajasthan)
�He destroyed the pillars and foundations of the idol temples and built in their stead mosques and
colleges, and the precepts of Islãm, and the customs of the law were divulged and established��41
Kuhram and Samana (Punjab)
�The Government of the fort of Kohrãm and of Sãmãna were made over by the Sultãn to Kutbu-d dîn�
He purged by his sword the land of Hind from the filth of infidelity and vice, and freed it from the thorn of
God-plurality, and the impurity of idol-worship, and by his royal vigour and intrepidity, left not one temple
standing��42
Meerut (Uttar Pradesh)
�Kutbu-d dîn marched from Kohrãm �and when he arrived at Mirãt -which is one of the celebrated forts
of the country of Hind, for the strength of its foundations and superstructure, and its ditch, which was as
broad as the ocean and fathomless-an army joined him, sent by the dependent chiefs of the country�. The
fort was captured, and a Kotwal appointed to take up his station in the fort, and all the idol temples were
converted into mosques.�43
Delhi
�He then marched and encamped under the fort of Delhi� The city and its vicinity were freed from idols
and idols-worship, and in the sanctuaries of the images of the Gods, mosques were raised by the
worshippers of one God.�44
�Kutbu-d dîn built the Jãmi� Masjid at Delhi, and adorned it with stones and gold obtained from the
temples which had been demolished by elephants, and covered it with inscriptions in Toghra, containing
the divine commands.�45
Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh)
�From that place [Asni] the royal army proceeded towards Benares �which is the centre of the country of
Hind� and here they destroyed nearly one thousand temples, and raised mosques on their foundations; and
the knowledge of the law became promulgated, and the foundations of religion were established��46
Aligarh (Uttar Pradesh)
�There was a certain tribe in the neighbourhood of Kol which had� occasioned much trouble� �Three
bastions were raised as high as heaven with their beads, and their carcases became the food of beasts of
prey. That tract was freed from idols and idol-worship and the foundations of infidelity were
destroyed���47
Bayana (Rajasthan)
�When Kutbu-d dîn beard of the Sultãn�s march from Ghazna, he was much rejoiced and advanced as
far as Hãnsî to meet him� In the year AH 592 (AD 1196), they marched towards Thangar, and the centre
of idolatry and perdition became the abode of glory and splendour��48
Kalinjar (Uttar Pradesh)
�In the year AH 599 (AD 1202), Kutbu-d dîn proceeded to the investment Kãlinjar, on which expedition
he was accompanied by the Sãhib-Kirãn, Shamsu-d dîn Altamsh� The temples were converted into
mosques and abodes of goodness, and the ejaculations of bead-counters and voices of summoners to prayer
ascended to high heaven, and the very name of idolatry was annihilated��49
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236)
Delhi
�The Sultãn then returned [from Jalor] to Delhi� and after his arrival �not a vestige or name remained
of idol temples which had raised their heads on high; and the light of faith shone out from the darkness of
infidelity� and the moon of religion and the state became resplendent from the heaven of prosperity and
glory.�50
(9)
Kãmilu�t-Tawãrîkh
Also known as Tãrîkh-i-Kãmil, it was written by Shykh �Abu�l Hasan �Alî ibn �Abu�l Karam
Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn �Abdul Karîm ibn �Abdul Wãhid as-Shaibãnî, commonly known as Ibn
Asîr. He was born in AD 1160 in the Jazîrat ibn �Umar, an island on the Tigris above Mosul. The book
embraces the history of the world from the earliest period to the year AD 1230. It enjoys a very high
reputation.
Khalîfa Al-Mahdî (AD 775-785)
Barada (Gujarat)
�In the year 159 (AD 776) Al Mahdî sent an army by sea under �Abdul Malik bin Shahãbu�l
Musamma�î to India� They proceeded on their way and at length disembarked at Barada. When they
reached the place they laid siege to it� The town was reduced to extremities, and God prevailed over it in
the same year. The people were forbidden to worship the Budd, which the Muhammadans burned.�51
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Unidentified Places (Rajasthan and Gujarat)
�So he prayed to the Almighty for aid, and left Ghaznî on the 10th of Sha�bãn AH 414� with 30,000
horse besides volunteers, and took the road to Multãn. After he had crossed the desert he perceived on one
side a fort full of people, in which there were wells. People came down to conciliate him, but he invested
the place, and God gave him victory� So he brought the place under the sway of Islãm, killed the
inhabitants, and broke in pieces their images�52
�The chief of Anhilwãra called Bhîm, fled hastily� Yamînu-d daula again started for Somnãt, and on his
march he came to several forts in which were many images serving as chamberlains or heralds of Somnãt,
and accordingly he (Mahmûd) called them Shaitãn. He killed the people who were in these places,
destroyed the fortifications, broke in pieces the idols and continued his march to Somnãt��53
Somnath (Gujarat)
�This temple of Somnãt was built upon fifty-six pillars of teak wood covered with lead. The idol itself
was in a chamber� Yamînu�d daula seized it, part of it he burnt, and part of it he carried away with him
to Ghaznî, where he made it a step at the entrance of the Jãmi� masjid��54
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Tãrîkh-i-Jahãn-Kushã
�The author, �Alãu�d-Dîn Malik ibn Bahãu�d-Dîn Muhammad Juwainî, was a native of Juwain in
Khurasan near Nishapur. His father who died in AD 1253 was one of the principal revenue officers under
the Mongol ruler of Persia. �Alau�d-Dîn followed in his father�s office. He was with Halãkû during the
Mongol campaign against the Ismãi�lians and was later on appointed the governor of Baghdad. He fell
from grace and was imprisoned at Hamadan. He was, however, exonerated and restored to his office which
he retained till his death in AH 681 (AD 1282). His history comes down to the year AD 1255.
Sultãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Mankbarnî (AD 1222-1231)
Debal (Sindh)
�The Sultãn then went towards Dewal and Darbela and Jaisî� The Sultãn raised a Jãmi� Masjid at
Dewal, on the spot where an idol temple stood.�55
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Tabqãt-i-Nãsirî
The author, Maulãna �Abû Umr �Usmãn Minhãju�d-Dîn bin Sirãju�d-Dîn al-Juzjãnî, was born in AD
1193. In 1227 he arrived in Uccha where he was placed in charge of Madrasa-i-Fîrûzî. He presented
himself to Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish when the latter came to Uccha in 1228. The same year he
accompanied Iltutmish to Delhi and joined the expedition to Gwalior, which city was placed in his charge.
He returned to Delhi in 1238 and took charge of Madrasa-i-Nãsiriya. His fortune brightened after
Nãsiru�d-Dîn became the Sultãn in 1246; he was appointed Qãzi-i-mamãlik in 1251. His history starts
with Adam and comes down the year 1260.
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�When Sultãn Mahmûd ascended the throne of sovereignty, his illustrious deeds became manifest unto all
mankind within the pale of Islãm when he converted so many thousands of idol temples into masjids� He
led an army to Nahrwãlah of Gujarãt, and brought away Manãt, the idol, from Somnãth, and had it broken
into four parts, one of which was cast before the entrance of the great Masjid at Ghaznîn, the second before
the gateway of the Sultãn�s palace, and the third and fourth were sent to Makkah and Madînah
respectively.�56
The translator comments in a footnote: �Among die different coins struck in Mahmûd�s reign one bore
the following inscription: �The right hand of the empire, Mahmûd Sultãn, son of Nãsir-ud-Dîn SubukTigîn, Breaker of Idols.� This coin appears to have been struck at Lãhor, in the seventh year of his
reign.�57
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236)
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
�After he returned to the capital in the year AH 632 (AD 1234) the Sultãn led the hosts of Islãm toward
Mãlwah, and took the fortress and town of Bhîlsãn, and demolished the idol-temple which took three
hundred years in building and which, in altitude, was about one hundred ells.�58
Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)
�From thence he advanced to Ujjain-Nagarî and destroyed the idol-temple of Mahãkãl Dîw. The effigy of
Bikramjît who was sovereign of Ujjain-Nagarî, and from whose reign to the present time one thousand,
three hundred, and sixteen years have elapsed, and from whose reign they date the Hindûî era, together
with other effigies besides his, which were formed of molten brass, together with the stone (idol) of
Mahãkãl were carried away to Delhî, the capital.�59
Among his �Victories and Conquests� is counted the �bringing away of the idol of Mahãkãl, which
they have planted before the gateway of theJãmi� Masjid at the capital city of Delhi in order that all true
believers might tread upon it.�60
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Ãsãru�l-Bilãd
The author, Zakarîya bin Muhammad, was born in the town of Kazwin in Iran and became known as alKazwînî. His work is a compilation from the writings of travellers like Istakhrî and Ibn Hauqal. It was
written between AD 1263 and 1275.
Sultãn Muhmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�SOMNÃT-A celebrated city of India, is situated on the shores of the sea, and washed by its waves.
Among the wonders of that place was the temple in which was placed the idol called Somnãt� When the
Sultãn Yamînu-d Daula Mahmûd bin Subuktigîn went to wage religious war against India, he made great
efforts to capture and destroy Somnãt, in the hope that Hindus would become Muhammadans. He arrived
there in the middle of Zîl K�ada AH 416 (December AD 1025). The Indians made a desperate
resistance� The number of slain exceeded 50,000��61
Muhammad bin Qãsim (AD 712-715)
Multan (Punjab)
�Muhammad Kãsim, ascertaining that large offerings were made to the idol, and wishing to add to his
resources by those means, left it uninjured, but in order to show his horror of Indian superstition, he
attached a piece of cow�s flesh to its neck, by which he was able to gratify his avarice and malignity at the
same time.�62
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Nizãmu�t-Tawãrîkh
The author, �Abû Sa�îd �Abdullah bin �Abû�l Hasan �Alî Baizãwî, was born at Baiza, a town near
Shiraz in Iran. He became a Qãzî, first at Shiraz and then at Tabriz, where he died in AD 1286. His history
starts from the earliest period and comes down to the Mongol invasions.
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghaznî (AD 997-1030)
�Nãsiru-d dîn [Subuktigîn] died in the year AH 387 (AD 997) and the command of his troops descended
to Mahmûd by inheritance, and by confirmation of Nûh, son of Mansûr� He demolished the Hindû
temples and gave prevalence to the Muhammadan faith��63
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Miftãhu'l-Futûh
The author, Amîr Khusrû, was born at Delhi in 1253. His father occupied high positions in the reigns of
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236) and his successors. His mother was the daughter of
another dignitary under Sultãn Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Balban (AD 1266-1286). He himself became a companion
of Balban�s son, Prince Muhammad, and stayed at Multãn till the prince was killed in a battle with the
Mongols. Reputed to be the dearest disciple of Shykh Nizãmu�d-Dîn Auliyã�, he became the lick-spittle
of whoever came out victorious in the contest for the throne at Delhi. He became a court poet of Balban�s
successor, Sultãn Kaiqubãd (AD 1288-1290) and wrote his Qirãnu�s S�ãdaîn in the Sultãn�s praise in
AD 1289. Next, he joined Sultãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1290-1296) as a court poet after the latter
murdered Kaiqubãd. He wrote in 1291 the Miftãhu�l-Futûh which describes Jalãlu�d-Dîn�s victories.
Sultãn Jalãlu�d -Dîn Khaljî (AD 1290-1296)
Jhain (Rajasthan)
�The Sultãn reached Jhãin in the afternoon of the third day and stayed in the palace of the Rãya� He
greatly enjoyed his stay for some time. Coming out, he took a round of the gardens and temples. The idols
he saw amazed him� Next day he got those idols of gold smashed with stones. The pillars of wood were
burnt down by his order� A cry rose from the temples as if a second Mahmûd had taken birth. Two idols
were made of brass, one of which weighed nearly a thousand mans. He got both of them broken, and the
pieces were distributed among his people so that they may throw them at the door of the Masjid on their
return [to Delhi]��64
Another version of the same text is available in the translation by Elliot edited by Dowson:
�Three days after this, the king entered Jhãin at midday and occupied the private apartment of the rãi�
He then visited the temples, which were ornamented with elaborate work in gold and silver. Next day he
went again to the temples, and ordered their destruction, as well as of the fort, and set fire to the palace, and
�thus made hell of paradise�� While the soldiers sought every opportunity of plundering, the Shãh was
engaged in burning the temples, and destroying the idols. There were two bronze idols of Brahma each of
which weighed more than a thousand mans. These were broken into pieces and the fragments distributed
amongst the officers, with orders to throw them down at the gates of the Masjid on their return.�65
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
�When he advanced from the capital of Karra, the Hindûs, in alarm, descended into the earth like ants. He
departed towards the garden of Behãr to dye that soil with blood as red as tulip. He cleared the road to
Ujjain of vile wretches, and created consternation in Bhîlsãn. When he effected his conquests in that
country, he drew out of the river the idols which had been concealed in it.�66
Devagiri (Maharashtra)
�But see the mercy with which he regarded the brokenhearted, for, after seizing the rãî, he set him free
again. He destroyed the temples of the idolaters, and erected pulpits and arches for mosques.�67
(15)
Khazãinu�l-Futûh
This work is also by Amîr Khusrû who wrote it in praise of �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî when the latter became
the Sultãn after murdering his uncle and father-in-law, Sultãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî. Khusrû was among the
foremost notables who welcomed �Alãu�d-Dîn when the latter reached Delhi with the head of the late
king held aloft on the point of a spear. He completed this history in AD 1311. It is famous for its flowery
language and figures of speech.
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Delhi
�He started his building programme with the Jãmi� Hazrat mosque� Thereafter he decided to build a
second mînãr opposite to the lofty mînãrof the Jãmi� Masjid, which mînãr is unparalleled in the
world�68 He ordered the circumference of the new mînãr to be double that of the old one. People were
sent out in all directions in search of stones. Some of them broke the hills into pieces. Some others proved
sharper than steel in breaking the temples of the infidels. Wherever these temples were bent in prayers, they
were made to do prostration.�69
Somnath (Gujarat)
�On Wednesday, the 20th of Jamãdî-ul Awwal in AH 698 (23 February, 1299), the Sultãn sent an order to
the manager of the armed forces for despatching the army of Islãm to Gujarãt so that the temple of Somnãt
on its shore could be destroyed. Ulugh Khãn was put in charge of the expedition. When the royal army
reached that province, it won a victory after great slaughter. Thereafter the Khãn-i-�Ãzam went with his
army to the sea-shore and besieged Somnãt which was a place of worship for the Hindûs. The army of
Islãm broke the idols and the biggest idol was sent to the court of the Sultãn.�70
Professor Mohammed Habib�s translation provides a fuller version. It reads: �So the temple of Somnath
was made to bow towards the Holy Mecca; and as the temple lowered its head and jumped into the sea, you
may say that the building first said its prayers and then had a bath� It seemed as if the tongue of the
Imperial sword explained the meaning of the text: �So he (Abraham) broke them (the idols) into pieces
except the chief of them, that haply they may return to it.� Such a pagan country, the Mecca of the
infidels, now became the Medina of Islam. The followers of Abraham now acted as guides in place of the
Brahman leaders. The robust-hearted true believers rigorously broke all idols and temples wherever they
found them. Owing to the war, �takbir,� and�shahadat� was heard on every side; even the idols by
their breaking affirmed the existence of God. In this ancient land of infidelity the call to prayers rose so
high that it was heard in Baghdad and Madain (Ctesiphon) while the �Ala� proclamation (Khutba)
resounded in the dome of Abraham and over the water of Zamzam� The sword of Islam purified the land
as the Sun purifies the earth.�71
Jhain (Rajasthan)
�On Tuesday, the 3rd of Ziqãd in AH 700 (10 July, 1301), the strong fort [of Ranthambhor] was
conquered. Jhãin which was the abode of the infidels, became a new city for Musalmãns. The temple of
Bãhirdev was the first to be destroyed. Subsequently, all other abodes of idolatry were destroyed. Many
strong temples which would have remained unshaken even by the trumpet blown on the Day of Judgment,
were levelled with the ground when swept by the wind of Islãm.�72
Warangal (Andhra Pradesh)
�When the blessed canopy had been fixed about a mile from the gate of Arangal, the tents around the fort
were pitched together so closely that the head of a needle could not go between them� Orders were issued
that every man should erect behind his own tent a kathgar, that is wooden defence. The trees were cut with
axes and felled, notwithstanding their groans; and the Hindus, who worship trees, could not at that time
come to the rescue of their idols, so that every cursed tree which was in that capital of idolatry was cut
down to the roots�73
�During the attack, the catapults were busily plied on both sides� �Praise be to God for his exaltation of
the religion of Muhammad. It is not to be doubted that stones are worshipped by Gabrs,74 but as the stones
did no service to them, they only bore to heaven the futility of that worship, and at the same time prostrated
their devotees upon earth���75
Deccan and South India
�The tongue of the sword of the Khalîfa of the time, which is the tongue of the flame of Islãm, has
imparted light to the entire darkness of Hindustãn by the illumination of its guidance� and on the right
hand and on the left hand the army has conquered from sea to sea, and several capitals of the gods of the
Hindûs in which Satanism had prevailed since the time of the Jinns, have been demolished. All these
impurities of infidelity have been cleansed by the Sultãn�s destruction of idol temples, beginning with his
first expedition against Deogîr, so that the flames of the light of the law illumine all these unholy countries,
and places for the criers to prayers are exalted on high, and prayers are read in mosques. God be
praised!�76
Chidambaram (Tamil Nadu)
�After returning to Bîrdhûl, he again pursued the Rãjã to Kandûr� The Rãî again escaped him, and he
ordered a general massacre at Kandûr. It was then ascertained that he had fled to Jãlkota� There the Malik
closely pursued him, but he had again escaped to the jungles, which the Malik found himself unable to
penetrate, and he therefore returned to Kandûr� Here he heard that in Brahmastpûrî there was a golden
idol, round which many elephants wore stabled. The Malik started on a night expedition against this place,
and in the morning seized no less then two hundred and fifty elephants. He then determined on razing the
beautiful temple to the ground � �you might say that it was the Paradise of Shaddãd which, after being
lost, those hellites had found, and that it was the golden Lanka of Rãm,� � �the roof was covered with
rubies and emeralds�, - �in short, it was the holy place of the Hindûs, which the Malik dug up from its
foundations with the greatest care� and heads of the Brahmans and idolaters danced from their necks and
fell to the ground at their feet,� and blood flowed in torrents. �The stone idol called Ling Mahãdeo
which had been a long time established at that place and on which the women of the infidels rubbed their
vaginas for [sexual] satisfaction, these, up to this time, the kick of the horse of Islãm had not attempted to
break.� The Musalmãns destroyed all the lings, �and Deo Narain fell down, and the other gods who had
fixed their seats there raised their feet, and jumped so high, that at one leap they reached the fort of Lanka,
and in that affright the lings themselves would have fled had they had any legs to stand on.� Much gold
and valuable jewels fell into the hands of the Musalmãns, who returned to the royal canopy, after executing
their holy project, on the 13th of Zî-l Ka�da, AH 710 (April 1311 AD). They destroyed an the temples at
Bîrdhûl, and placed the plunder in the public treasury.�77
Madura (Tamil Nadu)
�After five days, the royal canopy moved from Bîrdhûl on Thursday, the 17th of Zî-l Ka�da, and arrived
at Kham, and five days afterwards they arrived at the city of Mathra (Madura), the dwelling place of the
brother of the Rãî Sundar Pãndyã. They found the city empty, for the Rãî had fled with the Rãnîs, but had
left two or three elephants in the temple of Jagnãr (Jagganãth). The elephants were captured and the temple
burnt.�78
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Dawal Rãnî-Khizr Khãnî
Amîr Khusrû wrote this epic in AD 1315. It is popularly known as�Ãshîqa, love-story. Its main theme is
love between Dawal Rãnî, the captured daughter of the last Hindu King of Gujarat, and Khizr Khãn, the
eldest son of �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî. It also describes Muslim history in India upto the reign of �Alãu�dDîn Khaljî, including Malik Kãfûr�s expedition to South India in AD 1310.
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Pattan (Tamil Nadu)
�There was another rãî in those parts, whose rule extended over sea and land, a Brahmin named Pandyã
Gurû. He had many cities in his possession, and his capital was Fatan, where there was a temple with an
idol in it laden with jewels� The rãî, when the army of the Sultãn arrived at Fatan, fled away, and what
can an army do without its leader? The Musalmãns in his service sought protection from the king�s army,
and they were made happy with the kind of reception they met. 500 elephants were taken. They then struck
the idol with an iron hatchet, and opened its head. Although it was the very Kibla of the accursed gabrs, it
kissed the earth and filled the holy treasury.�79
(17)
Nuh Siphir
It is the fourth historical mathnavî which Amîr Khusrû wrote when he was 67 years old. It celebrates the
reign of Sultãn Mubãrak Shãh Khaljî. It consists of nine(nuh) siphirs (parts). In Siphir III, he says that the
Hindus �worship...stones, beasts, plants and the sun, but they recognize that these things are creations of
God and adore them simply because their forefathers did so.�80
Sultãn Mubãrak Shãh Khaljî (AD 1316-1320)
Warrangal (Andhra Pradesh)
�They pursued die enemy to the gates and set everything on fire. They burnt down all those gardens and
groves. That paradise of idol-worshippers became like hell. The fire-worshippers of Bud were in alarm and
flocked round their idols��81
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Siyaru�l-Auliyã�
It was written by Sayyid Muhammad bin Mubãrak bin Muhammad �Alwî Kirmãnî known as Amîr or Mîr
Khwurd. He was the grandson of an Iranian merchant who traded between Kirman in Iran and Lahore, and
who became a disciple of Shykh Farîdu�d-Dîn Ganj-i-Shakar, the Sufi luminary of Ajodhan near Multan.
His father was also a disciple of the same Sufi. The family travelled to Delhi after Shykh Farîd�s death
and became devoted to Shykh Nizãmu�d-Dîn Auliyã�. Mîr Khwurd was forced to migrate to Daulatabad
by Sultãn Muhammad bin Tughlaq but allowed to return to Delhi after some time. It was then that he wrote
this detailed biography of the Auliyã� and his disciples.
Shykh Mu�în al-Dîn Chistî of Ajmer (d. AD 1236)
Ajmer (Rajasthan)
�The other miracle is that before his arrival the whole of Hindustan was submerged by unbelief and idolworship. Every haughty man in Hind pronounced himself to be Almighty God and considered himself as
the partner of God. All the people of India used to prostrate themselves before stones, idols, trees, animals,
cows and cow-dung. Because of the darkness of unbelief over this land their hearts were locked and
hardened.
�All India was ignorant of orders of religion and law. All were ignorant of Allãh and His Prophet. None
had seen the Ka�ba. None had heard of the Greatness of Allãh.
�Because of his coming, the, Sun of real believers, the helper of religion, Mu�în al-dîn, the darkness of
unbelief in this land was illumined by the light of Islam.
�Because of his Sword, instead of idols and temples in the land of unbelief now there are
mosques, mihrãb and mimbar. In the land where there were the sayings of the idol-worshippers, there is the
sound of �Allãhu Akbar�.
�The descendants of those who were converted to Islam in this land will live until the Day of Judgement;
so too will those who bring others into the fold of Islam by the sword of Islam. Until the Day of Judgement
these converts will be in the debt of Shaykh al-Islãm Mu�în al-dîn Hasan Sijzã and these people will be
drawing closer to Almighty Allãh because of the auspicious devotion of Mu�în al-dîn.�82
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Tãrîkh-i-Wassãf
The author, �Abdu�llãh ibn Fazlu�llãh of Shiraz, is known by his literary name which was Wassãf, the
panegyrist. The history he wrote is titled Tazjiyatu�l Amsãr Wa Tajriyatu�l Ãsãr. But it is popularly
known as Tãrîkh-i-Wassãf. The first four volumes of the work were published in AD 1300. Later on, the
author added a fifth volume, bringing the history down to AD 1328. The work was dedicated to Sultãn
Uljãîtû, the Mongol ruler of Iran.
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Somnath (Gujarat)
��In short, the Muhammadan army brought the country to utter ruin, and destroyed the lives of the
inhabitants, and plundered the cities, and captured their offspring, so that many temples were deserted and
the idols were broken and trodden under foot, the largest of which was one called Somnãt, fixed upon
stone, polished like a mirror of charming shape and admirable workmanship� Its head was adorned with a
crown set with gold and rubies and pearls and other precious stones� and a necklace of large shining
pearls, like the belt of Orion, depended from the shoulder towards the side of the body.
�The Muhammadan soldiers plundered all these jewels and rapidly set themselves to demolish the idol.
The surviving infidels were deeply affected with grief, and they engaged �to pay a thousand pieces of
gold� as ransom for the idol, but they were indignantly rejected, and the idol was destroyed, and �its
limbs, which were anointed with ambergris and perfumed, were cut off. The fragments were conveyed to
Delhi, and the entrance of the Jãmi� Masjid was paved with them, that people might remember and talk of
this brilliant victory.� Praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds. Amen!�83
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Tãrîkh-i-Guzîda
The author, Hamdu�llãh bin �Abû Bakr bin Hamd bin Nasr Mustaufî of Kazwin in Iran, composed this
work in AD 1329. He was secretary to Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn as well as his father Rashîdu�d-Dîn, the ministers
of Sultãn Uljãîtû. His work contains matter not found elsewhere.
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
��He now attacked the fort of Bhîm, where was a temple of the Hindus. He was victorious, and obtained
much wealth, including about a hundred idols of gold and silver. One of the golden images, which weighed
a million mishkãls, the Sultãn appropriated to the decoration of the Mosque of Ghaznî, so that the
ornaments of the doors were of gold instead of iron.�84
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Masãlik�ul Absãr fi Mamãlik�ul Amsãr
The author, Shihãbu�d-Dîn �Abu�l Abbãs Ahmad bin Yahya bin Fazlu�llãh al-�Umrî, was born in
AD 1301. He was educated at Damascus and Cairo. He is considered to be a great scholar of his time and
author of many books. He occupied high positions in Syria and Egypt. This book of his is a large collection
of history, geography and biographies. He himself never visited India about which he based his account on
sources available to him. He died at Damascus in AD 1348.
Sultãn Muhammad bin Tughlaq (AD 1325-1351)
�The Sultãn is not slack in jihãd. He never lets go of his spear or bridle in pursuing jihãd by land and sea
routes. This is his main occupation which engages his eyes and ears. He has spent vast sums for the
establishment of the faith and the spread of Islãm in these lands, as a result of which the light of Islãm has
reached the inhabitants and the flash of the true faith brightened among them. Fire temples85 have been
destroyed and the images and idols of Budd have been broken, and the lands have been freed from those
who were not included in the dãru�l Islãm, that is, those who had refused to become zimmîs. Islãm has
been spread by him in the far east and has reached the point of sunrise. In the words of �Abû Nasr al-Ãinî,
he has carried the flags of the followers of Islãm where they had never reached before and where no chapter
or verse (of the Qur�ãn) had ever been recited. Thereafter he got mosques and places of worship erected,
and music replaced by call to prayers (azãn), and the incantations of fire-worshippers stopped by recitations
of the Qur�ãn. He directed the people of Islãm towards the citadels of the infidels and, by the grace of
Allãh, made them (the believers) inheritors of wealth and land and that country which they (the believers)
had never trodden upon�86
�The Sultãn who is ruling at present has achieved that which had not been achieved so far by any king. He
has achieved victory, supremacy, conquest of countries, destruction of the forts of the infidels, and
exposure of magicians. He has destroyed idols by which the people of Hindustãn were deceived in
vain��87
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Futûhu�s-Salãtîn
The author whose full name is not known is famous by his surname of Isãmî. His forefathers had served the
Sultãns of Delhi since the days of Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236). He was born in AD 1311-12
and lived at Daulatabad (Devagiri) till 1351 when he finished this work at the age of forty. It covers the
period from Mahamûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030) to Muhammad bin Tughlaq (AD 1325-1351).
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Devagiri (Maharashtra)
�Malik Nãîb [Kãfûr] reached there expeditiously and occupied the fort� He built mosques in places
occupied by temples.�88
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Rehalã of Ibn Battûta
The full name of this book is Tuhfãtu�n-nuzzãr fi Gharãibu�l-amsãr wa Ajãibu�l-afsãr. The author was
Shykh �Abû �Abdu�llãh Muhammad ibn �Abdu�llãh ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrãhim al-Lawãtî at-Tanjî
al- Ma�ruf be Ibn Battûta. He belonged to an Arab family which was settled in Spain since AD 1312. His
grandfather and father enjoyed the reputation of scholars and theologians. He himself was a great scholar
who travelled extensively and over many lands. He came to India in 1325 and visited many places - east,
west, north and south - till he left in 1346. India during this period was ruled by Muhammad bin Tughlaq
with whom Ibn Battûta came in close contact. He was very fond of sampling Hindu girls from different
parts of India. They were presented to him by the Sultãn and other Muslim big-wigs during his sojourn in
various places. He also married Muslim women wherever he stayed, and divorced them before his
departure. He finished his book in 1355 after reaching Fez in Morocco where his family lived after
migration from Spain.
Lahari Bandar (Sindh)
�One day I rode in company with �Alã-ul-mulk and arrived at a plain called Tarna at a distance of seven
miles from the city. There I saw innumerable stone images and animals, many of which had undergone a
change, the original shape being obliterated.89 Some were reduced to a head, others to a foot and so on.
Some of the stones were shaped like grain, wheat, peas, beans and lentils. And there were traces of a house
which contained a chamber built of hewn stone, the whole of which looked like one solid mass. Upon it
was a statue in the form of a man, the only difference being that its head was long, its mouth was towards a
side of its face and its hands at its back like a captive�s. There were pools of water from which an
extremely bad smell came. Some of the walls bore Hindî inscriptions. �Alã-ul-mulk told me that the
historians assume that on this site there was a big city, most of the inhabitants of which were notorious.
They were changed into stone. The petrified human form on the platform in the house mentioned above
was that of their king. The house still goes by the name of �the king�s house�. It is presumed that the
Hindî inscriptions, which some of the walls bear, give the history of the destruction of the inhabitants of
this city. The destruction took place about a thousand years ago��90
Delhi
�Near the eastern gate of the mosque lie two very big idols of copper connected together by stones. Every
one who comes in and goes out of the mosque treads over them. On the site of this mosque was a
bud khãnã that is an idol-house. After the conquest of Delhi it was turned into a mosque��91
Maldive Islands
�Reliable men among the inhabitants of the islands, like the jurist (faqîh) and teacher (mu�allim) �Alî,
the judge �Abdullãh - and others besides them - told me that the inhabitants of these islands were
infidels� Subsequently a westerner named Abul Barakãt the Berbar who knew the great Qur�ãn came to
them� He stayed amongst them and God opened the heart of the king to Islãm and he accepted it before
the end of the month; and his wives, children and courtiers followed suit� They broke to pieces the idols
and razed the idol-house to the ground. On this the islanders embraced Islãm and sent missionaries to the
rest of the islands, the inhabitants of which also became Muslims. The westerner stood in high regard with
them, and they accepted his cult which was that of Imãm Mãlik. May God be pleased with him! And on
account of him they honour the westerners up to this time. He built a mosque which is known after his
name��92
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Tãrîkh-i-Fîrûz Shãhî
The author, Ziau�d-Dîn Baranî was born in AH 684 (AD 1285-86) at Baran, now known as Bulandshahar,
in Uttar Pradesh. His ancestors, paternal as well as maternal, had occupied important positions in the reigns
of Sultãn Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Balban (AD 1266-1286) and the Khaljîs. His uncle was a confidant of
�Alau�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316). Barani became a friend of Amîr Khusrû and a disciple of
Nizãmu�d-Dîn Auliyã�, the renowned Chishtî saint of Delhi. His prosperity continued in the reign of
Sultãn Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Tughlaq (AD 1320-1325) and he became a favourite of Sultãn Muhammad bin
Tughlaq (AD 1325-1351). But he fell from favour with the rise of Sultãn Fîrûz Tughlaq (AD 1351-1388)
and was imprisoned for five months for some offence. He completed this history in AD 1357. It covers a
period of 82 years, from AD 1265 onwards. He wrote several other books among which Fatwa-i-
Jahãndãrî is famous for its tenets regarding how an Islamic state should be run. Baranî�s ideal ruler was
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni. He exhorted Muslim rulers to follow Mahmûd�s example in their treatment of
Hindus, for whom he often uses very foul language.
Sultãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1290-1296)
Jhain (Rajasthan)
�In the year AH 689 (AD 1290), the Sultãn led an army to Rantambhor� He took� Jhãin, destroyed the
idol temples, and broke and burned the idols��93
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
� �Alãu�d-dîn at this time held the territory of Karra, and with the permission of the Sultãn he marched
to Bhailsãn (Bhîlsa). He captured some bronze idols which the Hindus worshipped and sent them on carts
with a variety of rich booty as presents to the Sultãn. The idols were laid before the Badãûn gate for true
believers to tread upon��94
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�At the beginning of the third year of the reign, Ulugh Khãn and Nusrat Khãn, with their amîrs and
generals, and a large army marched against Gujarat� All Gujarãt became a prey to the invaders, and the
idol, which after the victory of Sultãn Mahmûd and his destruction of (the idol) of Manãt, the Brahmans
had set up under the name of Somanãt, for the worship of the Hindus, was carried to Delhi where it was
laid for the people to tread upon��95
Ma�bar (Tamil Nadu)
���Malik Nãîb Kãfûr marched on to Ma�bar, which he also took. He destroyed the golden idol temple
(but-khãnah i-zarîn) of Ma�bar, and the golden idols which for ages had been worshipped by the Hindus
of that country. The fragments of the golden temple, and of the broken idols of gold and gilt became the
rich spoil of the army��96
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Tãrîkh-i-Fîrûz Shãhî
The author, Shams Sirãj Afîf or Shamsu�d-Dîn bin Siraju�d-Dîn, became a courtier of Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh
Tughlaq and undertook to complete the aforementioned history of Baranî who had stopped at the sixth year
of Fîrûz Shãh�s reign.
Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq (AD 1351-1388)
Puri (Orissa)
�The Sultãn left Banãrasî with the intention of pursuing the Rãî of Jãjnagar, who had fled to an island in
the river� News was then brought that in the jangal were seven elephants, and one old she-elephant,
which was very fierce. The Sultãn resolved upon endeavouring to capture these elephants before continuing
the pursuit of the Rãî... 97
�After the hunt was over, the Sultãn directed his attention to the Rãî of Jãjnagar, and entering the palace
where he dwelt he found many fine buildings. It is reported that inside the Rãî�s fort, there was a stone
idol which the infidels called Jagannãth, and to which they paid their devotions. Sultãn Fîroz, in emulation
of Mahmûd Subuktigîn, having rooted up the idol, carried it away to Delhi where he placed it in an
ignominious position��98
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�The idol, Jwãlãmukhî, much worshipped by the infidels, was situated on the road to Nagarkot� Some of
the infidels have reported that Sultãn Fîroz went specially to see this idol and held a golden umbrella over
it. But the author was informed by his respected father, who was in the Sultãn�s retinue, that the infidels
slandered the Sultãn, who was a religious, God-fearing man, who, during the whole forty years of his reign,
paid strict obedience to the law, and that such an action was impossible. The fact is, that when he went to
see the idol, all the rãîs, rãnas andzamîndãrs who accompanied him were summoned into his presence,
when he addressed them, saying, �O fools and weak-minded, how can ye pray to and worship this stone,
for our holy law tells us that those who oppose the decrees of our religion, will go to hell?� The Sultãn
held the idol in the deepest detestation, but the infidels, in the blindness of their delusion, have made this
false statement against him. Other infidels have said that Sultãn Muhammad Shãh bin Tughlik Shãh held an
umbrella over the same idol, but this is also a lie; and good Muhammadans should pay no heed to such
statements. These two Sultãns were sovereigns especially chosen by the Almighty from among the faithful,
and in the whole course of their reigns, wherever they took an idol temple they broke and destroyed it; how,
then, can such assertions be true? The infidels must certainly have lied!�99
Delhi
�A report was brought to the Sultãn that there was in Delhi an old Brahman (zunãr dãr) who persisted in
publicly performing the worship of idols in his house; and that people of the city, both Musulmãns and
Hindus, used to resort to his house to worship the idol. The Brahman had constructed a wooden tablet
(muhrak), which was covered within and without with paintings of demons and other objects� An order
was accordingly given that the Brahman, with his tablet, should be brought into the presence of the Sultãn
at Fîrozãbãd. The judges and doctors and elders and lawyers were summoned, and the case of the Brahman
was submitted for their opinion. Their reply was that the provisions of the Law were clear: the Brahman
must either become a Musulmãn or be burned. The true faith was declared to the Brahman, and the right
course pointed out, but he refused to accept it. Orders were given for raising a pile of faggots before the
door of the darbãr. The Brahman was tied hand and foot and cast into it; the tablet was thrown on top and
the pile was lighted. The writer of this book was present at the darbãr and witnessed the execution. The
tablet of the Brahman was lighted in two places, at his head and at his feet; the wood was dry, and the fire
first reached his feet, and drew from him a cry, but the flames quickly enveloped his head and consumed
him. Behold the Sultãn�s strict adherence to law and rectitude, how he would not deviate in the least from
its decrees!�100
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Inshã-i-Mãhrû
The author, Ãînu�d-Dîn Abdullãh bin Mãhrû, was a high official in the court of Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh
Tughlaq. Inshã-i-Mãhrû is a collection of 133 letters related to various events.
Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq (AD 1351-1388)
Jajnagar (Orissa)
�The victorious standards set out from Jaunpur for the destruction of idols, slaughter of the enemies of
Islãm and hunt for elephants near Padamtalãv� The Sultãn saw Jãjnagar which had been praised by all
travellers�101
�The troops which had been appointed for the destruction of places around Jãjnagar, ended the conceit of
the infidels by means of the sword and the spear. Wherever there were temples and idols in that area, they
were trampled under the hoofs of the horses of Musalmãns�102
�After obtaining victory and sailing on the sea and destroying the temple of Jagannãth and slaughtering
the idolaters, the victorious standards started towards Delhi��103
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Futûhãt-i-Fîrûz Shãhî
This small history was written by Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq (AD 1351-1388) himself. The writer
of Tabqãt-i-Akbarî, Nizãm�ud-Dîn Ahmad, a 16th century historian, says that the Sultãn had got the eight
chapters of his work inscribed on eight slabs of stone which were fixed on eight sides of the octagonal
dome of a building near the Jãmi� Masjid at Fîrûzãbãd.
Prayers for Temple-destroyers of the Past
�The next matter which by God�s help I accomplished, was the repetition of names and titles of former
sovereigns which had been omitted from the prayers of Sabbaths and Feasts. The names of those sovereigns
of Islãm, under whose happy fortune and favour infidel countries had been conquered, whose banners had
waved over many a land, under whom idol-temples had been demolished, and mosques and pulpits built
and exalted, the fragrant creed had been extended, and the people of Islãm had waxen strong and warlike,
the names of these men had fallen into neglect and oblivion. So I decreed that according to established
custom their names and titles should be rehearsed in the khutba and aspirations offered for the remission of
their sins.�104
Delhi and Environs
�The Hindus and idol-worshippers had agreed to pay the money for toleration (zar-i zimmiya) and had
consented to the poll-tax (jizya) in return for which they and their families enjoyed security. These people
now erected new idol-temples in the city and the environs in opposition to the Law of the Prophet which
declares that such temples are not to be tolerated. Under divine guidance I destroyed these edifices and I
killed those leaders of infidelity who seduced others into error, and the lower orders I subjected to stripes
and chastisement, until this abuse was entirely abolished. The following is an instance:- In the village of
Malûh105 there is a tank which they call kund (tank). Here they had built idol-temples and on certain days
the Hindus were accustomed to proceed thither on horseback, and wearing arms. Their women and children
also went out in palankins and carts. There they assembled in thousands and performed idol-worship�
When intelligence of this came to my ears my religious feelings prompted me at once to put a stop to this
scandal and offence to the religion of Islãm. On the day of the assembly I went there in person and I
ordered that the leaders of these people and the promoters of this abomination should be put to death. I
forbade the infliction of any severe punishments on Hindus in general, but I destroyed their idol-temples,
and instead thereof raised mosques. I founded two flourishing towns (kasba), one called Tughlikpûr, the
other Sãlãrpûr. Where infidels and idolaters worshipped idols, Musulmãns now, by God�s mercy, perform
their devotions to the true God. Praises of God and the summons to prayer are now heard there, and that
place which was formerly the home of infidels has become the habitation of the faithful, who there repeat
their creed and offer up their praises to God.
�Information was brought to me that some Hindus had erected a new idol temple in the village of
Sãlihpûr, and were performing worship to their idols. I sent some persons there to destroy the idol temple,
and put a stop to their pernicious incitements to error.�106
Gohana (Haryana)
�Some Hindûs had erected a new idol-temple in the village of Kohãna, and the idolaters used to assemble
there and perform their idolatrous rites. These people were seized and brought before me. I ordered that the
perverse conduct of the leaders of this wickedness should be publicly proclaimed, and that they should be
put to death before the gate of the palace. I also ordered that the infidel books, the idols, and the vessels
used in their worship, which had been taken with them, should all be publicly burnt. The others were
restrained by threats and punishments, as a warning to all men, that no zimmî could follow such wicked
practices in a Musulmãn country.�107
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Sîrat-Fîrûz Shãhî
It is a text either written or dictated by Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq himself. According to this book, the
objects of his expedition to Jajnagar were: �extirpating Rai Gajpat, massacring the
unbelievers, demolishing their temples, hunting elephants, and getting a glimpse of their enchanting
country.� �Ain-ul-Mulk also says, �The object of the expedition was to break the idols, to shed the
blood of the enemies of Islãm (and) to hunt elephants.�108
Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq (AD 1351-1388)
Puri (Orissa)
�Allãh, who is the only true God and has no other emanation, endowed the king of Islãm with the strength
to destroy this ancient shrine on the eastern sea-coast and to plunge it into the sea, and after its destruction,
he ordered the nose of the image of Jagannãth to be perforated and disgraced it by casting it down on the
ground. They dug out other idols, which were worshipped by the polytheists in the kingdom of Jãjnagar,
and overthrew them as they did the image of Jagannãth, for being laid in front of the mosques along the
path of the Sunnis and way of the musallis (the multitude who offer prayers) and stretched them in front of
the portals of every mosque, so that the body and sides of the images may be trampled at the time of ascent
and descent, entrance and exit, by the shoes on the feet of the Muslims.�109
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Tãrîkh-i-Mubãrak Shãhî
The author, Yahya bin Ahmad bin Abdu�llãh Sirhindî, lived in the reign of Sultãn Muizu�d-Dîn Abu�l
Fath Mubãrak Shãh (AD 1421-1434) of the Sayyid dynasty which ruled at Delhi from AD 1414 to 1451.
This history starts from the time of Muhammad Ghûrî (AD 1175-1206) and closes with the year AD 1434.
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236)
Vidisha and Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)
�In AH 631 he invaded Mãlwah, and after suppressing the rebels of that place, he destroyed that idoltemple which had existed there for the past three hundred years.
�Next he turned towards Ujjain and conquered it, and after demolishing the idol-temple of Mahãkãl, he
uprooted the statue of Bikramãjît together with all other statues and images which were placed on
pedestals, and brought them to the capital where they were laid before the Jãmi� Masjid for being trodden
under foot by the people.�110
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�Ulugh Khãn invaded Gujarãt. He sacked the whole country� He pursued the Rãî upto Somnãth. He
destroyed the temple of Somnãth which was the principal place of worship for the Hindûs and great Rãîs
since ancient times. He constructed a mosque on the site and returned to Delhi��111
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Tãrîkh-i-Muhammadî
The author, Muhammad Bihãmad Khãnî was the son of the governor of Irich in Bundelkhand. He was a
soldier who participated in several wars. At last he became the disciple of a Sufi, Yûsuf Buddha, of Irich
and spent the rest of his life in religious pursuits. His history covers a long period - from Prophet
Muhammad to AD 1438-39.
Sultãn Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Tughlaq Shãh II (AD 1388-89)
Kalpi (Uttar Pradesh)
�In the meanwhile Delhi received news of the defeat of the armies of Islãm which were with Malikzãdã
Mahmûd bin Fîrûz Khãn� This Malikzãdã reached the bank of the Yamunã via Shãhpur and renamed
Kãlpî, which was the abode and centre of the infidels and the wicked, as Muhammadãbãd, after the name of
Prophet Muhammad. He got mosques erected for the worship of Allãh in places occupied by temples, and
made that city his capital.�112
Sultãn Nasîru�d-Dîn Mahmûd Shãh Tughlaq (AD 1389-1412)
Kalpi (Uttar Pradesh)
�Historians have recorded that in the auspicious year AH 792 (AD 1389-90) Sultãn Nasîru�d-Dîn got
founded a city named Muhammadãbãd, after the name of Prophet Muhammad, at a place known as Kãlpî
which was a home of the accursed infidels, and he got mosques raised in place of temples for the worship
of Allãh. He got palaces, tombs and schools constructed, and ended the wicked ways of the infidels, and
promoted the Shariat of Prophet Muhammad��113
Khandaut (Uttar Pradesh)
�He laid waste KhaNdaut which was the home of infidels and, having made it an abode of Islãm, founded
Mahmûdãbãd after his own name. He got a splendid palace and fort constructed there and established all
the customs of Islãm in that city and place.�114
Prayag and Kara (Uttar Pradesh)
�The Sultãn moved with the armies of Islãm towards Prayãg and Arail with the aim of destroying the
infidels, and he laid waste both those places. The vast crowd which had collected at Prayãg for worshipping
false gods was made captive. The inhabitants of Karã were freed from the mischief of rebels on account of
this aid from the king and the name of this king of Islãm became famous by this reason.�115
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Jawamiu�l Kilãm
The book contains the malfûzãt of Khwãjah Sayyid Muhammad bin Yãsuf al-Husainî Bandã Nawãz Gisû
Darãz (AD 1321-1422), one of the leading disciples of Shykh Nasiru�d-Dîn Mahmûd Chirãgh-i-Dihlî. He
settled down at Gulbarga, the capital of the Bahmanî Empire in the Deccan, and became the mentor of
Sultãn Ahmad Shãh Bahmanî (AD 1422-1436).
Shykh Jalãlu�d-Dîn Tabrizî (AH 533-623)
Pandua (Bengal)
�An anecdote relating to Shaikh Jalalu�d-Din�s stay in Deva Mahal reads like other stock-in-trade
stories and fairytales. It was related by such an authority as Gisu Daraz. According to him Shaikh
Jalalu�d-Din stayed at Pandua in the house of a flower vendor. On the day of his arrival, he found each of
the house members crying. On enquiry he was told there was a demon in the temple who daily ate a young
man. It was the king�s duty to provide the demon with his daily food. On that day it was the turn of the
young son in the family. The Shaikh requested them to send him in place of their son but they refused to
accept the offer for fear of the king. The Shaikh, then followed the young man to the temple and killed the
demon with a single blow from his staff. When the king accompanied by his retinue reached the temple to
worship the demon they were amazed to find the demon killed and an old man dressed in black with his
head covered with a blanket. The Shaikh invited them to see the fate with their god. The sight of their
vanquished idol prompted them to accept Islam.�116
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Habîbu�s-Siyar
The author, Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Muhammad bin Humãmu�d-Dîn, is known as Khondmîr. He was the son of
Mîrkhond, the author of the famous Persian history, Rauzatu�s-Safa. Born at Herat in AD 1475 he
reached Agra in 1528-29 when he was introduced to Bãbur. He accompanied Bãbur in his expedition to
Bengal and Humãyûn in his expedition to Gujarat where he died in 1534-35. His Khulãstu�l-Akhbãr is a
history of Asia brought down to AD 1471. The Habîbu�s-Siyar which he started writing in 1521 starts
with the birth of the Prophet and comes down to AD 1534-35.
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�He several times waged war against the infidels of Hindustãn, and he brought under his subjection a
large portion of their country, until, having made himself master of Somnãt, he destroyed all idol temples
of that country�117
��Sultãn Mahmûd, having entered into the idol temple, beheld an excessively long and broad room, in so
much that fifty-six pillars had been made to support the roof. Somnãt was an idol cut out of stone, whose
height was five yards, of which three yards were visible, and two yards were concealed in the ground.
Yamînu-d daula having broken that idol with his own hand, ordered that they should pack up pieces of the
stone, take them to Ghaznîn, and throw them on the threshold of the Jãma� Masjid��118
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�From that place the Sultãn proceeded to a certain city, which was accounted holy by the people of the
country. In that city the men of Ghaznîn saw so many strange and wonderful things, that to tell them or to
write a description of them is not easy� In short, the Sultãn Mahmûd having possessed himself of the
booty, burned their idol temples and proceeded towards Kanauj.�119
Kanauj (Uttar Pradesh)
��The Ghaznivids found in these forts and their dependencies 10,000 idol temples, and they ascertained
the vicious belief of the Hindus to be, that since the erection of these buildings no less than three or four
hundred thousand years had elapsed. Sultãn Mahmûd during this expedition achieved many other conquests
after he left Kanauj, and sent to hell many of the infidels with blows of the well tempered sword. Such a
number of slaves were assembled in that great camp, that the price of a single one did not exceed
ten dirhams.�120
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Bãbur-Nãma
It is an autobiography written in the form of a diary by Zahîru�d-Dîn Muhammad Bãbur, founder of the
Mughal dynasty in India, who proclaimed himself a Pãdshãh after his victory in the First Battle of Panipat
(AD 1526), and a Ghãzî (killer of kãfirs) after the defeat of RãNã Sãñgã in the Battle of Khanwa (AD
1528). While presenting himself as an indefatigable warrior and drug-addict he does not hide the cruelties
he committed on the defeated people, particularly his fondness for building towers of the heads of those he
captured as prisoners of war or killed in battle. He is very liberal in citing appropriate verses from
the Qur�ãn on the eve of his battle with RãNã Sãñgã. In order to ensure his victory, he makes a covenant
with Allãh by breaking the vessels containing wine as also the cups for drinking it, swearing at the same
time that �he would break the idols of the idol-worshippers in a similar manner.�121 In theFathNãma (prayer for victory) composed for him by Shykh Zain, Allah is described as �destroyer of idols
from their foundations.�122 The language he uses for his Hindu adversaries is typically Islamic.
Zahîru�d-Dîn Muhammad Bãbur Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1526-1530)
Chanderi (Madhya Pradesh)
�In AH 934 (AD 1528), I attacked Chanderî and, by the grace of Allãh, captured it in a few hours� We
got the infidels slaughtered and the place which had been a dãru�l-harb for years, was made into
a dãru�l-Islãm.�123
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh)
�Next day, at the time of the noon prayer, we went out for seeing those places in Gwãlior which we had
not yet seen� Going out of the Hãthîpole Gate of the fort, we arrived at a place called Urwã�
�Solid rocks surround Urwã on three sides� On these sides people have carved statues in stone. They are
in all sizes, small and big. A very big statue, which is on the southern side, is perhaps 20 yards high. These
statues are altogether naked and even their private parts are not covered�
�Urwã is not a bad place. It is an enclosed space. Its biggest blemish is its statues. I ordered that they
should be destroyed.�124
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Siyaru�l-�Ãrifîn
The author, Hamîd bin Fazlullãh is also known as Dervish Jamãlî Kamboh Dihlawî. He was a Sufi of the
Suhrawardiyya sect who died in AD 1536 while accompanying the Mughal Emperor Humãyun in the
latter�s expedition to Gujarat. His son, Shykh Gadãî was with the Mughal army in the Second Battle of
Panipat (AD 1556) and advised Akbar to kill the Hindu king, Hîmû, with his own hand. On Akbar�s
refusal, according to Badãunî, Shykh Gadãî helped Bairam Khãn in doing the same deed.Siyaru�l-
�Ãrifîn, completed between AD 1530 and 1536, is an account of the Chishtî and Suhrawardî Sufis of the
period.
Shykh Jalãlu�d-Dîn Tabrizî (AH 533-623)
He was the second most outstanding disciple of Shykh Shihabu�d-Dîn Suhrawardî (AD 1145-1235),
founder of the Suhrawardiyya silsilã of Sufism. Having lived in Multan, Delhi and Badaun, he finally
settled down in Lakhanauti, also known as Gaur, in Bengal.
Devatala (Bengal)
�Shaikh Jalalu�d-Dîn had many disciples in Bengal. He first lived at Lakhnauti, constructed
a khanqah and attached a langar to it. He also bought some gardens and land to be attached to the
monastery. He moved to Devatalla (Deva Mahal) near Pandua in northern Bengal. There a kafir(either a
Hindu or a Buddhist) had erected a large temple and a well. The Shaikh demolished the temple and
constructed a takiya (khanqah) and converted a large number of kafirs� Devatalla came to be known as
Tabrizabad and attracted a large number of pilgrims.�125
Shykh �Abû Bakr Tûsî Haidarî (Thirteenth Century AD)
He was a qalandar (anchorite) of the Haidarî sect founded by a Turk named Haidar, who lived in Sawa in
Kuhistan. His disciples migrated into India when the Mongols sacked their homeland.
Delhi
�The most prominent Indian Haidari was Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi Haidari, who settled in Delhi in the midthirteenth century. There he demolished a temple on a site on the banks of the Jamna where he built
a khanqah and organized sama gathering. Shaikh Nizamu�d-Din Auliya� was a frequent visitor of Abu
Bakr as was Shaikh Jamalu�d-Din of Hansi when he was in Delhi. The latter gave Shaikh Abu Bakr the
title Baz-i Safid (White Falcon) symbolizing his rare mystical achievements.�126
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Tãrîkh-i-Shãhî
The author, Ahmad Yãdgãr, was an old servant of the Sûr sultãns. He started writing this history on order
from Da�ûd Shãh bin Sulaimãn Shãh. It is also known as Tãrîkh-i-Afãghana and Tãrîkh-i-Salãtin-IAfãghana. It deals with the history of the Lodîs down to AD 1554. He completed it in AH 1001-02 (AD
1592-93). He calls the Hindu kings �rascally infidels�, �black-faced foes�, �evil-doers�, �darkfaced men�, etc. He extols the plunder and depopulation of entire regions by Bahlûl Lodî (AD 14511489). He reports how Bãbur presented to his sons, Humãyûn and Kãmrãn, two daughters of the Raja of
Chanderi.
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
Kurukshetra (Haryana)
�One day he ordered that �an expedition be sent to Thaneswar, (the tanks at) Kurkaksetra should be
filled up with earth, and the land measured and allotted to pious people for their maintenance,� �He was
such a great partisan of Islãm in die days of his youth��127
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�Sultãn Sikandar led a very pious life� Islãm was regarded very highly in his reign. The infidels could
not muster the courage to worship idols or bathe in the (sacred) streams. During his holy reign, idols were
hidden underground. The stone (idol) of Nagarkot, which had misled the (whole) world, was brought and
handed over to butchers so that they might weigh meat with it.�128
Sultãn Ibrãhim Lodî (AD 1517-1526)
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh)
�It so happened that Rãjã Mãn, the ruler of Gwãlior who had been warring with the Sultãns for years,
went to hell. His son, Bikarmãjît, became his successor. The Sultãn captured the fort after a hard
fight. There was a quadruped, made of copper, at the door of the fort. It used to speak. It was brought from
there and placed in the fort at Agra. It remained there till the reign of Akbar Bãdshãh. It was melted and a
cannon was made out of it at the order of the Bãdshãh.�129
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Tãrîkh-i-Sher Shãhî
The author, Abbãs Sarwãnî, was connected with the family of Sher Shãh Sûr by marriage. He wrote this
work by order of Akbar, the Mughal emperor, and named it Tuhfãt-i-Akbar Shãhî. But it became known
asTãrîkh-i-Sher Shãhî because of its main theme. He wrote it probably soon after AD 1579.
Sher Shãh Sûr (AD 1538-1545)
��The nobles and chiefs said, �It seems expedient that the victorious standards should move towards
the Dekhin��Sher Shãh replied: �What you have said is most right and proper, but it has come into my
mind that since the time of Sultãn Ibrãhîm, the infidel zamîndãrs have rendered the country of Islãm full of
unbelievers, and having thrown down masjids and buildings of the believers, placed idol-shrines in them,
and they are in possession of the country of Delhî and Mãlwã. Until I have cleansed the country from the
existing contamination of the unbelievers, I will not go into any other country���130
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Wãqi�ãt-i-Mushtãqî
The author, Shykh Rizqu�llãh Mushtãqî, was born in AD 1492 and died in 1581. He heard accounts of the
past from the learned men of his times and compiled them in a book. He was a great story-teller who
revelled in �marvels�. He was known for his study of Sufi doctrines and spiritual exercises.
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�Khawãs Khãn, who was the predecessor of Mîãn Bhûa, having been ordered by the Sultãn to march
towards Nagarkot, in order to bring the hill country under subjection, succeeded in conquering it, and
having sacked the infidels� temple of Debi Shankar, brought away the stone which they worshipped,
together with a copper umbrella, which was placed over it, and on which a date was engraved in Hindu
characters, representing it to be two thousand years old. When the stone was sent to the King, it was given
over to the butchers to make weights out of it for the purpose of weighing their meat. From the copper of
the umbrella, several pots were made, in which water might be warmed, and which were placed in
themasjids and the King�s own palace, so that everyone might wash his hands, feet and face in them and
perform "131 his purifications before prayers��131
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�He got the temples of the infidels destroyed. No trace of infidelity was left at the place in Mathurã where
the infidels used to take bath. He got caravanserais constructed so that people could stay there, and also the
shops of various professionals such as the butchers, bãwarchîs, nãnbãîs and sweetmeatsellers. If a Hindu
went there for bathing even by mistake, he was made to lose his limbs and punished severely. No Hindu
could get shaved at that place. No barber would go near a Hindu, whatever be the payment offered.�132
Sultãn Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Khaljî of Malwa (AD 1469-1500)
Jodhpur (Rajasthan)
�Once upon a time a temple had been constructed in Jodhpur. The Sultãn sent the Qãzî of Mandû with
orders that he should get the temple demolished. He had said to him, �If they do not demolish the temple
on instructions from you, you stay there and let me know.� When the Qãzî arrived there, the infidels
refused to obey the order of the Sultãn and said, �Has Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn freed himself from lechery so that
he has turned his attention to this side?� The Qãzî informed the king accordingly. He climbed on his
mount in Mandû and reached Jodhpur in a single night. He punished the infidels and laid waste the
temple��133
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Tãrîkh-i-Alfî
It was composed in AD 1585 by Mullã Ahmad ThaTãwî and Ãsaf Khãn. It covers a period of one thousand
years from the death of the Prophet.
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�Mahmûd, as soon as his eyes fell on this idol, lifted up his battle-axe with much anger, and struck it with
such force that the idol broke into pieces. The fragments of it were ordered to be taken to Ghaznîn, and
were cast down at the threshold of the Jãmi� Masjid where they are lying to this day��134
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Burhãn-i-Ma�sir
The author, Sayyid �Alî bin �Azîzu�llãh Tabãtabã Hasanî, served Muhammad Qutb Shãh (AD 15801627) of Golconda at first and then Sultãn Burhãn Nizãm Shãh (AD 1591-1595) of Ahmadnagar. He wrote
this history in AD 1592. It deals with the Bahmanî Sultãns of Gulbarga (AD 1347-1422) and Bidar (AD
1422-1538) and the Nizãm Shãhî Sultãns of Ahmadnagar upto AD 1596.
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Hasan Bahman Shãh (AD 1347-1358)
Dankuri (Karnataka)
�The Sultãn sent Khwãja-i-Jahãn to Gulbargã, Sikandar Khãn to Bîdar, Qîr Khãn to Kûtar, Safdar Khãn to
Sakar which is called Sãgar, and Husain Garshãsp to Kotgîr. He appointed other chiefs to invade the
kingdom of the infidels. �Aitmãdul Mulk and Mubãrak Khãn led raids upon the river Tãwî and laid waste
the Hindu Kingdom. After having invaded the province of Dankurî and cutting off the head of
Manãt,135 they attacked Janjwãl��136
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Tabqãt-i-Akharî
The author, Khwãjah Nizãmu�d-Dîn Ahmad bin Muhammad Muqîm al-Harbî, was a Bakshî in the reign
of Akbar, the Mughal emperor (AD 1556-1605). He wrote this history in AD 1592-93 and added to it, later
on, events upto 1593-94. He died next year. The history starts with the times of the Ghaznivid Sultãns. The
work was initially known as Tabqãt-i-Akbar Shãhî but became known as simply Tabqãt-i-Akbarî. It is also
known as Tãrîkh-i-Nizãmî. It is the first Muslim history which confines itself to India and excludes matter
relating to other countries.
Amîr Subuktigîn (AD 977-997)
�After this with kingly energy and determination, he girded up his loins for a war of religion, and invaded
Hindustãn, and carried away many prisoners of war and other plunder; and in every country, which he
conquered, he founded mosques, and he endeavoured to ruin and desolate the territories of Rãjã Jaipãl who,
at that time, was the ruler of Hindustãn.�137
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Thanesar (Haryana)
�The Sultãn now received information that there was a city in Hindustãn called Thãnessar, and there was
a great temple there in which there was an idol called Jagarsom, whom the people of Hindustãn
worshipped. He collected a large force with the object of carrying on a religious war, and in the year AH
402 marched towards Thãnessar. The son of Jaipãl having received intelligence of this, sent an envoy and
represented through him, that if the Sultãn would relinquish this enterprise, he would send fifty elephants as
tribute. The Sultãn paid no heed to this offer, and when he reached Thãnessar he found the city empty. The
soldiers ravaged and plundered whatever they could lay hands upon, broke the idols and carried Jagarsom
to Ghaznîn. The Sultãn ordered that the idol should the placed in front of the place of prayer, so that people
would trample upon it.�138
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�From that place [Mahãwan] the Sultãn advanced to Mathurah, which is a large city containing many
temples� and the Sultãn completely destroyed the city and burnt the temples� There was one golden idol
which was broken up under the orders of the Sultãn��139
Somnath (Gujarat)
�Then in accordance with his custom, he advanced with his army towards Hindustãn with the object of the
conquest of Somnãth� there were many golden idols in the temple in the city, and the largest of these idols
was called Manãt�
��When he reached Somnãth, the inhabitants shut the gate on his face. After much fighting and great
struggles the fort was taken, and vast multitudes were killed and taken prisoners. The temples were pulled
down, and destroyed from their very foundations. The gold idol Somnãth was broken into pieces, and one
piece was sent to Ghaznîn, and was placed at the gate of the Jãmi� Masjid; and for years it remained
there.�140
Sultãn �Abû-Sa�îd Mas�ûd of Ghazni (AD 1030-1042)
Sonipat (Haryana)
��He marched with his army to the fort of Sonipat, and the commandant of that fort, Daniãl Har by
name, becoming aware of his approach, fled� the army of Islam, having captured that fort, pulled down all
the temples and obtained an enormous quantity of booty.�141
Ikhtiyãru�d-Dîn Muhammad Bakhtiyãr Khaljî (AD 1202-1206)
Bengal
�In short, Muhammad Bakhtiyar assumed the canopy, and had prayers read, and coin struck in his own
name and founded mosques and Khãnkahs and colleges, in place of the temples of the heathens.�142
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236)
Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)
��In the year AH 631, he invaded the country of Mãlwah and conquered the fort of Bhîlsã. He also took
the city of Ujjain, and had the temple of Mahãkãl� completely demolished, destroying it from its
foundations; and he carried away the effigy of Bikramãjît� and certain other statues which were fashioned
in molten brass, and placed them in the ground in front of the Jãmi� Masjid, so that they might he
trampled upon by the people.�143
Sultãn Jalãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1290-1296)
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
�About the same time Malik Alãu�d-Dîn, the nephew of the Sultãn, begged that he might have
permission to march against Bhîlsah and pillage those tracts. He received the necessary orders, and went
and ravaged the country and brought much booty for the Sultãn�s service. He also brought two brass idols
which had been the object of the worship of the Hindus of these parts; and cast them down in front of the
Badãûn Gate to be trampled upon by the people��144
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�In the third year after the accession, the Sultãn sent Ulugh Khãn and Nasrat Khãn, with large armies to
invade Gujarãt. They ravaged and plundered Nahrwãlah, and all the cities of the province� Ulugh Khãn
and Nasrat Khãn also brought the idol, which the Brãhmans of Somnãth had set up, and were worshipping,
in place of the one which Sultãn Mahmûd had broken to pieces, to Delhi, and placed it where the people
would trample upon it��145
M�abar (Tamil Nadu)
�Again in the year AH 716 Sultãn Alãuddîn sent Malik Nãib towards Dhor Samundar (Dvar Samudra)
and M�abar� they then advanced with their troops to M�abar, and conquered it also, and having
demolished the temples there, and broken the golden and jewelled idols, sent the gold into the
treasury��146
Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq (AD 1351-1388)
�Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh composed a book also in which he compiled an account of his reign and which he
named Futuhãt-i-Fîrûz Shãhî�147
�He writes in its second chapter� �Muslim and infidel women used to visit sepulchres and temples,
which led to many evils. I stopped it. I got mosques built in place of temples���148
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
Mandrail (Madhya Pradesh)
�After the rainy season was over, he marched in Ramzãn AH 910 (AD February-March, 1505) for the
conquest of the fort of MunDrãil. He stayed for a month near Dholpur and sent out armies with orders that
they should lay waste the environs of Gwãlior and MunDrãil. Thereafter he himself laid siege to the fort of
MunDrãil. Those inside the fort surrendered the fort to him after signing a treaty. The Sultãn got the
temples demolished and mosques erected in their stead��149
Udit Nagar (Madhya Pradesh)
�After the rainy season was over, he led an expedition towards the fort of Udit Nagar in AH 912 (AD
1506-07)�150
��Although those inside the fort tried their utmost to seek a pardon, but he did not listen to them, and the
fort was breached at many points and conquered� The Sultãn thanked Allãh in die wake of his victory�
He got the temples demolished and mosques constructed in their stead��151
Narwar (Madhya Pradesh)
�After the rainy season was over, he made up his mind to take possession of the fort of Narwar which was
in the domain of Mãlwã. He ordered Jalãl Khãn Lodî, the governor of Kãlpî, to go there and besiege the
fort� The Sultãn himself reached Narwar after some time� He kept the fort under siege for an year� The
soldiers went out to war everyday and got killed�
�Thereafter the inhabitants of the fort were in plight due to scarcity of water and dearness of grains, and
they asked for forgiveness. They went out with their wealth and property. The Sultãn laid waste the temples
and raised mosques. Men of learning and students were made to reside there and given scholarships and
grants. He stayed for six months under the walls of the fort.�152
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�He was a stout partisan of Islãm and made great endeavours on this score. He got all temples of the
infidels demolished, and did not allow even a trace of them to remain. In Mathurã, where the infidels used
to get together for bathing, he got constructed caravanserais, markets, mosques and madrasas, and
appointed there officers with instructions that they should allow no one to bathe; if any Hindû desired to get
his beard or head shaved in the city of Mathurã, no barber was prepared to cut his hair.�153
Sultãn Ibrãhîm Lodî (AD 1517-1526)
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh)
�At the same time the Sultãn thought that though �Sultãn Sikandar had led several expeditions for
conquering the fort of Gwãlior and the country attached to it but met with no success.� Consequently he
sent �Ãzam Humãyûn, the governor of Karã, with 300,000 horsemen and 300 elephants for the conquest
of Gwãlior� After some time the royal army laid a mine, filled it with gunpowder, and set fire to it. He
entered the fort and took possession of it after the wall of the fort was breached. He saw there a bull made
of brass, which the Hindûs had worshipped for years. In keeping with a royal order, the bull was brought to
Delhî and placed at the Baghdãd Gate. It was still there till the reign of Akbar. The writer of this history
saw it himself.�154
Sultãn Mahmûd bin Ibrãhîm Sharqî (AD 1440-1457)
Orissa
�After some time he proceeded to Orissa with the intention of jihãd. He attacked places in the
neighbourhood of that province and laid them waste, and destroyed the temples after demolishing
them��155
Sultãn Mahmûd Khaljî of Malwa (AD 1436-1469)
Chittaurgarh (Rajasthan)
�After he had crossed the river Bhîm, he started laying waste the country and capturing its people by
sending expeditions towards Chittor everyday. He started constructing mosques after demolishing temples.
He stayed 2-3 days at every halt.�156
Kumbhalgadh (Rajasthan)
�When he halted near Kumbhalmîr which was a very big fort of that province, and well-known for its
strength all over Hindustãn, Devã the Vakîl of the Governor of Kumbhã took shelter in the fort and started
fighting. It so happened that a magnificent temple had been erected in front of that fort and surrounded by
ramparts on all sides. That temple had been filled with weapons of war and other stores. Sultãn Mahmûd
planned to storm the ramparts and captured it [the temple] in a week. A large number of Rajpûts were made
prisoners and slaughtered. About the edifices of the temple, he ordered that they should be stocked with
wood and fired, and water and vinegar was sprinkled on the walls. That magnificent mansion which it had
taken many years to raise, was destroyed in a few moments. He got the idols broken and they were handed
over to the butchers for being used as weights while selling meat. The biggest idol which had the form of a
ram was reduced to powder which was put in betel-leaves to be given to the Rajpûts so that they could eat
their god.�157
Mandalgadh (Rajasthan)
�He started for the conquest of ManDalgaDh on 26 Muharram, AH 861 (AD 24 December, 1456) after
making full preparation� Reaching there the Sultãn issued orders that �trees should be uprooted, houses
demolished and no trace should be left of human habitation�� A great victory was achieved on 1 Zilhijjã,
AH 861 (AD 20 October, 1457). Sultãn Mahmûd offered thanks to Allãh in all humility. Next day, he
entered the fort. He got the temples demolished and their materials used in the construction of a Jãmi�
Masjid. He appointed there a qãzi, a muftî, a muhtasib, a khatîb and a mu�zzin and established order in
that place��158
Kelwara and Delwara (Rajasthan)
�Sultãn Mahmûd started again in AH 863 (AD 1458-59) for punishing the Rajpûts. When he halted at
ÃhãD, Prince Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn and Fidan Khãn were sent towards Kîlwãrã and Dîlwãrã in order to lay
waste those lands. They destroyed those lands and attacked the environs of Kumbhalmîr.
�When they came to the presence of the Sultãn and praised the fort of Kumbhalmîr, the Sultãn started for
Kumbhalmîr next day and went ahead destroying temples on the way. When he halted near that fort, he
mounted his horse and went up a hill which was to the east of the fort in order to survey the city. He said,
�It is not possible to capture this fort without a siege lasting for several years���159
Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh I of Gujarat (AD 1392-1410)
Idar (Gujarat)
�In AH 796 (AD 1393-94), it was reported that Sultãn Muhammad bin Fîrûz Shãh had died at Delhî and
that the affairs of the kingdom were in disorder so that a majority of zamîndãrs were in revolt, particularly
the Rãjã of Îdar. Zafar Khãn collected a large army and mountain-like elephants and proceeded to Îdar in
order to punish the Rãjã� The Rãjã of Îdar had no time to prepare a defence and shut himself in the fort.
The armies of Zafar Khãn occupied the Kingdom of Îdar and started plundering and destroying it. They
levelled with the ground whatever temple they found� The Rãjã of Îdar showed extreme humility and
pleaded for forgiveness through his representatives. Zafar Khãn took a tribute according to his own desire
and made up his mind to attack Somnãt�160
�In AH 803 (AD 1399-1400) �Ãzam Humãyûn paid one year�s wages (in advance) to his army and
after making great preparations, he attacked the fort of Îdar with a view to conquer it. After the armies of
the Sultãn had besieged the fort from all sides and the battle continued non-stop for several days the Rãjã of
Îdar evacuated the fort one night and ran away towards Bîjãnagar. In the morning Zafar Khãn entered the
fort and, after expressing his gratefulness to Allãh, and destroying the temples, he appointed officers in the
fort��161
Somnath (Gujarat)
�In AH 797 (AD 1394-95)� he proceeded for the destruction of the temple of Somnãt. On the way he
made Rajpûts food for his sword and demolished whatever temple he saw at any place. When he arrived at
Somnãt, he got the temple burnt and the idol of Somnãt broken. He made a slaughter of the infidels and laid
waste the city. He got a Jãmi� Masjid raised there and appointed officers of the Shari�h��162
�In AH 804 (AD 1401-02) reports were received by Zafar Khãn that the infidels and Hindûs of Somnãt
had again started making efforts for promoting the ways of their religion. �Ãzam Humãyûn started for that
place and sent an army in advance. When the residents of Somnãt learnt this, they advanced along the seashore and offered battle. �Ãzam Humãyûn reached that place speedily and he slaughtered that
group. Those who survived took shelter in the fort of the port at Dîp (Diu). After some time, he conquered
that place as well, slaughtered that group also and got their leaders trampled under the feet of elephants. He
got the temples demolished and a Jãmi� Masjid constructed. Having appointed a qãzî, muftî and other
guardians of Shari�h� he returned to the capital at PaTan.�163
Sultãn Ahmad Shãh I of Gujarat (AD 1411-1443)
Champaner (Gujarat)
�Sultãn Ahmad� encamped near Chãmpãner on 7 Rabî-us-Sãni, AH 822 (AD 3 May, 1419). He
destroyed temples wherever he found them and returned to Ahmadãbãd.�164
Mewar (Rajasthan)
�In Rajab AH 836 (AD February-March, 1433) Sultãn Ahmad mounted an expedition for the conquest of
MewãR and Nãgaur. When he reached the town of Nãgaur, he sent out armies for the destruction of towns
and villages and levelled with the ground whatever temple was found at whichever place� Having laid
waste the land of Kîlwãrã, the Sultãn entered the land of Dîlwãrã, and he ruined the lofty palaces of RãNã
Mokal and destroyed the temples and idols��165
Sultãn Qutbu�d-Dîn Ahmad Shãh II of Gujarat (AD 1451-1458)
Kumbhalgadh (Rajasthan)
��Sultãn Qutbu�d-Dîn felt insulted and he attacked the fort of Kumbhalmîr in AH 860 (AD 1455-56)�
When he reached near Sirohî, the Rãjã of that place offered battle but was defeated.
�From that place the Sultãn entered the kingdom of RãNã Kumbhã and he sent armies in all directions for
invading the country and destroying the temples��166
Sultãn Mahmûd BegDhã of Gujarat (AD 1458-1511)
Junagadh (Gujarat)
�In AH 871 (AD 1466-67) he started for the conquest of Karnãl [Girnãr] which is now known as
JûnãgaDh. It is said that this country had been in the possession of the predecessors of Rãi Mandalîk for the
past two thousand years� Sultãn Mahmûd relied on the help of Allãh and proceeded there; on the way he
laid waste the land of SoraTh� From that place the Sultãn went towards the temple of those people. Many
Rajpûts who were known as Parwhãn, decided to lay down their lives, and started fighting with swords and
spears in (defence) of the temple� Sultãn Mahmûd postponed the conquest of the fort to the next year�
and returned to Ahmadãbãd.�167
Dwarka (Gujarat)
�After some time the Sultãn started contemplating the conquest of the port of Jagat which is a place of
worship for the BrahmaNas� With this resolve he started for the port of Jagat on 16 Zil-Hajjã, AH 877
(AD 14 July, 1473). He reached Jagat with great difficulty due to the narrowness of the road and the
presence of forests� He destroyed the temple of Jagat��168
Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh II of Gujarat (AD 1511-1526)
Idar (Gujarat)
�Sultãn Muzaffar� started for Îdar. When he arrived in the town of Mahrãsã, he sent armies for
destroying Îdar. The Rãjã of Îdar evacuated the fort and took refuge in the mountain of Bîjãnagar. The
Sultãn, when he reached Îdar, found there ten Rajpûts ready to lay down their lives. He heaped barbarities
on them and killed them. He did not leave even a trace of palaces, temples, gardens and trees��169
Sultãn Sikandar Butshikan of Kashmir (AD 1389-1413)
Kashmir
�On account of his extensive charities, scholars from Irãq, Khorãsãn and Mawãraun-Nahar started
presenting themselves in his court and Islãm was spread. He held in great regard Sayyid Muhammad who
was a very great scholar of the time, and strived to destroy the idols and temples of the infidels. He got
demolished the famous temple of Mahãdeva at Bahrãre. The temple was dug out from its foundations and
the hole (that remained) reached the water level. Another temple at Jagdar was also demolished� Rãjã
Alamãdat had got a big temple constructed at Sinpur. He had come to know from astrologers that after 11
hundred years a king by the name of Sikandar would get the temple destroyed and the idol of Utãrid, which
was in it, broken. He got this [forecast] inscribed on a copper plate which was kept in a box and buried
under the temple. The inscription came up when the temple was destroyed [by Sikandar]�170
��The value of currency had come down, because Sultãn Sikandar had got idols of gold, silver and
copper broken and turned into coins��171
Sultãn Fath Shãh of Kashmir (AD 1489-1499 and 1505-1516)
Kashmir
�Fath Shãh ascended the throne in AH 894 (AD 1488-89)� In those days Mîr Shams, a disciple of Shãh
Qãsim Anwar, reached Kashmir and people became his devotees. All endowments, imlãk, places of
worship and temples were entrusted to his disciples. His Sûfîs used to destroy temples and no one could
stop them��172
Jalãlu�d-Dîn Muhammad Akbar Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1556-1605)
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�On the 1st Rajab 990 [AD 1582] he (Husain Qulî Khãn) encamped by a field of maize near NagarkoT.
The fortress (hissãr) of Bhîm, which is an idol temple of Mahãmãî, and in which none but her servants
dwelt, was taken by the valour of the assailants at the first assault. A party of Rajpûts, who had resolved to
die, fought most desperately till they were all cut down. A number of Brãhmans who for many years had
served the temple, never gave one thought to flight, and were killed. Nearly 200 black cows belonging to
Hindûs had, during the struggle, crowded together for shelter in the temple. Some savage Turks, while the
arrows and bullets were falling like rain, killed those cows. They then took off their boots and filled them
with the blood and cast it upon the roof and walls of the temple.�173
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Muntakhãbu�t-Tawãrîkh
The author, Mullã �Abdul Qãdir Badãunî son of Mulûk Shãh, was born at Badaun in AD 1540 or 1542.
He was a learned man who was introduced to the court of Akbar by Shykh Mubãrak, father of Abu�l Fazl
and Faizî, two of the favourite courtiers of that king. He was employed by Akbar for translating Sanskrit
classics into Persian, a work which he hated. He was a pious Muslim who acquired great aversion for
Akbar due to the latter�s liberal policies via-a-vis the Hindus. His history, which is known as Tãrîkh-iBadãunî also, is the general history of India from the time of the Ghaznivids to the fortieth year of
Akbar�s reign.
Sultãn Muhmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Somnath (Gujarat)
���Asjadi composed the following qaSîda in honour of this expedition:
When the King of kings marched to Somnãt,
He made his own deeds the standard of miracles�174
�Once more he led his army against Somnãt, which is a large city on the coast of the ocean, a place of
worship of the Brahmans who worship a large idol. There are many golden idols there. Although certain
historians have called this idol Manãt, and say that it is the identical idol which Arab idolaters brought to
the coast of Hindustãn in the time of the Lord of the Missive (may the blessings and peace of God be upon
him), this story has no foundation because the Brahmans of India firmly believe that this idol has been in
that place since the time of Kishan, that is to say four thousand years and a fraction� The reason for this
mistake must surely be the resemblance in name, and nothing else� The fort was taken and Mahmûd
broke the idol in fragments and sent it to Ghaznîn, where it was placed at the door of the Jãma� Masjid
and trodden under foot.�175
Thanesar (Haryana)
�In the year AH 402 (AD 1011) he set out for Thãnesar and Jaipãl, the son of the former Jaipãl, offered
him a present of fifty elephants and much treasure. The Sultãn, however, was not to be deterred from his
purpose; so he refused to accept his present, and seeing Thãnesar empty he sacked it and destroyed its idol
temples, and took away to Ghaznîn, the idol known as Chakarsum on account of which the Hindûs had
been ruined; and having placed it in his court, caused it to be trampled under foot by the people��176
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
��From thence he went to Mathra which is a place of worship of the infidels and the birthplace of
Kishan, the son of Basudev, whom the Hindûs Worship as a divinity - where there are idol temples without
number, and took it without any contest and razed it to the ground. Great wealth and booty fell into the
hands of the Muslims, among the rest they broke up by the orders of the Sultãn, a golden idol��177
Ikhtiyãru�d-Dîn Muhammad Bakhtiyãr Khaljî (AD 1202-1206)
Navadvipa (Bengal)
��In the second year after this arrangement Muhammad Bakhtyãr brought an army from Behãr towards
Lakhnautî and arrived at the town of Nûdiyã, with a small force; Nûdiyã is now in ruins. Rãi Lakhmia
(Lakhminîa) the governor of that town� fled thence to Kãmrãn, and property and booty beyond
computation fell into the hands of the Muslims, and Muhammad Bakhtyãr having destroyed the places of
worship and idol temples of the infidels founded Mosques and Monasteries and schools and caused a
metropolis to be built called by his own name, which now has the name of Gaur.
There where was heard before
The clamour and uproar of the heathen,
Now there is heard resounding
The shout of �Allãho Akbar�.�178
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210~1236)
Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)
��And in the year AH 631 (AD 1233) having made an incursion in the direction of the province of
Mãlwah and taken Bhîlsã and also captured the city of Ujjain, and having destroyed the idol-temple of
Ujjain which had been built six hundred years previously, and was called Mahãkãl, he levelled it to its
foundations, and threw down the image of Rãi Vikrmãjît from whom the Hindûs reckon their era� and
brought certain other images of cast molten brass and placed them on the ground in front of the door of the
mosque of old Dihlî and ordered the people to trample them under foot��179
Sultãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1290-1296)
Ranthambhor (Rajasthan)
��and in the same year the Sultan for the second time marched against Ranthambhor, and destroyed the
country round it, and overthrew the idols and idol-temples, but returned without attempting to reduce the
fort��180
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Patan and Somnath (Gujarat)
�And in the year AH 698 (AD 1298) he appointed Ulugh Khãn to the command of a powerful army, to
proceed into the country of Gujarat� Ulugh Khãn carried off an idol from Nahrwãla� and took it to Dihlî
where he caused it to be trampled under foot by the populace; then he pursued Rãi Karan as far as Somnãt,
and a second time laid waste the idol temple of Somnãt, and building a mosque there retraced his
steps.�181
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
Mandrail (Madhya Pradesh)
��At the time of his return he restored the fort of Dholpur also to Binãyik Deo, and having spent the
rainy season in Ãgra after the rising of the Canopus in the year AH 910 (AD 1504), marched to reduce the
fortress of Mandrãyal, which lie took without fighting from the Rãjah of Mandrãyal, who sued for peace;
he also destroyed all the idol-temples and churches of the place��182
Udit Nagar (Madhya Pradesh)
�And in the year AH 912 (AD 1506), after the rising of the Canopus, he marched against the fortress of
ÛntgaRh and laid siege to it, and many of his men joyfully embraced martyrdom, after that he took the fort
and gave the infidels as food to the sword� He then cast down the idol-temples, and built there lofty
mosques.�183
Sultãn Ibrãhîm Lodî (AD 1517-1526)
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh)
��The fortress of Bãdalgarh, which lies below the fortress of Gwãliãr, a very lofty structure, was taken
from Rãi Mãn Singh and fell into the hands of the Muslims, and a brazen animal which was worshipped by
the Hindûs also fell into their hands, and was sent by them to Ãgra, whence it was sent by Sultãn Ibrãhîm to
Dihlî, and was put over the city gate. The image was removed to Fathpûr in the year AH 992 (AD 1584),
ten years before the composition of this history, where it was seen by the author of this work. It was
converted into gongs, and bells, and implements of all kinds.�184
Jalãlu�d-Dîn Muhammad Akbar Pãdshãh Ghãzi (AD 1556-1605)
Siwalik (Uttar Pradesh)
�In this year on the dismissal of Husain Khãn the Emperor gave the pargana of Lak�hnou as jãgîr to
Mahdî Qãsim Khãn� Husain Khãn was exceedingly indignant with Mahdî Qãsim Khãn on account of
this� After a time he left her in helplessness, and the daughter of Mahdî Qãsim Bêg at Khairãbãd with her
brothers, and set off from Lak�hnou with the intention of carrying on a religious war, and of breaking the
idols and destroying the idol-temples. He had heard that the bricks of these were of silver and gold, and
conceiving a desire for this and all the other abundant and unlimited treasures, of which he had heard a
lying report, he set out by way of Oudh to the Siwãlik mountains��185
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
��The temple of Nagarkot, which is outside the city, was taken at the very outset� On this occasion
many mountaineers became food for the flashing sword. And that golden umbrella, which was erected on
the top of the cupola of the temple, they riddled with arrows� And black cows, to the number of 200, to
which they pay boundless respect, and actually worship, and present to the temple, which they look upon as
an asylum, and let loose there, were killed by the Musulmãns. And, while arrows and bullets were
continually falling like drops of rain, through their zeal and excessive hatred of idolatry they filled their
shoes full of blood and threw it on the doors and walls of the temple� the army of Husain Qulî Khãn was
suffering great hardships. For these reasons he concluded a treaty with them� and having put all things
straight he built the cupola of a lofty mosque over the gateway of Rãjãh Jai Chand.�186
Sultãn Sulaimãn Karrãnî of Bengal (AD 1563-1573)
Puri (Orissa)
�In this year also Sulaiman Kirrãnî, ruler of Bengal, who gave himself the tide of Hazrati Ã�la, and had
conquered die city of Katak-u-Banãras, that mine of heathenism, and having made the stronghold of
Jagannãth into the home of Islãm, held sway from Kãmru to Orissa, attained the mercy of God��187
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Shash Fath-i-Kãñgrã
The author is unknown. It is supposed to have been written in the reign of Jahãngîr.
Nûru�d-Dîn Muhammad Jahãngîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1605-1628)
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�The Emperor by the divine guidance, had always in view to extirpate all the rebels in his dominions, to
destroy all infidels root and branch, and to raze all Pagan temples level to the ground. Endowed with a
heavenly power, he devoted all his exertions to the promulgation of the Muhammadan religion; and
through the aid of the Almighty God, and by the strength of his sword, he used all his endeavours to
enlarge his dominions and promote the religion of Muhammad��188
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Tãrîkh-i-Da�ûdî
The author, �Abdu�llãh, says nothing about himself and does not give even his full name. As he
mentions the name of Jahãngîr, it can be assumed that he wrote it at some time after AD 1605. He starts
with the reign of Sultãn Bahlûl Lodî (AD 1451-1489) and ends with the reign of Da�ûd Shãh who was
beheaded in AD 1575 by the order of Bairam Khãn.
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
Kurukshetra (Haryana)
�It is also related of this prince, that before his accession, when a crowd of Hindûs had assembled in
immense numbers at Kurkhet, he wished to go to Thãnesar for the purpose of putting them all to
death��189
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�He was so zealous a Musalmãn that he utterly destroyed divers places of worship of the infidels, and left
not a vestige remaining of them. He entirely ruined the shrines of Mathurã, the mine of heathenism, and
turned other principal Hindu places of worship into caravansarais and colleges. Their stone images were
given to the butchers to serve them as meat-weight, and all the Hindus in Mathurã were strictly prohibited
from shaving their heads and beards, and performing their ablutions��190
Dholpur (Madhya Pradesh)
�In that year the Sultãn sent Khawãs Khãn to take possession of the fort of Dhûlpûr. The Rãjã of that
place advanced to give battle, and daily fighting took place. The instant His Majesty heard of the firm
countenance shown by the rãî of Dhûlpûr in opposing the royal army, he went there in person; but on his
arrival near Dhûlpûr, the rãî made up his mind to fly without fighting� He (Sikandar) offered up suitable
thanksgivings for his success, and the royal troops spoiled and plundered in all directions, rooting up all the
trees of the gardens which shaded Dhûlpûr to the distance of seven kos. Sultãn Sikandar stayed there during
one month, erected a mosque on the site of an idol-temple, and then set off towards Ãgra��191
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh)
��Sultãn Sikandar passed the rainy season of that year at Ãgra. After the rising of the star Canopus, he
assembled an army, and set forth to take possession of Gwãlior and territories belonging to it. In a short
space of time he took most of the Gwãlior district, and after building mosques in the places of idol-temples
returned towards Ãgra��192
Narwar (Madhya Pradesh)
�Sultãn Sikandar, after the lapse of two years, in AH 913 (AD 1507) wrote a farmãn to Jalãl Khãn, the
governor of Kãlpî, directing him to take possession of the fort of Narwar� Jalãl Khãn Lodî, by the
Sultãn�s command, besieged Narwar, where Sultãn Sikandar also joined him with great expedition. The
siege of the fort was protracted for one year� Men were slain on both sides. After the time above
mentioned, the defenders of the place were compelled, by the want of water and scarcity of grain, to ask for
mercy, and they were allowed to go forth with their property; but the Sultãn destroyed their idoltemples, and erected mosques on their sites. He then appointed stipends and pensions for the learned and
the pious who dwelt at Narwar, and gave them dwellings there. He remained six months encamped below
the fort.�193
Sher Shãh Sûr (AD 1538-1545)
Jodhpur (Rajasthan)
�His attack on Mãldev, Rãjã of Jodhpur, (was due) partly to his religious bigotry and a desire to convert
the temples of the Hindus into mosques.�194
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Zafaru�l-Wãlih Bi Muzaffar Wa Ãlîhi
The author, �Abdu�llãh Muhammad bin �Umar al-Maqqî al-Asafî Ulugh-Khãnî, is popular as
Hãjjiu�d-Dabîr. He arrived in India with his father in AD 1555. After 1573 he started living in
Ahmadabad where Akbar had put his father in charge of many endowments, die income from which was
sent to Mecca and Medina. After the death of his father he entered the service of another Amîr, and finally
went to Khandesh in 1595. He finished his history in 1605 but took some more years to revise it. The
English translation we have is pretty bad.
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236)
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
��In 631 (1233), Shamsuddîn marched to Mãlwã and conquered the city of Bailsan and its fort and
demolished its famous temple. The historians have narrated that its citizens built the temple by digging its
foundation and raising its walls one hundred cubits from the ground in 300 years. All the images are fixed
with lead. The temple is called Gawãjit (?) (Vikramajit) Sultãn of Ujjain Nagari. The history of the temple
is a proof of what is said about its construction and demolition, that is, eleven hundred years. People of
Hind are ignorant of history.�195
Sultãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1290-1296)
Jhain (Rajasthan)
�He marched from it to Ranthanbhor. He first encamped at Jhãyan and conquered it. He demolished
temples and broke idols. He killed, captured and pillaged��196
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
�He permitted �Alãuddîn for a religious war in Bhilastãn. Jalãluddîn had marched to Mandu.
�Alãuddîn influenced his uncle by the booty of the religious war. It was immense. It contained a Nandi
idol carved in yellow metal and equal in weight to an animal. Jalãluddîn ordered it to be placed at the
entrance to the Gate of Delhi famous as Badãun Gate. He was pleased with �Alãuddîn and put the
�Diwan-ul-�Ard� under his charge and added Oudh to Kara��197
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Devagiri (Maharashtra)
��He routed Rãmdev everywhere except the fort. The fort contained temples of gold and silver and
images of the same metals. Besides, there were jewels of different varieties. He ordered them to be
destroyed and collected its gold. Ruler of the fort was surprised at this action and his mind got confused. He
sent an envoy for conclusion of peace on condition of sparing the temples from destruction which was
agreed to��198
Somnath (Gujarat)
��MaHmud demolished Somnath in the year 416 (1122)� and carried its relics to Ghazni. After his
death, unbelief returned to Naharwãla as its residents took an idol and buried it on a side. There was
publicity of return of Somnãth. They took it out from its burial place. It was exhibited and fixed at a place
where it was. Malek Ulugh Khãn took it along with all the spoils to Delhi. They made it the threshold at its
gate. This victory took place on Wednesday, 20th Jamãdi I, 698 (1299)�199
�It was kept by a Brahmin after being mutilated by MaHamud. It was Lamnat. They named it Somnãth.
They worshipped it out of misguidance from ancient times. They carried it to Delhi. It was placed at the
entrance of the gate��200
Ma�bar (Tamil Nadu)
��In 710 (1310) Kãfur conquered the region of Ma�bar (Malabar) and Dahur Samand. Both these
regions belonged to Bir Rãi. He marched further to Sarandip (Ceylon) and Kãfur broke the famous idol of
Rãm Ling Mahãdev. It was wonderful that the swordsmen deserted the temple. The Brahmins assembled to
fight with him at the time of his breaking the idol till they collected all broken parts and got displeased with
swordsmen. Kãfur marched further to Sirã and demolished the temple of Jagannãth�201
��Kãfur always gained one victory after another until he dominated over Jagannãth and consigned it to
fire. He returned from it on 5th Zilhajj of the year 710 (1310) and arrived at Delhi on 4th Jamãdi II of the
year 711 (1311). It was a day worth witnessing. No one had undertaken such campaigns before him and
there would be none after him. A good omen was drawn from his arrival with that booty for his sultãn and
for general Muslim public. They believed that all these victories were facilitated by the blessings of Quthuz-Zamãn, Qiblat-ul-Asfiyã Mawlãnã Shaikh Nizãmuddîn Awliyã and Qutb-uz-Zamãn, Madãr ul-Jamkin
Mawalãna Shaikh Nasiruddin and similarly the two Qutbs of people of the world and faith Mawlãnã Shaikh
Ruknuddin and Mawlãnã Shaikh �Alãuddîn, may God benefit us through them. During their life time,
whatever they desired from their Lord, became the sunna (rule and regulation of the Prophet, may peace
and benediction of God be on him). Every member of the house of the �Alãiya Sultãn was a disciple and
spiritual follower of Mawalãnã Shaikh Nizãmuddin Awliya including the wazirs and amirs and persons of
rank. His blessings were upon them all��202
Sultãn Mahmûd BegDhã of Gujarat (AD 1485-1511)
Junagadh (Gujarat)
�In AH 871 (AD 1466-67) the Sultãn led an expedition to Karnãl [Girnãr]� He spread the story that he
was out for hunting. Thereafter he suddenly attacked and his army also arrived. He took possession of those
treasuries which were beyond estimation. Many people living in those valleys lost their lives. They had a
famous idol there. When Mahmûd decided to break it, many members of the Barãwãn clan gathered round
it. All of them were slaughtered and the idol was broken��203
Dwarka (Gujarat)
�In the same year of AH 877 (AD 1472-73) the Sultãn made up his mind to destroy Jagat� Jagat is a very
famous abode of infidelity and idolatry. Its idol is regarded as higher than all other idols in India and it is
because of this idol that the place is called Dwãrkã. It is a very big nest of BrãhmaNas too. The idolaters
come here from far off places and the great hardships they undergo in order to reach here is regarded by
them as earnest worship� There is a fort nearby known as Bait�204
��The Sultãn mounted (his horse) in the morning. The people of Jagat also got this information. They
shut themselves in the fort along with Rãi Bhîm. After a few days the Sultãn entered Jagat and got its idols
broken. He got its canopies pulled down and established the way of Islãm there.�205
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Zubdatu�t-Tawãrîkh
The author, Shaykh Nãru�l-Haqq al-Mashriqî al-Dihlivî al-Bukhãrî, was the son of �Abdul Haqq who
wrote Tãrîkh-i Haqqî in AD 1596-97. Nûru�l-Haqq�s history is an enlarged edition of his father�s
work. The history commences with the reign of Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak and ends with the close of Akbar�s
reign in AD 1605.
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
�In his time Hindû temples were razed to the ground, and neither name nor vestige of them was allowed
to remain��206
Jalãlu�d-Dîn Muhammad Akbar Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1556-1605)
Mewar (Rajasthan)
�When Mewar was invaded [AD 1600] many temples were demolished by the invading Mughal army [led
by Prince Salîm].�207
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Tãrîkh-i-Firishta
The author, Muhammad Qãsim Hindû Shãh Firishta, was born in Astrabad on the Caspian Sea and came to
Bijapur in AD 1589. He lived under the patronage of Sultãn Ibrãhîm �Ãdil Shãh II of Bijapur where he
died in 1611. He claims to have consulted most of the earlier histories in writing his Gulshan-i-
Ibrãhîmî which became known as Tãrîkh-i-Firishta. He completed it in 1609. It contains sections on the
independent sultanates of the Deccan, Gujarat, Malwa, Khandesh, Bengal, Multan, Sindh and Kashmir
besides narrating the history of the kings of Ghazni, Lahore, Delhi and Agra. This is the most widely read
Persian history at present.
Amîr Subuktigîn of Ghazni (AD 977-997)
NWFP and Punjab
�Even during the fifteen years of Alptigin�s reign Subuktigin is represented by Firishta in an
untranslated passage to have made frequent attacks upon India, and even to have penetrated as far as Sodra
on the Chinab, where he demolished idols in celebration of Mahmud�s birth, which, as it occurred on the
date of the prophet�s birth, Subuktigin was anxious that it should be illustrated by an event similar to the
destruction of idols in the palace of the Persian king by an earthquake, on the day of the prophet�s
birth.�208
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�The king, in his zeal to propagate the faith, now marched against the Hindoos of Nagrakote, breaking
down their idols and razing their temples. The fort, at that time denominated the Fort of Bheem, was
closely invested by the Mahomedans, who had first laid waste the country around it with fire and
sword.�209
Thanesar (Haryana)
�In the year AH 402 (AD 1011), Mahmood resolved on the conquest of Tahnesur, in the kingdom of
Hindoostan. It had reached the ears of the king that Tahnesur was held in the same veneration by idolaters,
as Mecca by the faithful; that they had there set up a number of idols, the principal of which they called
Jugsom, pretending that it had existed ever since the creation. Mahmood having reached Punjab, required,
according to the subsisting treaty with Anundpal, that his army should not be molested on its march
through his country��210
�The Raja�s brother, with two thousand horse was also sent to meet the army, and to deliver the
following message:- �My brother is the subject and tributary of the King, but he begs permission to
acquaint his Majesty, that Tahnesur is the principal place of worship of the inhabitants of the country: that
if it is required by the religion of Mahmood to subvert the religion of others, he has already acquitted
himself of that duty, in the destruction of the temple of Nagrakote. But if he should be pleased to alter his
resolution regarding Tahnesur, Anundpal promises that the amount of the revenues of that country shall be
annually paid to Mahmood; that a sum shall also be paid to reimburse him for the expense of his
expedition, besides which, on his own part he will present him with fifty elephants, and jewels to a
considerable amount.� Mahmood replied, �The religion of the faithful inculcates the following tenet:
That in proportion as the tenets of the prophet are diffused, and his followers exert themselves in the
subversion of idolatry, so shall be their reward in heaven; that, therefore, it behoved him, with the
assistance of God, to root out the worship of idols from the face of all India. How then should he spare
Tahnesur?�
�This answer was communicated to the Raja of Dehly, who, resolving to oppose the invaders, sent
messengers throughout Hindoostan to acquaint the other rajas that Mahmood, without provocation, was
marching with a vast army to destroy Tahnesur, now under his immediate protection. He observed, that if a
barrier was not expeditiously raised against this roaring torrent, the country of Hindoostan would be soon
overwhelmed, and that it behoved them to unite their forces at Tahnesur, to avert the impending calamity.
�Mahmood having reached Tahnesur before the Hindoos had time to take measures for its defence, the
city was plundered, the idols broken, and the idol Jugsom was sent to Ghizny to be trodden under
foot��211
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�Mahmood having refreshed his troops, and understanding that at some distance stood the rich city of
Mutra, consecrated to Krishn-Vasdew, whom the Hindoos venerate as an emanation of God, directed his
march thither and entering it with little opposition from the troops of the Raja of Delhy, to whom it
belonged, gave it up to plunder. He broke down or burned all the idols, and amassed a vast quantity of gold
and silver, of which the idols were mostly composed. He would have destroyed the temples also, but he
found the labour would have been excessive; while some say that he was averted from his purpose by their
admirable beauty. He certainly extravagantly extolled the magnificence of the buildings and city in a letter
to the governor of Ghizny, in which the following passage occurs: �There are here a thousand edifices as
firm as the faith of the faithful; most of them of marble, besides innumerable temples; nor is it likely that
this city has attained its present condition but at the expense of many millions of deenars, nor could such
another be constructed under a period of two centuries.�212
�The King tarried in Mutra 20 days; in which time the city suffered greatly from fire, beside the damage it
sustained by being pillaged. At length he continued his march along the course of a stream on whose banks
were seven strong fortifications, all of which fell in succession: there were also discovered some very
ancient temples, which, according to the Hindoos, had existed for 4000 years. Having sacked these temples
and forts, the troops were led against the fort of Munj�213
�The King, on his return, ordered a magnificent mosque to be built of marble and granite, of such beauty
as struck every beholder with astonishment, and furnished it with rich carpets, and with candelabras and
other ornaments of silver and gold. This mosque was universally known by the name of the Celestial Bride.
In its neighbourhood the King founded an university, supplied with a vast collection of curious books in
various languages. It contained also a museum of natural curiosities. For the maintenance of this
establishment he appropriated a large sum of money, besides a sufficient fund for the maintenance of the
students, and proper persons to instruct youth in the arts and sciences�214
�The King, in the year AH 410 (AD 1019), caused an account of his exploits to be written and sent to the
Caliph, who ordered it to be read to the people of Bagdad, making a great festival upon the occasion,
expressive of his joy at the propagation of the faith.�215
East of the Jumna (Uttar Pradesh)
�In this year, that is AH 412, Sultãn Mahmûd learnt that the people of Hindustãn had turned against the
Rãjã of Qanauj� Nandã, the Rãjã of Kãlinjar attacked Qanauj because Rãjã Kuwar (of Qanauj) had
surrendered to Sultãn Mahmûd. As a result of this attack Rãjã Kuwar was killed. When Sultãn Mahmûd
learnt it, he collected a large army� and started towards Hindustãn with a view to take revenge upon Rãjã
Nandã. As the army of Musalmãns reached the Jumnã, the son of Rãjã Ãnand Pãl� stood in the way of
Mahmûd. The river of Jumnã was in spate at this time� and it became very difficult for the army to get
across� But as chance would have it, eight royal guards of Mahmûd showed courage and crossed the
river� they attacked the army of the Hindûs and dispersed it� the son of Ãnand Pãl ran away with his
chiefs. All the eight royal guards� entered a city nearby and they plundered it to their heart�s content.
They demolished the temples in that place��216
Nardin (Punjab)
�About this time the King learned that the inhabitants of two hilly tracts, denominated Kuriat and
Nardein, continued the worship of idols and had not embraced the faith of Islam� Mahmood resolved to
carry the war against these infidels, and accordingly marched towards their country� The Ghiznevide
general, Ameer Ally, the son of Arslan Jazib, was now sent with a division of the army to reduce Nardein,
which he accomplished, pillaging the country, and carrying away many of the people captives. In Nardein
was a temple, which Ameer Ally destroyed, bringing from thence a stone on which were curious
inscriptions, and which according to the Hindoos, must have been 40,000 years old��217
Somnath (Gujarat)
�The celebrated temple of Somnat, situated in the province of Guzerat, near the island of Dew, was in
those times said to abound in riches, and was greatly frequented by devotees from all parts of Hindoostan�
Mahmood marched from Ghizny in the month of Shaban AH 415 (AD Sept. 1024), with his army,
accompanied by 30,000 of the youths of Toorkistan and the neighbouring countries, who followed him
without pay, for the purpose of attacking this temple�218
�Some historians affirm that the idol was brought from Mecca, where it stood before the time of the
Prophet, but the Brahmins deny it, and say that it stood near the harbour of Dew since the time of Krishn,
who was concealed in that place about 4000 years ago� Mahmood, taking the same precautions as before,
by rapid marches reached Somnat without opposition. Here he saw a fortification on a narrow peninsula,
washed on three sides by the sea, on the battlements of which appeared a vast host of people in arms� In
the morning the Mahomedan troops advancing to the walls, began the assault��219
�The battle raged with great fury: victory was long doubtful, till two Indian princes, Brahman Dew and
Dabishleem, with other reinforcements, joined their countrymen during the action, and inspired them with
fresh courage. Mahmood at this moment perceiving his troops to waver, leaped from his horse, and,
prostrating himself before God implored his assistance� At the same time he cheered his troops with such
energy, that, ashamed to abandon their king, with whom they had so often fought and bled, they, with one
accord, gave a loud shout and rushed forwards. In this charge the Moslems broke through the enemy�s
line, and laid 5,000220 Hindus dead at their feet� On approaching the temple, he saw a superb edifice built
of hewn stone. Its lofty roof was supported by fifty-six pillars curiously carved and set with precious
stones. In the centre of the hall was Somnat, a stone idol five yards in height, two of which were sunk in the
ground. The King, approaching the image, raised his mace and struck off its nose. He ordered two pieces of
the idol to be broken off and sent to Ghizny, that one might be thrown at the threshold of the public
mosque, and the other at the court door of his own palace. These identical fragments are to this day (now
600 years ago) to be seen at Ghizny. Two more fragments were reserved to be sent to Mecca and Medina. It
is a well authenticated fact, that when Mahmood was thus employed in destroying this idol, a crowd of
Brahmins petitioned his attendants and offered a quantity of gold if the King would desist from further
mutilation. His officers endeavoured to persuade him to accept of the money; for they said that breaking
one idol would not do away with idolatry altogether; that, therefore, it could serve no purpose to destroy the
image entirely; but that such a sum of money given in charity among true believers would be a meritorious
act. The King acknowledged that there might be reason in what they said, but replied, that if he should
consent to such a measure, his name would be handed down to posterity as �Mahmood the idol-seller�,
whereas he was desirous of being known as �Mahmood the destroyer�: he therefore directed the troops
to proceed in their work�221
�The Caliph of Bagdad, being informed of the expedition of the King of Ghizny, wrote him a
congratulatory letter, in which he styled him �The Guardian of the State, and of the Faith�; to his son,
the Prince Ameer Musaood, he gave the title of �The Lustre of Empire, and the Ornament of Religion�;
and to his second son, the Ameer Yoosoof, the appellation of �The Strength of the Arm of Fortune, and
Establisher of Empires.� He at the same time assured Mahmood, that to whomsoever he should bequeath
the throne at his death, he himself would confirm and support the same.�222
Sultãn Mas�ûd I of Ghazni (1030~1042)
Sonipat (Haryana)
�In the year AH 427 (AD 1036)� he himself marched with an army to India, to reduce the fort of
Hansy� Herein he found immense treasure, and having put the fort under the charge of a trusty officer, he
marched towards the fort of Sonput. Depal Hurry, the governor of Sonput, abandoned the place, and fled
into the woods; but having no time to carry off his treasure, it fell into the conqueror�s hands. Musaood
having ordered all the temples to be razed to the ground, and the idols to be broken proceeded in pursuit of
Depal Hurry��223
Sultãn Mas�ûd III of Ghazni (AD 1099-1151)
Uttar Pradesh
�In his reign Hajib Toghantugeen, an officer of his government, proceeded in command of an army
towards Hindoostan, and being appointed governor of Lahore, crossed the Ganges, and carried his
conquests farther than any Mussulman had hitherto done, except the Emperor Mahmood. Like him he
plundered many rich cities and temples of their wealth, and returned in triumph to Lahore, which now
became in some measure the capital of the empire, for the Suljooks having deprived the house of Ghizny of
most of its territory both in Eeran and Tooran, the royal family went to reside in India.�224
Sultãn Muhammad Ghûrî (AD 1175-1216)
Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh)
�Mahomed Ghoory, in the mean time returning from Ghizny, marched towards Kunowj, and engaged Jyechund Ray, the Prince of Kunowj and Benares� This prince led his forces into the field, between
Chundwar and Etawa, where he sustained a signal defeat from the vanguard of the Ghiznevide army, led by
Kootbood-Deen Eibuk, and lost the whole of his baggage and elephants� He marched from thence to
Benares, where, having broken the idols in above 1000 temples, he purified and consecrated the latter to the
worship of the true God��225
Bihar
�Mahomed Ghoory, following with the body of the army into the city of Benares, took possession of the
country as far as the boundaries of Bengal, without opposition, and having destroyed all the idols, loaded
four thousand camels with spoils.�226
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236)
Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)
�After the reduction of Gualiar, the King marched his army towards Malwa, reduced the fort of Bhilsa,
and took the city of Oojein, where he destroyed a magnificent temple dedicated to Mahakaly, formed upon
the same plan with that of Somnat. This temple is said to have occupied three hundred years in building,
and was surrounded by a wall one hundred cubits in height. The image of Vikramaditya, who had been
formerly prince of this country, and so renowned, that the Hindoos have taken an era from his death, as also
the image of Mahakaly, both of stone, with many other figures of brass, were found in the temple. These
images the King caused to be conveyed to Dehly, and broken at the door of the great mosque.�227
Sultãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1290-1296)
Malwa (Madhya Pradesh)
�The King, after the decease of his son, marched his army towards Runtunbhore, to quell an insurrection
in those parts, leaving his son Arkully Khan in Dehly, to manage affairs in his absence. The enemy retired
into the fort of Runtunbhore, and the King reconnoitred the place, but, despairing of reducing it, marched
towards Oojein, which he sacked. At the same time also, he broke down many of the temples of Malwa,
and after plundering them of much wealth, returned to Runtunbhore.�228
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
�In the year AH 692 (AD 1293), the King marched against the Hindoos in the neighbourhood of Mando,
and having devastated the country in that vicinity, returned to Dehly. In the mean time, Mullik AlloodDeen, the King�s nephew, governor of Kurra, requested permission to attack the Hindoos of Bhilsa, who
infested his province. Having obtained leave, he marched in the same year to that place, which he subdued;
and having pillaged the country, returned with much spoil, part of which was sent to the King. Among
other things, there were two brazen idols which were thrown down before the Budaoon gate of Dehly, to be
trodden under foot.
�Julal-ood-Deen Feroze was much pleased with the success and conduct of his nephew on this expedition,
for which he rewarded him with princely presents, and annexed the province of Oude to his former
government of Kurra.�229
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Gujarat
�In the beginning of AH 697 �Alãu�d-Dîn sent Almãs Beg and Nasrat Khãn along with other chiefs of
Dehlî and the army of Sindh, for the conquest of Gujarãt� Gujarãt had a very famous idol which was not
only of the same name as Somnãt but was also equally prestigious. The Musalmans got hold of this idol
and had it sent to Dehlî so that it could be trampled upon��230
Dwarasamudra (Karnataka)
In the year AH 710 (AD 1310), the King again sent Mullik Kafoor and Khwaja Hajy with a great army, to
reduce Dwara Sumoodra and Maabir in the Deccan, where he heard there were temples very rich in gold
and jewels� They found in the temple prodigious spoils, such as idols of gold, adorned with precious
stones, and other rich effects, consecrated to Hindoo worship. On the sea-coast the conqueror built a small
mosque, and ordered prayers to be read according to the Mahomedan faith, and the Khootba to be
pronounced in the name of Allaood-Deen Khiljy. This mosque remains entire in our days at Sett Bund
Rameswur, for the infidels, esteeming it a house consecrated to God, would not destroy it.�231
Sultãn Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq (AD 1351-1388)
Nagarkot Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�From thence the King marched towards the mountains of Nagrakote, where he was overtaken by a storm
of hail and snow. The Raja of Nagrakote, after sustaining some loss, submitted, but was restored to his
dominions. The name of Nagrakote was, on this occasion, changed to that of Mahomedabad, in honour of
the late king� Some historians state, that Feroze, on this occasion, broke the idols of Nagrakote, and
mixing the fragments with pieces of cow�s flesh, filled bags with them, and caused them to be tied round
the necks of Bramins, who were then paraded through the camp. It is said, also, that he sent the image of
Nowshaba to Mecca, to be thrown on the road, that it might be trodden under foot by the pilgrims, and that
he also remitted the sum of 100,000 tunkas, to be distributed among the devotees and servants of the
temple.�232
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
Mandrail (Madhya Pradesh)
�Sikundur Lody, having returned to Dholpoor, reinstated the Raja Vinaik Dew, and then marching to
Agra, he resolved to make that city his capital. He stayed in Agra during the rains, but in the year AH 910
(AD 1504), marched towards Mundril. Having taken that place, he destroyed the Hindoo temples, and
caused mosques to be built in their stead.�233
Udit Nagar (Madhya Pradesh)
�Having returned to Agra, the King proceeded in the year AH 912 (AD 1506) towards the fort of
Hunwuntgur, despairing of reducing Gualiar. Hunwuntgur fell in a short time, and the Rajpoot garrison
was put to the sword, the temples were destroyed, and mosques ordered to be built in their stead��234
Narwar (Madhya Pradesh)
��In the following year (AH 913, AD 1506), the king marched against Nurwur, a strong fort in the
district of Malwa, then in possession of the Hindoos. The Prince Julal Khan governor of Kalpy, was
directed to advance and invest the place; and should the Hindoos resist, he was required to inform the
King� The King remained for the space of six months at Nurwur, breaking down temples, and building
mosques. He also established a college there, and placed therein many holy and learned men.�235
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
��He was firmly attached to the Mahomedan religion, and made a point of destroying all Hindoo
temples. In the city of Mutra he caused musjids and bazars to be built opposite the bathing-stairs leading to
the river and ordered that no Hindoos should be allowed to bathe there. He forbade the barbers to shave the
beards and beads of the inhabitants, in order to prevent the Hindoos following their usual practices at such
pilgrimages��236
Sultãn Ibrãhîm Lodî (AD 1517-1526)
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh)
��The Dehly army, arriving before Gualiar, invested the place� After the siege had been carried on for
some months, the army of Ibrahim Lody at length got possession of an outwork at the foot of the hill, on
which stood the fort of Badilgur. They found in that place a brazen bull, which had been for a long time an
object of worship, and sent it to Agra, from whence it was afterwards conveyed to Dehly, and thrown down
before the Bagdad gate (AH 924, AD 1518).�237
Sultãn Alãu�d-Dîn Mujãhid Shãh Bahmanî (AD 1375-1378)
Vijayanagar (Karnataka)
�Mujahid Shah, on this occasion, repaired mosques which had been built by the officers of Alla-ood-Deen
Khiljy. He broke down many temples of the idolaters, and laid waste the country; after which he hastened
to Beejanuggur� The King drove them before him, and gained the bank of a piece of water, which alone
divided him from the citadel, where in the Ray resided. Near this spot was an eminence, on which stood a
temple, covered with plates of gold and silver, set with jewels: it was much venerated by the Hindoos, and
called, in the language of the country, Puttuk. The King, considering its destruction a religious obligation
ascended the hill, and having razed the edifice, became possessed of the precious metals and jewels
therein.�238
Sultãn Ahmad Shãh I Walî Bahmanî (AD 1422-1435)
Vijayanagar (Karnataka)
�Ahmud Shah, without waiting to besiege the Hindoo capital, overran the open country; and wherever he
went put to death men, women, and children, without mercy, contrary to the compact made between his
uncle and predecessor, Mahomed Shah, and the Rays of Beejanuggur. Whenever the number of slain
amounted to twenty thousand, he halted three days, and made a festival celebration of the bloody event. He
broke down, also, the idolatrous temples, and destroyed the colleges of the bramins. During these
operations, a body of five thousand Hindoos, urged by desperation at the destruction of their religious
buildings, and at the insults offered to their deities, united in taking an oath to sacrifice their lives in an
attempt to kill the King, as the author of all their sufferings��239
Kullum (Maharashtra)
�In the year AH 829 (AD 1425), Ahmud Shah marched to reduce a rebellious zemindar of Mahoor�
During this campaign, the King obtained possession of a diamond mine at Kullum, a place dependent on
Gondwana, in which territory he razed many idolatrous temples, and erecting mosques on their sites,
appropriated to each some tracts of land to maintain holy men, and to supply lamps and oil for religious
purposes��240
Sultãn �Alãu�d-Dîn Ahmad Shãh II Bahmanî (AD 1436-1458)
��He was averse from shedding human blood, though he destroyed many idolatrous temples, and erected
mosques in their stead. He held conversation neither with Nazarenes nor with bramins; nor would he permit
them to hold civil offices under his government.�241
Sultãn Muhammad Shãh II Bahmanî (AD 1463-1482)
Kondapalli (Andhra Pradesh)
�Mahomed Shah now sat down before Condapilly and Bhim Raj, after six months, being much distressed,
sued for pardon; which being granted, at the intercession of some of the nobility, he surrendered the fort
and town to the royal troops. The King having gone to view the fort, broke down an idolatrous temple, and
killed some bramins, who officiated at it, with his own hands, as a point of religion. He then gave orders for
a mosque to be erected on the foundation of the temple, and ascending a pulpit, repeated a few prayers,
distributed alms, and commanded the Khootba to be read in his name. Khwaja Mahmood Gawan now
represented, that as his Majesty had slain some infidels with his own hands, he might fairly assume the title
of Ghazy, an appellation of which he was very proud. Mahmood Shah was the first of his race who had
slain a bramin��242
Kanchipuram (Tamil Nadu)
��On his arrival at Condapilly, he was informed by the country people, that at the distance of ten days�
journey was the temple of Kunchy the walls and roof of which were covered with plates of gold, and
ornamented with precious stones; but that no Mahomedan monarch had as yet seen it, or even heard of its
name. Mahomed Shah, accordingly, selected six thousand of his best cavalry, and leaving the rest of his
army at Condapilly, proceeded by forced marches to Kunchy� Swarms of people, like bees, now issued
from within, and ranged themselves under the walls to defend it. At length, the rest of the King�s force
coming up, the temple was attacked and carried by storm, with great slaughter. An immense booty fell to
the share of the victors, who took away nothing but gold, jewels, and silver, which were abundant��243
Sultãn �Alî �Ãdil Shãh I of Bijapur (AD 1557-1579)
Bankapur (Karnataka)
��Ally Adil Shah, at the persuasions of his minister, carried his arms against Bunkapoor. This place was
the principal residence of Velapa Ray, who had been originally a principal attendant of Ramraj; after whose
death he assumed independence�244
��Velapa Ray, despairing of relief, at length sent offers for surrendering the fort to the King, on
condition of being allowed to march away with his family and effects, which Ally Adil Shah thought
proper to grant, and the place was evacuated accordingly. The King ordered a superb temple within it to be
destroyed, and he himself laid the first stone of a mosque, which was built on the foundation, offering up
prayers for his victory. Moostufa Khan acquired great credit for his conduct, and was honoured with a royal
dress, and had many towns and districts of the conquered country conferred upon him in jageer�245
Sultãn Qulî Qutb Shãh of Golconda (AD 1507-1543)
Dewarconda (Andhra Pradesh)
�After his return the King proceeded to reduce the fortress of Dewurconda, strongly situated on the top of
a hill, which after a long siege was taken, and the Hindoo palaces and temples, by the King�s orders were
consumed to ashes, and mosques built in their stead.�246
Sultãn Ibrãhîm Qutb Shãh of Golconda (AD 1550-1580)
Adoni (Karnataka)
�When the late king, Ibrahim Kootb Shah, had settled the countries of the Hindoos on his southern
frontier, and despatched his commander, Ameer Shah Meer, to oppose the armies of his Mahomedan
neighbours, he vested the management of the affairs of his government in the hands of one Moorhary Row,
a Marratta bramin, to whom was attached a body of ten thousand infantry, under the command of
Mahomedan officers of rank, with permission to beat the nobut. Moorhary Row was in every respect the
second person in the state, not even excepting the princes of the blood-royal. In the latter end of the late
king�s reign, this unprincipled infidel proceeded with a force towards a famous temple near Adony, where
he attacked the inhabitants, laid waste the country, and sacked it of its idols, made of gold and silver, and
studded with rubies. He levied also four lacks of hoons (160,000l.) from the inhabitants. At sight of the
idols the King was taken seriously ill, and never recovered. He died on Thursday the 21st of RubbeeoosSany, AH 988 (AD June 2, 1580) AD��247
Sultãn Muhammad Qulî Qutb Shãh of Golconda (AD 1580-1612)
Cuddapah (Andhra Pradesh)
�The sudden swelling of the rivers, and the absence of the King with his army, gave Venkutputty leisure
to muster the whole of his forces, which amounted to one hundred thousand men. The leaders were
Yeltumraj, Goolrung Setty, and Munoopraj, who marched to recover Gundicota from the hands of Sunjur
Khan. Here the enemy were daily opposed by sallies from the garrison, but they perservered in the siege;
when they heard that Moortuza Khan, with the main army of the Mahomedans, had pentrated as far as the
city of Krupa, the most famous city of that country, wherein was a large temple. This edifice the
Mahomedans destroyed as far as practicable, broke the idol, and sacked the city��248
Kalahasti (Tamil Nadu)
�The King determined to spare neither men nor money to carry on the war against the Hindoos: he
accordingly directed Etibar Khan Yezdy, the Hawaldar of Condbeer (henceforth called Moortuza Nuggur),
to collect all the troops under his command, with orders to march towards Beejanuggur, and to lay in ashes
all the enemy�s towns in his route� Etibar Khan now proceeded to the town of Calistry, which he
reached after a month�s march from Golconda. Here he destroyed the Hindoo idols, and ordered prayers
to be read in the temples. These edifices may well he compared in magnificence with the buildings and
paintings of China, with which they vie in beauty and workmanship. Having given a signal example of the
Mahomedan power in that distant country, the Hindoos did not dare to interrupt his return��249
Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh I of Gujarat (AD 1392-1410)
Somnath (Gujarat)
��On the return of Moozuffur Khan to Guzerat, he learnt that in the western Puttun district the Ray of
Jehrend, an idolater, refused allegiance to the Mahomedan authority. To this place Moozuffur Khan
accordingly marched, and exacted tribute. He then proceeded to Somnat, where having destroyed all the
Hindoo temples which he found standing, he built mosques in their stead; and leaving learned men for the
propagation of the faith, and his own officers to govern the country, returned to Puttun in the year AH 798
(AD 1395).�250
Jhalawar (Rajasthan)
��From Mundulgur Moozuffur Khan marched to Ajmeer, to pay his devotions at the shrine of Khwaja
Moyin-ood-Deen Hussun Sunjury, from the whence he went towards Guzerat. On reaching Julwara, he
destroyed the temples; and after exacting heavy contributions, and establishing his authority, he returned to
Puttun��251
Diu (Gujarat)
��In the following year AH 804 (AD 1402), he marched to Somnat, and after a bloody action, in which
the Mahomedans were victorious, the Ray fled to Diu. Moozuffur Shah having arrived before Diu laid
siege to it, but it opened its gates without offering resistance. The garrison was, however, nearly all cut to
pieces, while the Ray, with the rest of the members of his court, were trod to death by elephants. One large
temple in the town was razed to the ground, and a mosque built on its site; after which, leaving his own
troops in the place, Moozuffur Shah returned to Puttun.�252
Sultãn Ahmad Shãh I of Gujrat (AD 1411-1443)
Sompur (Gujrat)
�Ahmud Shah having a great curiosity to see the hill-fort of Girnal pursued the rebel in that direction�
After a short time, the Raja, having consented to pay an annual tribute, made a large offering on the spot.
Ahmud Shah left officers to collect the stipulated amount, and returned to Ahmadabad; on the road to
which place he destroyed the temple of Somapoor, wherein were found many valuable jewels, and other
property.�253
General order
�In the year AH 817 (AD 1414), Mullik Tohfa, one of the Officers of the King�s government was
ennobled by the title of Taj-ool-Moolk, and received a special commission to destroy all idolatrous temples,
and establish the Mahomedan authority throughout Guzerat; a duty which he executed with such diligence,
that the names of Mawass and Girass were hereafter unheard of in the whole kingdom.�254
On way to Nagaur (Rajasthan)
�In the year AH 819 (AD 1416), Ahmud Shah marched against Nagoor, on the road to which place he
plundered the country, and destroyed the temples��255
Idar (Gujarat)
��In the year 832 he marched again to Idur; and on the sixth of Suffur, AH 832 (AD Nov. 14, 1428)
carried by storm one of the principal forts in that province, wherein he built a magnificent mosque��256
Sultãn Mahmûd BegDhã of Gujarat (AD 1458-1511)
Girnar (Gujarat)
�The author of the history of Mahmood Shah relates, that in the year AH 872 (AD 1468), the King saw
the holy Prophet (Mahomed) in a dream, who presented before him a magnificent banquet of the most
delicate viands. This dream was interpreted by the wise men as a sign that he would soon accomplish a
conquest by which he would obtain great treasures, which prediction was soon after verified in the capture
of Girnal.
�In the year AH 873 (AD 1469), Mahmood Shah marched towards the country of Girnal, the capital of
which bears the same name�257
��The victorious army, without attacking the fort of Girnal, destroyed all the temples in the vicinity; and
the King sending out foraging parties procured abundance of provisions for the camp�258
�The King, being desirous that the tenets of Islam should be propagated throughout the country of Girnal,
caused a city to be built, which he called Moostufabad, for the purpose of establishing an honourable
residence for the venerable personages of the Mahomedan religion, deputed to disseminate its principles;
Mahmood Shah also took up his residence in that city��259
Dwarka (Gujarat)
�Mahmood Shah�s next effort was against the port of Jugut, with a view of making converts of the
infidels, an object from which he had been hitherto deterred by the reports he received of the approaches to
it��260
�The King, after an arduous march, at length arrived before the fort of Jugut a place filled with infidels,
misled by the infernal minded bramins� The army was employed in destroying the temple at Jugut, and in
building a mosque in its stead; while measures, which occupied three or four months in completing, were in
progress for equipping a fleet to attack the island of Bete��261
Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh II of Gujarat (AD 1511-1526)
Idar (Gujarat)
�The King, hearing of this disaster, instantly marched towards Idur. On reaching Mahrasa he caused the
whole of the Idur district to be laid waste. Bheem Ray took refuge in the Beesulnuggur mountains; but the
garrison of Idur, consisting of only ten Rajpoots, defended it against the whole of the King�s army with
obstinacy; they were, however, eventually put to death on the capture of the place; and the temples, palaces,
and garden houses, were levelled with the dust��262
Sultãn Mahmûd Khaljî of Malwa (AD 1435-1469)
Kumbhalgadh (Rajasthan)
��Sooltan Mahmood now attacked one of the forts in the Koombulmere district, defended by Beny Ray,
the deputy of Rana Koombho of Chittor. In front of the gateway was a large temple which commanded the
lower works. This building was strongly fortified, and employed by the enemy as a magazine. Sooltan
Mahmood, aware of its importance, determined to take possession of it at all hazards; and having stormed it
in person, carried it, but not without heavy loss; after which, the fort fell into his hands, and many Rajpoots
were put to death. The temple was now filled with wood, and being set on fire, cold water was thrown on
the, stone images, which causing them to break, the pieces were given to the butchers of the camp, in
order to be used as weights in selling meat. One large figure in particular, representing a ram, and formed
of solid marble, being consumed, the Rajpoots were compelled to eat the calcined parts with pan, in order
that it might be said that they were made to eat their gods��263
Mandalgadh (Rajasthan)
�On the 26th of Mohurrum, in the year AH 861 (AD Dec. 23, 1465), the King again proceeded to
Mundulgur; and after a vigorous siege occupied the lower fort, wherein many Rajpoots were put to the
sword, but the hill-fort still held out; to reduce which might have been a work of time but the reservoirs of
water failing in consequence of the firing of the cannon, the garrison was obliged to capitulate, and Rana
Koombho stipulated to pay ten lacks of tunkas. This event happened on the 20th of Zeehuj of the same year
AH 861 (AD Nov. 8, 1457), exactly eleven months after the King�s leaving Mando. On the following day
the King caused all the temples to be destroyed, and musjids to be erected in their stead, appointing the
necessary officers of religion to perform daily worship��264
On Way to Kumbhalgadh (Rajasthan)
�Sooltan Mahmood, in the year AH 863 (AD 1485), again marched against the Rajpoots. On arriving at
the town of Dhar, he detached Gheias-ood-Deen to lay waste the country of the Kolies and Bheels. In this
excursion the Prince penetrated to the hills of Koombulmere, and on his return, having given the King some
description of that fortress, Sooltan Mahmood resolved to march thither. On the next day he moved for that
purpose, destroying all the temples on the road��265
Sultãn Mahmûd Shãh bin Ibrãhîm Sharqî of Jaunpur (AD 1440-1457)
Orissa
��Mahmood Shah Shurky, having recruited his army, took the field again for the purpose of reducing
some refractory zemindars in the district of Chunar, which place he sacked, and from thence proceeded into
the province of Orissa, which he also reduced; and having destroyed the temples and collected large sums
of money, returned to Joonpoor.�266
Muhammad bin Qãsim (AD 712-715)
Debal (Sindh)
�On the receipt of this letter, Hijaj obtained the consent of Wuleed, the son of Abdool Mullik, to invade
India, for the purpose of propagating the faith and at the same time deputed a chief of the name of
Budmeen, with three hundred cavalry, to join Haroon in Mikran, who was directed to reinforce the party
with one thousand good soldiers more to attack Deebul. Budmeen failed in his expedition, and lost his life
in the first action. Hijaj, not deterred by this defeat, resolved to follow up the enterprise by another. In
consequence, in the year AH 93 (AD 711) he deputed his cousin and son-in-law, Imad-ood-Deen Mahomed
Kasim, the son of Akil Shukhfy, then only seventeen years of age, with six thousand soldiers, chiefly
Assyrians, with the necessary implements for taking forts, to attack Deebul�267
�On reaching this place, he made preparations to besiege it, but the approach was covered by a fortified
temple, surrounded by strong wall, built of hewn stone and mortar, one hundred and twenty feet in height.
After some time a bramin, belonging to the temple, being taken, and brought before Kasim, stated, that four
thousand Rajpoots defended the place, in which were from two to three thousand bramins, with shorn
heads, and that all his efforts would be vain; for the standard of the temple was sacred; and while it
remained entire no profane foot dared to step beyond the threshold of the holy edifice. Mahomed Kasim
having caused the catapults to be directed against the magic flag-staff, succeeded, on the third discharge, in
striking the standard, and broke it down� Mahomed Kasim levelled the temple and its walls with the
ground and circumcised the brahmins. The infidels highly resented this treatment, by invectives against him
and the true faith. On which Mahomed Kasim caused every brahmin, from the age of seventeen and
upwards, to be put to death; the young women and children of both sexes were retained in bondage and the
old women being released, were permitted to go whithersoever they chose.�268
Multan (Punjab)
��On reaching Mooltan, Mahomed Kasim also subdued that province; and himself occupying the city,
he erected mosques on the site of the Hindoo temples.�269
Sultlãn Jalãlu�d-Dîn Mankbarnî of Khwarîzm (AD 1222-1231)
Thatta (Sindh)
��Julal-ood-Deen now occupied Tutta, destroyed all the temples, and built mosques in their stead; and
on one occasion detached a force to Nehrwala (Puttun), on the border of Guzerat��270
Sultãn Sikandar Butshikan of Kashmir (AD 1389-1413)
Kashmir
�In these days he promoted a bramin, by name Seeva Dew Bhut, to the office of prime minister, who
embracing the Mahomedan faith, became such a persecutor of Hindoos that he induced Sikundur to issue
orders proscribing the residence of any other than Mahomedans in Kashmeer; and he required that no man
should wear the mark on his forehead, or any woman be permitted to burn with her husband�s corpse.
Lastly, he insisted on all golden and silver images being broken and melted down, and the metal coined
into money. Many of the bramins, rather than abandon their religion or their country, poisoned themselves;
some emigrated from their native homes, while a few escaped the evil of banishment by becoming
Mahomedans. After the emigration of the bramins, Sikundur ordered all the temples in Kashmeer to be
thrown down; among which was one dedicated to Maha Dew, in the district of Punjhuzara, which they
were unable to destroy, in consequence of its foundation being below the surface of the neighbouring
water. But the temple dedicated to Jug Dew was levelled with the ground; and on digging into its
foundation the earth emitted volumes of fire and smoke which the infidels declared to be the emblem of the
wrath of the Deity; but Sikundur, who witnessed the phenomenon, did not desist till the building was
entirely razed to the ground, and its foundations dug up.
�In another place in Kashmeer was a temple built by Raja Bulnat, the destruction of which was attended
with a remarkable incident. After it had been levelled, and the people were employed in digging the
foundation, a copper-plate was discovered, on which was the following inscription:- �Raja Bulnat, having
built this temple, was desirous of ascertaining from his astrologers how long it would last, and was
informed by them, that after eleven hundred years, a king named Sikundur would destroy it, as well as the
other temples in Kashmeer��Having broken all the images in Kashmeer, he acquired the title of the
Iconoclast, �Destroyer of Idols���271
Sultãn Fath Shãh of Kashmir (AD 1485-1499 and 1505-1516)
Kashmir
�On the imprisonment of Mahomed, Futteh Khan, assuming the reigns of government, and being formally
crowned, was acknowledged King of Kashmeer in the year 902; and appointed Suffy and Runga Ray, the
two officers who had lately made their escape, his ministers. About this time one Meer Shumsood-Deen,
disciple of Shah Kasim Anwur, the son of Syud Mahomed Noorbukhsh arrived in Kashmeer from Irak.
Futteh Khan made over to this holy personage all the confiscated lands which had lately fallen to the
crown; and his disciples went forth destroying the temples of the idolaters, in which they met with the
support of the government, so that no one dared to oppose them. In a short time many of the Kashmeeries,
particularly those of the tribe of Chuk, became converts to the Noorbukhsh tenets. The persuasion of this
sect was connected with that of the Sheeas; but many proselytes, who had not tasted of the cup of grace,
after the death of Meer Shumsood-Deen, reverted to their idols��272
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Tûzuk-i-Jahãngîrî
The author is the fourth Mughal emperor, Jahãngîr (AD 1605-1628). He wrote it himself as his memoirs
upto the thirteenth year of his reign, that is, AD 1617. After that his ill-health forced him to give up writing
and the work was entrusted to Mu�tamad Khãn who continued writing it in the name of the emperor upto
the beginning of the nineteenth year of the reign. Muhammad Hãdî continued the memoirs upto
Jahãngîr�s death in 1628.
Ajmer (Rajasthan)
��On the 7th Ãzar I went to see and shoot on the tank of Pushkar, which is one of the established
praying-places of the Hindus, with regard to the perfection of which they give (excellent) accounts that are
incredible to any intelligence, and which is situated at a distance of three kos from Ajmir. For two or three
days I shot waterfowl on that tank, and returned to Ajmir. Old and new temples which, in the language of
the infidels, they call Deohara are to be seen around this tank. Among them Rãnã Shankar, who is the uncle
of the rebel Amar, and in my kingdom is among the high nobles, had built a Deohara of great
magnificence, on which 100,000 rupees had been spent. I went to see that temple. I found a form cut out of
black stone, which from the neck above was in the shape of a pig�s head, and the rest of the body was like
that of a man. The worthless religion of the Hindus is this, that once on a time for some particular object the
Supreme Ruler thought it necessary to show himself in this shape; on this account they hold it dear and
worship it. I ordered them to break that hideous form and throw it into the tank. After looking at this
building there appeared a white dome on the top of a hill, to which men were coming from all quarters.
When I asked about this they said that a Jogî lived there, and when the simpletons come to see him he
places in their hands a handful of flour, which they put into their mouths and imitate the cry of an animal
which these fools have at some time injured, in order that by this act their sins may be blotted out. I ordered
them to break down that place and turn the Jogî out of it, as well as to destroy the form of an idol there was
in the dome��273
Kangra (Himachal Pradesh)
�On the 24th of the same month I went to see the fort of Kãngra, and gave an order that the Qãzî, the
Chief Justice (Mir�Adl), and other learned men of Islam should accompany me and carry out in the fort
whatever was customary, according to the religion of Muhammad. Briefly, having traversed about one
koss, I went up to the top of the fort, and by the grace of God, the call to prayer and the reading of the
Khutba and the slaughter of a bullock which had not taken place from the commencement of the building
of the fort till now, were carried out in my presence. I prostrated myself in thanksgiving for this great gift,
which no king had hoped to receive, and ordered a lofty mosque to be built inside the fort�
�After going round the fort I went to see the temple of Durgã, which is known as Bhawan. A world has
here wandered in the desert of error. Setting aside the infidels whose custom is the worship of idols, crowds
of the people of Islam, traversing long distances, bring their offerings and pray to the black stone (image)�
Some maintain that this stone, which is now a place of worship for the vile infidels, is not the stone which
was there originally, but that a body of the people of Islam came and carried off the original stone, and
threw it into the bottom of the river, with the intent that no one could get at it. For a long time the tumult of
the infidels and idol-worshippers had died away in the world, till a lying brahman hid a stone for his own
ends, and going to the Raja of the time said: �I saw Durgã in a dream, and she said to me: They have
thrown me into a certain place: quickly go and take me up.� The Raja, in the simplicity of his heart, and
greedy for the offerings of gold that would come to him, accepted the tale of the brahman and sent a
number of people with him, and brought that stone, and kept it in this place with honour, and started again
the shop of error and misleading��274
Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh)
�I am here led to relate that at the city of Banaras a temple had been erected by Rajah Maun Singh, which
cost him the sum of nearly thirty-six laks of five methkally ashrefies. The principle idol in this temple had
on its head a tiara or cap, enriched with jewels to the amount of three laks ashrefies. He had placed in this
temple moreover, as the associates and ministering servants of the principal idol, four other images of solid
gold, each crowned with a tiara, in the like manner enriched with precious stones. It was the belief of these
Jehennemites that a dead Hindu, provided when alive he had been a worshipper, when laid before this idol
would be restored to life. As I could not possibly give credit to such a pretence, I employed a confidential
person to ascertain the truth; and, as I justly supposed, the whole was detected to be an impudent
imposture. Of this discovery I availed myself, and I made it my plea for throwing down the temple which
was the scene of this imposture and on the spot, with the very same materials, I erected the great mosque,
because the very name of Islam was proscribed at Banaras, and with God�s blessing it is my design, if I
live, to fill it full with true believers.�275
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Tãrîkh-i-Khãn Jahãn Lodî
The author, Ni�ãmatu�llãh, was a historian in the court of the Mughal emperor Jahãngîr (AD 16051628). His Tãrîkh is practically the same as his Makhzan-i-Afghãni except for the memoirs of Khãn Jahãn
Lodî which have been added. Khãn Jahãn Lodî was one of the most illustrious generals of Jahãngîrî. The
history begins with Adam and comes down to AD 1612 when it was completed. Ni�ãmatu�llãh refers to
Hindus as �the most notorious vagabonds and rebels.�
Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�After a long time, in AH 400, Allãh� conferred the honour of sultanate on Sultãn Mahmûd Ghãzî, son
of Subuktigîn� Nine men from among the Afghãn chiefs� took to his court and joined his servants� The
Sultãn� gave to each one of them enamelled daggers and swords, horses of good breed and robes of
special quality and, taking them with him, he set out with the intention of conquering Hindustãn and
Somnãt.
�Rãî Dãishalîm whom some historians have pronounced as Dãbshalîm or Dãbshalam was the great ruler
of that country. The Sultan inflicted a smashing defeat on that Rãjã, demolished and desecrated the idol
temples there, and devastated that land of the infidels��276
Sultãn Sikandar Lodî (AD 1489-1517)
Dholpur (Madhya Pradesh)
��Sikandar himself marched on Friday, the 6th Ramzãn AH 906 (AD March, 1501), upon Dhûlpûr; but
Rãjã Mãnikdeo, placing a garrison in the fort, retreated to Gwãlior. This detachment however, being unable
to defend it, and abandoning the fort by night, it fell into the hands of the Muhammadan army. Sikandar on
entering the fort, fell down on his knees, and returned thanks to God, and celebrated his victory. The whole
army was employed in plundering and the groves which spread shade for seven kos around Bayãna were
tom up from the roots�277
Mandrail (Madhya Pradesh)
�In Ramzãn of the year 910 (AD 1504), after the rising of Canopus, he raised the standard of war for the
reduction of the fort of Mandrãil; but the garrison capitulating, and delivering up the citadel, the Sultãn
ordered the temples and idols to be demolished, and mosques to be constructed. After leaving Mîãn Makan
and Mujãhid Khãn to protect the fort, he himself moved out on a plundering expedition into the
surrounding country, where he butchered many people, took many prisoners, and devoted to utter
destruction all the groves and habitations; and after gratifying and honouring himself by this exhibition of
holy zeal he returned to his capital Bayãna.�278
Udit Nagar (Madhya Pradesh)
�In 912, after the rising of Canopus, the Sultãn went towards the fort of Awantgar�
On the 23rd of the month, the Sultãn invested the fort, and ordered the whole army to put forth their best
energies to capture it� All of a sudden, by the favour of God, the gale of victory blew on the standards of
the Sultãn, and the gate was forced open by Malik �Alãu-d dîn� The Rãjpûts, retiring within their own
houses, continued the contest, and slew their families after the custom of jauhar� After due thanks-giving
for his victory, the Sultãn gave over charge of the fort to Makan and Mujãhîd Khãn, with directions that
they should destroy the idol temples, and raise mosques in their places��279
Narwar (Madhya Pradesh)
��The Sultãn set out for conquering the fort of Narwar. Those inside the fort asked for refuge when they
became helpless because of the dearness of grains and scarcity of water; they sought security of their lives
and left the fort together with their goods. The Sultãn took over the fort, demolished the temples and idolhouses in it and built mosques, and fixed scholarships and stipends for the teachers and the taught. He
resided for six months in the fort.�280
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�The Islamic sentiment (in him) was so strong that he demolished all temples in his kingdom and left no
trace of them. He constructed sarãis, bazãrs, madrasas and mosques in Mathurã which is a holy place of
the Hindûs and where they go for bathing. He appointed government officials in order to see that no Hindû
could bathe in Mathrã. No barber was permitted to shave the head of any Hindû with his razor. That is how
he completely curtailed the public celebration of infidel customs��281
Thanesar (Haryana)
�Sultãn Sikandar was yet a young boy when he heard about a tank in Thãnesar which the Hindûs regarded
as sacred and went for bathing in it. He asked the theologians about the prescription of the Shari�ah on
this subject. They replied that it was permitted to demolish the ancient temples and idol-houses of the
infidels, but it was not proper for him to stop them from going to an ancient tank. Hearing this reply, the
prince drew out his sword and thought of beheading the theologian concerned, saying that he (the
theologian) was siding with the infidels��282
Sultãn Ibrãhîm Lodî (AD 1517-1526)
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh)
��When the thought occurred to Sultãn Ibrãhîm, he sent �Ãzam Humãyûn on this expedition� The
Afghãn army captured from the infidels the statue of a bull which was made of metals such as copper and
brass, which was outside the gate of the fort and which the Hindûs used to worship. They brought it to the
Sultãn. The Sultãn was highly pleased and ordered that it should be taken to Delhi and placed outside the
�Red Gate� which was known as the Baghdãd Gate in those days. The statue was so fixed in front of the
�Red Gate� till the time of the Mughal emperor, Akbar the Great, who ordered in AH 999 that it be
melted down and used for making cannon as well as some other equipment, which are still there in the
government armoury. The author of this history� has seen it in both shapes.�283
Sultãn Sulaimãn Karrãnî of Bengal (AD 1563-1576)
Puri (Orissa)
�After Tãj Khãn, his brother Sulaimãn Karrãni took possession of the province of Gaur and proclaimed
his independence� He also made up his mind to demolish all the temples and idol-houses of the infidels.
As the biggest temple of the Hindûs was in Orissa and known as Jagannãth, he decided to destroy it and set
out in that direction with a well-equipped force. Reaching there, he demolished the idol-house and laid it
waste. There was an idol in it known as that of Kishan� Sulaimãn ordered that it be broken into pieces and
thrown into the drain. In like manner, he took out seven hundred golden idols from idol-temples in the
neighbouring areas� and broke them.284
��When the armies of Islãm entered that city, the women of the Brahmans, dressed in costly robes,
wearing necklaces, covering their heads with colourful scarves and beautifying themselves in every way,
took shelter at the back of the temple of Jagannãth. They were told again and again that a Muslim army that
had entered the city would capture and take them away, and that those people would desecrate the temple
after laying it waste. But the women did not believe it at all. They kept on saying. �How could it happen?
How could the soldiers of the Muslim army cause any injury to the idols?�
�When the army of Islãm arrived near the temple, it made prisoners of those Hindû women. That is what
surprised them most��285
The History of the Afghans in India AD 1545-1631 by M.A. Rahim (Karachi, 1961) quotes Makhzan-iAfghãna while describing the exploits of Sulaimãn Karrãni�s general, Kãlãpahar, in AD 1568. It
says: �Every Afghãn, who took part in the campaign, obtained as booty one or two gold images. Kãlã
Pahãr destroyed the temple of Jagannãth in Puri which contained 700 idols made of gold, the biggest of
which weighed 30 mãns.�286
(49)
Mir�ãt-i-Sikandarî
The author, Sikandar bin Muhammad Manjhû bin Akbar, was in the employ of Azîz Kokã, the Mughal
governor of Gujarat, and fought against Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh III, the last independent sultãn of Gujarat,
who was dethroned in AD 1591.
He finished his history in 1611 or 1613. It relates the history of Gujarat from Muzaffar Shãh I to Muzaffar
Shãh III.
Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh I of Gujarat (AD 1392-1410)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�On his return (from Îdar) the Khãn made up his mind to destroy Somnãt, that is, the temple of PaTandev.
But in the meanwhile he received a report that �Ãdil Khãn, the ruler of Ãsir and Burhãnpur, had crossed
the border and stepped into die province of Sultãnpur and Nadrabãr which was under Gujarat� The Khãn
postponed his march to PaTandev�
�In AH 799 (AD 1394-95) he invaded Jahdand (JûnãgaDh)which was in the Kindgdom of Rãi Bhãrã and
slaughtered the infidels there.
�From there he proceeded towards Somnãt, and destroyed the famous temple. He embellished that city
with the laws of Islãm.�287
Sultãn Ahmad Shãh I of Gujarat (AD 1411-1443)
Sidhpur (Gujarat)
His destruction of the Rudramahãlaya and construction of a mosque on the same site, as described
in Mir�ãt-i-Sikandarî, has been related already in Chapter One. Strangely, the long verse cited from the
Aligarh text has been omitted from the English translation by Fazlullah Lutfullah Faridi, originally
published from Dharampur (Gujarat) and reprinted from Gurgaon in 1990.
General Order
�Thereafter in AH 823 (AD 1420-21) he proceeded to different parts of his Kingdom for establishing
order and good government� He got temples demolished and palaces and mosques constructed in their
stead��288
Sultãn Mahmûd BegDhã of Gujarat (AD 1458-1511)
Dwarka (Gujarat)
�On 17 Zilhijjã he started towards Jagat and reduced that place after marching continuously. The infidels
of Jagat ran away to the island of Sãnkhû. The Sultãn destroyed Jagat and got its palaces dismantled. He
got the idols broken��289
Sankhodhar (Gujarat)
��When the Sultãn saw that the infidels had gone to that island, he ordered boats from the ports and
proceeded to the island with his well-armed soldiers� The infidels did not stint in fighting with swords and
guns. In the end the army of Islãm achieved victory. A majority of the infidels were slaughtered. The
Musalmãns started giving calls to prayers after mounting on top of the temples. They started destroying the
temples and desecrating the idols. The Sultãn offered namãz out of gratefulness of Allãh� He got a Jãmi�
Masjid raised in that place��290
Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh II of Gujarat (AD 1511-1526)
Idar (Gujarat)
��The Rãjã of Îdar ran away to the mountains and on the fourth day the Sultãn started from Morãsã and
halted near Îdar. He ordered that the houses and temples of Îdar should be destroyed in such a way that no
trace of them should remain.�291
Sultãn Bahãdur Shãh of Gujarat (AD 1526-1537)
Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)
�Afterwards he went towards Bhîlsã which country had been conquered for Islãm by Sultãn Shamsu�ddîn (Altamsh), King of Delhî. Since eighteen years the estate of Bhîlsã had been subject to Silahdî, and the
laws of Islãm had been changed there for the customs of infidelity. When the Sultãn reached the above
place, he abrogated the ordinances of infidelity and introduced the laws of Islãm, and slew the idolaters and
threw down their temples��292
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Intikhãb-i-Jahãngîr Shãbî
The name of the author is not known. He was evidently a contemporary and a companion of Jahãngîr.
The Tabqãt-i-Shãh-Jahãnî mentions a work written by Shykh �Abdul Wahãb and named Akhlãq-iJahãngîrî. This work may be the same as the Intikhãb. The Shykh died in 1622-23.
Nûru�d-Dîn Muhammad Jahãngîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1605-1628)
Ahmadabad (Gujarat)
�One day at Ahmadabad it was reported that many of the infidel and superstitious sect of
the Seoras (Jains) of Gujarãt had made several very great and splendid temples, and having placed in them
their false gods, had managed to secure a large degree of respect for themselves and that the women who
went for worship in those temples were polluted by them and other people� The Emperor Jahãngîr
ordered them banished from the country, and their temples to be, demolished. Their idol was thrown down
on the uppermost step of the mosque, that it might be trodden upon by those who came to say their daily
prayers there. By this order of the Emperor, the infidels were exceedingly disgraced, and Islãm
exalted��293
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Tazkirãtu�I-Mulûk
It is a history of sixteenth century Bijapur written in AD 1608-09 by Rafîu�d-Dîn Ibrãhîm Shîrãzî, an
Iranian adventurer and diplomat.
Sultãn �Alî I �Ãdilshãh of Bijapur (AD 1557-1580)
Karnataka
�While campaigning in Karnataka following the fall of Vijayanagar �Ali I�s armies destroyed two or
three hundred Hindu temples, and the monarch himself was said to have smashed four or five thousand
Hindu images��294
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Tãrîkh-i-Kashmîr
The author, Haidar Malik Chãdurãh, was a Kashmirian nobleman in the service of Sultãn Yûsuf Shãh (AD
1579-1586). He gives the history of Kashmir from the earliest times. Though mainly based on RãjãtarañgiNî, there are some additions in the later period. It was begun in AD 1618 and finished sometime
after 1620-21.
Sultãn Sikandar Butshikan of Kashmir (AD 1389-1413)
Kashmir
�During the reign of Sultãn Sikandar, Mîr Sayyîd Muhammad, son of Mîr Sayyîd Hamadanî� came here,
and removed the rust of ignorance and infidelity and the evils, by his preaching and guidance� He wrote
an epistle for Sultãn Sikandar on tasawwuf� Sultãn Sikandar became his follower. He prohibited all types
of frugal games. Nobody dared commit acts which were prohibited by the Sharîat� The Sultãn was
constantly busy in annihilating the infidels and destroyed most of the temples��295
Malik Mûsã of Kashmir
Kashmir
He was a powerful minister in the reign of Sultãn Fath Shãh (AD 1489-1516), but Tãrîkh-iKashmîr presents him as the monarch. It says:
�Malik Mûsã ascended the throne in AH 907 (AD 1501). During his reign, he devoted himself to the
obliteration of the infidels and busied himself with the spread of the religion of the prophet. He made
desolate most of the temples where the infidels had practised idolatry. Wherever there was a temple, he
destroyed it and built a mosque in its place� None of the Sultãns of Kashmîr after Sultãn Sikandar� ever
made such an effort for the spread of the Islamic faith as did Malik Mûsã Chãdurãh, and for this auspicious
reason he received the title of the �Idol Breaker�.�296
Sufi Mîr Shamsu�d-Dîn Irãqî
Kashmir
He was a sufi of the Kubrawiyya sect who came to Kashmir first in AD 1481, next in AD 1501, and finally
in 1505 in the reign of Sultãn Fath Shãh. He found it convenient to work as a member of the Nûr Bakhsh
Sufi sect. His doings are �anticipated� in the Tãrîkh-i-Kashmîr in the following words:
��Bãbã Ûchah Ganãî went for circumambulation of the two harms (Mecca and Medina)� in search of
the perfect guide (Pîr-i-Kãmil). He prayed to God (to help) him when he heard a voice from the unknown
that the �perfect guide� was in Kashmîr himself� Hazrat Shaikh, Bãbã Ûchah Ganãî� returned to
Kashmîr� All of a sudden his eyes fell upon a place of worship, the temples of the Hindus. He smiled;
when the devotees asked the cause of (his smile) he replied that the destruction and demolition of these
places of worship and the destruction of the idols will take place at the hand of the high horn Shaikh
Shams-ud-Dîn Irrãqî. He will soon be coming from Iraq and shall turn the temples completely desolate, and
most of the misled people will accept the path of guidance and Islãm� So as was ordained Shaikh Shamsud-Dîn reached Kashmîr. He began destroying the places of worship and the temples of the Hindus and
made an effort to achieve the objectives.�297
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Mir�ãt-i-Mas�ûdî
It is a biography of Sayyid Sãlãr Mas�ûd Ghãzî whose tomb at Bahraich (Uttar Pradesh) occupies the site
of a Sun Temple. It was written by Shykh �Abdu�r-Rahmãn Chishtî in the reign of Jahangir (16051628). He drew his main material from Tawãrîkh-i-Mahmûdî by Mullã Muhammad Ghaznavî, a
contemporary of Sultãn Mahmûd of Ghazni (AD 997-1030). Sãlãr Mas�ûd, according to this account, was
the son of Sitr Mu�alla�, a sister of Sultãn Mahmûd, married to his general, Sãlãr Sãhû. Sãlãr Mas�ûd
was born when the couple was staying in Ajmer. He is famous among the Muslims as Ghãzî Miyãn, Bãlã
Miyãn (revered boy) and Hathîlã Pîr (the obstinate saint). There are many stories current regarding how he
led or sent many expeditions against the Hindu Kãfîrs in all direction from his headquarters at Satrakh in
the Barabanki District of Uttar Pradesh. He is supposed to have defeated many Rãjãs, plundered many
towns, and destroyed many temples, particularly in Awadh. Many tombs all over Awadh and neighbouring
areas are reputed to be the graves of his Ghãzîs (veterans) who became Shahîds (martys) in a
prolongedJihãd (holy war) directed by him. He was finally caught and killed near Bahraich by a league of
Hindu Rãjãs. The Sun Temple which was his target escaped this time, but was destroyed when another
wave of Islamic invasion swept over the area at the end of the twelfth century.
Saiyyid Sãlãr Mas�ûd Ghãzî (AD 1013-1033)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�It happened that Mahmûd had long been planning an expedition into Bhardana, and Gujarat, to destroy
the idol temple of Somnãt, a place of great sanctity to all Hindus. So as soon as he had returned to Ghaznî
from his Khurasan business, he issued a farmãn to the General of the army, ordering him to leave a
confidential officer in charge of the fort of Kabuliz, and himself to join the court with his son Sãlãr
Mas�ud�298
�It is related in the Tãrîkh-i Mahmûdî that the Sultãn shortly after reached Ghaznî, and laid down the
image of Somnãt at the threshold of the Mosque of Ghaznî, so that the Musulmãns might tread upon the
breast of the idol on their way to and from their devotions. As soon as the unbelievers heard of this, they
sent an embassy to Khwãja Hasan Maimandî, stating that the idol was of stone and useless to the
Musulmãns, and offered to give twice its weight in gold as a ransom, if it might be returned to them.
Khwãja Hasan Maimandî represented to the Sultãn that the unbelievers had offered twice the weight of the
idol in gold, and had agreed to be subject to him. He added, that the best policy would be to take the gold
and restore the image, thereby attaching die people to his Government. The Sultãn yielded to the advice of
the Khwãja, and the unbelievers paid the gold into the treasury.
�One day, when the Sultãn was seated on his throne, the ambassadors of the unbelievers came, and
humbly petitioned thus: �Oh, Lord of the world! we have paid the gold to your Government in ransom,
but have not yet received our purchase, the idol Somnãt.� The Sultãn was wroth at their words, and,
falling into reflection, broke up the assembly and retired, with his dear Sãlãr Mas�ûd, into his private
apartments. He then asked his opinion as to whether the image ought to be restored, or not? Sãlãr
Mas�ûd, who was perfect in goodness, said quickly, �In the day of the resurrection, when the Almighty
shall call for Ãzar, the idol-destroyer, and Mahmûd, the idol-seller, Sire! what will you say?� This speech
deeply affected the Sultãn, he was full of grief, and answered, �I have given my word; it will be a breach
of promise.� Sãlãr Mas�ûd begged him to make over the idol to him, and tell the unbelievers to get it
from him. The Sultãn agreed; and Sãlãr Mas�ûd took it to his house, and, breaking off its nose and ears,
ground them to powder.
�When Khwãja Hasan introduced the unbelievers, and asked the Sultãn to give orders to restore the image
to them, his majesty replied that Sãlãr Mas�ûd had carried it off to his house, and that he might send them
to get it from him. Khwãja Hasan, bowing his head, repeated these words in Arabic, �No easy matter is it
to recover anything which has fallen into the hands of a lion.� He then told the unbelievers that the idol
was with Sãlãr Mas�ûd, and that they were at liberty to go and fetch it. So they went to Mas�ûd�s door
and demanded their god.
�That prince commanded Malik Nekbakht to treat them courteously, and make them be seated; then to
mix the dust of the nose and ears of the idol with sandal and the lime eaten with betel-nut, and present it to
them. The unbelievers were delighted, and smeared themselves with sandal, and ate the betel-leaf. After a
while they asked for the idol, when Sãlãr Mas�ûd said he had given it to them. They inquired, with
astonishment, what he meant by saying that they had received the idol? And Malik Nekbakht explained that
it was mixed with the sandal and betel-lime. Some began to vomit, while others went weeping and
lamenting to Khwãja Hasan Maimandî and told him what had occurred��299
�Afterwards the image of Somnãt was divided into four parts, as is described in the Tawãrîkh-i-Mahmûdî.
Mahmûd�s first exploit is said to have been conquering the Hindû rebels, destroying the forts and the idol
temples of the Rãî Ajipãl (Jaipãl), and subduing the country of India. His second, the expedition into
Harradawa and Guzerãt, the carrying off the idol of Somnãt, and dividing it into four pieces, one of which
he is reported to have placed on the threshold of the Imperial Palace, while he sent two others to Mecca and
Medina respectively. Both these exploits were performed at the suggestion, and by the advice, of the
General and Sãlãr Mas�ûd; but India was conquered by the efforts of Sãlãr Mas�ûd alone, and the idol of
Somnãt was broken in pieces by his sold advice, as has been related. Sãlãr Sãhû was Sultãn of the army and
General of the forces in Iran�300
Awadh (Uttar Pradesh)
��Mas�ûd hunted through the country around Bahraich, and whenever he passed by the idol temple of
Sûraj-kund, he was wont to say that he wanted that piece of ground for a dwelling-place. This Sûraj-kund
was a sacred shrine of all the unbelievers of India. They had carved an image of the sun in stone on the
banks of the tank there. This image they called Bãlãrukh, and through its fame Bahraich had attained its
flourishing condition. When there was an eclipse of the sun, the unbelievers would come from east and
west to worship it, and every Sunday the heathen of Bahraich and its environs, male and female, used to
assemble in thousands to rub their heads under that stone, and do it reverence as an object of peculiar
sanctity. Mas�ûd was distressed at this idolatry, and often said that, with God�s will and assistance, he
would destroy that mine of unbelief, and set up a chamber for the worship of the Nourisher of the Universe
in its place, rooting out unbelief from those parts�301
�Meanwhile, the Rãi Sahar Deo and Har Deo, with several other chiefs, who had kept their troops in
reserve, seeing that the army of Islãm was reduced to nothing, unitedly attacked the body-guard of the
Prince. The few forces that remained to that loved one of the Lord of the Universe were ranged round him
in the garden. The unbelievers, surrounding them in dense numbers, showered arrows upon them. It was
then, on Sunday, the 14th of the month Rajab, in the aforesaid year 424 (14th June, 1033) as the time of
evening prayer came on, that a chance arrow pierced the main artery in the arm of the Prince of the
Faithful�302
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Siyar al-Aqtãb
This work was completed in AD 1647 by Allãh Diyã Chishtî. It deals with many miracles performed by the
Sufis, particularly of the Sãbriyya branch of the Chishtiyya silsilã.
Shykh Mu�în al-Dîn Chishtî of Ajmer (d. AD 1236)
Ajmer (Rajasthan)
�Although at that time there were very many temples of idols around the lake, when the Khwaja saw
them, he said: �If God and His Prophet so will, it will not be long before I raze to the ground these idol
temples.�
�It is said that among those temples there was one temple to reverence which the Rãjã and all the infidels
used to come, and lands had been assigned to provide for its expenditure. When the Khwãja settled there,
every day his servants bought a cow, brought it there and slaughtered it and ate it�
�So when the infidels grew weak and saw that they had no power to resist such a perfect companion of
God, they� went into their idol temples which were their places of worship. In them there was a dev, in
front of whom they cried out and asked for help�303
��The dev who was their leader, when he saw the perfect beauty of the Khwãja, trembled from head to
foot like a willow tree. However much he tried to say �Ram, Ram�, it was �Rahîm, Rahîm� that came
from his tongue� The Khwãja� with his own hand gave a cup of water to a servant to take to the dev�
He had no sooner drunk it than his heart was purified of darkness of unbelief, he ran forward and fell at the
Heaven-treading feet of the Khwãja, and professed his belief�
�The Khwãja said: �I also bestow on you the name of Shãdî Dev [Joyful Deval]��304
��Then Shadî Dev� suggested to the Khwãja, that he should now set up a place in the city, where the
populace might benefit from his holy arrival. The Khwãja accepted this suggestion, and ordered one of his
special servants called Muhammad Yãdgîr to go into the city and set in good order a place for
faqîrs. Muhammad Yãdgîr carried out his orders, and when he had gone into the city, he liked well the
place where the radiant tomb of the Khwãja now is, and which originally belonged to Shãdî Dev, and he
suggested that the Khwãja should favour it with his residence�305
��Mu�în al-dîn had a second wife for the following reason: one night he saw the Holy Prophet in the
flesh. The prophet said: �You are not truly of my religion if you depart in any way from my sunnat.� It
happened that the ruler of the Patli fort, Malik Khitãb, attacked the unbelievers that night and captured the
daughter of the Rãjã of that land. He presented her to Mu�în al-dîn who accepted her and named her Bîbî
Umiya.�306
P.M. Currie comments:
��The take-over of �pagan� sites is a recurrent feature of the history of the expansion of Islam. The
most obvious precedent is to be found in the Muslim annexation of the Hajar al-aswad at Mecca� Sir
Thomas Arnol remarks that �in many instances there is no doubt that the shrine of a Muslim saint marks
the site of some local cult which was practised on the spot long before the introduction of Islam.�
�There is evidence, more reliable than the tradition recorded in the Siyar al-Aqtãb, to suggest that this was
the case in Ajmer. Sculpted stones, apparently from a Hindu temple, are incorporated in the Buland
Darwãza of Mu�în al-dîn�s shrine. Moreover, his tomb is built over a series of cellars which may have
formed part of an earlier temple� A tradition, first recorded in the �Anis al-Arwãh, suggests that the
Sandal Khãna is built on the site of Shãdî Dev�s temple.�307
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Bãdshãh-Nãma
The author, �Abdu�l Hamîd Lãhorî, was commissioned by Shãh Jahãn himself to compile this history
which is a voluminous work covering the first twenty years of Shãh Jahãn�s reign. Lãhorî died in 1654.
Nûru�d-Dîn Muhammad Jahãngîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1605-1628)
Many Places
�Perhaps these in stances [Mewar, Kangra, and Ajmer] made a contemporary poet of his court sing his
praises as the great Muslim emperor who converted temples into mosques.�308
Shihãbu�d-Dîn Muhammad Shãh Jahãn Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1628-1658)
Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh)
�It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty that during the late reign many idol temples had been
begun, but remained unfinished at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels were now
desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and
throughout all his dominions in every place, all temples that had been begun should be cast down. It was
now reported from the province of Allahãbãd that seventy-six temples had been destroyed in the district of
Benares.�309
Orchha (Madhya Pradesh)
�At the Bundela capital the Islam-cherishing Emperor demolished the lofty and massive temple of Bir
Singh Dev near his palace, and erected a mosque on its site.�310
Kashmir
�Some temples in Kashmir were also sacrificed to the religious fury of the emperor. The Hindu temple at
Ichchhabal was destroyed and converted into a mosque.�311
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Shãhjahãn-Nãma
It was written by �Inãyat Khãn whose original name was Muhammad Tãhir Ãshnã. It comes down to AH
1068 (AD 1657-58), the year when Aurangzeb seized power and imprisoned Shãh Jahãn in the fort of Agra.
It presents Shah Jahan as a pious Muslim vis-a-vis the Hindu Kãfirs.
Shihãbu�d-Dîn Muhammad Shãh Jahãn Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1628-1658)
Orchha (Madhya Pradesh)
�When the environs of Orchha became the site of the royal standards, an ordinance was issued authorising
the demolition of the idol temple, which Bir Singh Deo had erected at a great expense by the side of his
private palace, and also the idols contained in it��312
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Mir�ãt-i-�Ãlam
The author, Bakhtãwar Khãn, was a nobleman of Aurangzeb�s court. He died in AD 1684. The history
ascribed to him was really compiled by Muhammad Baqã of Saharanpur who gave the name of his friend
as its author. Baqã was a prolific writer who was invited by Bakhtãwar Khãn to Aurangzeb�s court and
given a respectable rank. He died in AD 1683.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
General Order
�Hindû writers have been entirely excluded from holding public offices, and all the worshipping places of
the infidels and great temples of these infamous people have been thrown down and destroyed in a manner
which excites astonishment at the successful completion of so difficult a task. His Majesty personally
teaches the sacred kalima to many infidels with success� All the mosques in the empire are repaired at
public expense. Imãma, criers to the daily prayers, and readers of the khutba, have been appointed to each
of them, so that a large sum of money has been and is still laid out in these disbursements��313
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�Ãlamgîr-Nãma
This work, written in AD 1688 by Mîrza Muhammad Kãzim, contains a history of the first ten years of
Aurangzeb�s reign.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Palamau (Bihar)
�In 1661 Aurangzeb in his zeal to uphold the law of Islam sent orders to his Viceroy of Bihar, Dãud
Khãn, to conquer Palamau. In the military operations that followed many temples were destroyed��314
Koch Bihar (Bengal)
�Towards the end of the same year when Mîr Jumla made a war on the Raja of Kuch Bihar, the Mughals
destroyed many temples during the course of, their operations. Idols were broken and some temples were
converted into mosques.�315
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Mã�sîr-i-�Ãlamgîrî
The author, Sãqã Must�ad Khãn, completed this history in AD 1710 at the behest of �Inãyatu�llãh
Khãn Kashmîrî, Aurangzeb�s last secretary and favourite disciple in state policy and religiosity. The
materials which Must�ad Khãn used in this history of Aurangzeb�s reign came mostly from the State
archives which were thrown open to him.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
General Order
�The Lord Cherisher of the Faith learnt that in the provinces of Tatta, Multãn, and especially at Benares,
the Brahman misbelievers used to teach their false books in their established schools, and that admirers and
students both Hindu and Muslim, used to come from great distances to these misguided men in order to
acquire this vile learning. His Majesty, eager to establish Islãm, issued orders to the governors of all the
provinces to demolish the schools and temples of the infidels and with the utmost urgency put down the
teaching and the public practice of the religion of these misbelievers.�316
Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh)
�It was reported that, according to the Emperor�s command, his officers had demolished the temple of
Viswanãth at Kãshî.�317
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
��During this month of Ramzan abounding in miracles, the Emperor as the promoter of justice and
overthrower of mischief, as a knower of truth and destroyer of oppression, as the zephyr of the garden of
victory and the reviver of the faith of the Prophet, issued orders for the demolition of the temple situated in
Mathurã, famous as the Dehra of Kesho Rãi. In a short time by the great exertions of his officers the
destruction of this strong foundation of infidelity was accomplished, and on its site a lofty mosque was
built at the expenditure of a large sum�
�Praised be the august God of the faith of Islãm, that in the auspicious reign of this destroyer of infidelity
and turbulence, such a wonderful and seemingly impossible work was successfully accomplished. On
seeing this instance of the strength of the Emperor�s faith and the grandeur of his devotion to God, the
proud Rajas were stifled and in amazement they stood like images facing the wall. The idols, large and
small, set with costly jewels which had been set up in the temple were brought to Agra, and buried under
the steps of the mosque of the Begam Sãhib, in order to be continually trodden upon. The name of Mathurã
was changed to Islãmãbãd.�318
Khandela (Rajasthan)
��Dãrãb Khãn who had been sent with a strong force to punish the Rajputs of Khandela and to demolish
the great temple of the place, attacked the place on the 8th March/5th Safar, and slew the three hundred and
odd men who made a bold defence, not one of them escaping alive. The temples of Khandela and Sãnula
and all other temples in the neighbourhood were demolished��319
Jodhpur (Rajasthan)
�On Sunday, the 25th May/24th Rabi. S., Khan Jahãn Bahãdur came from Jodhpur, after demolishing the
temples and bringing with himself some cart-loads of idols, and had audience of the Emperor, who highly
praised him and ordered that the idols, which were mostly jewelled, golden, silvery, bronze, copper or
stone, should be cast in the yard (jilaukhãnah) of the Court and under the steps of the Jãm�a mosque, to be
trodden on. They remained so for some time and at last their very names were lost�320
Udaipur (Rajasthan)
��Ruhullah Khan and Ekkatãz Khan went to demolish the great temple in front of the Rãnã�s palace,
which was one of the rarest buildings of the age and the chief cause of the destruction of life and property
of the despised worshippers Twenty mãchãtoR Rajputs who were sitting in the temple vowed to give up
their lives; first one of them came out to fight, killed some and was then himself slain, then came out
another and so on, until every one of the twenty perished, after killing a large number of the imperialists
including the trusted slave, Ikhlãs. The temple was found empty. The hewers broke the images.�321
�On Saturday, the 24th January, 1680/2nd Muharram, the Emperor went to view lake Udaisãgar,
constructed by the Rãnã, and ordered all the three temples on its banks to be demolished.�322
��On the 29th January/7th Muharram, Hasan �Ali Khan brought to the Emperor twenty camel-loads of
tents and other things captured from the Rãnã�s palace and reported that one hundred and seventy-two
other temples in the environs of Udaipur had been destroyed. The Khan received the title of Bahãdur
�Alamgirshãhi�323
Amber (Rajasthan)
�Abû Turãb, who had been sent to demolish the temples of Amber, returned to Court on Tuesday, the 10th
August/24th Rajab, and reported that he had pulled down sixty-six temples��324
Bijapur (Karnataka)
��Hamiduddin Khan Bahãdur who had gone to demolish a temple and build a mosque (in its place) in
Bijapur, having excellently carried out his orders, came to Court and gained praise and the post of dãrogha
of gusalkhãnah, which brought him near the Emperor�s person��325
Iconoclasm was a part of Aurangezb�s Islamic Piety
��As his blessed nature dictated, he was characterized by perfect devotion to the rites of the Faith; he
followed the teaching of the great Imãm. Abu Hanifã (God be pleased with him!), and established and
enforced to the best of his power the five foundations of Islãm��326
��Through the auspices of his hearty endeavour, the Hanafi creed (i.e., the Orthodox Sunni faith) has
gained such strength and currency in the great country of Hindustan as was never seen in the times of any
of the preceding sovereigns. By one stroke of the pen, the Hindu clerks (writers) were dismissed from the
public employment. Large numbers of the places of worship of the infidels and great temples of these
wicked people have been thrown down and desolated. Men who can see only the outside of things are filled
with wonder at the successful accomplishment of such a seemingly difficult task. Arid on the sites of the
temples lofty mosques have been built��327
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Akhbãrãt
These were reports from different provinces compiled in the reign of Aurangzeb.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�The Emperor learning that in the temple of Keshav Rai at Mathura there was a stone railing presented by
Dara Shukoh, remarked, �In the Muslim faith it is a sin even to look at a temple, and this Dara had
restored a railing in a temple. This fact is not creditable to the Muhammadans. Remove the railing.� By
his order Abdun Nabi Khan (the faujdar of Mathura) removed it.�328
Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)
�News came from Malwa that Wazir Khan had sent Gada Beg, a slave, with 400 troopers, to destroy all
temples around Ujjain� A Rawat of the place resisted and slew Gada Beg with 121 of his men.�329
Aurangabad (Maharashtra)
�The Emperor learnt from a secret news writer of Delhi that in Jaisinghpura Bairagis used to worship
idols, and that the Censor on hearing of it had gone there, arrested Sri Krishna Bairagi and taken him with
15 idols away to his house; then the Rajputs had assembled flocked to the Censor�s house, wounded three
footmen of the Censor and tried to seize the Censor himself; so that the latter set the Bairagi free and sent
the copper idols to the local subahdar.�330
Pandharpur (Maharashatra)
�The Emperor, summoning Muhammad Khalil and Khidmat Rai, the darogha of hatchet-men� ordered
them to demolish the temple of Pandharpur, and to take the butchers of the camp there and slaughter cows
in the temple� It was done.�331
On Way to the Deccan
�When the war with the Rajputs was over, Aurangzeb decided to leave for the Deccan. His march seems
to have been marked with the destruction to many temples on the way. On 21 May, 1681, the
superintendent of the labourers was ordered to destroy all the temples on the route.�332
Lakheri (?)
�On 27 September, 1681, the emperor issued orders for the destruction of the temples at Lakheri.�333
Rasulpur (?)
�About this time, on 14 April, 1692, orders were issued to the provincial governor and the district fojdãr
to demolish the temples at Rasulpur.�334
Sheogaon (?)
�Sankar, a messenger, was sent to demolish a temple near Sheogaon. He came back after pulling it down
on 20 November, 1693.�335
Ajmer (Rajasthan)
�Bijai Singh and several other Hindus were reported to be carrying on public worship of idols in a temple
in the neighbourhood of Ajmer. On 23 June, 1694, the governor of Ajmer was ordered to destroy the
temple and stop the public adoration of idol worship there.�336
Wakenkhera (?)
�The temple of Wakenkhera in the fort was demolished on 2 March, 1705.�337
Bhagwant Garh (Rajasthan)
�The newswriter of Ranthambore reported the destruction of a temple in Parganah Bhagwant Garh. Gaj
Singh Gor had repaired the temple and made some additions thereto.�338
Malpura (Rajasthan)
�Royal orders for the destruction of temples in Malpura Toda were received and the officers were
assigned for this work.�339
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Fathiyya-i-�Ibriyya
This is a diary of Mîr Jumla�s campaigns in Kuch Bihar and Assam. �By looting,� writes Jadunath
Sarkar, �the temples of the South and hunting out buried treasures, Mîr Jumla amassed a vast fortune. The
huge Hindu idols of copper were brought away in large numbers to be melted and cast into cannon.�340
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Koch Bihar (Bengal)
�Mir Jumla made his way into Kuch Bihar by an obscure and neglected highway� In six days the
Mughal army reached the capital (19th December) which had been deserted by the Rajah and his people in
terror. The name of the town was changed to Alamgirnagar; the Muslim call to prayer, so long forbidden in
the city, was chanted from the lofty roof of the palace, and a mosque was built by demolishing the principal
temple��341
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Kalimãt-i-Tayyibãt
This is a collection of letters and orders of Aurangzeb compiled by �Inayatullãh in AD 1719 and covers
the years 1699-1704 of Aurangzeb�s reign.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�The temple of Somnath was demolished early in my reign and idol worship (there) put down. It is not
known what the state of things there is at present. If the idolaters have again taken to the worship of images
at the place, then destroy the temple in such a way that no trace of the building may be left, and also expel
them (the worshippers) from the place.�342
Satara (Maharashtra)
�The village of Sattara near Aurangabad was my hunting ground. Here on the top of a hill, stood a temple
with an image of Khande Rai. By God�s grace I demolished it, and forbade the temple dancers (muralis)
to ply their shameful profession��343
General Observation
�The demolition of a temple is possible at any time, as it cannot walk away from its place.�344
Sirhind (Punjab)
�In a small village in the sarkãr of Sirhind, a Sikh temple was demolished and converted into a mosque.
An imãm was appointed who was subsequently killed.�345
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Ganj-i-Arshadî
It is a contemporary account of the destruction of Hindu temples at Varanasi in the reign of Aurangzeb:
Mubiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh)
�The infidels demolished a mosque that was under construction and wounded the artisans. When the news
reached Shãh Yasîn, he came to Banaras from Mandyawa and collecting the Muslim weavers, demolished
the big temple. A Sayyid who was an artisan by profession agreed with one Abdul Rasûl to build a mosque
at Banaras and accordingly the foundation was laid. Near the place there was a temple and many houses
belonging to it were in the occupation of the Rajputs. The infidels decided that the construction of a
mosque in the locality was not proper and that it should be razed to the ground. At night the walls of the
mosque were found demolished. Next day the wall was rebuilt but it was again destroyed. This happened
three or four times. At last the Sayyid hid himself in a corner. With the advent of night the infidels came to
achieve their nefarious purpose. When Abdul Rasûl gave the alarm, the infidels began to fight and the
Sayyid was wounded by Rajputs. In the meantime, the Musalman resident of the neighbourhood arrived at
the spot and the infidels took to their heels. The wounded Muslims were taken to Shãh Yasîn who
determined to vindicate the cause of Islam. When he came to the mosque, people collected from the
neighbourhood. The civil officers were outwardly inclined to side with the saint, but in reality they were
afraid of the royal displeasure on account of the Raja, who was a courtier of the Emperor and had built the
temple (near which the mosque was under construction). Shãh Yasîn, however, took up the sword and
started for Jihad. The civil officers sent him a message that such a grave step should not be taken without
the Emperor�s permission. Shãh Yasîn, paying no heed, sallied forth till he reached Bazar Chau Khamba
through a fusillade of stones� The, doors (of temples) were forced open and the idols thrown down. The
weavers and other Musalmans demolished about 500 temples. They desired to destroy the temple of Beni
Madho, but as lanes were barricaded, they desisted from going further.�346
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Kalimãt-i-Aurangzeb
This is another compilation of letters and orders by �Inãyatu�llãh covering the years 1703-06 of
Aurangzeb�s reign.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Maharashtra
�The houses of this country (Maharashtra) are exceedingly strong and built solely of stone and iron. The
hatchet-men of the Government in the course of my marching do not get sufficient strength and power (i.e.,
time) to destroy and raze the temples of the infidels that meet the eye on the way. You should appoint an
orthodox inspector (darogha) who may afterwards destroy them at leisure and dig up their
foundations.�347
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Muraq�ãt-i-Abu�I Hasan
This is a collection of records and documents compiled by Maulãna Abu�l Hasan, one of Aurangzeb�s
officers in Bengal and Orissa during AD 1655-67.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Bengal and Orissa
�Order issued on all faujdars of thanas, civil officers (mutasaddis), agents of jagirdars, kroris, and amlas
from Katak to Medinipur on the frontier of Orissa:- The imperial paymaster Asad Khan has sent a letter
written by order of the Emperor, to say, that the Emperor learning from the newsletters of the province of
Orissa that at the village of Tilkuti in Medinipur a temple has been (newly) built, has issued his august
mandate for its destruction, and the destruction of all temples built anywhere in this province by the
worthless infidels. Therefore, you are commanded with extreme urgency that immediately on the receipt of
this letter you should destroy the above-mentioned temples. Every idol-house built during the last 10 or 12
years, whether with brick or clay, should be demolished without delay. Also, do not allow the crushed
Hindus and despicable infidels to repair their old temples. Reports of the destruction of temples should be
sent to the Court under the seal of the qazis and attested by pious Shaikhs.�348
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Futûhãt-i-�Ãlamgîrî
The author, Îshwardãs Nãgar, was a Brahman from Gujarat, born around AD 1654. Till the age of thirty he
as in the service of the Chief Qãzî of the empire under Aurangzeb. Later on, he took up a post under
Shujã�t Khãn, the governor of Gujarat, who appointed him amîn in the pargana of Jodhpur. His history
covers almost half a century of Aurangzeb�s reign, from 1657 to 1700. There is nothing in his style which
may mark him out as a Hindu. He sends to �hell� every Hindu who dies at the hands of Muslims or
otherwise, while every Muslim who gets killed becomes a �martyr� and attains paradise.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 16M-1707)
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�When the imperial army was encamping at Mathura, a holy city of the Hindus, the state of affairs with
regard to temples of Mathura was brought to the notice of His Majesty. Thus, he ordered the faujdar of the
city, Abdul Nabi Khan, to raze to the ground every temple and to construct big mosques (over their
demolished sites).�349
Udaipur (Rajasthan)
�The Emperor, within a short time, reached Udaipur and destroyed the gate of Dehbari, the palaces of
Rana and the temples of Udaipur. Apart from it, the trees of his gardens were also destroyed.�350
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Nau-Bahãr-i-Murshid Qulî-Khãnî
The author, Ãzãd al-Husainî, was a poor but learned immigrant from Persia, who presented this work in
AD 1729 to Mîrza Lutfullãh surnamed Murshid Qulî II who had arrived in Dhaka in 1728 as the Deputy
Governor of Shujãu�d-Dîn, the Mughal Governor of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa from 1727 to 1739.
Nasiru�d-Dîn Muhammad Shãh Bahãdur Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1719-1748)
Udaipur (Tripura)
�Tipara is a country extremely strong� The Raja is proud of his strength and the practice of conchblowing and idol-worship prevailed there�
�Murshid Qulî II decided to conquer Tipara and put down idolatry there. He wrote to Sayyid Habibullah
(the Commander-in-Chief), Md. Sadîq, Mir Hãshim, Shaikh Sirãjuddin Md., and Mahdi Beg who were then
engaged in the Chittogong expedition, that� they should set out with their forces, observing every
precaution, arrive close to the Kingdom of Tipara, and try to conquer it��351
�The Tipara soldiers did not fail to fight regardless of death. The Muslim troops invested the fort from
four sides. A severe battle was fought. The zamindar�s men lay dead in heaps. The victors entered the
fort� The flag of Murshid Quli Khan was unfurled on the top of fort Udaipur. The Muslims raised the cry
of Allahu-ãkbar and the Muslim credo (There is no deity except Allah and Muhammad is His messenger),
and demolished the temple of the zamindar which had long been the seat of idol-worship. Making a level
courtyard on the side of the temple, they read the Khutba in the Emperor�s name� The worldilluminating sun of the faith of Muhammad swept away the dark night of infidelity, and the bright day of
Islam dawned.�352
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Kanzu�l-Mahfûz
The name and position of the author is not known. It deals with the history of the �Ummayids, the
Ghaznivids and the Muslim dynasties of India.
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Agra (Uttar Pradesh)
�In the city of Agra there was a large temple, in which there were numerous idols, adorned and
embellished with precious jewels and valuable pearls. It was the custom of the infidels to resort to this
temple from far and near several times in each year to worship the idols, and a certain fee to the
Government was fixed upon each man, for which he obtained admittance. As there was a large congress of
pilgrims, a very considerable amount was realized from them, and paid into the royal treasury. This practice
had been observed to the end of the reign of the Emperor Shãh Jahãn, and in the commencement of
Aurangzeb�s government; but when the latter was informed of it, he was exceedingly angry and abolished
the custom. The greatest nobles of his court represented to him that a large sum was realized and paid into
the public treasury, and that if it was abolished, a great reduction in the income of the state would take
place. The Emperor observed, �What you say is right, but I have considered well on the subject, and have
reflected on it deeply; but if you wish to augment the revenue, there is a better plan for attaining the object
by exacting the jizya. By this means idolatry will be suppressed, the Muhammadan religion and the true
faith will be honoured, our proper duty will be performed, the finances of the state will be increased, and
the infidels will be disgraced.� �This was highly approved by all the nobles; and the Emperor ordered all
the golden and silver idols to be broken, and the temple destroyed��353
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Muntikhãbu�l-Lubãb
The author, Hãshim �Alî Khãn, is better known by his designation of Khãfî Khãn. His father was also a
historian in the employ of Aurangzeb. He was brought up in the court of Aurangzeb, made a dîwãn, but
was ordered to stop writing history. He, however, continued writing in secret. Muhammad Shãh was
pleased when he saw what had been written and named him Khãfi Khãn. The work is also known
as Tãrîkh-i-Khãfî Khãn. It starts with the invasion of Bãbur in AD 1519 and comes upto the fourteenth year
of Bahãdur Shãh (AD 1719-1748). He refers to the Hindus as evil dogs, accursed wretches, etc.
Shihãbu�d-Dîn Muhammad Shãh Jahãn Pãdshãh Ghãzî (1628-1658)
After describing the destruction of temples in Benares and Gujarat, this author stated that �The materials
of some of the Hindu temples were used for building mosques.�354
Hargaon (Uttar Pradesh)
�In AD 1630-31 (AH 1040) when Abdãl, the Hindu chief of Hargaon in the province of Allahabad,
rebelled, most of the temples in the state were either demolished or converted into mosques. Idols were
burnt.�355
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (1658-1707)
Golkonda (Andhra Pradesh)
�On the capture of Golkonda, the Emperor appointed Abdur Rahim Khan as Censor of the city of
Haiderabad with orders to put down infidel practices and (heretical) innovations and destroy the temples
and build mosques on their sites.�356
Bijapur (Karnataka)
�The fall and capture of Bijapur was similarly solemnized though here the destruction of temples was
delayed for several years, probably till 1698.�357
Sikh Temples (Punjab)
�Aurangzeb ordered the temples of the Sikhs to be destroyed and the guru�s agents (masands) for
collecting the tithes and presents of the faithful to be expelled from the cities.�358
Shãh �Ãlam Bahãdur Shãh Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1707-1712)
Jodhpur (Rajasthan)
�Ajît Singh� sent a message humbly asking that Khãn Zamãn and theKãzîu�I-Kuzãt might come into
Jodhpur, to rebuild the mosques, destroy idol-temples, enforce the provisions of the law about the summons
to prayer and the killing of cows, to appoint magistrates and to commission officers to collect the jizya. His
submission was graciously accepted, and his requests granted��359
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Mir�at-i-Ahmadî
This is the most important Persian history of Gujarat. It starts with the Hindu Rãjãs of ANhilwãD PãTan
and ends with the establishment of Maratha rule in the eighteenth century. It was written after the Third
Battle of Panipat in AD 1761. The author, �Alî Muhammad Khãn, came to Gujarat from Burhanpur in
1708-09 and, when grown up, had access to official records.
Sultãn �A1ãu�d-Dîn Khaljî (AD 1296-1316)
Sidhpur (Gujarat)
��When Raja Sidhraj Jaisingh Solanki became the king, he extended his conquest as far as Malwa and
Burhanpur etc. and laid foundation of lofty forts such as the forts of Broach and Dabhoi etc. He dug the
tank of Sahastraling in Pattan, many others in Biramgam and at most places in Sorath. His reign is known
as �Sang Bast�, the Age of Stone Buildings. He founded the city of Sidhpur and built the famous
Rudramal Temple. It is related that when he intended to build Rudramal, he summoned astrologers to elect
an auspicious hour for it. The astrologers said to him that some harm through heavenly revolution is
presaged from Alauddin when his turn comes to the Saltanat of Dihli. The Raja relied on the statement of
astrologers and entered into a pledge and pact with the said Sultan. The Sultan had said. �If I do not
destroy it under terms of the pact, yet I will leave some religious vestiges.� When, after some time, the
turn of the Sultan came to the Saltanat of Delhi, he marched with his army to that side and left religious
marks by constructing a masjid and a minar��360
Somnath (Gujarat)
�In the year 696, six hundred and ninety-six, he sent an army for the conquest of Gujarat under the
command of Ulugh Khan who became famous among the Gujaratis as Alp Khan and Nusrat Khan Jalesri.
These Khans subjected Naharwala that is, Pattan and the whole of that dominion to plunder and
pillage� They broke the idol of Somnat which was installed again after Sultan Mahmud Ghaznawi and
sent riches, treasure, elephants, women and daughters of Raja Karan to the Sultan at Delhi��361
Patan (Gujarat)
�After conquest of Naharwala and expulsion of Raja Karan, Ulugh Khan occupied himself with the
government. From that day, governors were appointed on this side on behalf of the Sultans of Dilhi. It is
said that a lofty masjid called Masjid-i-Adinah (Friday Masjid) of marble stone which exists even today is
built by him. It is popular among common folk that error is mostly committed in counting its many pillars.
They relate that it was a temple which was converted into a masjid� Most of the relics and vestiges of
magnificence and extension of the ancient prosperity of Pattan city are found in the shape of bricks and
dried clay, which inform us about the truth of this statement, scattered nearly to a distance of three kurohs
(one kuroh = 2 miles) from the present place of habitation. Remnants of towers of the ancient fortifications
seen at some places are a proof of repeated changes and vicissitudes in population due to passage of
times. Most of the ancient relics gradually became extinct. Marble stones, at the end of the rule of rajas,
were brought from Ajmer for building temples in such a quantity that more than which is dug out from the
earth even now. All the marble stones utilized in the city of Ahmedabad were (brought) from that
place��362
Sultãn Muzaffar Shãh I of Gujarat (AD 1392-1410)
Somnath (Gujarat)
�He made efforts at the proclamation of the word of God (confession of the Muslim faith). He led an army
for plundering the temple of Somnat, that is, Pattan Dev. He spread Islam at most of the places��363
Sultãn Ahmad Shãh I of Gujarat (AD 1411-1443)
Sidhpur (Gujarat)
�In the year 817, eight hundred and seventeen Hijri, he resolved to march with intent of jihad against the
unbelievers of Girnar, a famous fort in Sorath. Raja Mandalik fought with him but was defeated and took
refuge in the fort. It is narrated that even though that land (region) this time did not get complete brightness
form the lamp of Islam, yet the Sultan subdued the fort of Junagadh situated near the foot of Girnar
mountain. Most of the Zamindars of Sorath became submissive and obedient to him and agreed to pay
tribute. After that, he demolished the temple of Sayyedpur in the month of Jamadi I of the year 818, eight
hundred and eighteen Hijri� In the year 823, eight hundred and twenty-three Hijri, he attended to the
establishment of administrative control over his dominion. He suppressed refractoriness wherever it was
found. He demolished temples and constructed masjids in their places��364
Sultãn Mahmûd BegDãh of Gujarat (AD 1458-1511)
Junagadh (Gujarat)
�Rao Mandalik saw that his fate was sealed. He fled at night to the fort and gave him a battle. When the
warfare continued for some time provisions in the fort became scarce. He requested the Sultan in all
humility to save his life. The Sultan agreed on condition of his accepting Islam. Rao Mandalik came down
from the fort, surrendered the fort�s keys to the Sultan. The Sultan offered recitation of the word of Unity
to him to repeat. He instantly recited it. The fort was conquered in the year 877, eight hundred and seventyseven� In a few days, he populated a city which can be called Ahmedabad and named it Mustafabad. Rao
Mandalik was given the title of Khan Jahan with a grant of jagir. He gave away as presents the gold idols
brought from the temple of Rao Mandalik to all soldiers��365
Sankhodhar (Gujarat)
�This victory took place in the year 878, eight hundred and seventy-eight; the island of Sankhodar was
never conquered in any age by any king of the past. It is related that the Sultan performed two genuflexions
of namaz out of thanksgiving at the time of demolishing the temple and breaking the idols of Jagat. He
grew eloquent in recitation of praise out of gratitude to God. The Muslims raised calls to namaz (azan) by
loud voice from top of temples� He built a masjid there.�366
Idar (Gujarat)
�He marched towards Malwa, in the same month, from Muhammedabad for repulsion of unbelievers and
defence of religious-minded Muslims. He halted at the town of Godhra for reinforcement of powerful
forces when he received a report about insolence of the Raja of Idar. He, therefore, marched thither and
ordered to demolish houses and temples of Idar. This event took place in the year 919, nine hundred and
nineteen Hijri��367
Muhiyu�d-Dîn Muhammad Aurangzeb �Ãlamgîr Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1658-1707)
Ahmadabad (Gujarat)
�During the Subedari of religious-minded, noble prince, vestiges of the Temple of Chintaman situated on
the side of Saraspur built by Satidas jeweller, were removed under the Prince�s order and a masjid was
erected on its remains. It was named �Quwwat-ul-Islam���368
Gujarat
�As it has come to His Majesty�s knowledge that some inhabitants of the mahals appertaining to the
province of Gujarat have (again) built the temples which had been demolished by imperial order before his
accession� therefore His Majesty orders that� the formerly demolished and recently restored temples
should be pulled down.�369
Vadnagar (Gujarat)
�The Emperor ordered the destruction of the Hateshwar temple at Vadnagar, the special guardian of the
Nagar Brahmans.�370
Malarina (Rajasthan)
�Salih Bahadur was sent to pull down the temple of Malarna.�371
Sorath (Gujarat)
�In AD 1696-97 (AH 1108) orders were issued for the destruction of the major temples at Sorath in
Gujarat.�372
Dwarka (Gujarat)
�He stopped public worship at the Hindu temple of Dwarka.�373
(71)
Tãrîkh-i-Ibrãhîm Khãn
It was composed by Nawãb Ibrãhîm Khãn and written down by Mullã Baksh in the town of Benares. It was
finished in the year AD 1786. It is mainly a history of the Marathas.
Ahmad Shãh Abdãlî (AD 1747-1773)
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�Ahmad Shãh Abdãlî in the year AH 1171 (AD 1757-58), came from the country of Kandahãr to
Hindãstãn, and on the 7th of Jumãdal awwal of that year, had an interview with the Emperor �Ãlamgîr II,
at the palace of Shãh-Jahãnãbãd� After an interval of a month, he set out to coerce Rãjã Sûraj Mal Jãt,
who from a distant period, had extended his sway over the province of Ãgra, as far as the environs of the
city of Delhî. In three days he captured Balamgarh, situated at a distance of fifteen kos from Delhî� After
causing a general massacre of the garrison he hastened towards Mathurã, and having razed that ancient
sanctuary of the Hindûs to the ground, made all the idolaters fall a prey to his relentless sword��374
(72)
Tãrîkh-i-Husain Shãhî
It was written in AD 1797-98 by Sayyid Imãmu�d-Dîn al-Husain. We have not been able to obtain other
particulars about it.
Ahmad Shãh Abdãlî (AD 1747-1773)
Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)
�Idols were broken and kicked about like polo-balls by the Islamic heroes.�375
(73)
Nishãn-i-Haidarî
The author, Mîr Hussain �Alî Kirmãnî, describes his work as �the History of the Nawab Hyder Ali Khan
Bahadur, and a commentary on the reign and actions of Tipu Sultan.� He completed the work in AD
1802. We have been able to get an English translation of the second part only.
Tipu Sultan (AD 1782-1799)
Srirangapatnam (Karnataka)
��At this time the Sultan determined to recommence the building of the Masjidi Ala, the erection of
which had been suspended since the year 1198 Hijri, and the Daroghu Public buildings, according to the
plan, which will be mentioned hereafter, completed it in two years, at the expense of three lakhs of
rupees�
��It is known that when the vile and rejected Brahman Khunda Rao imprisoned the Nawab�s Zanana
and the Sultan (who was then a boy of six or seven years of age) in a house in the fort� there stood a
Hindu temple, the area or space round which was large. The Sultan, therefore, in his infancy being like all
children fond of play, and as in that space boys of Kinhiri Brahmin castes assembled to amuse themselves,
was accustomed to quit the house to see them play, or play with them� It happened one day that a Fakir (a
religious mendicant) a man of saint-like mind passed that way, and seeing the Sultan gave him a life
bestowing benediction, saying to him, �Fortunate child, at a future time thou will be the king of this
country, and whey thy time comes, remember my words-take this temple and destroy it, and build a Masjid
in its place, and for ages it will remain a memorial of thee.� The Sultan smiled, and in reply told him,
�that whenever, by his blessing, he should become a Padishah, or king, he would do as he (the Fakir)
directed.� When, therefore, after a short time his father became a prince, the possessor of wealth and
territory, he remembered his promise, and after his return from Nagar and Gorial Bundar, he purchased the
temple from the adorers of the image in it (which after all was nothing but the figure of a bull, made of
brick and mortar) with their goodwill, and the Brahmins, therefore, taking away their image, placed it in the
Deorhi Peenth, and the temple was pulled down, and the foundations of a new Masjid raised on the site,
agreeably to a plan of the Mosque built by Ali Adil Shah, at Bijapur, and brought thence.�376
The nature of the purchase needs no comment:
(74)
Riyãzu�s-Salãtîn
This is a history of Bengal from the invasion of Bakhtiyãr Khaljî to AD 1788 when the British were in
complete control. The author, Ghulãm Hussain Salîm of Zaidpur in Awadh, had migrated to Bengal and
become a Postmaster in Malda. He died in AD 1817.
Ikhtiyãru�d-Dîn Muhammad Bakhtiyãr Khaljî (AD 1202-1206)
Lakhnauti (Bengal)
�Muhammad Bakhtiyar sweeping the town with the broom of devastation, completely demolished it, and
making anew the city of Lakhnauti� his metropolis, ruled over Bengal� and strove to put in practice the
ordinances of the Muhammadan religion� and for a period ruling over Bengal he engaged in demolishing
the temples and building mosques.�377
Sulaimãn Karrãnî of Bengal (AD 1563-1576)
Orissa
�Kãlãpahãr, by successive and numerous fightings, vanquished the Rajah's forces, and brought to his
subjection the entire dominion of Odîsah (Orissa), so much so that he carried off the Rani together with all
household goods and chattels. Notwithstanding all this, from fear of being killed, no one was bold to wake
up this drunkard of the sleep of negligence, so that Kãlãpahãr had his hands free. After completing the
subjugation of the entire country, and investing the Fort of BãrahbãTi, which was his (the Rajah�s) place
of sleep, Kãlãpahãr engaged in fighting� The firm Muhammadan religion and the enlightened laws of
Islãm were introduced into that country. Before this, the Musalman Sovereigns exercised no authority over
this country. Of the miracles of Kãlãpahãr, one was this, that wherever in that country, the sound of his
drum reached, the hands and the feet, the ears and the noses of the idols, worshipped by the Hindus, fell off
their stone-figures, so that even now stone-idols, with hands and feet broken, and noses and ears cut off, are
lying at several places in that country. And the Hindus pursuing the false, from blindness of their hearts,
with full sense and knowledge, devote themselves to their worship!
It is known what grows out of stone:
From its worship what is gained, except shame?
�It is said at the time of return, Kãlãpahãr left a drum in the jungle of Kãonjhãr, which is lying in an upset
state. No one there from fear of life dares to set it up; so it is related.�378
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Bahãr-i�Ãzam
It is an account of a journey undertaken in 1823 by �Ãzam Jãh Bahãdur �after he ascended the throne of
the Carnatic as Nawwãb Wãlãjãh VI.�379 The author, Ghulãm �Abdul Qadir Nãzir, was his court scribe
who accompanied the Nawwãb on this journey. Nãzir does not tell us that his patron was a Nawwãb only in
name as he was living in Madras on British charity, his ancestral principality of Arcot having been ceded to
the British in 1801. What he says instead is how the �Nawwãb� lost his temper when he learnt that the
Muslims in his retinue were visiting the Hindu temples at Chidambaram and how he �gave strict orders�
to British officers of the place �that no Muslim should be allowed to go over to the temple and enter
it.�380 At a later stage, we are told that �the party marched forth� to the accompaniment of music
provided by dancing girls of the Hindu cornmunity.�381 The account names numerous Sufis etc., who
came to the districts of Chingleput, North Arcot, South Arcot, Tiruchirapalli and Thanjavur and established
Muslim places of worship. What these new monuments replaced becomes obvious from the following few
instances.
Sufi Nãtthar Walî
Tiruchirapalli (Tamil Nadu)
�It is said that in ancient days Trichila, an execrable monster with three heads, who was a brother of
Rawan, with ten heads, had the sway over this country. No human being could oppose him. But as per the
saying of the Prophet, �Islam will be elevated and cannot be subdued�, the Faith took root by the efforts
of Hazarat Natthar Wali. The monster was slain and sent to the house of perdition. His image namely butling worshipped by the unbelievers was cut and the head was separated from the body. A portion of the
body went into the ground. Over that spot is the tomb of the Wali, shedding rediance till this day.�382
Sufi Shãh Bheka
�Shah Bheka� when he was at Trichinopoly during the days of Rani Minachi, the unbelievers who did
not like his stay there harassed him. One day when he was very much vexed, he got upon the bull in front
of the temple, which the Hindus worship calling it swami, and made it move on by the power and strength
of the Supreme Life Giver� They abandoned the temple and gave the entire place on the aruskalwa as
present to the Shah.�383
Sufi Qãyim Shãh
�Qayim Shah� came here from Hindustan. He was the cause for the destruction of twelve temples. He
lived to an old age and passed away on the 17th Safar AH 1193.�384
Sufi Nûr Muhammad Qãdirî
Vellore (Tamil Nadu)
�Hazarat Nur Muhammad Qadiri was the most unique man regarded as an invaluable person of his age.
Very often he was the cause of the ruin of temples. Some of these were laid waste. He selected his own
burial ground in the vicinity of the temple. Although he lived five hundred years ago, people at large still
remember his greatness.�385
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Ãsãru�s-Sanãdîd
It is a book on the antiquities of Delhi written by Sayyid Ahmad Khãn, the famous founder of the Aligarh
Muslim University. Its first edition was published in 1847, the second in 1854, and the third in 1904. A new
edition with a long introduction, footnotes, comments, bibliography, and index has been published recently.
We are reproducing relevant passages from this edition.
Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak (AD 1192-1210)
Iron Pillar: ��In our opinion this pillar was made in the ninth century before (the birth of) Lord Jesus�
When Rãi Pithorã built a fort and an idol-house near this pillar, it stood in the courtyard of the idol-house.
And when Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak constructed a mosque after demolishing the idol-house, this pillar stood in
the courtyard of the mosque��386
Idol-house of Rãi Pithorã: �There was an idol-house near the fort of Rãi Pithorã. It was very famous� It
was built along with the fort in 1200 Bikarmî [Vikrama SaMvat] corresponding to AD 1143 and AH 538.
The building of this temple was very unusual, and the work done on it by stone-cutters is such that nothing
better can be conceived. The beautiful carvings on every stone in it defy description� The eastern and
northern portions of this idol-house have survived intact. The fact that the Iron Pillar, which belongs to the
Vaishnava faith, was kept inside it, as also the fact that sculptures of Kirshan avatãr and Mahãdev and
Ganesh and Hanumãn were carved on its walls, leads us to believe that this temple belonged to the
Vaishnava faith. Although all sculptures were mutilated in the times of Muslims, even so a close scrutiny
can identify as to which sculpture was what. In our opinion there was a red-stone building in this idolhouse, and it was demolished. For, this sort of old stones with sculptures carved on them are still
found.�387
Quwwat al-Islãm Masjid: �When Qutbu�d-Dîn, the commander-in-chief of Muizzu�d-Dîn Sãm alias
Shihãbu�d-Dîn Ghûrî, conquered Delhi in AH 587 corresponding to AD 1191 corresponding to 1248
Bikarmî, this idol-house (of Rãi Pithorã) was converted into a mosque. The idol was taken out of the
temple. Some of the images sculptured on walls or doors or pillars were effaced completely, some were
defaced. But the structure of the idol-house kept standing as before. Materials from twenty-seven temples,
which were worth five crores and forty lakhs of Dilwãls, were used in the mosque, and an inscription
giving the date of conquest and his own name was installed on the eastern gate�388
�When Mãlwãh and Ujjain were conquered by Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn in AH 631 corresponding to AD
1233, then the idol-house of Mahãkãl was demolished and its idols as well as the statue of Rãjã Bikramãjît
were brought to Delhi, they were strewn in front of the door of the mosque��389
�In books of history, this mosque has been described as Masjid-i-Ãdînah and Jãma� Masjid Delhi, but
Masjid Quwwat al-Islãm is mentioned nowhere. It is not known as to when this name was adopted.
Obviously, it seems that when this idol-house was captured, and the mosque constructed, it was named
Quwwat al-Islãm��390
Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-1236)
Tomb of Sultãn Ghãrî: Sayyid Ahmad Khãn notices this tomb and describes it as exquisite. He says that it
was built in AH 626 corresponding to AD 1228 when the corpse of Sultãn Nãsiru�d-Dîn Mahmûd, the
eldest son of Sultãn Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish, who was Governor of Laknauti and who died while his
father was still alive, was brought to Delhi and buried.391 But the editor, Khaleeq Anjum, comments in his
introduction that �the dome of the mosque which is of marble has been re-used and has probably been
obtained from some temple�, and that the domes on the four pavilions outside �are in Hindu style in their
interior.�392 He provides greater details in his notes at the end of Sayyid Ahmad�s work. He writes:
��This is the first Muslim tomb in North India, if we overlook some others. And it is the third historical
Muslim monument in India after Quwwat al-Islãm Masjid and ADhãî Din Kã JhoñpRã� Stones from
Hindu temples have been used in this tomb also, as in the Quwwat al-Islãm Masjid.�393
��In the middle of the corridor on the west there is a marble dome. A look at the dome leads to the
conclusion that it has been brought from some temple. The pillars that have been raised in the western
corridor are of marble and have been made in Greek style. It is clear that they belong to some other
building��394
Sultãn Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Tughlaq (AD 1320-1325)
Tomb of Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Tughlaq: Similarly, Sayyid Ahmad notices this tomb in some detail but does not
describe its Hindu features.395 Khaleeq Anjum, however, says in his introduction that �corridors inside
this tomb have been constructed in the style of Hindu architecture, and the pillars as well as the beams in
the corridors are fully of Hindu fashion.�396 He repeats the same comments in his notes at the end.�397
Nasîru�d-Dîn Muhammad Humãyûn Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1530-1540 and 1556)
Nîlî Chhatrî: �At the foot of Salîm Garh and on the bank of the Jamunã, there is a small Bãrãdarî near
Nigambodh Ghãt� It is known as Nîlî Chhatrî because of the blue mosaic work on its dome. This Chhatrî
was built by Humãyûn Bãdshãh in AH 939 corresponding to AD 1533 in order to have a view of the river.
Hindus ascribe this Chhatrî to the time of the PãNDûs. Even if that is not true, this much is certain that the
bricks with mosaic work which have been used in this Chhatrî have been taken from some Hindu place
because the bricks bear broken and mutilated images. On account of a derangement of the carvings, some
have only the head left, while some others show only the torso. This derangement of carvings also goes to
prove that these bricks have been placed here after being taken out from somewhere else. According to the
Hindus, Rãjã Judhastar had performed a Jag [Yajña] at this Ghãt. It is not inconceivable that in the Hindu
era a Chhatrî had been built at some spot on this Ghãt in commemoration of the Jag, and that this Chhatrî
was built in the reign of Humãyûn after demolition of that (older) Chhatrî�398
He repeats some of these comments while describing the Nigambodh Ghãt�399
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Hadiqah-i-Shuhadã
This was written in the reign of Nawãb Wãjid �Alî Shãh of Awadh (AD 1847-1856) by Mîrza �Alî Jãn,
an eyewitness of and active participant in the jihãd led by Amîr �Alî Amethawî in 1855 for recapturing
the Hanumãn GaRhî temple at Ayodhya. The temple had been converted into a mosque in the reign of
Aurangzeb but restored when Muslim power suffered an eclipse. The work was written immediately after
the failure of the jihãd and published in 1856.
Zahîru�d-Dîn Muhammad Bãbur Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1026-1030)
Ayodhya (Uttar Pradesh)
�Wherever they found magnificent temples of the Hindus ever since the establishment of Sayyid Salar
Mas�ud Ghazi�s rule, the Muslim rulers in India built mosques, monasteries and inns, appointed
mu�azzins, teachers, and store-stewards, spread Islam vigorously and vanquished the Kafirs. Likewise,
they cleared up Faizabad and Avadh, too, from the filth of reprobation (infidelity), because it was a great
centre of worship and capital of Rama�s father. Where there stood the great temple (of Ramjanmasthan),
there they built a big mosque, and where there was a small mandap (pavilion), there they erected a camp
mosque (masjid-i-mukhtasar-i-qanati). The Janmasthan temple is the principal place of Rama�s
incarnation, adjacent to which is the Sita ki Rasoi. Hence, what a lofty mosque was built there by king
Babar in AH 923 (AD 1528) under the patronage of Musa Ashiqan! The mosque is still known far and wide
as the Sita ki Rasoi mosque. And that temple is extant by its side (aur pahlu mein wah dair baqi hai).�400
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Muraqqa�-i-Khusrawî
It was completed in 1869 by Shykh �Azmat Alî Kãkorwî Nãmî who was an eyewitness of much that
happened in the reign of Wãjid �Alî Shãh. The work, known as Tãrîkh-i-Awadh also, was published for
the first time in 1986 by the Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad Committee, U.P., Lucknow, but the chapter dealing
with the jihãd led by Amîr �Alî Amethawî was left out. This chapter was published separately by Dr. Zakî
Kãkorawî from Lucknow in 1987.
Zahîru�d-Dîn Muhammad Bãbur Pãdshãh Ghãzî (AD 1526-1530)
Ayodhya (Uttar Pradesh)
�According to old records, it has been a rule with the Muslim rulers from the first to build mosques,
monasteries, and inns, spread Islam, and put (a stop to) non-Islamic practices, wherever they found
prominence (ofkufr). Accordingly, even as they cleared up Mathura, Bindraban etc., from the rubbish of
non-Islamic practices, the Babari mosque was built up in AH 923 (?) under the patronage of Sayyid Musa
Ashiqan in the Janmasthan temple (butkhane Janmsthan mein) in Faizabad Avadh, which was a great place
of (worship) and capital of Rama�s father�
�A great mosque was built on the spot where Sita ki Rasoi is situated. During the regime of Babar, the
Hindus had no guts to be a match for the Muslims. The mosque was built in AH 923 (?) under the
patronage of Sayyid Mir Ashiqan� Aurangzeb built a mosque on the Hanuman Garhi� The Bairagis
effaced the mosque and erected a temple in its place. Then idols began to be worshipped openly in the
Babari mosque where the Sita ki Rasoi is situated.�401
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Wãqi�ãt-i-Mamalakat-i-Bîjãpur
This is an Urdu work compiled in 3 volumes by Bashîr�ud-Dîn Ahmad in AD 1913-14 and published
from Agra in 1915. The first two volumes are translations of Basãtîn al-Salãtîn, a general history of Bijapur
written in 1811 by Muhammad Ibrãhîm Zubairî. The third volume contains details collected by
Bashîru�d-Dîn Ahmad himself from the life-stories and sayings of Sufis.
Sultãn �Alî �Ãdil Shãh I of Bijapur (AD 1558-1580)
Mudgal (Karnataka)
�And in Mudgal town located 75 miles south-east of Bijapur �Ali I tore down two temples and replaced
them with ashurkhanas, or houses used in the celebration of Shi�a festivals.�402
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Mosque Architecture of Pre-Mughal Bengal
This is a modern work published from Dacca (Bangladesh) in 1979. The author, Dr. Syed Mahmudul
Hasan, had submitted it as his Ph.D. thesis to the University of London in 1965. He has been the Head of
the Post-Graduate Department of Islamic History and Culture in Jagannath University College in Decca, a
member of F.R.A.S. and F.S.A. (Scot), and has served on the staff of the Department of Eastern Art in the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. The book is documented from impeccable sources, literary and
archaeological. It carries 43 plates with 45 photographs of monuments, and of inscriptions etc. discovered
in them. We have brought together, from different pages, the passages which relate to the same subject.
General and Persistent Practice
�The Muslim invaders were necessarily impressed by Indian architecture and sculpture, expressing as
they do foreign religious emotions in terms of images and emblems. What they saw at Delhi, and the other
cities of India, which they attacked, was absolutely foreign to them. Yet when they came to raise their own
religious buildings, they were not averse to using the spoils of their temples�403
�The ruthless desecration and makeshift conversion of Indian temples into Mosques has led many
scholars to regard Indo-Muslim architecture as nothing more than a local variety of hybrid nature. In point
of fact, these early Indian mosques which were compiled from Brahamanical fragments, such as the Deval
Masjid at Bodhan near Hyderabad, have no direct bearing on the general development of Mosque
architecture in India.�404
�On the other hand the use of the spoils of non-Muslim ruins was a widely recognised feature in early
Muslim architecture�405
�Just as later Mughal painting is a harmonious blend of Persian and Indian artistic tradition, so the IndoMuslim architecture of Delhi and Ajmer is a blend. In the Quwwat al-Islam at Delhi and the Arhai din-kaJhopra at Ajmer, existing remains bear unmistakable evidence that they were not merely compilations, but
the distinctive, planned works of professional architects�406
�Although constructed of destroyed Hindu temples, the Mosques at Old Delhi and Ajmer once and for all
set the fashion to be followed by later mosques in Muslim India�407
�The early formative phase of Indo-Muslim architecture, marked by the adaptation of Hindu, Buddhist or
Jaina temples, is illustrated by the oldest Mosques at Delhi, Bengal, Jaunpur, Daulatabad, Patan, etc. In
Malwa, also, spoils of Hindu temples were used�408
�Creighton says, �It appears to have been the general practice of the Muhammadan conquerors of India,
to destroy all the temples of the idolaters, and to raise Mosque out of their ruins.� The statement is of
course a gross exaggeration, for innumerable contemporary Hindu and Buddhist temples still exist in the
cities of India once conquered by the Muslims. �Abid �Ali seems to have carried the observation of
Creighton further when he remarks, �It seems to the writer that the builder of the Mosque [Chhoto Sona
Masjid at Gaud] had collected the stones containing the figure of the Hindu gods from the citadel of Gaur
where temples must have existed in the time of the earlier Hindu kings.� Incidentally, Ravenshaw gave
illustrations of sculptured stones, representing stone capitals and Makara gargoyles, which have been
discovered in Hazrat Pandua. Westmacott, however, thinks that the circular stone given in Ravenshaw�s
plate XXX �formed a part of the high ornament or pinnacle with which both the Buddhist Stupas and later
Hindu temples were usually crowned. I have seen similar pieces at Debkot, and elsewhere, often with a
perforation through the centre, through which I conjecture that a rod of metal, or perhaps a column of
molten lead may have been passed, to retain it in an upright position�. In the event of a prodigious
abundance of Hindu temple building material scattered all over the province, it is difficult to pin-point the
provenance of each stray sculptured piece used in the mosques of Gaud and Hazrat Pandua. The existence
of any Hindu temple in the citadel or outside Gaud as �Abid �Ali tells us, is as difficult to prove as to
obviate the fact that no material was taken from Devikot or Bannagar in Dinajpur. Contradicting the views
of �Abid �Ali, Stapleton says, �On the other hand from Manrique�s statement that in 1641, he saw
figures of idols standing in niches surrounded by carved grotesques and leaves in some stone reservoirs in
Gaur, it is possible that except during periods of persecution the Muhammadan Kings of Gaur allowed idols
and Hindu temples to remain unmolested in their capital.� Although examples of the use of Hindu
material are not scarce, as proved by the discovery of three sculptured figures from Mahisantosh with
Muslim ornament on the reverse side, now in the Varendra Research Society Museum, it would be wrong
to say after Creighton that all the Hindu temples were desecrated by the Muslims to procure building
material�409
��The Indian Museum, Calcutta, as well as the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad Museum, Calcutta, acquired a
large number of architectural objects from the ancient sites of Bengal, particularly, Gaud, Hazrat Pandua,
Bagerhat, Hughli, Rajshahi, Dinajpur and elsewhere. Besides freshly quarried basalts, a large quantity of
locally available building materials was employed by the architects of Gaud, Hazrat Pandua and elsewhere.
Ravenshaw�s unwarranted observation that �Though it (Hazrat Pandua) cannot boast of such antiquity as
Gaud, its remains afford stronger evidence than those of the latter city of its having been constructed
mainly from the materials of Hindoo buildings�, has been brushed aside by Westmacott, who thinks that
Hazrat Pandua is older than Gaud. One of the strongest advocates of the Indianized form of Muslim
structures is Havell, who is too intolerant to allow any credit to the Muslim builders for the use of radiating
arches, domes, minarets, delicate relief works. He maintains that the central mihrab of the Adina Masjid
(Pl. III) at Hazrat Pandua is so obviously Hindu in design as hardly to require comments. While Havell
writes that �The image of Vishnu orSurya has trefoil arched canopy, symbolizing the aura� of the god, of
exactly the same type as the outer arch of the mihrab, Beglar says that the Muslims delighted in �placing
the sanctum of his orthodox cult (in this case the main prayer niche) on the spot, where hated infidel had his
sanctum�. Saraswati is even more emphatic on this point when he contends, �An examination of the
stones used in the construction of the Adina Masjid (one of them bearing a Sanscrit inscription, recording
merely a name of Indranath, in the character of the 9th century AD) and those lying about in heaps all
round, reveals the fact, which no careful observer can deny, that most of them came from temples that once
stood in the vicinity.� Ilahi Bakhsh, Creighton, Ravenshaw, Buchanan-Hamilton, Westmacott, Beglar,
Cunnigham, King, and a host of other historians and archaeologists bear glowing testimony to the
utilization of non-muslim materials (Fig. 3b & Pl. V), but none of them ventured to say that existing
temples were dismantled and materials provided for the construction of magnificent monuments in Gaud
and Hazrat Pandua.410
�Creighton drew the sketches of a few Hindu sculptures which were evidently used in the Chhoto Sona
Masjid at Gaud. These are the image ofSivani, the consort of Siva, Varahaavatara or Vishnu in the form of
a Boar, Brahmani, consort of Brahma. In the British Museum there are a few images of Hindu and
Buddhist character, such as the Brahmani, sketched by Creighton, and the seated Buddha figure (Pls. XLIXLII). The Muslim builders out of sheer expediency felt no scruple to use these fragments in their mosques
by concealing the carved sides into the wall and utilizing the flat reverse side of these black basalts for
arabesque design in shallow carvings. Piecemeal utilization of Hindu sculptures were also to be seen in the
earlier monuments, such as, the Mosque and Tomb of Zafar Khan at Tribeni, the Mosque at Chhoto
Pandua, the Adina Masjid at Hazrat Pandua, etc. The British Museum and the Victoria and Albert Museum,
both in London, the Indian Museum and the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad Museum, both at Calcutta, Varendra
Research Society Museum, Rajshahi, provide large specimens of carved stones and architectural fragments
used in the monuments of pre-Mughal Bengal. Ravenshaw photographed a circular stone pedestal and a
gargoyle, which is now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Used obviously as the gargoyle in the Adina
Masjid, it �consists of a modification of an elephant�s head with the eyes, horns and ears of
a sardula (elephant).� Cunningham found in the pulpit of the Adina Masjid �a line of Hindu sculpture of
very fine bold execution.� Innumerable Hindu lintels, pillars, door-jambs, bases, capitals, friezes,
fragments of stone carvings, dadoes, etc., have been utilized in such a makeshift style as to render
�improvisation� well-nigh impossible. In many cases as observed in the Quwwat al-Islam at Delhi and
the Arhai-din-ka-Jhopra Mosque at Ajmer, pillars were inverted, joining the base with capitals, suiting
neither pattern nor size. Still there is no denying the fact that Hindu materials were utilized, yet it would be
far-fetched to say that existing Hindu temples were dismantled and converted by improvisation into
mosques as observed in the early phase of Muslim architecture in Indo-Pak sub-continent. The ritual needs
and structural properties of the Hindus and the Muslims are so diametrically opposite as to deter any
compromise and, therefore, the early Muslim conquerors of Bengal said their prayer in mosques built out of
the fragments of Hindu materials in the same way as their predecessors did at Delhi, Ajmer, Patan, Janupur,
Dhar and Mandu, and elsewhere. In the event [absence?] of any complete picture of pre-Muslim Hindu art
as practised in Gaud and Hazrat Pandua, it is an exaggeration to hold the view after Saraswati that
�indeed, every structure of this royal city (Hazrat Pandua) discloses Hindu materials in its composition,
thus, disclosing that no earlier monument was spared.�411
��During the Husain Shahi period the stone cutter�s art was thoroughly practised and perfected, as
walls of gates and mosques were adorned with stone, either quarried from Rajmahal hills or obtained from
some existing buildings�412
��The British Museum, London, has in its collection two sculptured pieces from Bengal, namely, the
seated Buddha figure (Pl. XLIIa) and the image of Brahmani (Pl. XLIa). Both these images have on their
obverse (Pls. XLIb, XLIIb) exquisitely carved diaper work of unmistakable Muslim workmanship. The
Indian Museum, Calcutta, has a stone slab carved on the one side with the image of Durga,
destroying Mahisha or Buffalow-demon, and on the reverse arabesque. The panel consisting of a scalloped
arch with a lotus rosette on each of its sides, surrounded by richly foliated devices, is undoubtedly a
Muslim work.413
�The Muslim calligraphers did not feel any scruple to utilize fragments of Hindu or Jaina sculpture in
carving out beautiful inscriptions in elegantNaskh, Thulth and Tughra, keeping the images inside the
wall��414
Delhi
��Delhi was the source of artistic inspiration for all the later provincial schools of Indo-Muslim
architecture. Codrington remarks, �At Delhi, the Kutb-ul-Islam marks the beginning of Islamic
architecture in India.� This formative phase of Mosque architecture in India began with the random
utilization of temple spoils, Hindu architraves, corbelled ceilings, kumbha pillars with hanging bell-andchain motifs, which were organised to fulfil the needs of congregational prayer. It is said that the columns
of twenty-seven Hindu and Jaina temples were utilized in the great Mosque, at Delhi, rightly called the
�Might of Islam�. It was built by Qutb-al-Din Aybak in AH 587/AD 1191-92 on an ancient pre-Muslim
plinth.415
��Originally there were five domes in the liwan all compiled of Hindu fragments, as is evident from
their corbelled interiors�416
��Incidentally, it may be recalled that Beglar carried out excavations at the Quwat-al-Islam Mosque at
Old Delhi under the supervision of Cunningham and noticed the foundation of pre-Muslim temples
there�417
Ajmer (Rajasthan)
��To Iletmish we owe some of the finest Muslim works in India. The Arhai din ka-Jhopra began by
Qutab al-Din in AD 1198-99, was also completed by him. Tod had said of it that it was �one of the most
perfect as well as the most ancient monuments of Hindu architecture�, on the evidence of certain fourarmed figures to be seen on the pillars�418
�The Ajmer Mosque resembles the Delhi Mosque in its use of pre-Muslim materials as well as in its
courtyard plan, arched screen, columnarliwan and riwags and use of reconstructed Hindu corbelled domes.
All these features, except the fragments of Hindu and Jain carvings used in the work are essentially Islamic.
The Ajmer Mosque indicates a further improvement in Mosque design� As Sardar puts it, �These pillars
have a greater height than those at the Kutub, and are more elegant in their sculpture and general
appearance than the converted Mosques in Malwa and Ahmedabad.��419
Badaun (Uttar Pradesh)
�The Jami Masjid of Badaun, also built by Iletmish is one of the largest mosques in India. Following the
traditional courtyard plan, it also utilizes Hindu temple pillars. The entrance arches of the gateways leading
into the courtyard of the Mosque presumably recall those in the great Mosques at Delhi and Ajmer��420
Bayana (Rajasthan)
�That the practice of utilizing the spoils of Hindu temples continued throughout the reign of Sultan
Iletmish is proved by the Mosque of Ukha in Bayana (Uttar Pradesh), which is also on the site of a Hindu
temple��421
Dhar (Madhya Pradesh)
�The oldest of the Mosques in Malwa is the Kamal Maula Masjid which was built in Dhar in AH 803/AD
1400. Both this Mosque and the slightly later Jami or Lat Masjid are clearly adaptations of ruined Hindu
temple material��422
Mandu (Madhya Pradesh)
�The transfer of the capital from Dhar to Mandu by Dilwar Khan in AH 794/AD 1392, marks a new phase
in the development of Mosque architecture in Malwa. The Mosque built by him in C. AH 808/AD 1405-06
is oblong in ground plan, the western side being formed by the liwan. Its roof is supported by Hindu
pillars��423
Gujarat
�It is true that Mosque architecture in Gujarat only began in the 14th century. When �Ala-al-Din Khalji
conquered and annexed the country to the Delhi Sultanate in the later part of the 13th century, there still
flourished a singularly beautiful indigenous style of architecture. The early monuments of Gujarat, notably
at Patan (Anhilvada) tell the same story of the demolition of local temples and the reconstruction of their
fragments�424
��In the beginning, at the Qutb, the Hindu element was confined architecturally to the trabeate
constructive methods, and to part of the decoration, Islam contributing the plan and the embellishment of
the Arabic lettering. In Gujarat, notably in the entrance porches of the Jami� Masjid at Cambay, much
may fairly be described as literal reconstruction of Hindu work, as units in the established plan of a Muslim
place of worship. These entrances have their parallels in the pavilions andmandapas of Hindu and Jaina
temples still standing, for instance, at Modhera and Mount Abu��425
Patan (Gujarat)
�The earliest recorded building in Gujarat is the Adina Masjid at Patan (Anhilvada), as stated above. This
bears the same unusual name as that of the Mosque built by Sikandar Shah at Hazrat Pandua about fifty
years later. The tomb of Sheikh Farid and the Adina Masjid at Patan, which are dated C. AH 700/AD 1300,
correspond in their utilization of Hindu building material with the tomb and the Mosque of Zafar
Khan Ghazi at Tribeni in Hooghly, Bengal, which are dated C. AH 705/ AD 1305. The now demolished
Adina Masjid at Patan, is said to have had one thousand and fifty pillars of marble and other stones taken
from destroyed temples. Erected by Ulugh Khan, �Ala�-al-Din Khalji�s Governor, it measures 400 feet
by 300 feet��426
Bharuch (Gujarat)
��Unlike the Patan Mosque, the Jami� Masjid of Bharoch, which is also dated C. AH 700/AD 1300 is a
new creation. Although it does incorporate Hindu pillars, it is built on the usual Mosque plan with which
we are familiar in earlier works. The brackets of the incorporated pillars and the carved interior of the
corbelled domes are particularly fine. They, of course, necessarily recall the much earlier work of the
Quwwat al-Islam at Delhi. It is important to realize that these primitive methods were still being used in the
Indian provinces two hundred years after they were fully developed at Delhi��427
Khambhat (Gujarat)
��The Mosque of Cambay demonstrates the imposition of Khalji features, such as the arched screen of
the Jama�at Khana Masjid at theDargah of Nizam-al-Din Aulia in Delhi, upon the local trabeate forms of
Gujarat Hindu architecture. Codrington writes, �The Jami� Masjid at Cambay was finished in 1325, and
is typical of these earlier buildings. It has all the appurtenances that Islam demands-cloisters, open courtyard, the covered place for prayer, mimbar and mihrab-but only the west end is in any sense Islamic. As at
Delhi and Ajmir, the pillars of the cloisters, and notably the entrance porches as a whole, are the relics of
sacked Hindu shrines��428
Deccan
�Like all other provinces of India, the Deccan, also, witnessed the growth of a distinguished school of
Muslim architecture. Its early phase is also, characterized by the adaptation of local temples, for the
purpose of Muslim congregational prayer, as exemplified by the Deval Mosque of Bodhan in Nizamabad,
near Hyderabad, dated AD 1318, which was formerly a Hindu shrine��429
Bodhan (Maharashtra)
��It is said that the star-shaped Jaina Temple built in the Chalukya style at Bodhan in the 9th or 10th
century was, also, transformed into a Mosque during the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq (AH 726-52/AD
1325-51).�430
Daulatabad (Maharashtra)
�The Mosque of Qutb al-Din Mubarak Khalji at Daulatabad, dated AH 718/AD 1318, is probably the
earliest surviving Muslim structure in the Deccan. It is a square, 260 feet each way, assembled into the
usual orthodox plan out of destroyed Hindu pillars, brackets, and beams��431
Pandua (Bengal)
�Beglar traces the origin of the Adina Masjid to pre-Muslim sources� He bases his arguments on the
point that if the Adina Masjid occupies the site of a pre-Muslim Hindu temple, the name may be a
reminiscent of Adisur, the so-called founder of the hitherto unidentified temple dating from the 7th century
AD; however, he does not know that there is a mosque at Patan, called Adina, and that it is a Persian term
for Friday. The use of fragments of Hindu or Buddhist architectural works in the Masjid do [does?] not
prove that the site was pre-Muslim. They may have been brought there��432
��Beglar suggests that the mihrab of the Adina Masjid was transferred from a Hindu temple. He says,
�Of the Hindu sculpture, the most striking and superb is beyond question the trefoil arch and pillars of the
main prayer niche.� But there are no grounds for his assertion. The Adina Masjid mihrab, forming a
single work of art, must be accepted as contemporary with the fabric of the Masjid itself. But it must be
admitted that the style is local�433
�Particular attention has been drawn to the curiously interesting designs of the archivolt of the niche. The
conventional grotesque Lion�s head at the crown and the Kinnara and Kinnari at the haunches, which
appear in the lintel of the Vaishnava temple from Gaud, according to many scholars have been transformed
into graceful foliage, palmette and sensuous tendrils�434
�The discovery of an odd fragment of Hindu sculpture found built into the steps of the staircase has led
many scholars to ascribe a pre-Muslim origin to the Adina Masjid. As Cunningham puts it, �The steps
leading up to the pulpit have fallen down, and, on turning over one of the steps I found a line of Hindu
sculpture of very fine and bold execution� The main ornament is a line of circular panels� formed by
continuous intersecting lotus stalks. These are five complete panels, and two half-panels which have been
cut through. These two contain portions of an elephant and a rhinoceros. In the complete panels are: (i) cow
and a calf; (ii) human figures broken; (iii) a goose; (iv) a man and woman and a crocodile; (v) two
elephants. The carving is deep and the whole has been polished.� This sculpture is still visible. It is,
therefore, clear that the exigencies of the circumstances led to the utilization of some Hindu materials
available on the site. Nevertheless, such mutilated fragments hardly testify to the fact that the Adina Masjid
was built on the ruins of an ancient Indian temple.435
�The western wall of the northern prayer hall is pierced by two openings on either side of die zenana
gallery, which reduce the number of niches (Fig. 3) between the pilaster of the back walls from the 16
found in the southern prayer hall to 14. These postern gateways (Figs. 3, 9, & Pls. IV, V), are built out of
elements of Hindu door frames and, therefore, are unusual features, rarely found in Indian Mosques. It is
hard to believe that they were provided for the use of the general worshippers. Probably they were for the
use of the attendants, palanquin-bearers and entourage of the King and his ladies, who entered the Mosque
through the adjoining Ladies� vestibule.436
��However, there is one exception shown in the northern hall, which differs from the other semi-circular
niches. Here the trefoil arch corresponds generally with that of the central mihrabs. The arch itself has a
superimposed ribbed roof, recalling Hindu architecture. The face of the trefoil is decorated with a lotus and
diamond band, the pilasters on either side having kumbha bases and looped garlands on their shafts. All
these details are different from the rest of the decorative motifs in the Adina Masjid. But there are no
grounds for the suggestion that the work is Hindu or that it is built up of fragments of a destroyed Hindu
temple. The space between the pilasters of this mihrab and the stone-face of the brick wall is filled with
fragmentary remains of Hindu sculpture.437
��The two postern gateways and the two doors are already mentioned. Beglar pointed out that the door
frames of all these four door ways are built up of fragments from some other buildings. He identifies the
work as being Hindu but admits that he does not know any local source from their fragments. The work is
more or less of the same kind as that to be seen in the postern gate. In all these doorways various Indian
motifs attracts undivided attention. These include pot and foliage, pilasters, door guardians and the
intertwined nagas on the lintel. The utilization of non-Muslim materials in the Adina Masjid as well as in
later Mosques in Gaud and Hazrat Pandua is supported by two fragments in the British Museum. They are
cut in basalt and the first shows finely cut Muslim diaper work on one side and the figure of Buddha on the
other (Pls. XLII, a-b). Another fragment has the image of probably the goddess Brahmani on the other side
(Pls. XLI, a-b). The work indicates that these fragments came from Gaud or Hazrat Pandua.438
��The entrance gateway to the Minar at Chhoto Pandua as well as that of the Eklakhi Mausoleum at
Hazrat Pandua (Pl. XVI) provide parallels for zenana gatways. The floor of the zenana gallery with its worn
basalt paving slabs is supported by the squat pillars of the prayer hall below. These support bays roofed by
a corbelled construction of plain slabs placed across the corners of the bays. At earlier mosques, such as the
Quwwat al-Islam, internal domes constructed in this way were removed from Hindu temples. Here the old
Indian method is still utilized with fresh material�439
�A curiously interesting feature of the Adina Masjid is the square structure, adjoining the outer wall of
the qibla on the northern side of the central mihrab. It communicates with the zenana gallery by lintellect
doorways, formed by Hindu door jambs as stated earlier. According to Beglar it measures externally 54 feet
by 48 feet, whereas �Abid �Ali notes that this roofless annexe is 42 feet square. It stands on a very high
plinth, raising the floor to the level of the ladies� gallery. The plinth is built of random rubble work with
conventionalised Buddhist railing ornament resembling those in the dadoes of the qibla wall of the
mosque.440
�The real character as well as the distinguishing features of the Adina Masjid have yet to be determined.
In the present crumbling state of this one-time �wonder of the world�, as Cunningham calls it, it is well
nigh impossible to say whether this magnificent mosque occupies the site of any Hindu or Buddhist temple.
A group of scholars failed to see in the impressive Adina Masjid anything more than a mere assemblage of
Hindu or Buddhist fragments, arranged skilfully to adhere to a mosque plan. Ilahi Bakhsh started the
controversy when he wrote, �It is worth observing that in front of the chaukath (lintel) of the Adina
Masjid, there was a broken and polished idol, and that there were other idols lying about. So it appears that,
in fact, this mosque was originally an idol-temple.� Beglar steps up this controversy by saying, �the
Adina Masjid occupies the site, of a once famous, or at least a most important, and highly ornamented, preMuhammadan shrine�; he depends for his arguments on a Proto-Bengali inscription (Fig. 4b) discovered
in the building which bears the name of Brahma. Saraswati seems to have carried the thesis too far when he
writes, �an examination of the stones used in the construction of the Adina Mosque (one of them bearing a
Sanskrit inscription recording merely a name, Indranath, in character of the 9th century) and those lying
about in heaps all around, reveals the fact, which no careful observer can deny, that most of them came
from temples that once stood in the vicinity.� Beglar even went so far as to pin-point �the sanctum of the
temple, judging from the remnants of heavy pedestals of statues, now built into the pulpit, and the superb
canopied trefoils, now doing duty as prayer niches, stood where the main prayer niche now stands; nothing
would probably so tickle the fancy of a bigot, as the power of placing the sanctum of his orthodox cult (in
this case the main prayer niche) on the spot, where hated infidel had his sanctum�. The existence of the
foundation of a Hindu Temple in the Adina Masjid is as far-fetched as to consider the circular pedestal to
the west of the qibla wall as remains of a Buddhist stupa (Fig. 3). It may be the base of a detached minar, as
similar examples are to be seen in the mosques of Egypt, Persia and India��441
Tribeni (Bengal)
�The existing tomb and mosque of Zafar Khan Ghazi at Tribeni is another example of contemporary
Hindu fragments being utilized in Muslim structure�442
�The Mosque of Zafar Khan Ghazi is the earliest known example of Mosque architecture in Bengal, and
�is certainly the oldest in Bengal far anterior to any building at Gaud and Hazrat Pandua�. Marking the
earliest phase of Muslim building activities, it incorporates fragments of non-Muslim monuments, like
those of the Quwwat al-Islam Mosque in Delhi. R.D. Banerjee is of opinion that �the Mosque of Tribeni
was most probably a Vaishnava temple but relics of Buddhism and Jainism were found��443
��Unmistakable Hindu workmanship is evident in the mutilated figures in some of the architectural
fragments used -- a phenomenon to be observed in the Adina Masjid at Hazrat Pandua, dated AH 776/AD
1374. There are five mihrabs in the qibla wall, the most striking being the central one. Tastefully carved
multifoil brick arch of the central mihrab is supported by slender stone pillars of some Hindu temple�444
��The utilization of non-Muslim building materials is to be taken as a matter of expediency for no
mosque plan was ever superimposed on the traditional ground plan of temple architecture. In the light of
this phenomena the mosques can hardly be regarded as mere improvisations of existing temples, as stated
by R.D. Banerjee in the case of the Mosque of Zafar Khan. The Muslim architects did not feel any scruple
to employ fragments of Hindu sculpture still bearing traces of iconographical art in their mosques, and
furthermore Hindu workmanship is evident in the delicate stone carvings and sensuous tendrils, and
corbelled domes.�445
Gaud (Bengal)
��Both Cunningham and Marshall accept Creighton�s suggestion that the Lattan Masjid was built in
the year AH 880/AD 1475�446
�The qibla wall has three semi-circular niches, the central one being bigger than the side ones. These are
all encrusted with glazed tiles. Themihrab to the north of the central niche has fragments of Hindu
sculpture built into it�447
��Although less ornate than those of the southern prayer chamber in the Adina Masjid, the Tantipara
Masjid pillars have square bases, moulded bands and cubical abaci. Brown says that the pillars of this
mosque are �of the square and chamfered variety originally part of a Hindu temple�, but this was not so.
They are contemporary with the building. Certainly work of this character is known in Hindu building, and
this seems to have misled Brown.448
��Two rows of chamfered pillars, each carrying 5 pointed arches, divide the interior of the [Chhoto
Sona] Mosque into 3 longitudinal aisles. In each row there are 4 pillars of black basalt which in their
moulded string-courses, cubical pedestal, dog-tooth ornament and square abacus recall those of the
supporting pillars of the zenana gallery in the Adina Masjid. Evidently they are much more attenuated in
shape in the Chhoto Sona Masjid than those in the Adina Masjid. It is hard to ascertain their origins, but
considering the enormous quantity of Hindu spoil used in the Chhoto Sona Masjid (Pls. XLI, XLII) and
comparing its pillars with the carved stone pillars at the Bari Dargah which originally must have been
brought from the Adina Masjid it may be said that they were taken from unidentifiable Hindu temples. 449
��Many of the stones used for casing the wall to give the illusion of a stone monument from distance are
evidently Hindu. To quote Creighton, �The stone used in these mosques had formerly belonged to Hindu
temples destroyed by the zealous Muhammadans,� as will be evident from an inspection of Plates XLI
and XLII, representing two slabs taken from this Building. Creighton�s painting XVI represents a stone
with the image of the Hindu deity, Vishnu, in the Boar incarnation, with shallow diaper carving on the
reverse side. The figure of Sivani, the consort of Siva, one of the Hindu triad, appears on another stone
sketched by Creighton (painting XVII). The mother figure evidently drawn from sculptured stones used in
the Small Golden Mosque is that of Brahmani, given in Plate XLIa (Creighton�s painting XVII). It is very
interesting to point out in connection with the figure of Brahmani that it agrees in meticulous execution of
details and perfection of style with that of the British Museum piece. Therefore, it is certain that Creighton
drew his sketch from this black stone which curiously displays diaper work on the other side (Pl. XLIb)
similar to that of Creighton�s Plate XVI. Arabesque design in shallow stone carving, resembling delicate
tapestry, appears also in another superb black basalt piece, shown in Plate XLIb, now in the British
Museum. It has the image of a seated Buddha on one side thereby again indicating the utilization of nonMuslim material (Pl. XLIIa). This fascinating piece may well be attributed to the Chhoto Sona Masjid on
the grounds of the close similarity of its diaper work with that of the stone sketched by Creighton in his
Plate XVI, and of the existence of gilding in the shallow carvings of the diaper work.�450
Rampal (Bengal)
�The famous Mosque of Baba Adam, (Fig. 17) the patron saint of the locality in the ancient Hindu site of
Rampal where Raja Ballal Sena built his palace in the district of Dacca is an impressive architectural
monument of pre-Mughal Bengal.451
��Measuring 43 feet by 36 feet externally and 34 feet by 22 feet internally, the Mosque incorporated a
number of beautifully carved stone pillars of unmistakable Hindu workmanship�452
�In the construction of this 6-domed mosque, measuring 36 feet by 24 feet, considerable amount of
locally available materials from dilapidated Hindu monuments were employed as evident in the black
carved basalts of the pillars, mihrabs, epigraphic slabs, etc�453
Chhota Pandua (Bengal)
��Next to Satgaon�, writes D.G. Crawford, �Pandua is the oldest place of Hughli District-once the
capital of a Hindu Raja and is famous as the site of a great victory gained by the Musulmans under Shah
Safi over the Hindus in about AD 1340.� Besides the Mosque and Tomb of Shah Safiuddin, the most
outstanding architectural project of great magnitude is the Great Mosque at Chhoto Pandua� O�Malley
and M.M. Chakravarti differ from Blockmann in ascribing Buddhist origin to these pillars and maintain that
they were probably quarried from a Hindu temple. As put forward by Cunningham, �The Mosque stands
on a mound once die site of a Hindu temple, the pillars of which now support this mean-looking barn-like
Masjid.� It would be far-fetched to maintain that the Great Mosque at Chhoto Pandua was built on the
very foundation of a Hindu temple, like the improvised Tomb of Zafar Khan Ghazi at Tribeni, dated 14th
century AD.�454
Sadipur (Bengal)
��A.K. Bhattacharya points out that an inscription in Arabic, carved inTughra is found on the reverse of
an image of Adinath, which is recovered from a ruined Dargah in the village Sadipur, P.S. Kaliachak,
Malda.�455
Footnotes:
1
The language which is uniformly used by Muslim writers in describing the slaughter of people,
destruction of cities and towns, and enslavement of the conquered men, women and children, has
to be read in the original Arabic or Persian in order to realize that the writers themselves must
have been bloodthirsty thugs masquerading as theologi ans, poets and historians. Amîr Khusrû and
Ziãu�d-Dîn Baranî, the two distinguished disciples of Nizãmu�d-Dîn Auliyã�, excel them all
in the respect. The Urdu translations retain some of the flavour which is lost in translations in
other languages. Urdu is truly an Islamic language.
2
Cited by Abdur Rahman, The Last Two Dynasties of the Shãhîs, Delhi Reprint, 1988, pp. 55-56
3
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 413-14.
4
Kitab Futuh Al-Buldan of al-Biladhuri, translated into English by F.C. Murgotte, Columbia
University, New York, 1924, p. 707.
5
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 120-21.
6
Ibid., pp. 122-23.
7
Ibid., p. 127. �Budd� in Islamic parlance means an idol. The word is derived from
�Buddha� whose idols were known as Budd or But in Iran long before the Muslims conquered
that land. The Muslims borrowed the word and extended it to mean all idols. The Iranian text
of Bundahism translated by H.W. Bailey says that �The demon But is that which they worship in
India and in his image a spirit is resident which is worshipped as Bodasf� (Indian Studies,
Volume in Honour of Edward James Rapson, edited by J. Bloch et al., London, 1931, Delhi
Reprint, 1988, p. 279). Bodasf is Persian for Bodhisattva.
8
Major David Price, Mahommedan History, London. 1811. New Delhi Reprint, 1984, Vol. I. pp.
467-68.
9
Ibid., pp. 474-75.
10
Abdur Rahman, op. cit., p. 102.
11
Ibid., pp. 103-04.
12
Ibid., p. 104.
13
The ancient name of Multan was Mûlasthãna and the Sun God was probably named
accordingly.
14
Hindus under the leadership of the Gurjara-Pratihãra rulers of Kanauj.
15
The Muslim occupants of Multan.
16
Elliot and Dowson. op. cit., Vol. I. p. 23.
17
A Shî�ah Muslim sect.
18
E.C. Sachau (tr.), Alberuni�s India, New Delhi Reprint, 1983, p. 116.
19
Ibid., p. 117.
20
Ibid., pp. 102-03.
21
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 22.
22
This is one of the names by which Muslims mean Hindus.
23
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit, Vol. II, p. 36.
24
Ibid., p. 37.
25
Ibid., p. 39. According to Firishta the temple in which the inscription was found was destroyed.
26
Ibid., p. 40.
27
Ibid., p. 40-41.
28
Ibid., p. 44.
29
Ibid., pp. 44-45. The conspicuous temple referred to in this passage was most probably that of
Ke�avadeva, predecessor of those destroyed by latter-day Islamic icono clasts, the latest by
Aurangzeb.
30
Ibid., p. 46.
31
Ibid. Vol. IV, pp. 518-19.
32
Ibid., pp. 520-21.
33
Ibid., p, 524.
34
Ibid. Vol. I, p. 158.
35
Ibid., p. 164.
36
The Chachnamah, translated into English by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979,
pp. 179-80.
37
This man was most probably the Brahmana who led Muhammad bin Qãsim to the temple
treasure. He had accepted Islam simply because its arms were victorious.
38
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. I. pp. 205-06.
39
Ibid., p. 21.
40
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 172.
41
Ibid., p. 215.
42
Ibid., p. 216-17.
43
Ibid., p. 219.
44
Ibid., p. 223.
45
Ibid., p. 222.
46
Ibid., p. 219.
47
Ibid., p. 224. Kol was the old name of Aligarh.
48
Ibid., p. 226. Thangar or Tahangarh is the name of the Fort near Bayana.
49
Ibid., p. 231.
50
Ibid., pp. 238-39.
51
Ibid., p. 246.
52
Ibid., p. 469.
53
Ibid., pp. 469-70.
54
Ibid., p. 471.
55
Ibid., p. 398.
56
Tabqãt-i-Nãsirî, translated into English by Major H.G. Reverty, New Delhi Reprint, 1970, Vol.
I, pp. 81-82.
57
Ibid., p. 88, footnote 2.
58
Ibid., pp. 621-22.
59
Ibid., pp. 622-23.
60
Ibid., p. 628.
61
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 97-98.
62
Ibid., p. 470.
63
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 252.
64
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inKhaljî Kãlîna Bhãrata, Aligarh,
1955, pp. 153-54.
65
Elliot and Dowson, up. cit., Vol. III, p. 542.
66
Ibid., p. 543.
67
Ibid.
68
The reference is to the tower known as Qutb Minãr at present.
69
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inKhaljî Kãlîna Bhãrata, Aligarh,
1955, pp. 156-57. The last sentence means that the temples were first made to topple and then
levelled with the ground.
70
Ibid., p. 159.
71
Quoted by Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, The Art of War in Medieval India, New Delhi, 1964, pp.
286-87.
72
S. A. A. Rizvi, op. cit., p. 160. Bahirdev arms to be Bhairavadeva.
73
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit. Vol. III, p. 81.
�Gabr� was a term which the Muslims used for the Zoroastrians to start with. Later on, the
term was sometimes extended to mean the Hindus as well.
74
75
Ibid., pp 82-83.
76
Ibid., p. 85.
77
Ibid., pp. 90-91. The Hindi translation by S.A.A. Rizvi says that temples at Birdhul touched the
sky with their tapes, and reached the nether world in their foundations, but they were dug up
(Khaljî Kãlîna Bhãrata, p. 169).
78
Ibid., p. 91.
79
Ibid., pp. 550-51. Other histories identify this place as Birdhul, the PãNDya capital. Capitals and
seaports were often called pattanain ancient India. This was not the only instance of Muslims
employed by Hindu rulers deserting to Islamic invaders. Muslims have always placed their loyalty
to Islam above loyalty to the employer whose salt they have eaten, sometimes for many years.
80
Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau(1935), Delhi Re -Print 1974.
pp. 183-84.
81
Elliot Dowson, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 559.
82
Cited in P.M. Currie, The Shrine and Cult of Mu�in al-Dîn Chishtî of Ajmer, OUP, 1989, p. 30.
83
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 43-44.
84
Ibid., p. 65.
85
Hindu temples were often called �fire temples� by Muslim writers as Hindus were often
described as �fire-worshippers� or �gabrs�. The appellations were transferred from the
Zoroastrian temples and the Zoroastrian people.
86
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inTughlaq Kãlîna Bhãrata, Aligarb,
1956, Vol. I, p. 325.
87
Ibid., p. 327. The saints, sages, scholars and Brahmin priests of the Hindus were re garded as
�magicians� by the theologians of Islam.
88
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inKhaljî Kãlîna Bhãrata, Aligarh,
1955, p. 206.
89
The figures were defaced. That is how Islamic iconoclasts spent some of their fury against
�false gods�.
90
The Rehalã of Ibn Battûta translated into English by Mahdi Hussain, Baroda, 1967, p. 10. It
shows how local legends grew about a whole city destroyed by Muslim invad ers during one of
their invasions of Sindh. This was moss probably the site of Debal.
91
Ibid., p. 27.
Ibid., pp. 203AM. The �westerner� was a Muslim missionary from North Africa which is
known as Maghrib (the West) among the Arabs. See Thor Heyerdahl, The Maldive Mystery,
Bethesda (Maryland, USA), 1986, for the large number of Hindu temples destroyed. Many
mosques stand on their sites now.
92
93
Elliot and Dowson. Vol. III, p. 146.
94
Ibid., p. 148. The last line according to S.A.A. Rizvi should be translated as �so that people
may be educated� (Khaljî Kãlîna Bhãrata. p. 29), and as �for the fun of the people� according
to Dr. Mu�în-ul-Haq (Urdu translation of Baranî. Lahore, 1983, p. 335).
95
Ibid., p. 163. Dr. Mu�în-ul-Haq translate it as �for the fun of the people,� (Ibid., p. 377), but
S.A.A. Rizvi agrees with Elliot�s translation.
96
Ibid., p. 204.
97
Ibid., p. 313. Banãrsî is the name of Cuttack which was known as Kataka-VãraNasî to the
Hindus of medieval India.
98
Ibid., p. 314.
Ibid., p. 318. Hindus had to spread such �lies� in order to save their temples from demolition
and their idols from desecration by succeeding sultans and swordsmen of Islam.
99
100
Ibid., p. 365. Zunãr or Zunnãr is the Muslim term for the sacred thread worn by the
BrãhmaNas who were accordingly called Zunãr-dãrs.
101
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inTughlaq Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 380.
102
Ibid., p. 381.
103
Ibid., p. 382.
104
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 376-77. This translation does not mention �idol-
temples had been demolished.� This qualification of the �former sovereigns�, however, is
mentioned in the Hindi translation by S.A.A. Rizvi included in Tughlaq Kãlîna Bhãrata, Aligarh,
1957, Vol. II, p. 328.
105
It was probably Malzã or Malchã where, according to Shams Sîrãj, Sultãn Fîrûz had built a
dam. This place is near the Kalka Temple in the area of Okhla (S.A.A. Rizvi, Tuqhlaq Kãlîna
Bhãrata, Vol. II, p. 333, footnote 1).
106
Elliot and Dowson. op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 380-81. The apologists of Islam tell us that zimmîs are
guaranteed freedom of worship once they agree to pay jijyah. Here we have a most pious sultãn
saying and acting otherwise.
107
Ibid., p. 381.
108
Quoted in R.C. Majumdar (ed.), op. cit., Vol. VI, The Delhi Sultanate, Bombay, 960, p. 94.
109
Quoted in Ibid., pp. 105-60.
110
Translated from the Urdu version by Dr. Ãftãb Asghar, second edition, Lahore. 1982.
111
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inKhaljî Kãlîna Bhãrata, Aligarh,
1955, p. 223.
112
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inTughlaq Kãlina Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, pp. 228-29.
113
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inUttara Taimûr Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1959, Vol. II, p. 27.
114
Ibid., pp. 27-28.
115
Ibid., p. 29.
116
Summarised by S.A.A. Rizvi in History of Sufism in India, New Delhi, 1978, Vol. I, pp. 201202, footnote 4. Tabrizî is most probably the hero of Sekasubhodaya, a San skrit work ascribed to
Halãyudha Mi�ra, discovered at Gaur in Bengal and edited with an English translation by
Sukumar Sen, Calcutta, 1963.
117
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 166.
118
Ibid., pp. 182-83.
119
Ibid., pp. 178-79.
120
Ibid., pp. 179-80. The number of temples mentioned in this passage means the number of
temples destroyed.
121
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inMughal Kãlîna Bhãrata: Bãbur,
Aligarh, 1960, p. 233.
122
Ibid., 237.
123
Ibid., p. 167. Professor Sri Ram Sharma cites from Tãrîkh-i-Bãburî that �His Sadr, Shaikh
Zain, demolished many Hindu temples at Chanderî when he occupied it� (Religious Policy of the
Mughal Emperors, p. 9).
124
Ibid., p. 277. It seems that for some reason, the statues could not be destroyed, though they
were mutilated. All of them are Jain statues.
125
Summarised by S.A.A. Rizvi in his. A History of Sufism in India. Vol. I, New Delhi, 1978, pp.
201-02.
126
�Summarised by Ibid., p. 307.
127
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inUttara Taimûr Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1955, Vol. I, p. 322.
128
Ibid., p. 331.
129
Ibid., p. 343.
130
Eliot and Dowson, op. cit, Vol. IV, pp. 403-04.
131
Ibid., p. 544.
132
Translated Iron the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inUttara Taimûr Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1958, Vol. I, p. 102.
133
Ibid., Vol. II. 138. Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn had collected 16,000 women in his harem and was
notorious for his lewdness. Piety in Islam has no relation with personal character. Lechers can
serve the faith as well as the recluse.
134
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 471.
135
The reference is to some Hindu Goddess. Islamic iconoclasts often named Hindu Goddesses
after those of Arabia whose idols the prophet of Islam had destroyed.
136
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A. A. Rizvi included inTughlaq Kãlîna Bhãrata.
Aligarh, 1956, Vol. I, p. 370.
137
The Tabqãt-i-Akbarî translated by B. De, Calcutta, 1973, Vol. I, p. 3.
138
Ibid., p. 7.
139
Ibid., p. 11.
140
Ibid., p. 16.
141
Ibid., p. 22.
142
Ibid., p. 51.
143
Ibid., pp. 68-69.
144
Ibid., p. 144.
145
Ibid., p. 157.
146
Ibid., p. 184.
147
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inTughlaq Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1957. Vol. II, p. 349.
148
Ibid., p. 350.
149
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inUttara Taimûr Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarb, 1958. Vol. I, p. 219.
150
Ibid., p. 220.
151
Ibid., p. 221.
152
Ibid., p. 222.
153
Ibid., p. 227.
154
Ibid., pp, 236-37. The bull was most probably a Nandî standing outside a temple of �iva.
155
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inUttar Taimûr Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh 1959, Vol. II. p. 9.
156
Ibid., p. 74.
157
Ibid., p. 75.
158
Ibid., p. 85.
159
Ibid., p. 86.
160
Ibid., pp. 177-78. Zafar Khãn crowned himself as Muzaffar Shãh a few years later, and
founded the independent kingdom of Gujarat.
161
Ibid., p. 180.
162
Ibid., p. 178.
163
Ibid., p. 180.
164
Ibid., p. 192.
165
Ibid., pp. 201-02.
166
Ibid., pp. 206-07.
167
Ibid., p. 214.
168
Ibid., p. 218-19.
169
Ibid., pp. 233-34.
170
Ibid., p. 515. The discovery of an inscription seems to be true, but the reading is obviously
wishful and fictitious.
171
Ibid., p. 517.
172
Ibid., p. 527.
173
Elliot and Dowson, op. cab, Vol. V, p. 358.
Muntakhãbu�t-Tawãrikh, translated into English by George S.A. Ranking, Patna Reprint
1973, Vol. I, p. 17.
174
175
Ibid., pp. 27-28.
176
Ibid., pp. 21-22.
177
Ibid., p. 24.
178
Ibid., pp. 82-83.
179
Ibid., p. 95.
180
Ibid., pp. 235-36.
181
Ibid., pp. 255-56.
182
Ibid., p. 420.
183
Ibid., p. 422.
184
Ibid., pp. 432-33.
185
Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 128-29.
186
Ibid., pp. 165-66.
187
Ibid., pp. 166-67.
188
Elliot and Dowson. op. cit, Vol. VI, p. 528.
189
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 439.
190
Ibid., p. 447.
191
Ibid., p. 465.
192
Ibid., p. 466.
193
Ibid., pp. 466-67.
194
Cited by Sri Ram Sharma, op. cit., p. 11.
Zafaru�l Wãlih Bi Muzaffar Wa Ãlihi, translated into English by M.F. Lokhand wala, Baroda,
1970 and 1974, Vol. II, p. 575.
195
196
Ibid., p. 626.
197
Ibid., pp. 627-28.
198
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 138.
199
Ibid., Vol. II. pp. 646-47.
200
Ibid., p. 201 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 139. Malabar in wrongly indicated by the translator.
202
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 676. This is a revealing report. The Sufis were not only instigators but also
beneficiaries of jihãd and iconoclasm.
203
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi included inUttara Taimûr Kãlîna Bhãrata,
Aligarh, 1959, Vol. II, p. 413.
204
Ibid., p. 417.
205
Ibid., p. 418.
206
Elliot and Dowson, op.cit., Vol. VI, p. 187.
Tãrîkh-i-Haqqî (of which Zubdatu�t-Tawãrîkh is an extension) cited by Sri Ram Sharma, op.
cit., p. 62.
207
208
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 435-36.
209
Tãrîkh-i-Firishta, translated by John Briggs under the titleHistory of the Rise of the
Mahomedan Power in India, first published in 1829, New Delhi Reprint 1981, Vol. I, pp. 27-28.
210
Ibid., p. 29.
211
Ibid., p. 30.
212
Ibid., p. 34.
213
Ibid., p. 35.
214
Ibid., p. 36. Mahmûd was a pious Muslim who destroyed Hindu temples and idols in keeping
with the tenets of Islam. Those who present him as a freebooter out to plun der temple treasuries
are either fools like Jawaharlal Nehru or knaves like Mohammad Habib, and Pandit Sunderlal.
Mahmûd is too great an hero of Islam to be sacrificed in order to salvage the faith.
215
Ibid., p. 37.
Translated from the Urdu version of Tãrîkh-i-Firishta by �Abdul Haî Khwãjah, Deoband,
1983, pt. I, p. 125.
216
217
John Briggs, op. cit., pp. 38-39.
218
Ibid., pp. 40-41. Lure of plunder as well as religious merit made many Muslims join the army
without pay. Islam like Christianity enables people to make the best of the both the worlds.
219
Ibid., pp. 41-42.
220
Other accounts put the figure at 50,000.
221
Ibid., pp. 43-44.
222
Ibid., p. 49.
223
Ibid., p. 63.
224
Ibid., p. 82.
225
Ibid., pp. 100-01.
226
Ibid., p. 108.
227
Ibid., P. 119.
228
Ibid., p. 170.
229
Ibid., p. 171.
�Abdul Haî Khwãjah, op. cit, pt. I, p. 349. It appears to be the �ivaliñga of the
Rudramahãlaya at Sidhpur.
230
231
John Briggs, op. cit., pp. 213-14. Modern historians doubt if Malik Kãfûr reached Setubandha
Rame�varam.
232
Ibid., p. 263. The word �temple� at the end of the passage stands for the Ka�ba.
233
Ibid., p. 338.
234
Ibid., p. 339.
235
Ibid., pp. 339-40.
236
Ibid., p. 343.
237
Ibid., pp. 347-48.
238
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 206-07.
239
Ibid., p. 248.
240
Ibid., p. 251.
241
Ibid., p. 269.
242
Ibid., p. 306.
243
Ibid., p. 308.
244
Ibid., Vol. III, p. 82.
245
Ibid., p. 84.
246
Ibid., p. 212.
247
Ibid., p. 267. Murahari Rao was obviously a precursor of our present-day devotees Secularism
who are Hindus by accident of birth and who stop at nothing in order to please the Muslims.
248
Ibid., p. 274.
249
Ibid., pp. 276-77.
250
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 3.
251
Ibid., p. 4.
252
Ibid., p. 5.
253
Ibid., p. 10.
254
Ibid.
255
Ibid., pp. 10-11.
256
Ibid., p. 16. There is evidence that the mosque was raised on the site of a temple.
257
Ibid., p. 31.
258
Ibid., p. 32.
259
Ibid., p. 33.
260
Ibid., p. 35.
261
Ibid., p. 36.
262
Ibid., p. 49.
263
Ibid., pp. 125-26.
264
Ibid., p. 135.
265
Ibid., p. 136.
266
Ibid., p. 215.
267
Ibid., p. 234.
268
Ibid., p. 235.
269
Ibid., p. 238.
270
Ibid., p. 244.
271
Ibid., pp. 268-69. Another wishful reading of an ancient inscription.
272
Ibid., pp. 279-80.
273
Tûzuk-i-Jahãngîrî, translated into English by Alexander Rogers, first published 1909-1914,
New Delhi Reprint, 1978, Vol. I, pp. 254-55.
274
Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 223-25.
275
Another manuscript of Tûzuk-i-Jahãngîrî, translated into English by Major David Price,
Calcutta, 1906, pp. 24-25.
276
Translated from the Urdu version by Muhammad Bashîr Husain, second edition, Lahore, 1986,
pp. 121-22.
277
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 97. The Urdu version by Muhammad Bashir Husain
adds that �all buildings were pulled down� (p. 166).
278
Ibid., p. 98
279
Ibid., pp. 100-01
280
Translated from the Urdu version, op. cit., p. 172.
281
Ibid., p. 178.
282
Ibid., p. 179.
283
Ibid., P. 199.
284
Ibid., p. 305.
285
Ibid., pp. 305-06
286
Cited in The Cult of Jagannath and the Regional Tradition of Orrisa by Anncharotte Eschmann
et al, New Delhi, second printing. 1981, p. 322. footnote 7.
287
Translated from the Hindi version by S.A.A. Rizvi in Uttara Taimûr Kãlîna Bhãrata, Aligarh,
1959, Vol. II, p. 256.
288
Ibid., p. 273.
289
Ibid., p. 318.
290
Ibid., p. 319.
291
Ibid., p. 350.
Mir�ã-i-Sikandarî, translated by Fazlullah Lutfullah Faridi, Dharampur (Gujarat), Gurgaon
Reprint, 1990, p. 171.
292
293
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit, Vol. VI, p. 451. An additional excuse besides commandments of
Allãh was invented in order to destroy the temples.
294
Summarised by Richard Maxwell Eaton in his Sufis of Bijapur1300-1700, Princeton (U.S.A.),
1978, p. 68.
295
Tãrîkh-Kashmîr, edited and translated into English by Razia Bano, Delhi, 1991, p. 55.
296
Ibid., p. 61.
297
Ibid., pp. l02-03.
298
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. II. p. 524.
299
Ibid., pp. 525-27.
300
Ibid., p. 527.
301
Ibid., p. 538.
302
Ibid., pp. 546-47.
303
Cited by P.M. Currie, op. cit., p. 74.
304
Ibid., p. 75.
305
Ibid., p. 80.
306
Ibid., p. 83. The Sunnah of the Prophet prescribes that every true Muslim should force into his
bed some captured women of the unbelievers.
307
Ibid., pp. 86-87.
308
Bãdshãh Nãma cited by Sri Ram Sharma, op. cit., p. 63.
309
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 36. Sri Ram Sharma op. cit. cites Lãhorî to add that
�three temples were destroyed in Gujarat� (p. 86).
310
Quoted by Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., Vol. I and II, p. 15. Sri Ram Sharma cites Lãhorî to add
that �several other temples suffered the same fate and were converted into mosques� (p. 86).
311
Cited by Sri Ram Sharma, op. cit., p. 86.
The Shahjahan Nama of �Inayat Khan, translated by A.R. Fuller and edited and compiled by
W.E. Beyley and Z.A. Desai, OUP, Delhi, 1090, p. 161.
312
313
Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 159.
314
Cited by Sri Rain Sharma, op. cit., p. 129.
315
Ibid.
Maãsir-i-�Ãlamgiri, translated into English by Sir Jadu-Nath Sarkar, Calcutta, 1947, pp. 5152.
316
317
Ibid., p. 55.
318
Ibid., p. 60.
319
Ibid., p. 107.
320
Ibid., pp. 108-09.
321
Ibid., pp. 114-15.
322
Ibid., p. 116.
323
Ibid., p. 116-17.
324
Ibid., p. 120. Amber had hem loyal to the Mughals since the days of Akhar, and, unlike Mewar
and Mewar, given no offence to Aurangzeb.
325
Ibid., p. 241.
326
Ibid., p. 312.
327
Ibid., pp. 314-15.
328
Quoted by Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 186.
329
Quoted by Ibid., p. 187.
330
Quoted by Ibid., p. 188.
331
Quoted by Ibid., p. 189.
332
Cited by Sri Rain Sharma, op. cit, p. 136.
333
Ibid.
334
Ibid., p. 137.
335
Ibid.
336
Ibid.
337
Ibid., p. 138.
338
Ibid.
339
Ibid., pp.138-39
340
Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit, Vol. I and II, pp. 120-21.
341
Summarised in Ibid., Vol. III, p. 103.
342
Quoted in Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 185-86.
343
Quoted in Ibid., Vol. I and II, p. 94.
344
Quoted in Ibid., Vol. III, p. 188.
345
Cited by Sri Ram Sharma. op. cit., p. 138.
346
Ibid., pp. 144-45. The mosque demolished by Hindus had been built on the site of a temple
recently destroyed.
347
Quoted in Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit, Vol. III, pp. l88-89.
348
Quoted in Ibid., p. 187.
349
Futûhãt-i-�Ãlamgîrî, translated into English by Tanseem Ahmad, Delhi, 1978. p. 82
350
Ibid., p.130.
351
Nau-Bahãr-i-Murshid Quli-Khãni, translated into English by Jadu Nath Sarkar and included in
his Bengal Nawãbs, Calcutta Reprint, 1985, p. 4.
352
Ibid., p. 7.
353
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. VIII, pp. 38 -39.
354
Cited by Sri Ram Sharma. op. cit, p. 86.
355
Cited by Ibid., pp. 86-87.
356
Quoted in Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 188.
357
Cited by Sri Ram Sharma, cit., p. 137.
358
Quoted in Jadunath Sarkar, Vol. III, p. 207, footnote.
359
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 405.
360
Mirat-i-Ahmdi, translated into English by M.F. Lokhandwala, Baroda, 1965, P. 27. This
account is obviously a folktale because �Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî became a Sultãn two hundred years
after Siddharãja JayasiMha ascended the throne of Gujarat. Moreover, �Alãu�d-Dîn never went
to Gujarat; he sent his generals, Ulugh Khãn and Nasrat Khãn.
361
Ibid., p. 28.
362
Ibid., P. 29.
363
Ibid., P. 34.
364
Ibid., pp. 37-38. Sayyedpur is Sidhpur.
365
Ibid., pp. 47-48.
366
Ibid., p. 48.
367
Ibid., pp. 51-52.
368
Ibid., p. 194. It was a Jain Temple built at great expense.
369
Quoted in Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 186.
370
Quoted in Ibid., p. 188.
371
Quoted in Ibid., p. 186.
372
Cited by Sri Ram Sharma, op. cit., p. 137.
373
Cited by Ibid., p. 138.
374
Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. VIII, pp. 264-65.
375
Quoted by Jadunath Sarkar, Fall of The Mughal Empire, Vol. II, Fourth Edition, New Delhi,
1991, p. 70.
376
History of Tipu Sultan Being a Continuation of The Neshan-i-Hyduri, translated from Persian
by Col. W. Miles, first published 1864, New Delhi Reprint, 1986, pp. 66-67.
377
Riyuz-us-Salatin, translated into English by Abdus Salam, Delhi Reprint, 1976, pp. 63-64.
378
Ibid., pp. 17-18.
379
Bahãr-i-Ãzam, translated in English, Madras, 1960, p. 2.
380
Ibid., pp. 18-19.
381
Ibid., p. 101.
382
Ibid., p. 51. Hindu mythology from the RãmãyaNa has obvious, up with the story of how
Sayyid Nathar Shah (AD 969-1030) from Arabia destroyed a �iva temple and converted it into
his khãnqãh. He died in AH 673, and the khãnqãh became a dãrgãh which has since grown into
an important place of Muslim pilgrimage.
383
Ibid., p. 63. This is another garbled account of how a Hindu temple was converted into a
Muslim dargãh during the time when Tiruchirapalli was occupied by Chandã Sãhib, the Dîwan of
the Nawwãb of Arcot, and Rãnî Mînãkshî committed suicide when thrown into prison through
treachery.
384
Ibid., p. 64.
385
Ibid., p. 128.
Translated from the Urdu of Ãsãru�s-Sanãdîd, edited by Khaleeq Anjum, New Delhi, 1990.
Vol. I, p. 305.
386
387
Ibid., p. 310.
388
Ibid., pp. 310-11.
389
Ibid., p. 316.
390
Ibid., p. 310.
391
Ibid., p. 317.
392
Ibid., p. 89.
393
Ibid., Vol. III, p. 406.
394
Ibid., p. 407.
395
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 321.
396
Ibid., p. 97.
397
Ibid., Vol. III, p. 409.
398
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 334.
399
Ibid., p. 361.
400
Cited by Dr. Harsh Narain in his article, Rama-Janmabhumi Temple: Muslim Testimony, Indian
Express, February 26, 1990.
401
Cited by Ibid.
Summarised from the Wãqî�ãt, Vol. III, p. 575 by Richard Maxwell Eaton m his Sufis of
Bijapur 1300-1700, Princeton (U.S.A.), 1978, p. 68.
402
403
Syed Mahmudul Hasan, Mosque Architecture of Pre-Mughal Bengal, Dacca (Bangladesh),
1979, p. 33.
404
Ibid.
405
Ibid.
406
Ibid., p. 34.
407
Ibid., p. 38.
408
Ibid., p. 43.
409
Ibid., pp. 163-64. His statement that �innumerable Hindu and Buddhist temples still exit in
the cities of India once conquered by the Muslims�, is a figment of his imagination. No city in
North India can show a temple from pre-Islamic times.
410
Ibid., pp. 170-71. In subsequent passages he himself says that existing buildings were quarried
for stones used in Mosques. Medieval Muslim historians say that all Hindu temples were
destroyed and mosques raised at Lakhnauti, the site of Gaud, and Pandau.
411
Ibid., pp. 171-72.
412
Ibid., p. 183.
413
Ibid.
414
Ibid., p. 185.
415
Ibid., p. 37.
416
Ibid.
417
Ibid., P. 64.
418
Ibid., p. 38.
419
Ibid.
420
Ibid., p. 39.
421
Ibid.
422
Ibid., p. 43.
423
Ibid., p. 44.
424
Ibid., p. 45.
425
Ibid., p. 46.
426
Ibid.
427
Ibid.
428
Ibid.
429
Ibid., p. 49.
430
Ibid., p. 50.
431
Ibid.
432
Ibid., 62 and 64 (Illustration on p. 63).
433
Ibid., p. 77.
434
Ibid.
435
Ibid., pp. 80-81.
436
Ibid., pp. 81-82.
437
Ibid., p. 83.
438
Ibid., pp. 85-86.
439
Ibid., P. 86.
440
Ibid., pp. 90-91.
441
Ibid., p. 97.
442
Ibid., p. 86.
443
Ibid., p. 128.
444
Ibid., p. 129.
445
Ibid., p. 131.
446
Ibid., p. 123.
447
Ibid., p. 122.
448
Ibid., p. 131.
449
Ibid., pp. 160-61.
450
Ibid., p. 163.
451
Ibid., p. 138.
452
Ibid.
453
Ibid., p. 141.
454
Ibid., pp. 144-45.
455
Ibid., p. 185.
650.
CHAPTER EIGHT
SUMMING UP
Starting with Al-Bilãdhurî who wrote in Arabic in the second half of the ninth century, and coming down to
Syed Mahmudul Hasan who wrote in English in the fourth decade of the twentieth, we have cited from
eighty histories spanning a period of more than twelve hundred years. Our citations mention sixty-one
kings, sixty-three military commanders and fourteen sufis who destroyed Hindu temples in one hundred
and fifty-four localities, big and small, spread from Khurasan in the West to Tripura in the East, and from
Transoxiana in the North to Tamil Nadu in the South, over a period of eleven hundred years. In most cases
the destruction of temples was followed by erection of mosques, madrasas and khãnqãhs, etc., on the
temple sites and, frequently, with temple materials. Allãh was thanked every time for enabling the
iconoclast concerned to render service to the religion of Muhammad by means of this pious performance.
Some more kings or commanders or sufis who figure in these histories in a similar context may have
remained unmentioned because we had access to the full texts only in a few cases; most of the time we had
to remain content with excerpts or summaries made by modern historians in one context or the other. Many
more localities have remained unspecified because quite often the histories under reference, instead of
naming particular places, mention provinces and regions where large-scale destruction of temples took
place as a result of general orders issued to this effect, or intensive campaigns undertaken for this purpose
alone.
It is seldom that translations retain the full flavour of the language and meaning of the original works. In
our case, some of the flavour must have been lost in citations which we had to translate into English from
Urdu or Hindi renderings of the Persian texts. Even so, we feel that, taken together, the citations do bring
out something of the religious zeal harboured by the historians concerned when they sat down to glorify
Islam and highlight its heroes.
Coming to the heroes themselves, some of them figure more prominently or frequently in our citations,
such as Muhammad bin Qãsim, Mahmûd of Ghazni, Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish, Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî, Fîrûz
Shãh Tughlaq, Ahmad Shãh I and Mahmûd BegDha of Gujarat, Sikander Lodî, and Aurangzeb; they have
earned permanent fame in the annals of Islam by doing what they did to Hindus in general and to Hindu
temples in particular. But the others, too, do not come out discreditably if a state of mind or an expressed
intention is any indication. Maybe, their achievements in this context have found a more detailed
description in histories to which we have had no access.
It is highly doubtful if the Mughal period deserves the credit it has been given as a period of religious
tolerance. Akbar is now known only for his policy of sulh-i-kul, at least among the learned Hindus. It is no
more remembered that to start with he was also a pious Muslim who had viewed as jihãd his sack of
Chittor. Nor is it understood by the learned Hindus that his policy of sulh-i-kul was motivated mainly by his
bid to free himself from the stranglehold of the orthodox �Ulamã, and that any benefit which Hindus
derived from it was no more than a by-product. Akbar never failed to demand daughters of the Rajput kings
for his harem. Moreover, as our citations show, he was not able to control the religious zeal of his
functionaries at the lower levels so far as Hindu temples were concerned. Jahãngîr, like many other Muslim
kings, was essentially a pleasure-seeking person. He, however, became a pious Muslim when it came to
Hindu temples of which he destroyed quite a few. Shãh Jahãn did not hide what he wanted to do to the
Hindus and their places of worship. His Islamic record on this score was much better than that of Jahãngîr.
The reversal of Akbar�s policy thus started by his two immediate successors reached its apotheosis in the
reign of Aurangzeb, the paragon of Islamic piety in the minds of India�s Muslims. What is more
significant, Akbar has never been forgiven by those who have regarded themselves as custodians of Islam,
right upto our own times; Maulana Abul Kalam Azad is a typical example. In any case one swallow has
never made a summer.
Certain localities also figure more prominently or more frequently in our citations, such as Multan,
Thanesar, Kangra, Mathura, Somnath, Varanasi, Ujjain, Chidambaram, Puri, Dwarka, Girinar and
Kanchipuraim. The iconoclasts paid special attention to temples in these places or mounted repeated attacks
on them. They knew that these were the holy cities of the Hindus, and entertained the fond hope that
desecration of idols and destruction of temples in these sanctuaries was most likely to make the Hindus lose
faith in their �false gods� and prepare them for receiving the, �light of Islam�. That, however, does
not mean that destruction of temples at other places was in any sense less thorough. Our citations reveal
more or less the same pattern everywhere, once the swordsmen of Islam got fired by their religious fervour.
It was not unoften that Hindu temples were admired by the iconoclasts for their strength or antiquity or
exquisiteness or the expense incurred on their construction. We are told that they were �as firm as the
faith of the faithful� and �a thousand years old�. It was estimated that they must have cost so many
�thousand thousand dirhams� or so many �lakhs of asharfies�. But none of these plus points was
reason enough for sparing them from the fate they deserved according to the Sunnah of the Prophet. They
embodied an �age of darkness and error�, they housed �false gods�, and they enticed people away
from the worship of the �one and only true God� - Allãh of the Qur�ãn.
So the temples were attacked �all along the way� as the armies of Islam advanced; they were �robbed
of their sculptural wealth�, �pulled down�, �laid waste�, �burnt with naptha�, �trodden under
horse�s hoofs�, and �destroyed from their very foundations�, till �not a trace of them remained�.
Mahmûd of Ghazni robbed and burnt down 1,000 temples at Mathura, and 10,000 in and around Kanauj.
One of his successors, Ibrãhîm, demolished 1,000 temples each in Hindustan (Ganga-Yamuna Doab) and
Malwa. Muhammad Ghûrî destroyed another 1,000 at Varanasi. Qutbu�d-Dîn Aibak employed elephants
for pulling down 1,000 temples in Delhi. �Alî I �Ãdil Shãh of Bijapur destroyed 200 to 300 temples in
Karnataka. A sufi, Qãyim Shãh, destroyed 12 temples at Tiruchirapalli. Such exact or approximate counts,
however, are available only in a few cases. Most of the time we are informed that �many strong temples
which would have remained unshaken even by the trumpets blown on the Day of Judgment, were levelled
with the ground when swept by the wind of Islãm�.
We find the Muslim historians going into raptures as they describe scenes of desecration and destruction.
For Amîr Khusrû it was always an occasion to show off the power of his poetic imagination. When
Jalãlu�d-Dîn Khaljî wrought havoc at Jhain, �A cry rose from the temples as if a second Mahmûd had
taken birth�. The temples in the environs of Delhi were �bent in prayers� and �made to do
prostration�, by Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî. When the temple of Somnath was destroyed and its debris thrown
into the sea towards the west, the poet rose to his full height. �So the temple of Somnãth,� he wrote,
�was made to bow towards the Holy Mecca, and the temple lowered its head and jumped into the sea, so
you may say that the building first said its prayers and then had a bath.�
Our citations have a lot to tell about how the votaries of Islam viewed the idols of Gods and Goddesses
enshrined in the temples. Though the Arabic word used in the Qur�ãn for idols is Sanam, we find our
historians using the word but which they had borrowed form the Persians. The Persian word was a
corruption of the Sanskrit word �Buddha�, with which the Persians had been familiar for a long time
because there were many Buddhist temples in Seistan, Khurasan and Transoxiana. The word�budd� has
actually been used in some of the histories when referring to idols which were burnt or which the infidels
were prevented from worshipping. Small wonder that the temples which enshrined statues of the Buddha
became special targets for the Islamic iconoclasts. We shall deal with this subject in greater detail at a later
stage in this series; for now, it is sufficient to say that the deathblow to Buddhism, a religion centred round
temples and monasteries and monks, was delivered by the armies of Islam and not by the much-maligned
�Brahmanical reaction� as our Marxist �historians� are never tired of telling the world.
There was, however, one name which intrigued the iconoclasts for a long time, till the matter was cleared
by some scholars of Islam in consultation with the Brahmans. It seems that the Arabs were familiar with the
word�Somanãtha� (which they pronounced as �Somnãt�) even in the pre-Islamic period. Arab
merchants who visited or lived in Gujarat must have told their countrymen about this fabulous �iva
temple. It is also possible that Somnath was a place of pilgrimage for the Arabs. The pre-Islamic Arabs
were �idolaters� like the Hindus and could not but have felt reverence for �Somnãt�. Something of
this reverence seems to have survived even after Islam brought about a radical transformation in their
religious values. We find reflection of it in the story that Manãt, a Goddess of the pagan Arabs, had
escaped when the Prophet tried to get her, and taken refuge in the temple of �Somnãt�; the word
�Somnãt� was split into �So� and �manta� in order to support the story. We find references to this
story in several histories. Once in a while another Arab Goddess, Lat, was also suspected to be hiding at
Somnath.
In any case, the Qur�ãn had proclaimed that the idols were �deaf and dumb�, could �neither help nor
harm�, and �did not know it when they were broken�. Subsequent theologians extended the meaning of
�broken� and explained that the idols did not know when they were robbed of their adornments or
defiled or mutilated; their only function was to �deceive� those who had not been blessed by the
�message of monotheism�. So an iconoclast cut off the hands of a Hindu idol in Seistan and plucked out
its eyes in order to demonstrate the �divine truth�. Muhammad bin Qãsim took off the necklace of the
idol at Multan and replaced it with a piece of cow�s flesh. The idol did not �protest�, nor did it do
anything else in order to prove that it had any �power for good or evil�. Other veterans of Islam tried
other methods to show to the �infidels� that their �gods� were �helpless� and they themselves
�misguided�.
Again, we can depend upon the poetic powers of Amîr Khusrû. He quoted the Qur�ãn before describing
the iconoclasm at Somnath. �It seemed,� he wrote, �as if the tongue of the Imperial sword explained
the meaning of the text: �So he (Abraham) broke them (the idols) into pieces except the chief of them,
that haply they may return to it.� Such a pagan country, the Mecca of the infidels, now became the
Medina of Islam.� The earliest historians relate that while Mahmûd broke the other idols, he carried the
main �idol� unbroken to Ghazni. So the �big brother� did not know what had happened to the �little
ones�, as in the story of Abraham in the Qur�ãn.1 Khusrû�s highest poetic performance, however, came
when he described the scene at Chidambaram. �The stone idol called Ling Mahadeo,� he sang, �which
had been a long time established at that place and on which the women of the infidels rubbed their vaginas
for (sexual) satisfaction, these upto this time the kick of the horse of Islam had not attempted to break�
The Musalmans destroyed all the lings and Deo Narain fell down, and the other gods who had fixed their
seats there raised their feet, and jumped so high, that at one leap they reached the fort of Lanka, and in that
affright the lings themselves would have fled had they any legs to stand on.�
To resume the story, some of the idols were made of precious metals and/or adorned with costly jewels;
they had to be handled with care so that the faithful were not deprived of the booty promised by Allãh to
those who removed his rivals out of the way. Such images were first divested of their jewellery, then they
were broken or burnt, and finally melted down; the bullion and the jewels were forwarded to the caliph or
the king, whoever happened to be the patron of the �holy expedition�. Occasionally, the idols were
simply collected and sent to the capital city and it was the despot there who decided what to do with them.
They certainly provided �great fun� to the �chosen people� before being disposed off in whatever
manner was found appropriate, depending upon the type of the idols. Those made of precious metals ended
in the royal treasury. Those made of inferior metals were turned into various instruments or vessels or used
for decorative purposes such as door handles; later on, the bigger ones were recast to make cannon. Idols
made of wood and stone etc., were broken and scattered on the doorsteps of mosques, particularly the
Jãmi� Masjids, so that people on their way to prayers could trample or cleanse their soiled feet upon them,
before entering the �sacred precincts�.
Several instances are cited when the Hindus tried to ransom their idols, sometimes by expressing
willingness to pay their weight in gold. All such offers were �rejected with contempt� because the hero
concerned wanted to earn �merit in the eyes of Allãh� rather than �mere mammon�. Those who want
to explain away the destruction of Hindu temples in terms of economic motives, are called upon to explain
these instances.
Mahmûd of Ghazni broke many idols with his own hand, including that of �Somnãt�. He sent the pieces
to Mecca, Medina and Baghdad, besides keeping some in his own capital at Ghazni. It was not for nothing
that his coins struck at Lahore described him as �butshikan�, idol-breaker. Subsequent sultãns followed
his example. Unfortunately for them, the �accursed Mangol�, Changiz Khãn, overran a large part of
Islamdom and blocked the way to the �holy cities� in the first quarter of the thirteenth century, just at the
time when a vast field for breaking idols and collecting their pieces was opening before the heroes of Islam
in Hind. In AD 1258, his grandson, Halãkû, beat their own idol, the caliph, into pulp and got the �holy�
city of Baghdad ploughed over. So the pieces had perforce to lie before mosques in lesser places-Lahore,
Delhi, Lakhnauti, Daulatabad, Gulbarga, Madura, Burhanpur, Bidar, Mandu, Ahmadabad, Jaunpur, Agra,
Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, Golkonda, Hyderabad, Aurangabad. They will be brought in by cart-loads in the
time of Aurangzeb. One of our historians tells us that �Alî I �Ãdil Shãh of Bijapur broke four to five
thousand idols with his own hands while campaigning in Karnataka.
Meanwhile, other methods of telling the �truth� about the idols had been devised by the more
imaginative among the swordsmen of Islam. Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq had the idol at Purî perforated and
dragged along the road to Delhi. The pieces of the idol at Kangra were given to the butchers for being used
as weights while selling meat. The copper umbrella of the same idol he got recast into pots for heating
water with which the faithful washed their �hands, feet and faces�, before saying their prayers. Mahmûd
Khaljî of Malwa had the idol at Kumbhalgadh reduced to lime which was put in pans (betel-leaves) and the
Hindus were forced to �eat their god�. He had taken literally a latter-day story of what Mahmûd of
Ghazni had done to the idol of �Somnãt� when the Brahmans arrived in his capital to �ransom their
God�.
The Brahmans who were custodians of the idols and idol-houses, and �teachers of the infidels�, also
received their share of attention from the soldiers of Allãh. Our citations contain only stray references to
the Brahmans because they have been compiled primarily with reference to the destruction of temples.
Even so, they provide the broad contours of another chapter in the history of medieval India, a chapter
which has yet to be brought out in full. The Brahmans are referred to as magicians by some Islamic
invaders and massacred straight away. Elsewhere, the Hindus who are not totally defeated and want to
surrender on some terms, are made to sign a treaty saying that the Brahmans will be expelled from the
temples. The holy cities of the Hindus were �the nests of the Brahmans� who had to be slaughtered
before or after the destruction of temples, so that these places were �cleansed� completely
of �kufr� and made fit as �abodes of Islam�.
Amîr Khusrû describes with great glee how the heads of Brahmans �danced from their necks and fell to
the ground at their feet�, along with those of the other �infidels� whom Malik Kãfûr had slaughtered
during the sack of the temples at Chidambaram. Fîrûz Shãh Tughlaq got bags full of cow�s flesh tied
round the necks of Brahmans and had them paraded through his army camp at Kangra. Muhmûd Shãh II
Bahmanî bestowed on himself the honour of being a ghãzî, simply because he had killed in cold blood the
helpless BrãhmaNa priests of the local temple after Hindu warriors had died fighting in defence of the fort
at Kondapalli. The present-day progressives, leftists and dalits whose main plank is anti-Brahminism have
no reason to feel innovative about their ideology. Anti-Brahminism in India is as old a the advent of Islam.
Our present-day Brahmin-baiters are no more than ideological descendants of the Islamic invaders. Hindus
will do well to remember Mahatma Gandhi�s deep reflection--�if Brahmanism does not revive,
Hinduism must perish.�
The next step which the heroes of Islam took after a place had been �purged by the sword form the filth of
impurity and the thorn of god-plurality� and the �foundations of infidelity destroyed�, was to build
mosques and madrasas etc., on the same sites where the temples stood, most often with the materials of
those very temples. The operation was generally preceded by a pious ritual in which the victors prostrated
themselves and praised Allãh �for the honour He bestows on Islãm and the Musalmãns�. Cows were
slaughtered on the temple sites in order to render them unclean for the Hindus for all time to come; it had
been noticed that the Hindus demolished the mosques and rebuilt their temples on the same sites whenever
they recaptured a place. Now the mosques andmadrasas could spread the �light of Islam� without
interruption. Finally, the priests of Islam took over--the khatîbs, the mu�zzins, themuhtahsibs and
the qãzîs. The �uproar of the heathens gave way to shouts of Allahû Akbar� and the �strongholds of
heathenism were made into abodes of Islãm�. Meanwhile, the endowments enjoyed by the temples had
been transferred to the upcoming Islamic establishments, so that whatever temple priests had survived the
slaughter had to starve while the Muslim clerics prospered.
The most significant feature of our histories, however, is the religious zeal felt or exhibited by the
swordsmen of Islam before and after the �infidels� who resisted �were sent to hell�, the Brahmans
massacred or molested or expelled, idols desecrated, temples demolished, and mosques raised in their
stead. The prophet of Islam appears in a dream and bids a sultãn to start on the �holy expedition�,
leaving no doubt that the �victory of religion� was assured. Amîr Khusrû was very eloquent about the
transformation that was taking place. When the hordes of Alãu�d-Dîn Khaljî sacked the temple of
Somnath, he exulted, �The sword of Islãm purified the land as the Sun purifies the earth.� His
enthusiasm broke all bounds when the same hordes swept over South India: �The tongue of the sword of
the Khalifa of the time, which is the tongue of the flame of Islãm, has imparted light to the entire darkness
of Hindustãn by the illumination of its guidance� and several capitals of the gods of the Hindus in which
Satanism had prevailed since the time of Jinns, have been demolished. All these impurities of infidelity
have been cleansed by the Sultãn�s destruction of idol-temples, beginning with his first expedition to
Deogîr, so that the flames of the fight of the law illumine all these unholy countries� God be praised!�
One wonders whether the poet of Islam is being honoured or slandered when he is presented in our own
times as the pioneer of Secularism. Or, perhaps, Secularism in India has a meaning deeper than that we find
in the dictionaries or dissertations on political science. We may not be much mistaken if, seeing its studied
exercise in blackening everything Hindu and whitewashing everything Islamic, we suspect that this
Secularism is nothing more than the good old doctrine of Islam in disguise.
If our citations prove anything and prove it beyond a shadow of doubt, it is this that in doing what they did
to Hindu temples the heroes of Islam were inspired by their religion and religion alone. They cannot be
blamed if the plunder which occasionally preceded the destruction of temples was viewed by them as a
well-deserved reward for doing service to Allah and his Last Prophet; they knew what the Qur�ãn and the
Sunnah had prescribed in very clear language and, therefore, had a clean conscience. It is a different matter
altogether that their religion provided, more often than not, a cover, or an a posteriori justification as
Professor Mohammed Habib would like to put it, for some of the basest motives in human nature and
attracted to its standards some of the worst hoodlums and gangsters and blood-thirsty bandits that the world
has known. The fact that these despicable characters have been made to masquerade
as Mujãhids andGhãzîs and Shahîds and Sultãns and Sufis by Muslim historians can hoodwink no one
except those who either do not know the facts or have the same moral standards as those of Islam.
Our Marxist professors and other pandits of Secularism are very much mistaken when they discover or
invent economic and/or political motives for explaining away the crimes committed by Islam. Either they
have remained totally ignorant of what the Theology of Islam prescribes vis-a-vis the unbelievers, their
women and children, their properties, their homelands, their religious teachers, and their places of worship;
or their deep-seated animus against everything Hindu has pushed them into the camp of those who are out
to destroy everything for which this country has been held in high esteem down the ages. We shall, give
them the benefit of doubt and assume that their ignorance of the Theology of Islam rather than their antiHindu animus is the culprit. We proceed to present that Theology in the chapter that follows.
Footnotes:
1
Qu�rãn, 21.51-70.
CHAPTER NINE
THEOLOGY OF MONOTHEISM
The destruction of Hindu temples at the hands of Islamized invaders continued for more than eleven
hundred years, from the middle of the seventh century to the end of the eighteenth.1 It took place all over
the cradle of Hindu culture, from Sinkiang in the North to Tamil Nadu in the South, and from Seistan in the
West to Assam in the East.2
All along, the iconoclasts remained convinced that they were putting into practice the highest tenets of their
religion. They also saw to it that a record was kept of what they prized as a pious performance. The
language of the record speaks for itself. It leaves no doubt that they took immense pride in doing what they
did.
It is inconceivable that a constant and consistent behaviour pattern, witnessed for a long time and over a
vast area, can be explained except in terms of a settled system of belief which leaves no scope for second
thoughts. Looking at the very large number of temples, big and small, destroyed or desecrated or converted
into Muslim monuments, economic or political explanations can be only a futile, if not fraudulent, exercise.
The explanations are not even plausible.
In fact, it is not at all difficult to locate the system of belief which inspired the behaviour pattern. We have
only to turn to the scriptures of Islam-the Qur�ãn and the Sunnah of the Prophet-and we run straight into
what we are looking for. The principles and the pious precedents which were practised and followed by the
subsequent swordsmen of Islam are, all of them, there.
The scriptures of Islam do not merely record what happened in the past; they also prescribe that what is
recorded should be imitated by the faithful in the future, till the end of time. That is why the swordsmen of
Islam who functioned in times much later than that of the Qur�ãn and the Sunnah, did what they did. It is
in the very nature of scriptures, as we shall see, that they make permanent what can otherwise be dated and
dismissed as temporary aberrations.
Those scriptures are still being taught in hundreds of maktabs and madrasas spread over the length and
breath of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Missionaries of Islam that are turned out by these institutions,
year after year, are never told by their teachers that the prescriptions regarding other people�s places of
worship stand abrogated or are out of date. At the same time, the swordsmen who destroyed innumerable
temples and monasteries all over the vast cradle of Hindu culture, retain their halos as the heroes of Islam.
That alone can explain why Hindu temples become the first targets of attack whenever Muslim mobs are
incited against India by the mullas in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Kashmir.
It is, therefore, worthwhile to clarify what the word �scripture� stands for, before we take up the
scriptures of Islam. The language of Christianity and Islam in the modern media has confused the language
of religion, all along the line. Even scholars do not seem to know or care to clarify that scriptures as such
are specific to the prophetic or revealed religions such as Judaism, Christianity and Islam, and that they
remain unknown to the pagan3 spiritual traditions such as that of the Hindus, the Chinese, the ancient
Iranians, and the pre-Christian Greeks, Romans, Germans, Slavs, Scandinavians, Celts, etc.
The confusion has been further confounded by what passes for Secularism in this country. Most of our
scribes in the mass media are either equally ignorant of all religions or equally indifferent to them. But they
insist, with considerable vehemence, that all religions say the same things. Politicians in power are much
worse. As they preside over the birthday functions or festivals related to �rî Rãma, �rî KrishNa,
Bhagavãn Mahãvîra, Bhagavãn Buddha and Guru Nãnak on the one hand, and Jesus Christ and Prophet
Muhammad on the other, they harangue the audience to follow the teachings in each case. It never occurs
to them that Christianity and Islam have nothing in common with the Hindu spiritual traditions and that the
followers of the former have tried and are trying their utmost to wipe out the latter.4
Meaning of Scripture
Etymologically, the word �scripture� is derived from the Latin�scribere�, to write. In the lexicons of
the revealed religions, however, the word does not refer to writing down of human speech or verbalizing of
human thought or recording of terrestrial events. Instead, it stands for the �Word of God� written in
�the Book�.
The word of God, in its turn, does not come to any and every one who seeks it, howsoever devoutly.
Instead, it is �revealed� to some highly privileged persons known as �prophets�. Everyone else has to
learn it second-hand, and accept it as authentic even when it runs counter to one�s experience, or reason,
or moral sense, or all of them taken together. No one else can have direct knowledge of it or aspire to enter
into the consciousness to which it was revealed, as in the case of pagan spiritual traditions which entitle
every seeker to attain the consciousness of their greatest saints and sages, and know God directly and firsthand. Belief in the word of God as spoken by the Prophet and as written in theBook is, therefore, all that is
needed for qualifying as one of the faithful. At the same time, mental belief and not moral behaviour is the
criterion for judging a person�s character.
Nor do the prophets take birth among any or every people. Etymylogically, the word �prophet� is
derived from the Greek�phanai�, to speak, which is a cognate of the Sanskrit �bhaNa�. In the
lexicons of the revealed religions, however, the prophet is no ordinary spokesman. Instead, he is the
�spokesman of deity.�5 And he is �sent� only to the �Chosen People,� with whom God intends to
enter into a �Covenant�.
So far there have been only three chosen people-the Jews, the Christians, and the Muslims. According to
the covenants which God has entered into with them, each of them has been promised world-dominion and
untold amounts of unearned wealth in exchange for making God known to all those who worship �other
gods� and thus deny God�s �Unity� and �Unique Majesty�.
Rise of Theology
In due course, as the word of God is studied, systematized and interpreted, it gives birth to a supplementary
discipline named Theology. Etymologically, the word �theology� is a compound of two Greek words�theos�6 meaning �god�, and �logos� meaning �word.� But curiously enough, the ancient
Greeks from whose language the compound has been constructed were unaware of the very notion of word
of God. Theology was formulated and used for the first time by the Founding Fathers of the Christian
Church for presenting their peculiar creed to pagans in the Roman Empire. It had nothing whatsoever to do
with any Greek religion or philosophy, of which there were quite a few before they were destroyed or
subverted by Christianity. Islamic scholarship which flourished in the wake of the Prophet, fashioned
another theology, more or less on the same pattern, a few hundred years later.
Theology is a large and complex subject. What concerns us here is some specific features which
characterise it. One of those features is that the life-style of the Prophet and his companions/apostles is
proclaimed as the �divine pattern of human conduct� which should be copied by everyone, everywhere,
in order to qualify for salvation or paradise. According to another, the doings of the chosen people as they
wage wars, conquer countries and convert or kill other people, are to be seen as the unfoldment of a
�divine plan in human history�.
What is most significant, however, is that theology notices and notifies three neat and sharp divisions.
Firstly, it divides human history into two periods-an �age of ignorance� preceding the appearance
of the Prophet, and an �age of illumination� following that event. Secondly, it bifurcates the human
family into two factions-the �believers� who accept the Prophet as the one and only �mediator�
between God and human beings, and the �unbelievers� who have either not heard of theProphet at all or
find him unacceptable for whatever reason. Thirdly, it breaks up the inhabited world into two camps-the
lands ruled by the believers, and the lands where the unbelievers live.
Proceeding further, theology pronounces a permanent war, hailed as �holy�, between the three sets of
divisions. Religions and cultures which preceded the age of ignorance have to go and yield place to the
religion and culture of the age of illumination. Next, the believers must strive, ceaselessly and by every
means at their disposal, to convert the unbelievers to the new creed. Finally, the lands of the believers must
be made into launching pads for missions as well as military expeditions to be sent to the lands of the
unbelievers, so that the latter are conquered and turned into lands of the believers.
Naturally, the places where the unbelievers worship and the institutions which sustain that worship, become
the first and foremost targets of holy wars. The idols7 of the unbelievers� Gods are at least mutilated, if
they cannot be smashed to pieces. The temples where those Gods are worshipped are at least desecrated, if
they cannot be destroyed. The schools and monasteries where the unbelievers learn their religion are at
least plundred, if they cannot be razed to the ground. The saints, sages and scholars who guide the
unbelievers are at least humiliated, driven out and deprived of livelihood, if they cannot be killed outright.
The literature which enshrines the unbelievers� religion and culture is scattered to the winds, or burnt on
the spot, or used as fuel in the homes of the believers. And so on, the war on the religion and culture of the
unbelievers is total and unrelenting.
These operations are expected to help the unbelievers lose faith in their own Gods and acquire an awe for
the God of the conqueror. The God of the conqueror stands glorified when new places of worship are raised
on the sites of the old, preferably with the debris of those that have been deliberately demolished. And that
God is fully vindicated when the believers tread under foot the idols of the unbelievers� Gods or their
pieces, as they walk towards the new places of worship for offering prayers.
Finally, theology enjoins that the holy wars and all that they mean should be recorded meticulously and in
lustrous language. These records testify to the unfoldment of the divine plan in human history in the past,
and inspire future generations of believers to unfold it further. We have three extensive versions of this
unfoldment or the triumph of the �true faith� over �false belief-the Judaic, the Christian, and the
Islamic. All of them glorify the �great heroes� who waged holy wars and heaped defeats and
humiliations on the �infidels�. The �rich rewards� which God bestowed on the believers for fulfilling
their part of the covenant are also described at length. And succeeding generations of believers have, no
doubt, felt inspired to follow in the footsteps of their �illustrious forefathers�.
Role of Theology
Apart from providing the right perceptions, inspiring pious performances, and establishing illustrious
precedents, theology serves another and, psychologically, a very useful purpose. It prepares the believers
for feeling the �glow of faith� as they read or listen to the unfoldment of the divine plan in human
history. The accounts are spiritually satisfying-how every trace of the religion and culture of the age of
ignorance was wiped out, to start with, in the Prophet�s own land of birth; how one land after another was
invaded and laid waste without any provocation on the part of the victims of aggression; how innocent and
defenceless people were massacred in cold blood and with a clean conscience; how large numbers of
noncombatant men, women and children were captured and sold into slavery and concubinage; how native
populations were reduced to the status of non-citizens, drawing water and hewing wood for the conqueror,
and groaning under the weight of discriminatory levies and back-breaking disabilities; how great creations
of graphic arts were mutilated or broken to pieces or trampled under foot; how edifices of exquisite beauty,
embodying skills accumulated over ages, were pulled down and levelled with the ground; how whole
libraries containing priceless works of science and literature, were burnt down; how saints and sages and
scholars who had given no offence and meant no harm, were humiliated or manhandled or killed; how vast
properties, moveable and immoveable, were misappropriated. And so on, the record is invariably crowded
with the darkest crimes and fiendish cruelty. Only the believers find it fulfilling. For persons with normal
moral sensibilities, it is a nightmare. The only point which goes in its favour is that it provides the best
commentary on the doctrines of the creed concerned.
Looking at the character of the God of revealed religions, the quality of his words, the life-styles of his
prophets, and the course of his divine plans in human history, one wonders whether the revealed religions
do not reveal an Orwellian world abounding in marvels of doublethink and double-speak. Here one meets
the Devil masquerading as God, and gangsters strutting around as prophets. Here one discovers that the
scripture does not inspire spiritual seeking or moral discipline but, on the contrary, encourages the basest in
human nature to run riot without any restraint. All in all, Theology stands out as another name for
Demonology, and the revealed religions reveal themselves as no more than totalitarian ideologies of
imperialism, of enslavement and genocide. They turn out to be older versions of what we have known as
Communism and Nazism in our own times. A Secularism which puts them on par with the spiritual
traditions of Hinduism is not only foolish but also mischievous. It misses the very meaning of religion, and
shelters gangsterism.
Theology of Islam
Islam uses the Arabic language instead of Hebrew or Greek, but says the same things as the older revealed
religions. Its only point of departure is that it abrogates the earlier revelations, and subordinates the earlier
prophets to the �latest and the last�.
Islam has hijacked Allah from the pantheon of the pre-Islamic Arabs and turned him into a jealous God
who tolerates no �other gods�. Allãh of Islam is no more than a reincarnation of Jehovah, the Judaic and
the Christian God in the Bible.
The prophet of Islam, Muhammad, moulds himself, consciously and progressively, in the image of Moses.
In fact, his very name, Nabî, has been taken from the Hebrew Lexicon.
Allãh now speaks only through the mouth of Muhammad. That is the Qur�ãn, or the Book (Kitãb). Here
also the word of God is borrowed, by and large, from the Bible. The only difference is that the Qur�ãn
lacks the literary merit and narrative coherence of the earlier scripture. It is a loose bundle of vehement
utterances, without any chronological or thematic order, and has to be understood with the help of
laborious, very often speculative, commentaries.
Again, Allãh acts in the life-style of Muhammad. That is the Sunnah of the Prophet. This divine pattern of
human conduct knows all the answers. No pious Muslim has to use his own mental faculties or devise his
own individual course of action. It is all laid down for him, from birth to death, and even beyond. As the
theologians of Islam say, Muslims should not use their aql (reason); all they need is naql (imitation of the
Prophet).
The covenant, MiSãq, into which Allãh enters with the newly chosen people, the Ummatu Muhammadî,
commands them to worship him alone and convert or kill or enslave those who worship other gods.
Allãh�s earlier covenants with the Jews or the Ummatu Ibrãhîmî and the Christians or the Ummatu Îsã,
stand cancelled. Now onwards, Muslims alone are entitled to rule over the world and appropriate its wealth.
There is a slight �improvement� also in the new covenant. Plunder of the infidels� properties,
particularly their women and children, was not permitted to the earlier chosen people, while it has been
prescribed as obligatory for the Ummatu Muhammadî.
The doings of the Ummatu Muhammadî in Arabia and many other lands manifest the divine plan in human
history. The annals of Islam, the Twãrîkh, which are an integral part of its theology, have been penned by
some of its most pious scholars.
The theology of Islam, Kalãm, deals with the same old divisions of human history, the human family, and
the inhabited world. The period before Muhammad started receiving revelations and proclaimed his
prophethood is denounced as Jãhilîya, the age of ignorance; the period succeeding that event is the age
of Ilm, enlightenment. Those who recite the Kalima or confession of faith-Lã Ilãha Illa�llãhû,
Mahammadûn Rasûl�llãh(there is no god but Allãh and Muhammad is the Prophet)8 -areMu�mins, the
believers; those who do not, are Kãfirs, the unbelievers. The lands ruled by the Mu�mins are Dãr al-Islãm,
abodes of peace, while those where the Kãfirs live are Dãr al-Harb, abodes of war, where
the Mu�mins should ply their swords. It sounds logical that in popular Muslim parlance a Kãfir is often
called a Harbî, that is, one who deserves treatment of the sword.
Finally, Islam enjoins a permanent war, Jihãd, by the Mu�mins and against the Kãfirs. We need not give
the details which we have already presented elsewhere, in principle as well as practice.9 Suffice it to say
that it is an extremely bloody affair, entailing continued wars of conquest, massacres, mass conversions by
force, widespread plunder, enslavement of prisoner taken in war, collection of booty including noncombatant men and women and children, subjugation of native populations, and the rest. What concerns us
here is that Jihãd is centred round iconoclasm. In fact, the need for Jihãd arises only because
the Kãfirs worship their own Gods instead of Muhammad�s Allãh. Jihãd, therefore, remains incomplete
till all places where those Gods are worshipped get levelled with the ground, and all saints and priests who
spread and sustain Kufr are converted or killed.
Confining ourselves to India, �The Mohammedan conquest of India is probably the bloodiest story in
history,� according to Will Durant, the famous student of civilizations. He finds it �a discouraging tale,
for its evident moral is that civilization is a precious thing whose delicate complex of order and liberty,
culture and peace may at any time be overthrown by barbarians��10 But the pious Muslims read or listen
to this story with immense satisfaction. They go into raptures as their heroes invade Sind and Hind,
massacre the accursed Kãfirs without remorse, capture and sell into slavery large numbers of Hindu men
and women and children, kill or heap humiliations on Hindu saints and scholars, desecrate or destroy idols
of Hindu Gods and Goddesses, pull down Hindu temples or convert them into masjids and madrasas,
reduce the Hindus to non-citizens in their own homeland, and misappropriate all properties, moveable and
immoveable. And they get furious when they find the Hindus failing to admire Muhammad bin Qãsim,
Mahmûd of Ghazni, Muhammad Ghûrî, Shamsu�d-Dîn Iltutmish, Ghiyãsu�d-Dîn Balban, �Alãu�d-
Dîn Khaljî, Muhammad and Fîrûz Shãh Tughalaq, Sikandar Lodî, Bãbur, Aurangzeb, and Ahmad Shãh
Abdãlî, to cite only the most notable among Muslim heroes in the history of India. The theology of Islam
has thus performed to perfection the function it is intended to perform, even though the forefathers of an
overwhelming majority of Muslims in India were victims of this theology.
In our specific context, namely, the destruction of Hindu temples, it should be more than sufficient if we
merely cite what the Qur�ãn says, in verse after verse and chapter after chapter, vis-a-vis
the mushriks (polytheists) and the aSnãm (idols) they worship. Allãh of Islam leaves no one in doubt that
he sanctions the destruction of �false gods� and the places where they receive homage. So is the case
with the Sunnah of the Prophet. We have only to list the instances of iconoclasm which Muhammad
undertook himself or ordered in his own lifetime, and we have more than sufficient pious precedents which
the faithful are expected to follow. Anyone who says that the Qur�ãn and the Sunnah do not enjoin the
destruction of other people�s places of worship has either not read the documents, or has failed to grasp
the message, or is practising deliberate deception. No amount of apologetics can cover up or explain away
the principle and the practice.
A mere narration of principle and practice, however, is likely to leave a mistaken impression. People who
are not familiar with the rise and spread of Islam have been led away by the Big Lie that the people of
Arabia rallied round a prophet and did, willingly and voluntarily, whatever he asked them to do, because
they knew no better. This lie has succeeded to a great extent not only in the lands which are now occupied
by the believers but also in India which has battled with Islam for more than thirteen hundred years. But
nothing can be farther from the truth as told in the orthodox biographies of the Prophet. The people of
Arabia resisted Muhammad and his message, and fought in defence of their ancient religion and culture, till
they were forced to surrender in the face of a formidable military machine forged by him at Medina. The
machine was financed by plunder obtained through widespread raids, and manned by desperados recruited
from all over Arabia. Neither the Qur�ãn nor the Sunnah of the Prophet can be understood or evaluated
properly unless it is placed in its historical context, namely, the pre-Islamic Arab society and culture which
had functioned for a long time to the satisfaction of the people concerned, till Muhammad appeared on the
scene.
Footnotes:
1
We are leaving for the time being the destruction that took place in Muslim princely states under
British rule as also that which has continued since 1947 in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Kashmir.
2
We are leaving for the time being the destruction which took place and is taking place in
Indonesia and Malaysia.
3
The Chambers 20th Century Dictionary defines a pagan as �a heathen, one who is not a
Christian, Jew, or Muslim��
4
The subject has been discussed in detail by Dr. Harsh Narain in his study, Myths of Composite
Culture and Equality of Religions, published by Voice of India, New Delhi, 1991.
5
See the Chambers 20th Century Dictionary for the Meaning of Prophet.
6
It is a cognate of the Sanskrit �deva�.
7
The word �idol� is derived from the Greek �idein�, to see, which is a cognate of the
Sanskrit �vid�, to perceive.
8
The first part of the Kalima is often translated as �there is no god but God,� which is not only
misconceived but positively mischievous. Allãh of the Qur�ãn never claims to be the God of
mankind; he prides in being the God of Muslims alone.
9
The Calcutta Quran Petition By Chandmal Chopra, with two prefaces by Sita Ram Goel, second
the enlarged edition, New Delhi. 987, pp. 35-37.
10
Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, Vol. I, Our Oriental Heritage, New York, 1972, p. 459.
CHAPTER TEN
THE PRE-ISLAMIC ARABS
Muslim theologians and historians present a pretty dark picture of pre-Islamic Arabia. Its people, we are
told, were unrepentant pagans and polytheists unware of the Unity of God and the succession of his
Prophets. They believed that Allãh, the one and only True God, stood in need of partners who could
mediate between him and his creatures. Worse still, they gave daughters to Allãh while they preferred sons
for themselves. They worshipped stones (authãn) and statues (aSnãm) and offered sacrifices to satans.
They had had no Prophet (Rasûl) and possessed no scripture (Kitãb) of their own. Consequently, they were
ignorant of the Last Day (Qiyãmat), as also of Heaven (Jannat) and Hell (Jahannam). They revelled in
blood feuds, and buried alive their female infants. Sons married their step-mothers, and the same man two
or more uterine sisters. And so on, till the conviction grows on the readers or listeners that the pre-Islamic
Arabs were despicable barbarians.
Christian theologians and historians follow suit. They do not endorse Muhammad as a prophet; in fact, they
call him an impostor. All the same, they prefer him to the pagans and polytheists whom he fought and
subdued. They do not concede that Muhammad�s message was spiritually sound or morally adequate. Yet
they hail his teachings as a marked improvement on the mode of worship and morals which prevailed
earlier. Thus they stand solidly, though negatively, united with their Muslim counterparts in denouncing the
state of affairs in pre-Islamic Arabia.
And there is no dearth of Hindu scholars, even Hindu saints, who join the chorus. Even those Hindus who
are by no means enamoured of Islam and distrust or despise it as a religion, regard it none-the-less an
immense improvement over what went in Arabia before its advent. They say that Islam united the �Arab
rabble� into a �nation�, and gave them at least the �rudiments of culture�. It never occurs to these
Hindus that Muslim scholars who denounce pre-Islamic Arabia view pre-Islamic India also as an �area of
darkness� to which Islam brought �illumination� for the first time. Though Hindus have been victims
of Islamic aggression for several centuries, few of them feel sympathy for victims of the same aggression
elsewhere.
The pre-Islamic Arabs seem to have no case simply because no one and almost nothing has survived to tell
their side of the story. Unlike the Hindus who have survived the onslaught of Islam and can compare what
they had with what was brought in by Islam, the pre-Islamic Arabs have passed into what is more or less a
total oblivion. The Prophet of Islam and his rightly-guided Caliphs saw to it that no trace was left of the
pre-Islamic religion and culture of Arabia, not even in the consciousness of the converts. Franz Babinger
writes vis-a-vis the pre-Islamic Sabaean civilization of Arabia: �The new creed had the greatest interest in
obliterating all recollection of the pagan period, not only in stone monuments which still survived the
natural weathering--these were destroyed to provide material for new buildings, or burned for lime or
sometimes out of sheer vandalism--but also in literature, and even in consigning the ancient language to
oblivion.�1 Whatever could not be wiped out was converted so completely as to look like a contribution of
Islam. The Ka�ba and the Hajj ceremonies provide excellent examples. So does the Arabic language
which, although it retains its old sounds and syntax, has been made to convey meanings and concepts
which were foreign to it in its pristine state.
The greatest blow which pre-Islamic Arabia has suffered is the perversion of its history. An overwhelming
majority of the Arabs had never heard of Abraham before Muhammad started mentioning him; those few
who had, had no reason to like him in view of the contempt which his people, the Jews settled in Arabia,
had continued to pour on the Arabs. Moreover, it was not long before the birth of Muhammad that the king
of Yemen who had converted to the creed of Abraham had massacred thousands of Christianised Arabs.
Therefore, the Arabs who were extremely tolerant in matters of belief could not but have looked askance at
the very name of Abraham.2 Yet the Prophet proclaimed that the Arabs were the progeny of Abraham
through his elder son, Ismael! He went much farther. He �discovered� that the foremost Arab temple,
the Ka�ba at Mecca, had been built by Adam, renovated by his son, Seth, and rebuilt by Abraham! He
accused the Arabs of having usurped, for polytheistic worship, a place which was originally meant to be a
mosque! The theologians and historians who followed, abolished the real forefathers of the Arabs
altogether and linked them to lineage of the Jews. Small wonder that every comprehensive history of
Arabia written by pious Muslim chroniclers starts with Adam and Eve, and fills its spaces with the progeny
of Abraham.3
This Islamic version of Arab history would have continued to prevail if modern scholarship had not rescued
the true version by means of painstaking research. �Our knowledge of the history,� writes F. Hommel,
�we owe partly to inscriptions found in the country, partly in contemporary literatures and monuments of
other nations (Babylonians and Assyrians, Egyptians, Hebrews, Greeks and Romans) and partly also (for
the centuries immediately preceding Muhammad) to early Islamic tradition� As early as the 3rd
millennium BC the old Babylonian inscriptions mention a king Manium (also in the fuller form
Mannudannu) or Magan of East Arabia; there is much to be said for the view that Magan was only a
Sumerian rendering of an Arabic Ma�ãn and that from this centre was founded (at a date unknown to us)
the South Arabian kingdom of Ma�ãn (later vocalisation Ma�în) or the Minaean state which perhaps in
the beginning embraced the whole of South Arabia� In addition a district named Melukh is mentioned as
lying further off, probably covering Central and North West Arabia from which as well as from Magan the
Sumerians e.g. Gudea of Sirgulla (about 2350 BC) imported a large quantity of products (wood, stone and
metals) for their temples��4
The same sources tell us about the Sabaeans who flourished in Arabia from 800 BC onwards, till they were
�swept away by the wave of Muhammadan conquest.� They practised �an ancient natural religion� in
which �the sun, the moon and the planets� figured prominently. They �believed in the migration of the
soul and in great world periods constantly renewed in an everlasting revolutions,� which remind us of the
Hindu theories of rebirth and the yugas. They built �massive temples� and �handsome gold and silver
statues of their chief gods.�5 The Greeks and the Romans knew �Saba and three other South Arabian
kingdoms� as the areas which produce frankincense, myrrh, cassia and cinnarnon�6 and praised them
�as brave soldiers, industrious tillers of the soil and traders and skilful sailors� who �sent out colonies
or at least trading settlements into foreign lands, especially India.�7 Modern archaeology has exposed
�sculptures and remains of colonnades, palaces, temples, city walls, towers, public works, especially
water-works etc., which confirm the brilliant picture of Sabaean culture��8
Similar is the story of the Nabataeans who arose in North Arabia or Arabia Petraea about the same time as
the Sabaeans in Arabia Flex or South Arabia, and extended their sway upto the frontiers of Hijaz. They
were �never completely subjected either by the Assyrians, or the Medes, Persians or the Mecedonian
kings.� It was the Romans who conquered for the first time a part of the Nabataean kingdom in the north
in AD 106 and named it Provincia Arabia. The Nabataeans too were great traders who �attained� the
position of monopolists in Near Asia.�9 In their pantheon, which we know �mainly from tombs and
votive inscriptions� the principal God was Dushara (Dhu�l-Sharã), the principal goddess Allãt.�10
None of the Minaean or Sabaean or Nabataean inscriptions mentions Abraham or Ismael or any term
indicative of the Judeo-Christian belief system which Muhammad will impose on the Arabs in the form of
Islam. It is only towards the end of the pagan period that a South Arabian inscription dated AD 542-543
mentions for the first time �the power and grace and mercy of the Merciful (RaHmãnãn) and his Messiah
and the Holy Spirit.�11 The inscription was set up by Abraha, the Governor of South Arabia, on behalf of
the Christian king of Abyssinia. How Abraha became what he became is an interesting story which
explains the repugnance felt by the pagan Arabs for both Judaism and Christianity, as also for the names
and terms associated with these creeds.
The Monophysite sect of Christianity had found refuge in Najran, a province of South Arabia, after it was
expelled by the official Church from the Byzantine territory in the reign of Justinian I (AD 527-565). Some
Arabs of Najran had also become converts to Christianity. Around the same time, Dhû Nûwas, king of
Yemen which included Najran, had embraced Judaism. He declared war on the Christians of Najran when
he found them unwilling to come into the fold of his own creed. �Dhû Nûwas,� writes Ibn Ishãq,
�came against them with his armies and invited them to accept Judaism, giving them the choice between
that or death: they chose death. So he dug trenches for them; burnt some in fire, slew some with the sword,
and mutilated them until he had killed nearly twenty thousand of them.�12
The Christians of Najran appealed for help to the Negus, the Christian king of Abyssinia. An Abyssinian
army under Aryãt descended on Yemen, defeated and killed Dhû Nûwas, and occupied the land. Under
orders from the Negus, a third of the women and children of Yemen were captured, sent to Abyssinia, and
sold into slavery.13 The Arabs who had embraced Judaism were massacred. In due course, Abraha
succeeded Aryãt as the Abyssinian Governor of Yemen. He set up the aforementioned Christian
inscription. Later on, he swore that he would destroy the Ka�ba, the foremost temple of the pagan Arabs.
He led an army to Mecca in AD 570, the same year in which Muhammad was born. The Ka�ba, however,
escaped unhurt because of a miracle which turned away the Abyssinian horde and which the Arabs credited
to Allãh, the presiding deity of their pantheon. Meanwhile, the pagan Arabs had had a first hand experience
of what Judaism and Christianity stood for.
The religious strife which these alien creeds had brought to Arabia was unknown to the pre-Islamic Arabs
who, like all pagans, were very liberal in matters of belief and modes of worship. They witnessed how the
two exclusive creeds had combined to cause not only large-scale bloodshed but also a foreign invasion,
entailing enslavement of Arab women and children and occupation of Arab territory by an alien army. The
name of Abraham was associated with both the creeds, as also the word�RaHmãn�. Naturally, the Arabs
could not be expected to be fond of either the name or the word.
The historians of Islam mention Abraha�s march on Mecca, as also his frustration and retreat in the face
of a miracle. But they conceal the fact that the Ka�ba at that time was a place of pagan worship crowded
with numerous idols of Gods and Goddesses. Instead, they lie and credit the miracle to the God of
Abraham. That God, however, was nowhere near the Ka�ba during that period. Allãh who presided over
the pagan pantheon had not yet been hijacked by Muhammad and converted into the exclusive God of
Islam. In fact, it was the pagan character of the Ka�ba which had invited the attack by a Christian
iconoclast. And it was the God of the pagans who had performed the miracle.
Character of Pre-Islamic Arabs
Modern scholars have not only salvaged pre-Islamic Arab history; they have also pieced together a picture
of the pagan Arabs among whom Muhammad was born. For the latter purpose they have had to depend
solely on Islamic sources. They have done a creditable job in view of the fact that these sources were
deliberately intended to black out or blacken whatever functioned in Arabia before the birth of Islam. They
have succeeded in gleaning some good glimpses of people who stood up to Muhammad and challenged his
claim of monopoly over truth. The material they have collected is meagre. Yet it does help us meet some
men and women of sterling character and heroic bearing. The adversaries of Muhammad score over him
and his companions hands down so far as qualities of head and heart are concerned.
This is not the occasion to go into greater detail about the shape of pre-Islamic society and culture in
Arabia. In the present context, we have to confine ourselves to its pre-Islamic religion which Muhammad
destroyed root and branch and replaced with alien prescriptions. So far as Muhammad�s adversaries are
concerned, let a professor from Pakistan speak, even though his views are coloured considerably by the
historical lore of Islam:
�Although religion had little influence on the lives of pre-Islamic Arabs,14 we must not suppose them to
be an altogether lawless people. The pagan society of ancient Arabia was built on certain moral ideas,
which may be briefly described here. They had no written code, religious or legal, except the compelling
force of traditional custom which was enforced by public opinion; but their moral and social ideals have
been faithfully preserved in their poetry, which is the only form of literature which has come down to us
from those old days.
�The virtues most highly prized by the ancient Arabs were bravery in battle, patience in misfortune,
loyalty to one�s fellow tribesmen, generosity to the needy and the poor, hospitality to the guest and the
wayfarer, and persistence in revenge. Courage in battle and fortitude in warfare were particularly required
in a land where might was generally right and tribes were constantly engaged in attacking one another. It is,
therefore, not a mere chance that in the famous anthology of Arabian verse, called the Hamãsah, poems
relating to inter-tribal warfare occupy more than half of the book. These poems applaud the virtues most
highly prized by the Arabs-bravery in battle, patience in hardship, defiance of the strong, and persistence in
revenge.
�The tribal organization of the Arabs was then, as now, based on the principle of kinship or common
blood, which served as the bond of union and social solidarity. To defend the family and the tribe,
individually and collectively, was, therefore, regarded as a sacred duty; and honour required that a man
should stand by his people through thick and thin. If kinsmen sought help, it was to be given promptly,
without considering the merits of the case. Chivalrous devotion and disinterested self-sacrifice on behalf of
their Kinsmen and friends were, therefore, held up as a high ideal of life.�15
The king of Persia had said to one of the pre-Islamic Arab princes that the latter�s people were inferior to
every other people. The prince had replied, �What nation could be put before the Arabs for strength or
beauty or piety, courage, munificence, wisdom, pride, or fidelity?� So liberal was he that he would
slaughter the camel which was his sole wealth to give a meal to the stranger who came to him at night. No
other nation had poetry so elaborate or a language so expressive as theirs. Theirs were the noblest horses,
the chastest women, the finest raiment� For their camels no distance was too far, no desert too wild to
traverse. So faithful were they to the ordinances of their religion that if a man met his father�s murderer
unarmed in one of the sacred months he would not harm him. A sign or look from one of them constituted
an engagement which was absolutely inviolable� If other nations obeyed a central government and a
single ruler, the Arabs required no such institution, each of them being fit to be a king, and well able to
protect himself, and unwilling to undergo the humitiation of paying tribute or hearing rebuke.�16 One is
reminded of the republican clans in north Uttar Pradesh and Bihar among whom the Buddha was born, as
also of those in Punjab and Sindh who robbed Alexander of his reputation of invincibility when they
blunted his sword and turned him back. The Arabs who got regimented as Muhammad�s mujãhids (holy
warriors) lost this sense of honour and love of freedom. Treachery towards whomsoever the Prophet chose
as his enemy, became their stock-in-trade. On the other hand, a mere frown from the Prophet made them
cringe and crawl.
If a society and culture is to be judged by the status of its women, the pre-Islamic Arabs come out with
flying colours. The very fact that they had many Goddesses in their pantheon, made them give a place of
pride to their women. �Institutions of paganism,� observes Margoliouth, �were not unfavourable to the
prominence of those women who had the requisite gifts of courage or insight. And the ensuing narrative
will show examples of women acting with originality and resolution, when there was room for the display
of these qualities.�17 Muhammad�s first wife, Khadîjah, provides an excellent example of the
independence which women enjoyed, and the enterprise they could display in the pre-Islamic Arab society.
She was not only a wealthy merchant who managed her own business; she was also in a position to turn
down proposals from powerful suitors and marry the man of her own choice. Hind, the wife of
Muhammad�s chief adversary, Abû Sufyãn, was herself a firebrand who opposed Muhammad, tooth and
nail. She followed her husband to the battlefield and sustained his morale in peace. When Abû Sufyãn
surrendered Mecca to Muhammad without a fight, she caught hold of him in the market-place and cried,
�Kill this fat greasy bladder of lard! What a rotten protector of the people!�18 She was at her best when
circumstances forced her to embrace Islam. The Prophet who baptised her asked her not to commit
adultery. �Does a free woman commit adultery, O apostle of God?� she asked. Next, the Prophet advised
her not to �kill your children.� She said, �I brought them up when they were little and you killed them
on the day of Badr when they were grown up, so you are the one to know about them.�19 It was Islam
which robbed women of their high station in society and put them behind the veil or buried them in the
harem. Ever since, the language of Islam has bracketed women (zan) with personal property
(zar and zamîn) of the male. Chapters on marriage (nikãh) and divorce (talãq) in orthodox collections
of Hadîs, and other standard works such as the Hidãya and the Fatwa-i-�Ãlamgîrî, tell the true story of
what Islam has done to women.
But the one great virtue for which the pre-Islamic Arabs put the Prophet and his companions to shame, was
their catholicity in matters of religious belief and practice. The respect they showed towards other
people�s persuasions was fully in keeping with their pagan spiritual tradition. Ibn Ishãq testifies, �When
the apostle openly displayed Islam as God ordered him, his people did not withdraw or turn against him, so
far as I have heard, until he spoke disparagingly of their gods.�20 The Meccans made a very reasonable
offer when Abû Tãlib, Muhammad�s uncle and protector, was on his death-bed. �You know,� they
said, �the trouble that exists between us and your nephew, so call him and let us make an agreement that
he will leave us alone and we will leave him alone; let him have his religion and we will have ours.� It
was Muhammad who remained adamant. �You must say,� he demanded, �There is no God but Allãh
and you must repudiate what you worship beside him.�21 It cannot be held against the Meccans that they
refused to be bullied. Abû Tãlib himself stands out as an embodiment of the pagan virtue in this respect. He
protected Muhammad to the end, without himself agreeing to renounce the religion of his forefathers. His
only fault-and that has been the fault of all pagans-was his failure to understand that what his nephew was
selling was not religion but something else.
It is, therefore, nothing short of slanderous to say that the pre-Islamic Arabs were barbarians devoid of
religion and culture, unless we mean by religion and culture what the Muslim theologians mean. They were
nothing of the sort. The fact that they failed to understand the ways of Muhammad and could not match his
mailed fist in the final round, should not be held against them. It was neither for the first nor the last time
that a democratic society succumbed in the face of determined gangsterism. We know how Lenin, Hitler
and Mao Tse-tung succeeded in our own times. Nor should the image of what the Arabs became after they
were forced into the fold of Islam be confused with what they were before. The crimes committed by the
Islmaized Arabs should not be blamed on the pagan Arabs. For it was Islam which brutalized the Arabs and
turned them into bloodthirsty bandits who spread fire and sword, far and wide. In the majority of mankind,
the baser drives of human nature are never far from the threshold. Islam brought them to the fore in case of
the majority of Arabs.
Footnotes:
1
First Encyclopaedia of Islam 1913-1936, Leiden, 1987, Vol. VII, P. 15.
2
See D.S. Margoliouth, Mohammed and the Rise of Islam, London, 1905, New Delhi Reprint.
1985, p. 73, �To the Meccans,� he says, �he [Abraham] was not even a name.�
3
Converts to Islam in every other land follow the pattern. They disown their real forefathers and
link themselves to this or that tribe of Jews or Arabs. Muslims of Afghanistan and Kashmir for
instance regard themselves as descended from some lost tribes of Israel. Muslims of Bangladesh
have produced learned treatises tracing their descent to Islamized invaders. But for the labours of
Firdawsî, the Muslims of Iran would not have known that their infidel forefathers were great and
glorious.
4
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 377.
5
The Encyclopaedia Americana, New York, 1952, Vol. XXIV, p. 77.
6
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 5.
7
Ibid., p. 7.
8
Ibid., p. 17.
9
Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 801.
10
Ibid., p. 802.
11
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 377.
12
Ibn Ishãq, Sîrat Rasûl Allãh, translated into English by A. Gillaumne, OUP, Karachi, Seventh
Impression, p. 17. Ibn Ishãq (d. AD 767) was the first biographer of Muhammad.
13
Ibid., p 19.
14
This statement has no basis, as we shall see. The pagan Arabs fought Muhammad in defence of
a religion which they cherished. They had no other reason to quarrel with the Prophet.
15
Shaikh Inayatullah, former Professor of Arabic in the University of the Punjab, Lahore, �Pre-
Islamic Arabian Thought�, an article in A History of Muslim Philosophy, edited by M.M. Sharif,
Lahore, 1961, Vol. I, pp. 133-34. The legend of Hãtim Tayy, poet and knight, is still popular
among Muslims. He represents the �ideal type of the Pre-Muhammadan Arab� because he
�displayed in a high degree the virtues of Murûwa. particularly hospitality and liberality in the
practice of which he paid no regard to his own needs�. His �generosity has become
proverbial� (First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 290.
16
D.S. Margoliouth, op. cit, pp. 2-3.
17
Ibid., p. 30.
18
Ibn Ishãq, op. cit., p. 548.
19
Ibid., p. 533. It is a despicable lie that the pre-Islamic Arabs killed their children. Muhammad
asked the Arabs not to commit this crime simply because the Jewish prophets had spoken against
it, and not because he saw the Arabs committing it. Hind gave a fitting reply.
20
Ibid., op. cit., p. 118. Muslim apologists may say that abusing other people�s Gods not
intolerance because that is what Islam means. But that is a different proposition.
21
Ibid., p. 191-92.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
RELIGION OF PAGAN ARABIA
The Islamic sources do tell us that the pre-Islamic Arabs were mushriks(polytheists) �addicted� to
worshipping numerous idols. But they do not inform us as to what those idols symbolized. The Qur�ãn
(2.257, 259; 4.52; 53.19; 71.21) mentions some idols but only to denounce them. We reproduce below what
Ibn Ishãq writes about them:
�They say that the beginning of stone worship among the sons of Ishmael was when Mecca became too
small for them and they wanted more room in the country. Everyone who left the town took with him a
stone from the sacred area to do honour to it. Wherever they settled they set it up and walked round it as
they went round the Ka�ba. This led them to worship what stones they pleased and those which made an
impression on them. Thus as generations passed they forgot their primitive faith and adopted another
religion for that of Abraham and Ishmael. They worshipped idols and adopted the same errors as the
peoples before them. Yet they retained and held fast practices going back to the time of Abraham, such as
honouring the temple and going round it, the great and little pilgrimage, and the standing on �Arafa and
Muzdalifa, sacrificing the victims, and the pilgrim cry at the great and little pilgrimage, while introducing
elements which had no place in the religion of Abraham. Thus, Kinãna and Quraysh used the pilgrim
cry: �At Thy service, O God, at Thy service! At Thy service, Thou without an associate but the, associate
Thou hast. Thou ownest him and what he owns.� They used to acknowledge his unity in their cry and then
include their idols with God, putting the ownership of them in His hand�1
�The people of Noah had images to which they were devoted. God told His apostle about them when He
said: �And they said, Forsake not your gods; forsake not Wudd and Suwã� and Yaghûth and Ya�ûq and
Nasr. And they had led many astray.�
�Among those who had chosen those idols and used their names as compounds when they forsook the
religion of Ishmael-both Ishmaelites and others-was Hudhayl b. Mudrika b. Ilyãs b. MuDar. They adopted
Suwã� and they had him in RuhãT; and Kalb b. Wabra of QuDã�a who adopted Wudd in Dûmatu�lJandal�
�An�um of Tayyi� and the people of Jurash of MadhHij adopted Yaghûth in Jurash.
�Khaywãn, a clan of Hamdãn, adopted Ya�ûq in the land of Hamdãn in the Yaman.
�Dhû�l-Kalã� of Himyar adopted Nasr in the Himyar country.
�Khaulãn had an idol called �Ammanas in the Khaulãn country�2
�The B. Milkãn b. Kinãna b. Khuzayma b. Mudrika b. Ilyãs b. MuDar had an image called Sa�d, a lofty
rock in a desert plain in their country�
�Daus had an idol belonging to �Amr b. Humama al-Dausî.
�Quraysh had an idol by a well in the middle of the Ka�ba called Hubal. And they adopted Isãf (or Asãf)
and Na�ila by the place of Zamzam, sacrificing beside them�3
�Every household had an idol in their house which they used to worship. When a man was about to set out
on a journey he would rub himself against it as he was about to ride off: indeed that was the last thing he
used to do before his journey; and when he returned from his journey the first thing he did was to rub
himself against it before he went in to his family�
�Now along with the Ka�ba the Arabs had adopted Tawãghît, which were temples which they venerated
as they venerated the Ka�ba. They had their guardians and overseers and they used to make offerings to
them as they did to the Ka�ba and to circumambulate them and sacrifice at them. Yet they recognized the
superiority of the Ka�ba because it was the temple and mosque of Abraham the friend (of God).
�Quraysh and the B. Kinãna had al-�Uzzã in Nakhla, its guardians and overseers were the B. Shaybãn of
Sulaym, allies of the B. Hãshim�
�Al-Lãt belonged to Thaqîf in Tã�if, her overseers and guardians being B. Mu�attib of Thaqîf.4
�Manãt was worshipped by al-Aus and al-Khazraj and such of the people of Yathrib5 as followed their
religion by the seashore in the direction of al-Mushallal in Qudayd.6
�Dhû�l-KhalaSa belonged to Daus, KhaTh�am, and Bajîla and the Arabs in their area in Tabãla�
�Fals belonged to Tayyi� and those hard by in the two mountains of Tayyi�, Salmã and Aja�.
�Himyar and the Yamanites had a temple in San�ã called Ri�ãm.
�RuDã� was a temple of B. Rabî�a b. Ka�b b. Sa�d b. Zayd b. Manãt b. Tamîm�
�Dhû�l-Ka�abat belonged to Bakr and Taghlib the two sons of Wã�il and Iyãd in Sindãd��7
Hishãm bin Muhammad al-Kalbî (d. AD 819) wrote a whole book, Kitãb al-ASnãm,8 describing what tribe
worshipped what idol, at what place, and in what manner. But he did not know what those idols stood for.
F. Krenkow comments: �From the description of the idols worshipped by the pre-Islamic Arabs,
enumerated by Ibn al-Kalbî, the word Sanam appears to apply to objects of very varying character. Some
were actual sculptures like Hubal, Isãf and Nãi�la; so were the other idols set up round the Ka�ba�
Others were trees like al-�Uzzã and many were mere stones like al-Lãt. Stones are well-known as objects
of worship by the Semites in general and the traditionist al-Dãrimî states early in the first chapter of
his Musnad that in the time of paganism the Arabs, whenever they found a stone remarkable for its shape,
colour or size, set it up as an object of worship. Ibn al-Kalbî states that the Arabs were not content with
setting up stones for idols, but even took such stones with them on their journeys��9
This portrait of the pagan Arabs as primitive fetishists would have remained fixed for all time to come but
for the non-Islamic sources which have been studied in recent times. The discovery of numerous
inscriptions, particularly in South Arabia, has forced even Muslim scholars to revise their opinion to a
certain extent. Shaikh Inayatullah writes:
�These Arabian deities, which were of diverse nature, fell into different categories. Some of them were
personifications of abstract ideas, such asjadd (luck), sa�d (fortunate, auspicious), riDã� (good-will,
favour),wadd (friendship, affection), and manãf (height, highplace). Though originally abstract in character,
they were conceived in a thoroughly concrete fashion. Some deities derived their names from the places
where they were venerated. Dhu al-KhalaSah and Dhu al-Shara may be cited as examples of this kind.
�The heavenly bodies and other powers of nature, venerated as deities, occupied an important place in the
Arabian pantheon. The sun (shams, regarded as feminine) was worshipped by several Arab tribes and was
honoured with a sanctuary and an idol. The name �Abd Shams, �Servant of the Sun,� was found in
many parts of the country. The sun was referred to by descriptive tides also, such as shãriq, �the brilliant
one.� The constellation of the Pleiades (al-Thurayya), which was believed to bestow rain, also appears as
a deity in the name �Abd al-Thurayya. The planet Venus, which shines with remarkable brilliance in the
clear skies of Arabia, was revered as a great goddess under the name of al-�Uzza, which may be translated
as �the Most Mighty.� It had a sanctuary at Nakhlah near Mecca. The name �Abd al-�Uzza was very
common among the pre-Islamic Arabs. The Arabian cult of the planet Venus has been mentioned by
several classical and Syriac authors.�10
The pre-Islamic Arab religion was, however, far more profound. As in the case of every pagan people, the
pagan Arabs perceived divinity in everything in their environment, terrestrial as well as celestial. This will
become clear as we take up the Arab Gods and Goddesses, one by one. Here we want to mention that the
Minaeans, the Sabaeans and the Nabataeans worshipped more of less the same divinities, mostly under the
same, though sometimes differing, names.
�First of all,� writes H. Hommel, �as regards the religion of the South Arabians, as we find it in their
inscriptions, it is a strongly marked star-worship, in which the cult of the moon-god, conceived as
masculine, takes complete precedence of that of the sun, which is conceived as feminine. This is shown in
the clearest fashion by the stereotyped series of gods (Minaean: �Athar, Wadd, Nakruh, Shams;
HaDramawtic: �Athar, Sîn, Hol, Shams; Qata-bãnian: �Athar, �Amm, Anbai, Shams; Sabaean:
�Athar, Hawbas, Al-mãku-hû, Shams); here we find throughout, a. �Athar (the planet Venus conceived
as masculine� as symbol of the sky) the god of the heavens mentioned first, b. Wadd or as the case may
be, Sîn, �Amm or Hawbas the real chief god i.e. the moon; c. Nakruh (the planet Saturn or Mars), or Hol,
Anbai (messenger of the gods, Nebo) or Almãku-hû, his (the moon�s) servant or messenger, and finally,
d. Shams, the daughter of the moon-god to whom women may have appealed by preference and who
therefore stands at the end of the whole enumeration. Besides these, a certain part was played by a great
Mother-goddesses, the mother and consort of the moon-god conceived as a personified lunar station, the
Minaean Athirat, who was called Harimtu among the Sabaeans and who was in all probability universally
known as Ilãt (e.g. as a component part in names of persons, also in the shortened form Lãt). We may also
mention various lesser �Athar deities (confined later to the part played by Venus as morning or evening
star), and among the West Sabaeans Ta�lab, a god of the bow who also bears merely the epithet Dhû
Samawî �lord of the heaveans�, and to whom especially camels (ibil) are ,sacred (hence in Midian but
probably in South Arabia Habul or Hubal etc.). It is a particularly favourite mode of thought to conceive
the two chief aspects of the moon (waxing and waning moon) as twin deities, in which connection
sometimes the one and sometimes the other phase is specially favoured according to the locality��11
He continues: �In North West Arabia from Mekka onwards to Petra and further onwards to the Syrian
desert (Palmyra) and the Hawrãn, the same ideas prevailed, partly even appearing under the old names
partly with new designations. Here we have especially to do with the cults of Mekka and of the whole
Hidjãz shortly before Muhammad (al-Lãt and Hubal, in certain cases also al-Lãt, and Wudd, in addition al�Uzzã, a feminine form of� Aziz-Lãt, the goddess of death Manãt, a god RuDã and others) and at an
earlier period the still more important cult of the Nabataeans. Among the latter also we find the moon
divided into twin deities: Dhû Sharã (�He of the mountain�) and his Kharishã (the sun); the former
especially in Petra and Habul (or Hubal) and his consort Manawãt; further also the Mother-goddess Ilãt and
a god A�araã (�he with the white mark on his forehead,� originally perhaps only an epithet of
Dusares)��
He concludes: �But we may point out in conclusion that in all probability the Greeks borrowed12 from
Arabian incense merchants their Apollo and his mother Leto as also Dionysos and Hermes, in the same
way as they took their additional letters Phi, Chi and Psi from the South Arabian alphabet� This would
seem to prove definitively that South Arabian civilization with its gods, incense altars, inscriptions, forts
and castles must have been in a flourishing condition as early as the beginning of the first millennium
BC.�13
Being at par with or even superior to the Greek pantheon, the Arab pantheon acquires a prestige which is
seldom conceded to it except by scholars who have studied the subject. One reason is that the literature in
which the Greek Gods and Goddesses figure has survived to a large extent, while the pre-Islamic Arab
literature has disappeared more or less completely, so much so that even specialists find it difficult to
believe that the pagan Arabs had any literature at all. Secondly, the Renaissance in Europe has restored the
prestige of the Greek heritage, while people who feel the same pride in the pre-Islamic Arab heritage have
yet to come foreward.
The Pagan Arab Pantheon
Now we can take up, in greater detail, individual Arab Gods and Goddesses, starting with the one who
presided over the pantheon.
Al-Lãh
The name Allãh has become so much identified with Islam as to rule out any suspicion that he was the
Great God of the pagan Arabs. �Allãh, in the Safã inscriptions, Hallãh, �the god�, enters into the
composition of numerous personal names among the Nabataeans and other Northern Arabs of an early
period e.g. Zaid Allãhî, �increase of God� (that is increase of the family through the son given by
God), �Abd Allãhî, and so forth. Among the heathen Arabs Allãh is extremely common, both by itself and
in theophorous names. Wellhausen cites a large number of passages in which pre-Islamic Arabs mention
Allãh as a great deity; and even if we strike out certain passages (for instance on the ground that the text
has been altered by Muhammadan scribes) so many still remain over, and so many more which are above
suspicion can without difficulty be found, that the fact is clearly established. Moreover, Allãh forms an
integral part of various idiomatic phrases which were in constant use among the heathen Arabs. Of special
importance is the terminology of the Qur�ãn, which proves beyond all doubt that the heathen Arabs
themselves regarded Allãh as the Supreme Being. The Nabataen inscriptions mention repeatedly the name
of a deity accompanied by a title �Alãhã, �the god�.�14
The Qur�ãn (13.17;29.61, 63;41.24;39.39; 43.87) itself provides ample evidence that the pre-Islamic
Arabs regarded Allãh as �the creator and supreme provider� and �assigned to him a separate position
distinct from that of all other deities (6.137).� Here it becomes difficult �to distinguish between their
views and the interpretation of their views adopted by Muhammad, especially their vocabulary and that of
Muhammad. It will be seen, then, that whatever may have been the origin of the names applied, the religion
of Mecca in Muhammad�s time was far from simple idolatry.� Both sides seem to say the same things
about Allãh. �But though the name was the same for the Meccans and for Muhammad, their conception of
the bearer of the name must have differed widely. The Meccans evidently had in general no fear of him; the
fear of Allãh was an element in Muhammad�s creed� The Meccans did not hesitate to disregard him and
to cultivate the minor gods; Muhammad knew him as a jealous and vindictive sovereign who would
assuredly judge and condemn in the end��15
It is significant that while the sources, Islamic as well as others, mention idols of many Gods and
Goddesses in the Ka�ba and elsewhere, they nowhere mention an idol of Allãh. The only explanation is
that every God and Goddesses was seen by the pagan Arabs as representing Allãh who could be prayed to
through any one of them. In fact, the Meccans pointed out to Muhammad (Qur�ãn 6.149; 37.68)
that �Allãh had never forbidden them to worship other gods with him.�16 Ibn Ishãq reports that
�Abdu�l-Muttalib �stood by Hubal praying to Allah.�17 The Qur�ãn is never tired of saying that
those whom the idolaters associate with Allah will not intercede for them on the last day. For the pagan
Arabs, however, Allãh is no other than his associates; he is them and they are he. Of course, the pagans
have no notion of the last day when alone Allãh will visit them; instead, they are aware of him every
moment of their lives. He is present not in some high heaven but in and around them, in many names and
forms. The character which the Qur�ãn assigns to Allãh must have looked like a prison-house to the pagan
Arabs; their Allãh could not be contained in concepts created by the external and shallow mind of man, nor
was he helplessly dependent upon the services of a prophet.
The pagan poets �had already developed in Arabic a vivid power of wielding descriptive epithets vis-a-vis
Allãh.�18 Many of the ninety-nine names (Asmã�al-Hûsnã) which Muslim theologians mention, can be
found in pagan poetry. Most probably, Allãh had many more names, may be a thousand, in the pagan
parlance. It has been characteristic of pagan spirituality everywhere that it adorns with numerous names
and forms whatever it adores. Muhammad retained only those names which did not offend his monotheism,
and dropped the rest. He also added names which did not square with the pagan perception of Allãh but
which went very well with the Allãh of his conception. Al-MuTakabbir, the Haughty, looks like one such
name. Al-Muntaqîm, the Avenger, is another. The most typical of Muhammad�s contributions, however,
is al-Mughnî, the Enricher, that is, by means of booty which includes, we may remember, the women and
children of those who become victims of Jihãd. Small wonder that one of the names of
Muhammad�s Allãh is al-Zãrr, the Distresser. We find that the Qur�ãn (58.11) uses the same name for
Satan. As we shall see, that is exactly what Allãh came to mean in the doctrine as well as the history of
Islam.
The two names, ar-RaHmãn, the Compassionate, and al-RaHîm, the Merciful, are the most frequent in
Muhammad�s usage. They stand at the head of every Sûra of the Qur�ãn except one. There is nothing
intrinsically offensive in these names when applied to Allãh. In fact, they are more appropriate for the
Allãh of the pagan Arabs than for the Allãh of Islam. Yet the Meccans found them the most objectionable.
Muhammad had tacked them to Allãh while dictating to �Ali the draft of the treaty at Hudaybiya. The
Meccan representative protested and had them dropped. �Then the apostle,� narrates Ibn Ishãq,
�summoned �Ali and told him to write �In the name of Allah the Compassionate, the Merciful.�
Subayl said �I do not recognize this; but write �In thy name, O Allah.� The apostle told him to write
the latter and he did so.�19 This was not the only occasion when the Meccans showed their repugnance for
these names. They had all along accused Muhammad of importing alien names and imposing them upon
Allãh. To them these names were Jewish and the Jews had been in league with Muhammad so far as
Arabia�s ancient religion and culture were concerned. They saw these names as symbols of the newfangled creed which Muhammad was trying to foist on them. On the other hand, Muhammad insisted on
using these names because, in his mind, they embodied all that he stood for.
Incidentally, �Traditions assign two hundred names to Muhammad.�20It seems that the Prophet grew in
size at the expense of Allãh who was made to look smaller and smaller. That was quite in keeping with the
Prophet�s own image of himself. He was out to block everyone else�s access to Allãh while proclaiming
himself as Habîb Allãh, an-Nabî, ar-Rasûl and Khãtim al-Anbiyã. So it was no more sufficient that one
believed in Allãh; one had also to believe in Muhammad as the only channel through which Allãh�s will
could be known. It was inevitable that, in due course, the Prophet became more important than the
contrived god in whose name he spoke.
Al-Malik
There were other deities �whose titles themselves seem to designate them as occupying a position of
supreme importance in the eyes of the worshippers.� Al-Malik, �the King,� was the name of such a
deity. �In the days of Islãm, al-Malik became one of the epithets of Allãh, and hence the name �Abd alMalik survives among Muhammadans.�21
Ba�l or Ba�al
�The divine title Ba�l or Ba�al, �the lord,� which was very common among the Northern Semites,
survived among the Arabs of the Sinai Peninsula in the form al-Ba�lû which occurs in their inscriptions
together with the proper names �Abd al-Ba�lî, Aus al-Ba�lî, �gift of the Lord,� and Garm al-Ba�lî,
probably �act of the Lord.� A trace of the worship of this god may be found in Sharaf al-Ba�l, the
name of a place between Medina and Syria. The Arabs of later times were not aware that any such deity
had existed, but certain phrases in their language clearly prove that he had once been known. Thus the term
�soil ofBa�l� or simply �Ba�l� is applied to land which does not require irrigation, but has an
underground water supply, and therefore yields fruit of the best quality. In this case the god seems to be
regarded as the lord of the cultivated land� Again, the verb ba�la and other derivatives ofBa�l mean
�to be bewildered,� properly �to be seized by the god Ba�l�.�22
El
�Among the Northern Arabs of early times, particularly in the region of Safã, the word El, �God,� was
still very commonly used as a separate name of the Deity. It is true that it does not actually occur except in
compound proper names of persons, Wahb El, and many others. Some of these such as Wahbîl, �gift of
El,� Abdîl, �Servant of El,� appear among the Arabs of a later age but at least in certain cases they must
have been borrowed from the Sabaean language, while in other cases they are restricted to the extreme
north of Arabia. It may be added that the divine name Iayãl, which occurs once in an ancient verse, is
possibly a plural of majesty formed from El; Uwãl is a variation of the same name.23
�The names commonly used in dynasties, or distinguished families, who originally came from districts
where Sabaean or some other peculiar dialect of southern Arabia was spoken, had naturally a tendency to
spread among the Arabs in general.�24
Al-Lãt
�The Sun-god who according to Strabo (784) was held in especial honour by the Nabataeans, is very
probably to be identified with Allãt� We have already seen that the sun is properly feminine in Arabic and
in most other Semitic languages; hence the name Allãt which so far as we can judge means simply �the
Goddess,� is particularly suited in this case.� The Greek historian, Herodotus, mentions an Arabian
Goddess named Alilãt. �That Alilãt is identical with Allãt, a goddess frequently mentioned, has long been
an acknowledged fact. References to Allãt were found in several Nabataean inscriptions; in one of them she
is called the �Mother of Gods.� Moreover, proper names compounded with Allãt appear both among the
Nabataeans and the Palmyrenes� Among the later Arabs this goddess was no less venerated. In the
Qur�ãn (liii.50) she is one of the three daughters of Allãh. She is also mentioned occasionally in poetry.
Thus one poet says: �I swear to him, in the presence of the throng, by the salt, by the fire, and by Allãt
who is the greatest of all.� Of the names compounded with Allãt, which were widely diffused, some at
least must be of considerable antiquity �The cult of the goddess flourished, in particular, at the sanctuary
of Tã�if, a town to the east of Mecca; the tribe of Thaquîf, who dwelt in that district spoke of her as the
�mistress�,�25 that is, al-Rabba.26 Among the Lihyan, a branch of the Hudhail, settled in the country
north-east of Mecca, Allãt was worshipped �alongside typically Arab� deities. 27
Manãt
�Some Arabian deities were originally personifications of abstract ideas� Time in the abstract was
popularly imagined to be the cause of all earthly happiness and especially of all earthly misery. Muhammad
in the Qur�ãn (Sûra xlv. 23) blames the unbelievers for saying, �It is Time that destroys us.� Her main
sanctuary was a black stone among the Hudailîs in Qudaid, not far from Mecca on the road to Medina near
a bill called Mushallal. She was however worshipped by many Arab tribes, primarily the Aws and Khazradj
in Yathrib.28 In Mecca she was very popular along with the goddesses al-Lãt and al-�Uzzã; the three
(according to the Qur�ãn) were regarded as Allãh�s daughters, and in a weak moment Muhammad
declared their worship permitted (cf. Sûra liii. 19 sqq.)� According to Ibn al-Kalbî, she was the oldest
deity whose worship gave rise to that of the others, because names compounded with Manãt occur earlier
than other theophoric names. Another view is found in Ibn Hishãm, p.145, where �the two daughters of
�Uzzã are Manãt and al-Lãt.� As an independent deity we find her in the Nabataen inscriptions of alHidjr� Manãt is connected in a peculiar way by some writers with the great hadjdj, for we are told that
several tribes including the Aws and Khazradj assumed the ihrãm at the sanctuary of Manãt and on
conclusion of the rites cut their hair and dropped the ihram��29
The character of the Goddess can be inferred from her name. In Arabicmanîya (plural, manãya) means
�the alloted, fate, doom of death, destruction�. Manãt, therefore, was primarily the Goddess of Time.
�The poets are continually alluding to the action of Time (dahr, zamãn) for which they often substitute
�the days,� or �nights.� Time is represented as bringing misfortune, causing perpetual change, as
biting, wearing down, shooting arrows that never miss the mark, hurling stones, and so forth�
Occasionally we come across such passages as the following: �Time has brought woe upon him, for the
days and the (alloted) measure (qadar) have caused him to perish.� Various expressions are used by the
poets in speaking of the �portion� alloted to them or the goal that is set before them� Once we meet
with the phrase �till it be seen what the Apportioner shall apportion to thee� (mã yamnî laka �lamãnî),
which apparently refers to a god� The word here translated �apportion� originally means �to count�,
hence to �reckon� a thing to someone��30
She is also the Goddess of Death. �Manîya appears in poetry as driving a man into the grave, piercing him
with an arrow, handing to him the cup of death, lying in ambush for him, receiving him as a guest (when he
is about to die), and so forth. Not unfrequently the possessive suffix is added, �when my Manîya
overtakes me,� �his Manîya has come upon him,� and the like��31
Al-�Uzzã
Her name means �the Most Mighty.� She was a Goddess of the Sabaeans who, in due course, became
popular all over Arabia. She embodied the cult of the planet Venus. �The Syrian poet Issac of Antioch,
who lived in the first half of the 5th cent., bears witness to the worship of �Uzzã by the Arabs of that
period; in another passage he identifies �Uzzã with the planet Venus� The Arabian cult of the Venus is
mentioned like-wise by Ephrahim Syrus (who died in AD 373), by Jerome, Theodret, and later still by
Evagrius� As early as the 2nd cent. or thereabout, references to a priest of this goddess occur in two
Sinaitic inscriptions� Another Sinaitic inscription mentions the name �Abd al-�Uzzã which at a later
time, just before the rise of Islam, was extremely common among the Arabs� �Uzzã figures in the
Qur�ãn (Sûra liii. 19) as one of the three great goddesses of Mecca, who were supposed to be daughters of
Allãh. That Muhammad himself offered sacrifices to her in his younger days is expressly stated by
tradition�
�Kuthrã which probably means �die Most Rich,� the name of an idol destroyed by order of
Muhammad, is perhaps only another title of �Uzzã. We also read of a man call �Abd Kuthrã, belonging
to the tribe of Tai, in the very centre of Arabia. Here the absence of the definite article proves that the name
Kuthrã is ancienl�32
Another poet is known to have sworn by the Sa�ida (Blessed) �Uzzã. As as-S�ida is known to be the
name of a Goddess worshipped at Medina, it is inferred that she was �Uzzã. �She was especially
associated with the GhaTafãn but her principal sanctuary was in the valley of the Nakhla on the road from
Tã�if to Mecca� It consisted of three samura (acacia) trees in one of which the goddess revealed
herself� From these centres her cult spread among a number of Beduin tribes, the Khuzã�a, Ghanm,
Kinãna, Balî, Thakîf and especially the Quraish, among whom she gradually acquired a predominant
position� Here she formed with al-Lãt and Manãt a trinity in which she was the youngest but came in time
to overshadow the others� When in the year 3, Abû Sufyãn set out to attack Muhammad he took the
symbols of al-�Uzzã and al-Lãt with him. That of the two al-�Uzzã was the more important as the patron
deity of Mecca is shown from Abû Sufyãn�s war cry: al-�Uzzã is for us and not for you�
�Her cult disappeared after this [destruction of her sanctuary], as did the numerous proper names,
combinations of al-�Uzzã, while the masculine counterpart �Abd al-�Azîz remained because �Azîz
was one
of the names of Allãh��33
Shams
�The Sun (Shams, construed as feminine) was honoured by several Arabian tribes with a sanctuary and an
idol. The name �Abd Shams, �servant of the Sun,� is found in many parts of the country. In the North
we meet with the name Amrishams, �man of the Sun��
�For the worship of the rising Sun we have the evidence of the name�Abd ash-Sharîq, �servant of the
Rising One�� In the extreme South there was a God called DharîH or DhirrîH, which appears likewise
to denote the rising Sun� Once we meet the name �Abd Muharriq; hereMuharriq, �the Burner,� may
perhaps be another title of the Sun-god. The Muharriq who is mentioned as the ancestor of certain royal
houses admits of a similar explanation.�34
Sûra 91 of the Qur�ãn is named Ash-Shams. The word �shams� survives in Muslim names also.
Dhu�sh-Sharã
He was an ancient Arab deity. �According to the Arab tradition he was a god who owned a reserved
grazing ground (Himã) among the Dawsites with a hollow in which the water trickled down from the rocks,
which is in agreement with the fact that the name �Abd Dhu �l-Sharã is found in this tribe. According to
al-Kalbî also, this deity was worshipped among the related Banu �l-Hãrith� We meet with Dh �l-Sharã
(Dusares) on more historical ground as a the chief god of the Nabataeans in whose inscriptions from Petra,
the land east of Jordan and as far as al-Hidjr, he is often mentioned. His chief sanctuary was in Petra where
a large black, quadrangular stone was dedicated to him in a splendid temple. He had another important
sanctuary in Soada which was called Dionysias after him. His festival was celebrated here in August which
is certainly connected with the fact that he was identified with Dionysos as the god of fertility, particularly
of the vintage. In Petra and Elusa, on the other hand, his festival, according to Epiphanius, fell on the 25th
day of December on which day �the virgin called Kkhbou in Arabic and Dusares born of her were
worshipped with Arabic hymns�� It naturally reminds one of the Arabic ka�ab �a young maiden with
breasts developed�; but it is also possible to connect it with ka�b �cube� (cf, the Ka�ba at Mecca)
according to which interpretation the god was thought to have been born from the stone.�35
��But there were several places called ash-Sharã, and the difficulty of determining with which of them
the god was originally connected is increased by the fact that his cult goes back to very early times. The
localities which bear this name appear to have been moist and rich in vegetation; such a spot, in the midst
of a sterile country like Arabia, easily became a centre of worship.� The fact that underneath his idol
�stood a golden pedestal, and the whole sanctuary blazed with gold and votive offerings�, as also the fact
that his festival fell �about the time of the winter solstice�, establish his �connexion with Sunworship�. He was the �patron of luxuriant vegetation�, which further emphasism his �character as a
Sun-god.�36
�Another god who appears to have been named after a place is Dhu �l-Halasa or Dhu �l-HulaSa. He
was greatly venerated at a place in the noth of Yemen, apparently the district now called �Asir. Between
his sanctuary and the sanctuary at Mecca there existed a certain amount of rivalry.
�From a grammatical point of view, the gods Dhu �l-Kaffain, �He who has two hands,� and Dhu�rrijl, �He who has a foot,� must be classed with the two forgoing ones. Perhaps these names may have
been originally applied to sacred stones, which by means of rude carving were made to bear a partial
resemblance to the human form.�37
Another God with a similar name was Dhu �l-KhabSa who was worshipped by al-Azd or al-Asd, �a
widely ramified family of tribes� among which �the al-Aws and al-Khazradj of Medina and the
Khuzã�a in and around Mecca were counted.� They were worshippers of Manãt. The same tribe living in
the mountains of Sarãt worshipped an idol named �Ã�im.38
At-Thuraiyã
�The constellation of the Pleiades (ath-Thuraiyã) which was supposed to bestow rain, appears as a deity
in the name �Abd ath-Thuraiyã; the name �Abd Najm refers also to the Pleiades, for the latter are often
called simply an-Najm, �constellation.��39
�The word �thuraiyã� is a dimunitive of �tharwã� which means �existing in plenty�� The
constellation is so called because rain at its rising at the dawn brings tharwã i.e. great plenty. In any case,
from early times the Pleiades have been credited with great influence on weather and the processes of
nature dependent upon it� The constellation is also regarded as a diadem with jewels and it is mentioned
in countless passages in the poets��40
The word �thuraiyã� survives in the name Suraiya which is still common among Muslims everywhere.
Sûra liii of the Qur�ãn is namedAn-Najm. Najm and Najmã are also components of Muslim names.
QuzaH
He was an �ancient Arabian thunder-god who shot hail from his bow and then hung the latter on the
clouds.� We meet him in the �combinationQaus QuzaH�, the bow of QuzaH, meaning the
rainbow.41 QuzaH was also �the name of a certain spot, within the sacred territory of Mecca, where
pilgrims were accustomed to kindle fire.�42 The Islamic lore is not quite logical about this God. He is
described as a shaiTãn (devil) and also as an angel who looks after the clouds. The rainbow becomes
Allãh�s bow, bow of the prophet of Allãh, bow of the heavens, bow of the clouds, signs of heaven, etc.,
and the word loses its association with a God.
Wadd
��also pronounced Wudd or Udd i.e. �friendship,� �affection,� was according to the Qur�ãn (Sûra
lxxi. 22) a god worshipped by the contempories of Noah. But it would be a mistake to conclude that his
worship was obsolete in Muhammad�s time, for we have sufficient evidence to the contrary. The poet
Nãbigha says once, �Wadd greet thee!� There was a statue of this god at Dûma, a great oisis in the
extreme North of Arabia. The name �Abd Wadd occurs in a number of wholly distinct tribes� As we are
told that his statue had a bow and arrows attached to it we might be tempted to imagine that he was a kind
of Eros, and this would imply a foreign origin. But though the root WDD means �to love,� �to feel
affection� for an object, it is never used in a sexual sense. Moreover the statue in question bore not only a
bow and arrows, but likewise a sword and lance from which hung a flag; the god was also fully clad and
therefore does not look like a copy of the Greek Eros.�43
Ch. Muhammad Ismail mentions an inscription which he saw in the Prince of Wales Museum of Western
India, Bombay, in 1921. It was on one of the stones �brought from Aden by Colonel H.F. Jacob of the
Indian Army, who was for a long time at Aden��44 The language of the inscription was �what may be
called Himyaritic though Sabaean and South Arabic are also names given to it�. Ch. Ismail read the
inscription as saying, �The House No. 2 of Father Wadd�, and commented: �Wadd was a god
worshipped by the Arabs who often wore talismans bearing the nameWadd. The word itself is derived from
wudd which means love. It was opposed to Nakruh, the god of hatred.�45
The name of this God survives in Al-Wadûd, one of the ninety-nine names of Allãh meaning �the Loving
One� (Qur�ãn, xi. 92; lxxv. 14).
RuDã
She was a Goddess who symbolized �goodwill� or �favour�. �The commentary on a term in which
the name is mentioned informs us that RuDã was worshipped in the shape of an idol by the great tribe of
Tamîm. The proper name �Abd RuDã is found among several Arab tribes. To the nature of the deity in
question the name supplies no clue� The remarkable fact that in the abovementioned verse RuDã is
construed as feminine (whereas this grammatic form would normally be masculine), naturally suggests that
at that period, about the time of Muhammad, people still realized that RuDã was merely an epithet applied
to a goddess who properly bore some other name. But against this hypothesis, it may be urged that the
name is of considerable antiquity, as is proved by the Palmyrene inscriptions, where it occurs separately in
the form �RSU, and in theophorous proper names as RSU� The RDU of the Safã inscriptions seems to
denote the same deity.�46
Jadd
It was the name of a deity venerated by various Semitic people. The word occurs in Nabataean inscriptions
in the form Gaddã. �But since we meet the proper name �Abd al-Jadd in a few cases� and since the
noun judd, �luck,� remained in current use among the Arabs, it is more natural to regard the
Nabataean Gaddã as an Aramaized form of the native Arabical-Gadd (al-Jadd).�47 The name is used in
the Qur�ãn (lxxii. 3) in the sense of �greatness� and �majesty�.
Sa�d
In Arab astronomy it is the common name for small groups of stars in the constellations Pegasus, Aquarius
and Capricorn which augur good fortune. That is what the God Sa�d stood for. �According to a certain
verse and statements of the commentator, Sa�d was the name given to a rock not far from Jidda, to which
divine honours were paid. Moreover, we meet the name �Abd Sa�d in quite a different part of Arabia, to
the north-east. At an earlier period a man�s name which seems to be compounded with Sa�d occurs in
the inscriptions of Safã.�48 Three of Muhammad�s leading companions were named Sa�d- Sa�d ibn
Abî Waqqãs, Sa�d ibn Mu�az and Sa�d ibn �Ubãdah. The name seems to have survived, though in an
abbreviated form, in the title of the thirty-eighth Sûra of the Qur�ãn.
Manãf
The name means �height�, or �high place�. �That Manãf was worshipped as a god is proved by the
testimony of a verse, and is confirmed by the occurrence of a name �Abd Manãf which was especially
common at Mecca and among the neighbouring tribe of Hudhail.� The word Mãnaphis is found in an
ancient inscription from the Haurãn and seems to be derived from Manãphios, the name of this God.49
��It is said that one of Muhammad�s ancestors-the pedigree being Muhammad b. �Abd Allãh b.
�Abd al-MuTTalib b. Hãshim b. �Abd Manãf-received this name because his mother consecrated him to
Manãf, who was then the chief deity of Makka.
�� Ibn Kalbî knows nothing of its whereabouts except that menstruating women were bound to keep
themselves at a distance from it.
�The name does not occur either in the Qur�ãn or in classical hadith. It derives from a root n-w-f, which
in several Semitic languages conveys the meaning of �being elevated�.�50
Nasr
It was �One of the idols of ancient Arabs, mentioned in the Qur�ãn, Sûrah lxxi. 23. it was an idol which,
as its name implies, was worshipped under the form of an eagle.�51 Muhammad made this God a
contemporary of Noah. �But it is to be noticed that the Sabaeans like-wise had a god called Nasr��52
�Auf
The name �Abd �Auf was quite common among the Arabs. �Auf means �the great bird of prey�. The
word is not found in this form in the Arab language at present. But �the verb �afã, which is derived from
it, means �to wheel in the air,' as birds of prey are wont to do.� The word �has, in particular, the sense
of augurium, and it may be that the name of the god did not refer to the bird but to the omen drawn from it;
in this case �Auf would be a synonymous of Sa�d.�53
Yagûth
�The god Yagûth, whose name evidently means �helper,� was according to the Qur�ãn (Sûra lxxi.
23), another of the deities worshipped in the days of Noah� We find no trace of this god in early
times� But at a later period we hear of a god Yagûth, whose idol was an object of contention among the
tribes of Yemen, and the name �Abd Yagûth occurs in various part of Arabia, even in the tribe of Taghilib
on the north-eastern frontier.�54
�Yagûth had the shape of a lion.�55
Ya�uq and Suwã�
The idol of Ya�uq �"was in the form of a horse, and was worshipped in Yemen. (Bronze images of this
idol are found in ancient tombs and are still used as amulets)�
�Suwã�, in the form of a woman, was said to be from antidiluvian times��56
�The name of the god Ya�uq, who is mentioned in the Qur�ãn together with Yagûth, probably means
�the Preserver�; his cult seems to have been confined to Yemen. Suwã�, who is also included among
gods worshipped by Noah�s contemporaries (Sãrû lxxi. 20), was apparently of no great importance. He
had a sanctuary at a place in the territory of the Hudhail, but none, so far as we know, elsewhere. The
meaning of his name is altogether obscure. Neither Suwã� nor Ya�uq seems to occur in the theophorous
proper names. It is hardly necessary to remark that the transferring of all these Arabian deities to the age of
Noah was a fantastic anachronism due to Muhammad himself.�57
Hubal
�Hubal was worshipped at Mecca; his idol stood in the Ka�ba, and appears to have been in reality, the
god of that sanctuary� It would be unsafe to trust the descriptions of the idol in question which are given
by writers of a later period; there is reason, however, to believe that the god had a human form. We may
likewise accept as historical the statement that near him were kept divining arrows, used for the purpose of
ascertaining his will or forecasting future events. It is related that the idol was brought by �Amr b. LuHai
from Ma�ãb (Moab), a tradition which may contain some elements of truth, for we have independent
evidence indicating that the god was known in the North. He seems to be mentioned in a Nabataean
inscription at Hejr; and the tribe of Kalb, who dwelt in the Syrian Desert, used the name of Hubal as the
name of a person or clan; the same tribe� used in like manner the names of Îsãf and Nã�ila, two other
deities peculiar to Mecca. Moreover, �Amr b. LuHai is the representative of the Huzã�a, a tribe who,
according to tradition, occupied the sacred territory of Mecca before it passed into the hands of the Quraish.
The assertion that�Amr introduced the worship of idols into Mecca for the first time is, of course, utterly
incredible. But the hypothesis that Hubal was a late importation from a foreign country is further supported
by the fact that we hear nothing of him in other parts of Arabia, and even at Mecca personal names
compounded with Hubal were unknown. When the Meccans gained a victory over the Prophet in the
immediate neighbourhood of Medina, their leader shouted, �Hurrah for Hubal!� Thus they regarded him
as the natural enemy of the God preached by Muhammad.�58
�Another tradition indeed relates that Hubal was an idol of Banû Kinãna, worshipped also by the Quraish,
and had been placed in the Ka�ba by Khuzaima b. Mudrika wherefore it used to be called Hubal
Khuzaima. It is further related that the idol was of red carnelian, in the form of a man; the Quraish replaced
the right hand which was broken, by a golden one��59
�Hubal was in the form of a man and came from Syria; he was the god of rain and had a high place of
honour.�60
�An idol, the God of the Moon��61
�It is remarkable that there is no distinct allusion to the idol in the whole of the Qur�ãn.�62
�The learned Dr. Pocock� derives the name from the Hebrew habba�lor habbe�l and suggests� the
appropriateness of havel, �vanity!� Among the Arabs, Hubal seems to have had a double character, in
which respect he resembled the Syrian idol Baal (properly, Ba�al), who was regarded both as the founder
of the Babylonian empire, and as the sun personified as a deity. The opinion that Hubal was the same as the
Babylonian or Syrian idol Ba�al or Bêl, or synonymous with it, is in fact supported by the testimony of
the Arabian authorities, who relate that it was originally brought from Syria or Mesopotamia. Of course, the
Arabian writers do not maintain that Hubal was identical with Ba�al: they admit, however, that it was an
astronomical deity, which Ba�al also is believed to have been-whose designation, by the way, like that of
�the sun� among ourselves, always appears with the article-�Habba�al�. Further, Herodotus (and
after him, Rawlison) held the opinion that Hubbal was �the Jupiter of the Arabians�-presumably because
he was believed to have the power of sending rain��63
Isãf and Nã�ila
Muslim tradition says that �They were a man and woman of Jurhum-Isãf b. Baghy and Nã�ila d. Dîkwho were guilty of sexual relations in the Ka�ba and so God transformed them into two stones.�64
Obviously the tradition is a fabrication. As pointed out above, the tribe of Kalb in the Syrian Desert
worshipped both of them as deities along with Hubal. The idols �stood near Mecca on the hills of Safa
and Mirwa; the visitation of these popular shrines is now a part of the Muslim pilgrimage��65 They were
no doubt �two sacred stones, but the origin of their names is so far unexplained.�66
Al-Qais
He was an ancient God of the pagan Arabs. �He must have early disappeared as a deity, for al-Kalbî does
not mention him in his Kitãb al-ASnãm and he is not given in the various passages in Arab literature that
give lists of the gods of the Djahilîya. But that he was at one time worshipped as a god may be deduced
with considerable certainty from the tribal name �Abd al-Qais and from the well-known personal and
tribal name Imru� al-Qais.� The name of a God mentioned in the Nabataean inscription from al-Hijr
�can hardly be other than an Aramaic adaptation of al-Qais� who �had a sanctuary in al-Hijr in which
copies of documents used to be deposited.� The word �qais� carries several meanings in the
dictionaries. De Goeje �has deduced the meaning �Lord� from al-Hamdãnî, Djazîrat al-�Arab.�67
Al-UqaiSir
��The name of a divinity of pre-Muhammadan Arabia, or better an epithe, the meaning of which
(diminutive of aqSar, �he who has a stiff neck� or perhaps simply �the short�) seems to indicate an
idol in a human shape. All that we know of the god (whose real name is un-known) goes back to the
references to him by Ibn al-Kalbî, Kitãb al-ASnãmfollowed by Yãqût, Mu�djam� Al-UqaiSir was
worshipped by the tribes of QuDã�a, Lakhm, Djudhãm, �Amila and GhaTafãn living on the plateau of
the Syrian Desert. Verses in old poets quoted by Ibn al-Kalbî mention stones (anSãb) put up around the
sacred place, the �garments� (athwãb), the ditch (djafr) into which were thrown the offerings, the cries
and chants of the pilgrims�
�As Wellhausen notes, the expressions used in the verses which Ibn al-Kalbî quotes in connection with alUqaiSir must refer to a sanctuary as well as to an idol. We might then suppose that the epithet reflects the
squat form of the building. It is worthwhile recalling that the name Uqaisir is also applied to a tribe, to
individuals and even to a sword.�68
Shai al-Qaum
We learn about this God from a Palmyrene and a Nabataean inscription. He is �the Companion of the
people�, �the kind god who rewards (or who is grateful), and who drinks no wine�, that is, �to whom
no libations of wine are offered.�69
Duwar
��was the virgins� idol and young women used to go around it in procession, hence its name.�70
Conclusion
The deities listed in the foregoing few pages may sound too many to minds under the spell of monotheism.
The fact, however, is that they are far too few and represent only what has been salvaged by modern
scholarship form the extensive ruins caused by Islam. For the pagan Arabs, the whole of their homeland
was honeycombed with temples and sanctuaries housing hundreds of divinities with as many Names and
Forms. Every household had its ancestral deities which were joined by those brought in by the brides.
Every locality, every oasis, every grove had its own presiding deity. So also every tribal territory. Finally,
the national temple, the Ka�ba at Mecca, had as many as three hundred and sixty deities, the Names and
Forms of which remain unknown except in the case of a few. �It seems that in course of time the various
Arab tribes had brought in their gods and placed them in the Ka�ba, which had consequently acquired the
character of the national pantheon for the whole of Arabia.�71
The more pertitent point in the present context, however, is that the pagan Arabs were fully satisfied with
their ancestral religion and felt no need for a replacement. Of course, they were not in the business of
saving souls and civilizing other people, which is what has come to count in the history of religion. But that
is a �fault� inbuilt in the very genius of paganism. �Occupied with the reform of their own lives and the
righting of actual wrongs, these persons made no noise and being earnest did not suppose that the
replacement of one cult for another would make men virtuous; and Mohammed himself had occasion to
draw a contrast between the conduct of his pagan and that of his believing son-in-law, greatly to the
disadvantage of the latter. So far as the religious sentiment requires gratification, there is no evidence to
show that paganism had faded to gratify it. We gather from the inscriptions of the pagan Arabs that a
wealth of affection and gratitude was bestowed upon their gods and patrons.�72In the pagan spiritual
tradition people are expected to be �busy with themselves�, that is, busy in improving their own morals
by purifying their own consciousness. The prophetic tradition, on the other hand, harangues people to be
�busy with the others�, that is, saving other people from sin, infidelity, and the eternal hell-fire. That is
why the prophetic tradition abounds in missions and da�was, crusades andjihãds.
It is often pointed out that no pagan Arab came foreward with a philosophical defence of his religion when
it was assailed by Muhammad. The only defence which every pagan put up for his religion was that it was
the religion of his forefathers and, as such, hallowed by time and tradition. A deeper reflection goes to
show that this was indeed a very strong defence. What the monothesists dismiss as polytheism and idolworship are natural to the normal human psyche. Moreover, honouring that which was honoured by one�s
ancestors keeps one rooted in one�s history and culture. Cults which encourage one to denounce one�s
ancestors as barbarians or infidels, and one�s past history as an age of ignorance, render one rootless and
make one into a menace to one�s neighbours. The Bible provides ample evidence of the normal people
reverting to polytheism and idol-worship again and again, and the persistent and violent wars which the
prophets had to wage for reimposing Jehovah on them. In any case, a religion stands in need of a
philosophical defence only when it is already on a course of decline, and an inner dissatisfaction starts
gnawing at the heart of its more perceptive adherents. There is no evidence that the pagan Arabs were
suffering from such a psychosis on the eve of Islam. The confidence with which they spurned
Muhammad�s message and ridiculed his superior claims leaves little doubt that Arab paganism was still in
a state of good health. Though not so the environment in which this paganism lived and breathed. The
mental disorder glorified as monotheism was present in an epidemic form, not only all around it but also in
its very midst. Arab paganism was blissfully ignorant of what monotheism meant and the mischief it
intended for a society which permitted it to spread.
Footnotes:
1
Ibid., op. cit., pp. 35-36. The word �God� in this passage and those that follow is a translation
of the word �Allãh� The references to Abraham and Ishmael and their mode of worship at the
Ka�ba may be ignored in the light of what we have stated above. The Ka�ba was a temple of
the pagan Arabs who had never heard of Abraham or Ishmael or their religion.
2
Ibid., p. 36.
3
Ibid., p. 37.
4
Ibid., p. 38.
5
It was renamed Medina when Muhammad migrated to it.
6
Ibid., pp. 38-39.
7
Ibid., p. 39.
8
Plural of Sanam. Dictionaries and commentaries on the Qur�ãn define it as �an object which is
worshipped besides God�, being a thing made of wood, stone or metal.
9
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 147.
10
Shaikh Inayatullah, op. cit., p. 128.
11
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. 1. p. 379. References to similar Gods of other
nations, mentioned in parentheses, have been left out.
12
This theory of borrowing Gods in the case of pagan spiritual traditions does not mean much
because the pagan psyche throws up spontaneously the same symbols everywhere.
13
Ibid., p. 380.
14
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Third Impression, Edinburgh, 1955, Vol. I, p. 664.
15
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 302.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibn Ishãq, op. cit., p. 67. Allãh of the pagan Arabs reminds us of the Devãdhideva, the God of
Gods, in the Hindu spiritual tradition.
18
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 303. Pagan epithets of Allãh remind us of
the Sahasranãma-s in praise of many Hindu Gods and Godesses.
19
Ibn Ishãq, op. cit, p. 504.
20
Cyril Glasse, The Concise Encyclopaedia of Islam, London, 1989, p. 279.
21
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 664
22
Ibid. See also the last para under Hubal in this section.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid., Footnote.
25
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 661.
26
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 1088.
27
Ibid., Vol. V, p. 27. Allãt, reminds us of Aditi, the Mother of Gods in the Vedic pantheon.
28
This city became known as Medina after Muhammad migrated to it from Mecca in AD 622. It
remained his seat till his death in AD 632. Later on, it was the capital of the Caliphate till �Alî
moved to Kufa.
29
Ibid., op. cit., Vol. V, p. 231.
30
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 661.
31
Ibid., One is reminded of the Hindu concept of Kãla which stands for both Time and Death, and
parallel verses can be found in Hindu literature. We also know of Hindu temples dedicated to
Mahãkãla.
32
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 660.
33
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 1069.
34
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 660.
35
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 965.
36
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 663.
37
Ibid.
38
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 530-31.
39
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 660.
40
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 740.
41
Ibid., op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 833.
42
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 661. He reminds us of Indra of the Vedic
pantheon in one of his roles.
43
Ibid., p. 662.
44
A Himyaritic Inscription�, article by Ch. Muhammad Ismail inIndian Antiquary, Vol. LVI
(February, 1927), p. 21.
45
Ibid., p. 22.
46
Ibid.
47
Ibid.
48
Ibid.
49
Ibid.
50
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 227.
51
Thomas Patrick Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, First Published 1885, New Delhi Reprint 1976. p.
431.
52
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 663. He reminds us of GaruDa in the PurãNas.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
S.M. Zwemer, The Influence of Animism in Islam, New York, 1920, p. 5.
56
Ibid.
57
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op. cit., p. 663.
58
Ibid., pp. 663-64. Pagan spiritual traditions elsewhere are also known to have borrowed or
exchanged idols. No idol is foreign to the pagan psyche.
59
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit, Vol. III, p. 327.
60
S.M. Zwemer, op. cit., p. 5.
61
Cyril Glasse, op. cit p. 160.
62
Thomas Patrick Hughes, op. cit., p. 181.
63
The Oracle of Hubal�, article in Indian Antiquary. Vol. XII, (January, 1883), p. 5.
64
Ibn Ishãq, op. cit., p. 37.
65
S.M. Zwemer, op. cit., p. 6.
66
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 527. Hindu iconography is familiar
with Mithunas. Gods and their Consorts, worshipped together.
67
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 651. There is considerable inscriptional evidence from South India about the
Hindu practice of making various types of agreements in the temples, thus invoking the Gods and
Goddesses as witnesses.
68
Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 993.
69
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethcis, op. cit., p. 663.
70
S.M. Zwemer, op. cit., p. 6.
71
Shaikh Inayatullah, op. cit., p. 130.
72
D.S. Margoliouth, op. cit., p. 25.
CHAPTER TWELVE
MONOTHEISM SPREADS TO ARABIA
Monotheism had infected the Jews some two millenia before the birth of Muhammad. Moses had sold them
into slavery to Jehovah, a demoniacal Spirit masquerading as the one and only God.1 Many books of the
Bible tell the blood-curdling story of what the Jews did to themselves and to the others when goaded by this
Gangster. The end result was their own ruination, and their dispersal as slaves and refugees in all
directions. Meanwhile, the disease had spread to West Asia, Europe and North Africa in the form of
Christianity. It had destroyed the Greco-Roman civilization as well as Germanic paganism, and spread
darkness wherever it went. Now it was getting ready to engulf Arabia which had survived so far as an
island of sanity in the midst of a surging sea of madness.
The pagan Arabs, however, had remained unaware of the menace advancing on them from all sides.
Abyssinia, their neighbour to the west, had been a Christian stronghold for long, and had even launched a
crusade against them in recent times. The Byzantine Empire, their neighbour to the north, had gone
Christian early in the fourth century, and was busy rooting out paganism within its own precincts. The
Sassanian Empire of Persia, their neighbour to the east, was patronizing a Zoroastrianism which had lost its
ancient Aryan genius and imbibed the spirit of Judaism and Christianity. It had become a monotheistic
creed complete with theProphet, the Book, the Last Day, and Heaven and Hell. The only point it missed
and, therefore, lost the race to Judaism and Christianity, was missionary zeal; it was not yet out to force
other people to its own way of worship.
Each of these neighbours was aspiring to invade and dominate Arabia. What kept them in check was their
mutual rivalry. The peace which Arabia had enjoyed for long intervals was a byproduct of this balance of
power. Even so, several Arab tribes in North and South Arabia had embraced Judaism or Christianity.
Worse still, both Jews and Christians had settlements in the very heart of Arabia. The role which these
preachy communities played in the rise of Islam has been highlighted by Muslims scholars themselves.
Shaikh Inayatullah writes:
�In the century before Muhammad Arabia was not wholly abandoned to paganism. Both Judaism and
Christianity claimed a considerable following among its inhabitants. Almost every calamity that befell the
land of Palestine sent a fresh wave of Jewish refugees into Arabia, sometimes as far as Yemen. They had
probably taken refuge there after the conquest of Palestine by Titus in AD 70. Jewish colonies flourished in
Medina and several other towns of Hijãz. In the time of the Prophet, three large Jewish tribes, viz., the
NaDîr, Quraizah and Qainuqa�, dwelt in the outskirts of Medîna, and the fact that the Prophet made an
offensive and defensive alliance with them for the safety of the town shows that they were an important
factor in the political life of those times. These colonies had their own teachers and centres of religious
study. Judging by few extant specimens of their poetry, these refugees through contact with a people nearly
akin to themselves, had become fully Arabicized both in language and sentiment. They, however, remained
Jews in the most vital particular, religion, and it is probable that they exerted a strong influence over the
Arabs in favour of monotheism.
�Another religious factor which was strongly opposed to Arabian paganism was the Christian faith. How
early and from what direction Christianity entered Arabia is a question which it is difficult to answer with
certainty but there is no doubt that Christianity was widely diffused in the southern and northern parts of
Arabia at the time of the Prophet. Christianity is said to have been introduced in the valley of Najrãn in
northern Yemen from Syria, and it remained entrenched in spite of the terrible persecution it suffered at the
hands of the Himyarite king, Dhû Nawãs, who had adopted the Jewish faith� Christianity in the southwest of Arabia received a fresh stimulus by the invasion of the Christian Abyssinians, who put an end to
the rule of Dhû Nawãs. There were Christians in Mecca itself, Waraqah ibn Naufal, a cousin of Khadîjah,
the first wife of the Prophet, was one of them. Christianity was also found among certain tribes of the
Euphrates and the Ghassãn who lived on the borders of Syria. Their conversion was due to their contact
with the Christian population of the Byzantine Empire� The Christians were also found at Hîrah, a town
in the north-east of Arabia, where Arab princes of the house of Lakhm ruled under the suzerainty of the
Persian kings. These Christians who were called �Ibãd or the �Servants of the Lord,� belonged to the
Nestorian Church, and contributed to the diffusion of Christian ideas among the Arabs of the Peninsula.
�By the sixth century, Judaism and Christianity had made considerable headway in Arabia, and were
extending their sphere of influence, leavening the pagan masses, and thus gradually preparing the way for
Islam.�2
Most of the Jews and Christians settled in Arabia were descendants of refugees who had fled at one time or
the other from persecutions in the Byzantine and the Persian empires. Arab paganism had provided them
not only protection but also freedom to practise and preach their creeds. They had, therefore, succeeded in
making some converts among the Arabs. But the fact that they were refugees and that the pagan Arabs were
their protectors, was soon forgotten. It was not long before the Jews and the Christians started using the
security and the freedom for pouring contempt on Arab paganism. Medina in particular had become a
Jewish stronghold. Gibbon tells us that this city with its wealthy and vociferous Jewish tribes had become
famous all over Arabia as the City of the Book.3 It was as sick with monotheism as a harlot with venereal
desease. Small wonder that it became Muhammad�s base of operations for imposing Islam on the rest of
Arabia after he had to leave Mecca in utter despair. �The course of the following narrative will show,�
observes Margoliouth, �that Muhammad�s mission at Meccah was a failure, and that it was only at
Medinah� that he readily found a hearing, and that having turned Medinah into an armed camp, he was
able partly by force and partly by bribes to subjugate Meccah, whence he proceeded quickly to subdue the
rest of Arabia.�4
It seems that the pagan Arabs, by and large, were not prone to catch the infection. They were happy with
their healthy paganism but for a few persons, particularly among their educated elite, who equated religious
superiority with superiority in material wealth, or military power, or both. Every society has individuals
who get alienated from their own culture simply because that society happens to be poor or powerless. The
pagan Arab society was no exception. Compared to the Abyssinian, Byzantine and the Persian empires,
Arabia was poor in material wealth as well as military prowess. Some upper class Arabs who travelled to
the neighbouring lands or heard the gorgeous stories from others, were swept off their feet. They readily
accepted the explanation, advanced by hawkers of monotheism, that the foreign lands were rich and
powerful simply because each of them had a Prophet and a Book. Lenin, Mao Tse-tung, M.N. Roy,
Jawaharlal Nehru and many others all over the world are excellent examples of the fascination which the
power and wealth of foreign countries exercises over shallow but self-righteous minds; they start by
despising themselves as members of a poor society, and end by despising their people and culture. Ibn
Ishãq provides interesting evidence about the presence of such self-alienated Arabs in Mecca itself. He
writes:
�One day when the Quraysh assembled on a feast day to venerate and circumambulate the idol to which
they offered sacrifices, this being a feast which they held annually, four men drew apart secretly and agreed
to keep their counsel in the bonds of friendship. They were (i) Waraqa bin Nufal; (ii) Ubaydullah b. Jahash;
(iii) �Uthmãn b. al-Huwayrith; and (iv) Zayd b. �Amr. They were of the opinion that their people had
corrupted the religion of their father Abraham, and that the stone they went round was of no account; it
could neither hear, nor see, nor hurt, nor help.5 �Find for yourselves a religion,� they said; �for by God
you have none.� So they wont their several ways in the lands, seeking the Hanîfîya, the religion of
Abraham.
�Waraqa attached himself to Christianity and studied its scriptures until he had thoroughly mastered them.
Ubaydullah went on searching until Islam came; then he migrated with the Muslims to Abyssinia taking
with him his wife who was Muslim, Umm Habîba d. Abû Sufyãn. When he arrived there he adopted
Christianity, parted from Islam, and died a Christian in Abyssinia.
��Uthmãn b. Huwayrith went to the Byzantine emperor and became a Christian. He was given high
office there.
�Zayd b. �Amr stayed as he was. He accepted neither Judaism nor Christianity. He abandoned the
religion of his forefathers and abstained from idols� saying that he worshipped the God of Abraham, and
he publicly rebuked his people for their practices�
�Zayd b. �Amr composed the following poem:
Am I to worship one lord or a thousand?
If there are as many as you claim,
I renounce al-Lãt and al-�Uzzã both of them
As any strong-minded person would.
I will not worship al-�Uzzã and her two daughters,
Nor will I visit the two idols of Banû �Amr.
I will not worship Hubal though he was our lord
In the days when I had little sense�
You will see the pious living in gardens,
While for the infidels hell fire is burning.
Shamed in life, when they die
Their breasts will contract in anguish�
Beware of putting another beside God
For the upright way has become clear.
�Then he went forth seeking the religion of Abraham questioning monks and Rabbis until he had
traversed al-MauSil and the whole of Mesopotamia; then he went through the whole of Syria until he came
to a monk in the high ground at Balaqã. This man, it is alleged, was well-versed in Christianity. He asked
him about the Hanîfîya, the religion of Abraham and the monk replied. �You are seeking a religion to
which no one today can guide you, but the time of a prophet who will come forth from your own country
which you have just left has drawn near. He will be sent with the Hanîfîya, the religion of Abraham, so
stick to it, for he is about to be sent now and this is his time.� Now Zayd had sampled Judaism and
Christianity and was not satisfied with either of them; so that at these words he went away at once making
for Mecca; but when he was inside the country of Lakhm he was attacked and killed.
�Waraqa b. Naufal composed this elegy over him.
You were altogether in the right path Ibn �Amr,
You have escaped hell�s burning oven
By serving the one and only God
And abandoning vain idols.�6
References to Hanîfîya, the religion of Abraham, in this story can be ignored as they obviously reflect
wisdom by hindsight. It was not before Muhammad migrated to Medina and discovered that the Jews were
not prepared to accept him as a prophet, that he invented a religion of Abraham distinct from both Judaism
and Christianity. Till that time he had been seeking certificates from the People of the Book, the Jews and
the Christians, to the effect that his teachings were in accordance with what was written in their scriptures.
Equally anachronistic in this story is the prophecy about the advent of Muhammad. Orthodox biographers
of the Prophet have put such prophecies in the mouths of several Jewish rabbis and Christian monks. They
were only trying to be wise after the event. All that is true in the story of Waraqa etc., is that some Arabs
were turning away from their ancestral religion and to-wards the alien cult of monotheism. At the same
time, some prophets were also appearing in Arabia and claiming to be in direct communication with God.
Monotheism being a cult of prophets, its appearance in pagan Arabia was bound to produce some of this
species. Prophethood is not at all a difficult profession if we go by their crop in the Bible. One has only to
manage the requisite amount of self-deception and self-righteousness and go about shouting from the
housetops that one�s people have sunk into sin. One has also to be ready, if opportunity occurs, to use
violence against one's own people. It was, therefore, only a copybook exercise for prophets who arose in
pagan Arabia. They had only to ape their prototypes in the stories retailed to them by the Jews and the
Christians. Muhammad was not the first of these novel Arab characters.
�Prophets indeed had arisen in Arabia before Mohammed: in Yemen among the Himyarites one Samaifa
had imitated the exploits of old Zamolaxis: had hidden himself for a time and then reappeared, when a
hundred thousand men prostrated themselves before their risen lord. Legends containing probably some
germ of truth recorded how shortly before Mohammed one Khalid, son of Sinan, had been sent to preach to
the tribe of �Abs, and one Hanzalah, son of Safwan, to some other of the inhabitants of Arabia. In
Yemamah, too, one Maslamah had given a sign that he was sent from God: through the neck of a bottle he
introduced an egg unbroken to the bowl. Since Yemamah supplied Meccah with corn, the tradition that
makes Muhammad a pupil of Maslamah has certainly some foundation.�7
�According to Ibn Ishãq, Muhammad�s enemies reproached him with having obtained his wisdom from
a man of Yamãma named RaHmãn. Now we have ample evidence that Musailima, who preached in the
name of RaHmãn was himself called RaHmãn. It is also worthy of note that the prophetic utterances
attributed to Musailima recall the earliest Meccan sûras with their short rhyming sentences and curious
oaths and have no resemblance to later Medinese sûras. In particular the fact that all the Banû Hanîfa
followed him into battle against the Medinese shortly after the death of Muhammad shows that he must
have been active for a considerable time and was no imitator of Muhammad� According to Saif�s
account he must have been considerably influenced by Christianity for he speaks of the kingdom of
heaven��8 Musailima had introduced Salãt, several times a day. He also maintained a mu�azzin and
a muqîm.
It seems that these pretentious Arabs were not fully familiar with the institution of prophethood. The rise of
a female prophet, Sajãh, shows their ignorance of the fact that prophethood in the Judaic and Christian
traditions was strictly a male profession, and women supposed to be the source of sin, had no right to it.
Sajãh was a woman of Banû Tamîm and one of the several prophets who sprang up shortly before
Muhammad. �On the mother�s side she was related to Taghilib, a tribe which comprised many
Christians. She was a Christian herself, or at least had learnt much concerning Christianity from her
relatives. Next to nothing is known concerning the import of her revelations and doctrines; she delivered
her messages from a minbar, in rhymed prose, and was attended by a mu�adhdhin and a hãjib. Her name,
or one of her names for God, was �the Lord of the clouds� (rabb al-Sahãb).�9 She joined forces with
Musailima when the two of them were attacked by Muslim armies after the death of Muhammad. Muslim
historians love to tell obscene stories about the marriage and the merry-making of the two �false
prophets�.
So there was nothing novel about Muhammad standing up one fine morning and proclaiming that he was
the prophet sent by Allãh. The pagan Arabs were already used to such queer characters among their
otherwise level-headed people. They pitied these prophets as victims possessed by evil spirits and offered
the help of their medicine men. Obviously, they were impressed by no amount of prophetic talk.
It is, however, significant that the Arab prophets other than Muhammad are not known to have aroused the
fierce opposition which Muhammad faced at Mecca and elsewhere. That was because they did not
disparage the Arab Gods while preaching their monotheism. The pagans Arabs were not perturbed by
prophets so long as the latter left their Gods alone. It was Muhammad who made them sit up when he
spelled out the meaning of monotheism, namely, the dethronement of Arab Gods and the destruction of
Arab temples. Muhammad will very soon denounce the other Arab prophets also as impostors and liars
because they either did not know the meaning of monotheism or were wilfully suppressing vital parts of the
doctrine.
Footnotes:
1
This view of Jehovah was expressed by Marcion of the school of St. Paul, early in the second
century AD. �The Old Testament he rejected in toto since it seemed to him, as it has seemed to
many Christians since, to be talking of quite a different God: monstrous, evil-creating, bloody, the
patron of ruffians like David� (A History of Christianity by Paul Johnson, Penguin Books, 1978,
p. 46). This was also the view of the Gnostics, an early Christian sect. The �God� of the Bible
and the Qur�ãn was seen in this light by Thomas Jafferson, Thomas Paine, and Swami
Dayananda as well.
2
Shaikh Inayatullah, op. cit., pp. 134-35. There is no evidence of leavening of the masses; only
some members of the Arab elite were alienated from their society and culture.
3
Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Modern Library Edition, New
York, Vol. III, p. 97.
4
D.S. Margoliouth, op. cit., p. 31.
5
These words vis-a-vis idols are found very frequently in the Bible and will very soon appear in
the Qur�ãn.
6
Ibn Ishãq, op. cit., pp. 98-101, 103.
7
D.S. Margoliouth, op. cit, pp. 80-81.The phenomena of �prophets� arising in Arabia was
comparable to the crop of � revolutionaries� arising all over the world in the wake of
Lenin�scoup d�etat in Russia in 1917.
8
First Encyclopaedia of Islam, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 745.
9
Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 44.
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
MEANING OF MONOTHEISM
As we shall see, the Allãh of the Qur�ãn says again and again that he is not revealing anything new but
only re-affirming what is already recorded in the earlier scripture, namely, the Bible. He is annoyed with
the Jews in particular for their refusal to recognize Muhammad as a prophet when their own prophets were
known to have spread the same message received from the same source. Muhammad, too, is pained that his
people repudiate him without checking with the Jews and the Christians the truth of what he is proclaiming.
Muslim theologians of later ages will deny that Muhammad learnt anything from the Bible. In their
eagerness to invest Muhammad with an absolutely original inspiration, they will portray him as an illiterate
(ummî) who could neither read nor write. But we will better believe Allãh and his prophet rather than the
latter-day Muslim theologians, and proceed to examine what the Bible says vis-a-vis other people�s gods
and places of worship.
The Bible is, of course, a large and complex composition spanning several centuries and dealing with
diverse subjects. We shall confine ourselves to the main theme which runs through all its book except most
of the Psalms and Proverbs, namely, the struggle by a succession of prophets to make the Jews stick to a
strict monotheism with all its implications. The prophets speak on behalf of a boastful being who
introduces himself as Jehovah and thunders a thousand time that he alone is worthy of worship to the
exclusion of all �other gods�. Moses hails him as �a warrior� whose name �the nations heard and
trembled.�1
The story in the Bible starts a long time before Jehovah identifies himself to Moses. But that story is not
relevant in the present context except at one point where Jacob asked his people to �rid yourselves of
foreign gods you have among you� and �buried them under the tere-binth tree.�2 For our purpose, the
story acquires interest only after Moses leads his people out of Egypt and goes up to Mount Sinai where he
has been summoned by Jehovah �in a peal of thunder.�3 That is when Moses receives the famous Ten
Commandments.
The commandments that are relevant in the present context are the first two. Jehovah says, �I am the Lord
your God who brought you out of Egypt, out of the land of slavery. You shall have no other gods set
against me. You shall not have a carved image for yourself nor the likeness of anything in the heavens
above, or on the earth below, or in the waters under the earth. You shall not bow down to them, for, I, the
Lord your God am a jealous god. I punish the children for the sins of their forefathers to the third and
fourth generations of those that hate me.�4 He does not make it clear how homage to other gods means
hatred for him. He betrays the pathological state of mind in which a person feels slighted simply because
some other person is praised. In any case, he goes ahead and lays down that �whoever sacrifices to any
other god but the Lord shall be put to death under solemn ban.�5
This was no empty threat as Moses proved soon after. While he went up to Mount Sinai for a second time
his people down below melted their ornaments, made a golden calf, and started worshipping it with song
and dance. Jehovah was furious. He threatened to destroy the whole lot of them, and Moses had a hard time
pacifying him. Moses hurried down in order to handle the situation. �Then he took the calf they had made
and burnt it; he ground it to powder, sprinkled it on water and made the Israelites drink it.�6 Next he took
his place at the gate of the camp and said, �Who is on the Lord�s side? Come here to me; and the Levites
all rallied to him. He said to them, �These are the words of the Lord the God of Israel: Arm yourselves,
each of you, with his sword. Go through the camp from gate to gate and back again. Each of you will kill
his brother, his friend, his neighbour.� The Levites obeyed, and about three thousand of the people died.
Moses then said, �Today you have consecrated yourselves to the Lord, because you have each turned
against his own son and his own brother and so have brought this blessing upon yourselves.� �7 All ties
of kinship which normal societies, particularly pagan societies, have prized stood dissolved in the new
dispensation. A brotherhood of believers (or bandits) based on a commonly shared cult came into existence.
Muhammad will also call upon the Muslims to do the same and acknowledge no relationship higher than
obedience to the dictates of Islam.
Jehovah made it quite clear to the Jews that if they failed to punish those among them who turned to other
gods, he will take the matter in his own hands and inflict terrible calamities on the whole people. �If
inspite of this you do not listen to me and still defy me, I will defy you in anger, and I myself will punish
you seven times over for your sins. Instead of meat you shall eat your sons and your daughters. I will
destroy your hill shrines and demolish your incense altars. I will pile your rotting carcases on the rotting
logs that were your idols, and I will spurn you. I will make your cities desolate and destroy your
sanctuaries� I will destroy your land and the enemies who occupy it shall be appalled. I will scatter you
among the heathen and I will pursue you with the naked sword; your land shall be desolate and your cities
heaps of rubble.�8 He left no one in doubt that he was a hardened gangster who would stop at no crime.
We shall meet him again in the Qur�ãn.
The �other gods� are not worth worshipping because they are �made by human hands out of wood and
stone, gods that can neither see nor hear, neither eat nor smell.�9 Idols are not only dead matter but also
�loathsome and abominable.�10 They cannot help, nor save you in an emergency.11 We shall meet the
same note in the Qur�ãn. Allãh will also pity the people who bow before such �dead and dumb things�.
The march towards the land, which Jehovah had long ago promised to deliver to his Chosen People, was
resumed. Jehovah himself led the Jewish horde, assuming the form of a cloud. On the way he gave
elaborate instructions about how he himself was to be worshipped. At last they were on the frontiers of the
promised land. Jehovah briefed them how to proceed: �When the Lord your God brings you into the land
which you are entering to occupy and drive out many nations before you-Hitites, Girgashites, Amorites,
Cananites, Perrizites, Hivites and Jebusites, seven nations more numeous and powerful than you--when the
Lord your God delivers them into your power and you defeat them, you must put them to death. You must
not make a treaty with them or spare them. You must not intermarry with them, neither giving you
daughters to their sons nor taking their daughters for your sons: if you do, they will draw your sons away
from the Lord and make them worship other gods. Then the Lord will be angry with you and quickly
destroy you. But this is what you must do to them: pull down their altars, break their sacred pillars, hack
down their sacred poles and destroy their idols by fire, for you are a people holy to the Lord your God; the
Lord your God chose you out of all the nations on earth to be his special possession.�12
Jehovah also warned the Jews against reformers who may appear among them. �When a prophet or
dreamer appears among you and offers you a sign or a portent and calls on you to follow other gods whom
you have not known and worshipped, then, even if the sign or portent should come true, do not listen to the
words of that prophet or that dreamer� That prophet or that dreamer shall he put to death, for he has
preached rebellion against the Lord who brought you out of Egypt and redeemed you from the path which
the Lord your God commanded you to take. You must rid yourselves of this wickedness.�13 The gate was
thus slammed for ever against any second thoughts on the subject. The Israelites were to remain in the
prisonhouse of monotheism for all time to come.
The conquest of the promised land proceeded apace, accompanied by unmitigated slaughter and
rapine.14 Jehovah commanded his servants again and again not to leave alive anything that breathes. �So
Joshua massacred the population of the whole region-the hill country, the Nageb, the Shephelah, the
watersheds-and all their kings. He left no survivor, destroying everything that drew breath as the Lord God
of Israel had commanded.�15 Jehovah took credit for all the victories and waxed eloquent in selfadulation.
But as the war of conquest drew to a close and the Jews settled down in the promised land they reverted
more and more to the normal human habit of worshipping the Divine in many Names and Forms. They
intermarried with the neighbouring non-Jewish tribes, defying the ban which Jehovah had imposed on
them. The foreign brides brought their own Gods, and also priests who tended to those Gods. The defiance
of Jehovah reached a new high in the reign of Solomon. He had seven hundred wives, most of them foreign
princesses, and three hundred concubines who �turned his heart to follow other gods.�16 Jehovah warned
him twice but to no avail. Solomon simply ignored him, and he could not do a thing. He consoled himself
that he was sparing Soloman for the sake of the latter�s father, King David.
The Jewish kingdom split into two after the death of Solomon-Israel in the north with its seat at Samaria,
and Judah in the south with its seat at Jerusalem. The scribes who wrote the story of Solomon credited
Jehovah with a curse which broke the kingdom after Solomon�s death. It was wisdom after the event. In
any case, the worship of other gods continued unabated. Ahab, king of Israel, had married a foreign
princess, Jezebel, who was a devotee of Baal. Temples were built for the new God where his priests
presided. Ahab himself paid homage to him. Elijah, a self-appointed prophet, admonished the king but was
dismissed with contempt. So Elijah took resort to trickery. He invited the priests of Baal to Mount Carmel
in order to demonstrate to them the superiority of Jehovah over Baal. His swordsem who lay in ambush
seized four hundred and fifty priests. Elijah himself �took them down the Kishon and slaughtered them in
the valley.�17 Then he ran away for dear life because queen Jezebel had summoned him.
The mantle of Elijah fell on Elisha. He earned his well-deserved reputation as a prophet by cursing some
naughty children, forty-two of whom were torn to pieces by she-bears.18 He egged on an adventurer, Jehu,
who seized the throne of Israel after slaughtering the sons of Ahab, and getting Jezebel thrown out of a
palace window so that �some of the blood splashed on the wall and the horses who trampled her under
foot.�19 The worship of Baal, however, was far from finished in the kingdom, and many of his priests
were still around. Guided by Elisha, Jehu announced that he, too, had become a devotee of Baal and was
holding a great sacrifice in the big temple in the capital city. He invited all the priests of Baal and saw to it
that all of them assembled. His armed guard fell on them suddenly and slaughtered them to the last man.
The idols in the temple were brought out and burnt. The sacred poles were broken and the sacred pillars
pulled down. The temple was turned into a lavatory. Jehovah blessed the enterprise and confirmed the
kingdom in the family of Jehu for four generations.20 Elisha lived thereafter a much satisfied man who had
fulfilled his mission.
An so on, the story snowballs through the rest of the books in the Bible. The common people in the two
kingdoms relapse into polytheism and idol-worship, again and again. More prophets appear on the scene
and do what Elijah and Elisha had done.21 Each succeeding prophet turns out to be a gangster greater than
the preceding one. They curse and torment their own people, and invoke calamites on them. But as the
people remain indifferent to them, they feel utterly helpless and console themselves by praying for the
�great day� when the Lord will destroy all other gods together with those who worshipped them.22
Jehovah himself had always been intemperate in his language vis-a-vis those who strayed away from the
straight path. But as he feels more and more helpless in the face of his people�s �obstinacy�, his
language becomes increasingly foul and ends by being downright obscene. He views the worship of other
gods as adultery and fornication, and denounces both kingdoms as harlots given to wilful whoredom.
He addresses his prophet Ezekiel and says: �Son of man, cause Jerusalem to know her
abominations23� And it came to pass after all thy wickedness, that thou hast also built unto thee an
eminent place and made thee a high place in every street� and hast opened thy feet to every one that
passed, and multiplied thy whoredoms.24 Thou has also committed fornication with the Egyptians thy
neighbours, great of flesh25� They give gifts to all whores: but thou givest thy gifts to all thy lovers, and
hirest them, that they may come unto thee from every side for thy whoredom26� O harlot, hear the words
of the Lord: Thus saith the Lord God: Because thy filthiness was poured out, and thy nakedness discovered
through thy whoredoms with thy lovers, and with all the idols of thy abominations� I will gather all thy
lovers with whom thou has taken pleasure� I will gather them round about against thee, and will discover
thy nakedness unto them, that they may see all thy nakedness� And I will also give thee into their hands�
and they shall stone thee with stones, and thrust thee through with their swords. And they shall bum thy
houses with fire� and I will cause thee to cease from playing the harlot, and thou also shall give no hire
any more.�27
In another message to the same prophet, Jehovah says, �Son of man, there were two women, the daughters
of the same mother. And they committed whoredoms in Egypt; they committed whoredoms in their youth :
there were their breasts pressed, and there they bruised the teats of their virginity.�28 Turning to Samaria,
he pronounces: �Neither left she her whoredoms brought from Egypt : for in her youth they lay with her,
and they bruised the breasts of her virginity, and poured their whoredoms upon her.�29 Coming back to
Jerusalem, his language becomes filthier. �And when her sister saw this, she was more corrupt in her
inordinate love than she, and in her whoredoms more than her sister in her whoredoms� For she doted
upon their paramours whose flesh is as the flesh of asses and whose issue is like the issue of horses.�30
Jehovah�s character, as portrayed in the Bible, can now be summed up. He behaves like a bully and a
coward par excellence, apart from his proclaiming, again and again, that he is a hardened gangster who has
committed many crimes. He takes the whole credit every time the Jews are victorious and commit slaughter
and rapine. But when the tables are turned on the Jews, he turns tail and blames the Jews for betraying him
by worshipping other gods. The Jews on their part try to return to monotheism, and its concomitant,
iconoclasm, again and again, on being admonished by their prophets. But their situation does not improve.
They get defeated and enslaved successively by the Assyrians, the Babylonians, the Persians, the
Mecedonians, the Seleucids, and the Romans. In the final round, the only country which they had occupied
after making rivers of blood flow is lost to them for ever, and Jehovah�s only temple at Jerusalem is
destroyed from the foundations, never to be built again. Jehovah does not bat an eye. He remains unshaken
in the hallucination that he is the Lord.
His final volte-face on the Jews is simply breath-taking. Another self-appointed prophet named Jesus
follows in the footsteps of his predecessors and harangues the Jews to repent, for the Last Day is drawing
near. He shows some miracles, collects crowds, and gets picked up by the Roman police as a disturber of
peace. Jehovah does not lift his little finger to save the his prophet from a cruel and shameful death; Jesus is
crucified along with two common thieves. The prophets that follow beat their Lord�s record in doubletalk. On the one hand, they pin down the crime of the Jews, so that this already tormented people gets
subjected to repeated pogroms for two thousand years. On the other hand, they spread the abominable
superstition that Jesus was the Christ who mounted the cross willingly and voluntarily in order to wash with
his own blood the sins of mankind!31 Knavery, thy name is prophethood.
Reading the Bible between the lines, however, one cannot resist the conclusion that Jehovah�s blessing as
well cursing is no more than wisdom by hindsight. Howsoever awsome he may sound, particularly because
he has been for a long time the god of nations with bigger guns, he remains a contrived creation of a closed
and cruel theology mounted mechanically on purely mundane happening. He does not exist and has never
existed outside that theology, neither in history nor in any high heaven. The only dwelling place which can
be assigned to him is in the dark drives of human nature. He has possessed successively or he has been
appropriated by some bandit formations bent upon wanton aggression in order to carve out predatory
empires. The fact that these formations advertise themselves as the Church or the Ummah should deceive
no one.
Christianity which took over bodily the closed theology of Judaism committed the same crimes on a far
more extensive scale. This is not the place to describe what the Christian theologians, missionaries and
swordsmen did to the pagan people and their places of worship in Europe, Asia, Africa, the Americas and
the Oceania; for the present we are dealing with the Islamic theology of iconoclasm, and the Bible has
come in because it is the source of that scourge. What we wish to point out is that in every case the Bible
was their guidebook. �The introduction of Christianity, and more especially its establishment in the
Roman Empire in the fourth century of our era, proved the destruction of pagan idols, however skilfully
and elegantly formed. The crusade against the statues of gods commenced in the latter part of the reign of
Constantine and continued gradually to advance, until under Theodosius the Younger it pervaded all parts
of the Empire. Not that the Christians despised art or were incapable of appreciating aesthetic excellence,
whether in painting or in sculpture, but their hostility to pagan idols was wholly of a religious
nature.�32 Nearer home and as late as the sixteenth century, �At least from 1540 onwards, and in the
island of Goa before-that year, all the Hindu idols had been annihilated or had disappeared,33 all the Hindu
temples had been destroyed and their sites and building material were in most cases utilized to erect new
Christian churches and chapels.�34 A complete history of Christian iconoclasm world-wide has yet to be
compiled. But judging from what we find scattered in the histories of Christianity in different countries,
there is enough evidence that for a long time the Bible left a trail of devastation wherever it went.
Footnotes:
1
Exod. 15.3,14.
2
Gen. 35.2,4.
3
Exod. 19.19.
4
Exod. 20.2-5; See also Exod. 20.23; 23.13,24; 34.17; Lev. 19.4; 26.1; Deut. 4.16, 23-24; 27.1415; Jos. 24.14,23; Isa. 42.8; Ezech. 20.6-8, 15-18, 23-24, 28-31, 39.
5
6
Exod. 22.20; Lev. 20-1-5; Deut. 17.2-5.
Exod. 32.20. Islamic invaders of India repeated the performance many times after burning Hindu
idols. Mahmûd of Ghazni is the first to be credited with it in Muslim annals.
7
Exod. 32.26-29. See also Deut. 13.6-11; 17.2-5
8
Lev. 26.27-33. See also Deut. 4.25-28; 6.14-15; 8.9-20; 30.17-18; 31.16-18; 32.16-17,21,23-25,
37-42; Jos. 23.16; 24,20, 1 Kings 11.1-13, 2 Chr. 7.19-20; 34,24-25; Ps. 16.4; Isa. 19.1-4; Jer.
5.19; 7.16-20; 11.9-11; 16.18-21; 17.1-4; 18.21; 44.15-27; Ezech. 6.3-7, 13-14; 8.7-18; 16.35-43;
Hos. 2.4-6; 10-13; 8.3-7; 10.1-8; 11.2-6; 13.1-3; Mich. 1.6-7; 5.13-14; Nah. 1.14; Zeph. 1.4-6.,
Zach. 11.17; Rev. 2.21-23.
9
Deut. 4.28. See also Ps. 115.4-8; 134.15-18; Isa. 37.12,19,38; 41.22-24; 44.9-20. 46.6-7; Jer.
10.1-5, 8-9, 14-15; 16.20; Zach. 10.2; 1 Cor. 8.4.
10
Deut. 7.26. See also Deut. 12.29-31; Jer. 4.1; 6.15; Acts 15.20; 1 Cor. 10.14;2 Cor. 6.15-18;
Eph. 5.5; Col. 3.5; 1 Jn. 5.21.
11
Deut. 32.37-38; Judges 10.13-14; Ps. 96.5; 97.7; Jer. 2.28.
12
Deut. 7.1-6. See also Exod. 23.23-24, 27.32-33; 34.10, 12-17; Num. 33.50-56; Deut. 7.16. 2326; 8.19-20, 12.1-3; Jos. 6.17; 8.1-8, 28-29; 23.7.
13
Deut. 13.1-5. See also Deut. 13.12-16; 18.20.
14
See Jos. 6.21-24; 8.22-25, 28-29; 10.5-40.
15
Jos. 10.40. See also Jos. 11.5-6, 8-9.
16
1 Kings 11.1-5.
17
1 Kings 18.17-40.
18
2 Kings 2.23-24.
19
2 Kings 9.33.
20
2 Kings 10.18-30.
21
See 2 Kings 11.17-18; 23.4-6,8,10-14; 15-16,19-20,24; 1 Chr. 14.8-12; 2 Chr. 14.2-5, 23.17;
33.1-15; 34.3-7 for some of the stories.
22
See Isa. 2.18-21; 17.7-8; 31.7-8.
23
Ezech. 16.2. �Abominations� means �idols�.
24
Ezech. 16.23-25. In plain language �eminent place� and �high place� mean a �brothel.�
The reference is to temples of other gods which came up in every street. �Opened thy feet to
everyone that passed� means worshipping every other god.
Ezech. 16.26. �Great of flesh� in plain language means �possessing a big male organ.� The
reference is to the size of gods from Egypt.
25
26
Ezech. 16.33. What is meant by this passage is that people of Jerusalem worship gods who
cannot reward them in exchange for their devotion. Jehovah cannot understand any worship which
is spontaneous and without expectation of reward. He is fond of making convenants with his
devotees, no matter whether he can fulfil them or not. He also threatens punishments, no matter
whether he can carry them out or not.
27
Ezech. 16.35-41. Jehovah threatens to get Jerusalem destroyed by those very nations whose
gods are worshipped in that kingdom. He will take credit when Jerusalem is attacked and
destroyed by other nations, though he will have no hand in mobilizing the attacks. He is always
wise after the event and his scribes pre-date his presence in the stories.
28
Ezech. 23-2-3. The passage means that the Jews used to worship others gods while they were in
Egypt. Jehovah has a dirty mind and cannot help resorting to obscene language for stating simple
facts which he finds unpleasant for his inflated ego. His language became the stock-in-trade of
Christian and, later on, Muslim theologians.
29
Ezech. 23.8
Ezech. 23.11-20. �Flesh� means the �male organ� and �issue� the �semen� which
pours out in orgasm. What is meant is that the people of Jerusalem loved to worship large-sized
idols. See also Jer. 2.23-28; 3.1-2, 6-9, 13; 5.7-8; 11.13-15; 13.26-27; Ezech. 23.40-44; Hos. 1-2;
2.2; 3.1; 4.12-14; 5.3-4; 6.10; 9.1; Nah. 3.4-6. The same language is used for pagan Rome in Rev.
2.14,20-23; 14.8; 17.2; 18.3,9; 19.2. Early Christian missionaries in India used the same language
for idol-worship by Hindus who felt puzzled because their morals were far better than those of the
contemporary Christians. The language had to be deciphered before Hindus could grasp its import.
30
31
According to some Bible scholars Jesus himself staged his crucifiction in order to prove to his
own advantage some Old Testament prophecies, and survived the ordeal to spread the story that he
had risen from the dead. But here we are concerned with the version hawked by Christian tradition
and theology.
32
Rev. James Gardner, Faiths of the World, London, 1860, New Delhi Reprint, 1986, Vol. I, p.
306. What Christian iconoclasm did in the Roman Empire has been partly documented in Pierre
Chuvin, A Chronicle of the Last Pagans, Harvard University Press, U.S.A., 1990.
33
Hindus away quite a few of their idols and installed them in temples beyond the reach of the
Christian missionaries who were protected by the Portuguese pirates.
34
T.R. de Souza in M.D. David (ed.), Western Colonialism in Asia and Christianity, Bombay, 1988, p. 18.
The destruction in Goa has been documented in A.K. Priolkar, The Goa Inquisition, Bombay, 1962
(reprinted by Voice of India, 1991), and that in Madras by Ishwar Sharm, The Myth of St. Thomas and the
Mylapore Shiva Temple, Voice of India, 1991. What the Jesuits did in Pondicherry under the French has
been summarized from the Diary of Anand Ranga Pillai in Sita Ram Goel, History of Hindu-Christian
Encounters, Voice of India, 1989, pp. 377-86.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
THE BIBLE APPEARS IN ARABIC
The Qur�ãn can, without an exaggeration, be called the Bible in Arabic so far as its dominant theme is
concerned. That dominant theme is monotheism with all its implications, of which the most important is
iconoclasm. Our judgement is confirmed by the way the pagan Arabs responded to the Qur�ãn.
The Allah of the Qur�ãn announced again and again that he was making his revelations available in the
Arabic language so that the Arabs could have a scripture of their own.1 The response from the Arabs,
however, was far from positive. Biographers of the prophet inform us that the more the pagan Arabs came
to know the Qur�ãn the more hostile they became to it, till the man through whose mouth it was being
conveyed left Mecca in total frustration. The only Arab audience which the Prophet could find was in
Yathrib (Medina), the City of the Book.
Today the Qur�ãn is regarded, not by the Muslims alone, as the greatest classic ever composed in the
Arabic language. But the people to whom the language belonged before it was usurped by Islam, took no
such pride in the composition. On the contrary, they felt extremely annoyed that their ancient language was
being misused for a very profane purpose by a person whom, as we shall see, they thought demented and
possessed by evil spirits.
We can very well understand their reaction to the Qur�ãn if we consider its contents without being taken
in by the hallow which has been built around it in centuries after the pagan Arabs were made to disappear
from the scene. It is certainly a very strange document in Arabic which says precious little about Arabia, its
geography, its history, its people, its society and its age-old culture, and pours unmitigated contempt on its
religion and ways of worship. The pagan Arabs were not at all wrong if they concluded that Allãh of the
Qur�ãn was reducing their language to an empty shell in order to pack it with chronicles, characters and
concepts that were not only alien but also wholly distasteful to them. We at this distance in time can see
more clearly that Allãh was doing to Arabic what the Founding Fathers of the Christian Church had done to
Greek and Latin, and what Lenin will do to Russian and Mao Tse-tung to Chinese, that is, using a language
as a convenient cover for doctrines calculated to destroy the culture which has produced it, and devastate
the land in which it has flourished.
The Qur�ãn does not contain a single worthwhile story from pre-Islamic Arabia, unless we accept as facts
of history its concoctions about Abraham and the Ka�ba. For all its bulk, it is full of stories borrowed
bodily from the Bible except for a few minor details where Allãh�s memory falters or the latter-day
Jewish tradition has offered embellishments. All its heroes are the biblical prophets. The list includes Ãdam
(Adam), Nûh (Noah), Idris (Enoch), Ibrãhîm (Abraham), Ismã�îl (Ishmael), Ishãq (Issac), Lût (Lot),
Yãqûb (Jacob), Yûsuf (Joseph), Mûsa (Moses), Hãrun (Aaron), Tãlût (Saul), Da�ûd (David), Sulaymãn
(Solomon), Ilyãs (Elijah), Alyãsa� (Elisha), Ayyûb (Job), Hizqîl (Ezekiel), Yûnus (Jonah), Zakariya
(Zacharias), Yãhya (John the Baptist), and Îsã Masîh (Jesus Christ). Maryam (Mary), the mother of Jesus,
is also there. The only prophets who do not figure in the Bible are Hûd, Sãlîh and Shua�ib. They,
however, remain shadowy characters whose parentage and place of functioning cannot be determined with
certainty. They look like figments of Allãh�s imagination. In any case, they have been brought in only for
playing the role in which their brothers from the Bible are cast, that is, cursing their own people and
praying to Allãh to rain disasters on them.
The lion�s share in the stories of the Qur�ãn goes to Banû Isrã�îl (Children of Israel), that is, the
biblical Jews. In these stories Allãh identifies himself with Jehovah and their tenor remains the same as in
the Bible. Allãh reminiscences how he entered into a covenant with Abraham, and brought back his
progeny from Egypt and into the promised land. Abraham is presented as the first Muslim which is the
same as the first circumcised Jew. It is, however, Moses who looms larger than every other prophet. He is
the subject of a large number of verses in the Qur�ãn. He provides the perfect model which Allah expects
Muhammad to follow faithfully.
Muhammad himself is lifted clean out of his own people and pagan environment, and placed squarely and
firmly in the family of biblical prophets.2 Allãh informs him that he is the Last Prophet3 anticipated by the
earlier prophets and in the older scriptures.4 He is also assured that he is by no means alone in the midst of
�ignorant pagans� and that he can always turn for help to those �who read the earlier Scripture (that
was) before you.�5 For, what is being revealed to him was also revealed to Abraham, Ishmael, Issac,
Jacob, Moses and Jesus.6
The main theme of the Qur�ãn is also the same as that of the Bible, namely, a fierce war between
monotheism (tauhîd) on the one hand, and idolatry (shirk) on the other. The only difference is that this time
we miss most of Jehovah�s thunder. Allãh too, condemns, curses, and tries to frighten those who do not
accept him as the only god, and refuse to accept Muhammad as the last prophet. He also tells stories of
earlier people whom he had destroyed for their failure to follow his prophets. But the fury of the original
gets diluted in the imitation. It must also be said to the credit of the Qur�ãn that its Allãh does not employ
obscene language. That may be due to the personal culture of the Prophet, or to the fact that, unlike
Jehovah, Allãh did not have to face failure. He is certainly modest while introducing himself, which he
does mostly in the third person. But the proposition remains unaltered. �He is Allãh,� he says, �and
there is no god save Him� Your God is only Allãh than whom there is no other god� He is Allãh the
One� He is only One God� Your God is One God.� Once in a while the proposition is put in the form
of questions, �Is there any other god beside Allãh?� Or have they other gods?� The answer is always
provided by Allãh himself and is invariably an emphatic �no�. The refrain runs throughout the Qur�ãn.
The only compromise which Allah makes with his self-proclaimed status of absolute exclusiveness is in
favour of prophets whom he needs from time to time in order to advertise his claims and extend his
dominion. �Lo! Your Lord is Allãh,� he says, �Who created the heaven and the earth in six days, then
established Himself on the Throne, directing all things. There is no intercessor with Him except after His
permission.�7 That enables him to appoint the latest prophet and provide the second part of the Kalima,
�Muhammad is the messenger of Allãh.�
The principal task assigned to the Prophet is to see that Allãh alone is worshipped, obeyed and served, and
to wage a relentless war against Allãh�s rivals. Here, too, Allãh prefers to guide the Prophet at every stage
of the campaign-how to launch an ideological blitzkrieg against the other gods and those who worship
them; how to indoctrinate and marshal into a militant formation all those who opt for Allãh and break the
kinship ties which bind them to their ancestral society; when and how to go on the offensive at selected
fronts or all along the line; how to amass booty including the women and children of the idolaters, and
apportion it among the faithful; how to force the defeated and the demoralised adversaries into the
victorions fold; and how to annihilate pagan religion and culture till not a trace of them survives. Some
portions of the Qur�ãn, particularly the Medinese Sûras, do sound like chapters in a treatise on war.8
Iconoclasm in the Qur�ãn
The verses (ãyats) which deal with idolatry and idolaters lie scattered in all chapters (sûras) of the
Qur�ãn; taken together they constitute the largest number, particularly in the Meccan Sûras, as compared
to those devoted to other subjects. Many a time, the verses occur in the stories of prophets who came before
Muhammad. But it is more than obvious that they are addressed to the pagan contemporaries of the
Prophet. We have collected and collated them under several sections as the theme develops, stage by stage,
till it reaches its climax, that is, Allãh�s threat to destroy all peoples and human settlements where gods
other than him are honoured.
The �other gods� mean idols, most of the time; this is clear by the word Sanam (pl. aSnãm) which stands
for carved statues, and wathan (pl.awthãn) which stands for simple stones, trimmed or untrimmed.
Sometimes the �other gods� are the Stars, the Sun and the Moon as well; we have seen that worship of
these heavenly bodies was prevalent in pagan Arabia. But the description which we find most frequent in
the Qur�ãn is �partners ascribed to Allãh.� The technical term used for this ascription is shirk which
literally means �mixing� or �associating�. The idolaters are consequently called mushriks, which term
has acquired a stink in Islamic parlance. Witnessing the tantrums which Allãh throws constantly about
�partners ascribed to him�, we are left with a strong impression that the pagans had never neglected
Allãh; they only preferred to worship him surrounded by his numerous companions who were his own
Aspects, Names and Forms.9
Surveying the scene in pagan Arabia, Allãh of the Qur�ãn notices with great anger as well as anguish that,
though most of them worship Allãh, they always ascribe partners to him. What is worse, they worship
females such as Al-Lãt, Al-Manãt and Al-�Uzzã, calling them daughters of Allãh.10 They do not know
that Allãh never had a consort and, therefore, no sons or daughters. They are also unfair to Allãh when they
burden him with daughters, while they prefer sons for themselves.11 Allãh informs the idolaters that these
female deities are �mere names� invented by their forefathers and repeated by them, and that the worship
of other gods, male or female, has received �no warrant�, that is no scriptural authority. The
�idolaters� are also accused of dividing their offerings between Allãh and the partners ascribed to
him. But no offerings ever reach Allãh because the partners grab his portion as well as their own. And their
worship in the Ka�ba is �naught but whistling and handclapping.�12 It seems that, like pagans
everywhere and at all times, the pagans of Arabia also worshipped their Gods with song and dance.
Allãh also complains that the pagans pray to Allãh only when they are in trouble, but turn to other gods as
soon as they are out of it. If asked why they do not worship Allãh alone and always, they say that they
follow �the way of their forefathers�; they do not know that their forefathers were �unintelligent� and
had received �no guidance�. They also forget that it is Allãh who has created them and provides for
them. On the contrary, they have invented lies in support of which they come out with no proof. And they
persist in their error even when a Book has been sent to them. They have chosen mere �slaves� as their
protectors instead of the �master�, without realizing that slaves control nothing and can protect no one.
Nor do they grasp the �simple truth� that if there were gods beside Allãh, both heaven and earth would
have got disordered. The most unkindest cut of all, however, is that they invite Muhammad to disbelieve in
Allãh and turn to their gods. But Muhammad has not only no knowledge of their gods, he has also received
proof to the contrary. It is the same proof which the earlier prophets had received. The idolaters thus
compound their error by trying to drag Allãh�s prophet down to their own degenerate level.13
Turning to Muhammad, Allãh issues a stern command: �Say: O mankind! If you are in doubt about my
religion then (know) that I worship not what you worship instead of Allãh, but I worship Allãh who causeth
you to die, and I have been commanded to be of the believers�14 There is no compulsion in religion. The
right direction is henceforth distinct from error, and he who rejects false deities and believes in Allãh alone
has grasped a firm handhold which will never break. Allãh is Hearer, Knower.�15
Coming to the �other gods�, the cause of the whole quarrel, Allãh makes it quite clear that he himself
has not appointed them, nor authorised their worship. The prophets and scriptures sent by him earlier can
be consulted on the subject. He challenges the �idolaters� to produce proof to the contrary, if they have
any. On the other hand, he has sent a scripture to Muhammad confirming the earlier prophets, and
prohibiting the pagan practices in very clear words. The other gods �possess not an atom�s weight either
in heaven or on earth, nor have they any share in either�. They do not �own so much as the white spot on
a datestone�.16
Allah waxes eloquent about his own creation, which includes everything in the cosmos; the Qur�ãn is
crowded with verses in which its author revels in unbounded self-adultation. The exercise over, he
challenges the �idolaters� to produce evidence that their gods have ever created anything. The truth, he
says, is that they cannot create but are themselves created. They are dead, not living. If the �idolaters�
want to know the worth of their gods, they should call them (the gods) and wait for an answer; they will
wait in vain. For, the gods have no ears with which they may hear, and no eyes with which they may see.
Also, they have no feet with which they may walk, and no hands with which they may hold anything. They
are helpless, and dwell in darkness.17
Being deaf, dumb, blind and without limbs, the other gods can neither help anyone, nor hurt. If a fly
snatches away something from them, they do not have the strength to get it back. They are as frail and
fragile as a spider�s web. They cannot come to the rescue of those whom Allãh wants to hurt. Those who
hope to be helped by the other gods on the Last Day, are in for great disappointment; they (the gods) have
not been given any power of intercression on anyone�s behalf. They can lead their devotees only to doom
because they are �Satan�s handiworks� like �strong drink and games of chance.�18
The test will come on the Day of Judgment. Allãh is, however, in two minds about what will happen on that
fateful day.
According to one version, his messengers will round up the �idolaters� and ask them about the
whereabouts of their gods. The �idolaters� will say that the gods have �departed�, that is, taken to
their heels. At the same time, the �idolaters�, will confess that they �have been disbelievers�. They
will be brought before Allãh who will ask the angels in his court whether they (angels) were the ones whom
the �idolaters� worshipped. The angels will plead not-guilty and name the jinns. Allãh will then turn to
the �idolaters� and ask them why they had come alone and not accompanied by their gods. The
�idolaters� will deny that they were idolaters. Allãh�s verdict after their denial is not recored.19 But it
can be guessed that, because they were not believers, they will be consigned to eternal hell-fire, maybe of a
lesser degree.
The second version is more consistent and in keeping with the spirit of the Qur�ãn. It says that Allãh will
command: �Assemble those who did wrong together with their wives and what they used to worship.�
All of them will be brought before Allãh. He will start by interrogating the gods. He will ask whether they
misled the �idolaters�, or the latter went astray on their own. The gods will declare that they did not
choose their worshippers, but were chosen for worship without their consent; the forefathers of the
�idolaters� had gone astray because Allãh had �made it easy� for them, and the succeeding
generations had followed in their footsteps. Thus the gods will disassociate themselves from their devotees
and plead their own innocence. They will, however, admit that they might have misled others because they
themselves were in error. The �idolaters� will feel outraged and shout at the gods, �Didn�t you come
to us from the right and the left. Why are you blaming us alone?� The gods will remain unrepentant. They
will hit back, �You were unbelievers on your own. We had no power to influence you.�20 What we find
intriguing in this drama on the Day of Judgment is that the gods who were dead, blind, deaf, dumb and
without any brains whatsoever, become alive all of a sudden, start seeing, hearing and speaking, and
display wits like those of smart lawyers!
Allãh confides that he will set the devils to sow confusion in the camp of idolatry. The gods will turn
against their worshippers, and vice versa. The doors of hell will be opened and the �idolaters� will be
thrown into blazing fire. It is then that they will admit that they were wrong-doers and bewail that their
gods had failed them. They will wish to have another life on earth, so that they may be among the believers.
But it will be too late. Bound in chains, they will be dragged through boiling waters. No mediator will
come forward to mediate for them.21
Next, Allãh recites the record of earlier prophets and wise men vis-a-vis the idols and idolaters. We will
relate it chronologically.
Abraham chided his father Ezra and his people for being idolaters. He also rejected the worship of Stars,
the Moon and the Sun, all of which he saw setting after rising. His people argued with him in favour of the
ancestral way of worship. He asked them to produce scriptural proof in defence of their gods. At the same
time, he sought forgiveness from Allãh for his father. He harangued his father not to worship those who
neither hear, nor see, nor are helpful in any way. His father rejected the advice and threatened to stone him.
Abraham now decided to demonstrate the worthlessness of the gods. He sneaked into a place of worship
when his people were away and smashed all the idols to pieces except the biggest one among them. The
people, when they came back and saw the scene, made enquiries. Some youngmen who had seen Abraham
doing the deed reported the matter to them. So Abraham was questioned. He pointed an accusing finger at
the big idol and said that the big one had smashed the smaller ones, and that the truth could be found out by
questioning the pieces. His people said that idols were not known to speak. He shouted back, �Why then
do you worship them? Fie on you and what you worship!� They got angry and tried to bum him alive. But
Allãh cooled the fire and saved him. He told his people that it was not he but they and their gods who were
fuel for hell-fire, where they will be tormented for ever. Then he separated himself from his people and
proclaimed, �There has arisen between us and you hostility and hatred for ever until you believe in
Allãh.� Before he left, he informed his father, �I have sought forgiveness for you, though I know nothing
for you from Allãh.� His devotion was rewarded by Allãh with a son, Issac, and a grandson, Jacob.22
Moses found his people adoring the golden calf soon after he brought them out of Egypt. He ordered them
to slaughter with their own hands those among them who had gone astray. It was done. Moses also cursed
Sãmirî, the man who had connived at the worship of the golden calf, so that Sãmirî became a leper in this
life and fuel for hell-fire in the next. Moses burnt the golden calf and scattered the ashes on the sea.23
Solomon was informed by his pet hooper that the people of Saba� (Sheba of the Bible) were ruled by a
woman and worshipped the Sun instead of Allãh. He wrote to the Queen of Saba� demanding that she and
her people should come to the true faith. The Queen took fright and consulted her chieftains who went in a
delegation to Solomon with rich presents. The king spurned the presents and demanded that the Queen be
present in his court to settle the matter. The Queen had no choice. She went to Jerusalem, saw Solomon�s
power, and accepted that there was no god beside Allãh.24
Elijah warned his people not to worship Ba�al. They disregarded his advice and will face the doom on the
Day of Judgment. Luqmãn advised his son not to be an idolater and serve his parents. But if anyone�s
parents pressed their son to ascribe partners to Allãh, they were to be disobeyed. Ties of faith stood above
ties of kinship. Coming down the road of time, seven young men in Palestine took refuge inside a cave and
went to sleep when they saw their people degenerating into idolatry. They slept for three hundred years and
thought it only a day when they were awakened by Allãh. One of them went out to find food and
discovered that the Roman Empire was rid of idolatry and worshipped Allãh alone. The people in the town
also learnt about the true believers in the cave and hailed them as followers of Jesus Christ. A mosque was
erected over their graves when the seven faithful died after some time.25
Some of these stories are repeated several times and spread over several Sûras. Allãh tells them for the
benefit of the �idolaters� of Arabia. He exhorts them to follow the path of Abraham, Moses, Solomon,
Elijah, Luqmãn and the seven young men; otherwise they were bound to become fuel for hell-fire. Had
there been any other gods, they themselves would have tried to reach the throne and usurp Allãh�s
authority; there would have been disorder in heaven as well as on earth.26 If the �idolaters� fail to repent,
Allãh threatens to cast terror in their hearts; he tells them clear and loud that their abode will be hell-fire.
He can never forgive idolatry which is the greatest crime. They will find no escape from the torments in
hell, which is their journey�s end. There will be an awning of fire above them, and a floor of fire
underneath; they will not be able to drive it away from their faces, nor from their backs. We are leaving out
the blood-curdling accounts, which abound in the Qur�ãn, about what the fire will do to the victims, again
and again, and for ever and ever.27
Finally, Allãh bares his fangs and comes out in his true colours. �And how many generations,� he
thunders, �We destroyed before them!� Had they any place of refuge?� and they cried out when it was
no longer time for escape� Not one of them but denied the messenger, therefore My doom was justified�
We seized them unawares and lo! they were dumb-founded. So of the people who did wrong the last
remnant was cut off� And the heavens and the earth wept not for them, nor were they reprieved� How
many townships have we destroyed! As a raid by night, or while they slept at noon, Our terror came upon
them� Have they not travelled in the land and seen the nature of the consequences for those who were
before them, and they were mightier than these in power? Say (unto them, O Muhammad): Travel in the
land and see the nature of the sequel for the guilty! �And when We would destroy a township, We send
commandments to its folk who live at ease, and afterwards they commit abomination therein, and so the
word (of doom) hath effect for it, and we annihilate it with complete annihilation� There is not a township
but we shall destroy it ere the Day of Resurrection and punish it with dire punishment� And we verily
have destroyed townships round about you� Allãh struck at the foundations of their buildings, and then
the roof fell down upon them from above them, and the doom came upon them whence they knew
not� Are they who plan ill-deeds then secure that Allãh will not cause the earth to swallow them? �Or
that He will not seize them in their going to and fro so that there be no escape for them? �So think not that
Allãh will fail to keep His promise to His messenger. Lo! Allãh is Mighty, Able to Requite.�28
Lest the idolaters entertain the illusion that Allãh is bragging and does not mean business, he names the
tribes and towns he destroyed in olden times. Nûh had warned his people repeatedly against idolatry. But
they refused to renounce the gods of their forefathers. Allãh sent heavy rains, waters rose on all sides, and
they were drowned.29 Hûd taught his people in Ãd not to worship any gods besides Allãh. They too were
not prepared to give up the gods of their forefathers. Allãh sent violent storms which raged for seven nights
and eight days, and they were swept away.30 Sãlih was sent as a prophet to his people in Thamûd. He
invited them to worship Allãh alone and throw away their idols. They did not listen to him. Instead, they
hamstrung his camel. Allãh caused an earthquake along with a great thunderclap in the sky, which turned
their town upside down and they were buried in the debris.31 Lût lived in Sadûm when Allãh�s angels
arrived to punish the inhabitants for their sinfulness. The prophet advised them to repent and seek refuge in
Allãh. They turned a deaf ear and threatened to throw him out. Allãh rained stones on them, and the town
together with its people was totally destroyed.32 Shua�ib invited the people of Madayan (Midian) to turn
to Allãh. Their chiefs invited him to renounce Islam. Allãh�s wrath caught up with them.33 Mûsã and
Hãrûn were sent to Fir�ûn (Pharoah), and showed him many signs from Allãh. But Fir�ûn refused to
become a believer, and threatened to imprison the prophets. He was drowned in the sea along with his
army.34 The �dwellers of Ar-Raas� and �folk of Tubba�� also denied the messengers whom Allãh
had sent to them. They were wiped out.35
Allãh of the Qur�ãn now throws away the mask he has worn in order to pass as Allãh of the pagan Arabs.
He comes out in his true colours. He is no other than the old Jehovah of the Bible, the hardened gangster
we have met in the earlier section. And like his earlier incarnation, he, too, is a denizen of the dark depths
in human nature. Only the situation in which Jehovah alias Allãh intends to operate this time is totally
different.
The Jews living in Egypt after the collapse of their patrons, the Hyksos conquerors, belonged to a
bedraggled community which had lost its moorings long ago. They hardly had a religion or culture of their
own and, therefore, were prone to succumb to whosoever promised to be a saviour. Jehovah had not found
it difficult to possess them through his mouthpiece, Moses, and terrorise them into more or less total
submission. Moreover, he had indoctrinated them for forty long years before he led them into the promised
land. The land was not their own, and they could slaughter and despoil its natives without inhibitions
imposed by ties of kinship and a shared culture. The Jews could never stand up to Jehovah or question the
doctrines he had taught them. Whenever they lapsed into natural religion normal to mankind, they suffered
from a bad conscience. That is why prophets could always find a ready audience and flourish among them.
Jehovah had a safe constituency even when he failed to fulfil his promises, or carry out his threats.
The pagans of Arabia whom Allãh of the Qur�ãn had to face were, however, an altogether different cup of
tea. The land in which they lived was the one in which their forefathers had lived and prospered far ages
past. They had an ancient religion and culture of which they were mighty proud. They were not at all on the
lookout for a new cult or a saviour who could rescue them from a miserable state, or lead them into a
promised land. They did not cast covetous eyes on other people�s patrimony, while they zealously
guarded their own. They had a first-hand experience of monotheism during the short-lived Jewish regime in
Yemen, and the Abyssinian invasion that followed. They felt amused by prophets foaming at the mouth,
and dismissed them either as poets, or magicians, or plain lunatics. Thus they were ill-prepared to receive
revelations from Allãh or warm up to a privileged messenger.
The Qur�ãn has preserved portions of a debate which developed between the Meccans on the one hand
and Muhammad on the other. �The history then of the first years of Mohammed�s preaching at Mecca is
not without events, but it is, in the main, the history of a debate, and a debate in which the speeches of the
counsel of one side only are preserved. The Meccan Surahs of the Koran are rarely to be dated with
precision: many are reports or notes of the same course of lectures repeated over and over again by the
lecturer. Hence the order in which question after question was posed by the adversary is not
known.�36 We are taking up that debate before we proceed to the other methods adopted by the Prophet
for subduing the pagans of Arabia and destroying their places of worship. Even in its state of partial and
partisan preservation, the debate provides deep insights into the working of the pagan mind, as also of the
mechanics of monotheism.
Footnotes:
1
Qur�ãn, 12.2; 20.113; 26.195; 41.3; 43.3.
2
Ibid., 4.163; 5.19; 7.157; 33.7; 36.3 among others.
3
Ibid., 33.40.
4
Ibid., 3.81; 7.157; 46.9; 61.6.
5
Ibid., 2.41; 3.199; 5.33; 10.94; 6.20, 114; 10.37; 17.107; 26.196; 28.52; 34.6; 46.10, 87.18.
6
Ibid., 3.84; See also 5.44-46; 11.17; 45.16, 87.19.
7
Ibid., 10.3. See also 34.23.
8
It is not an accident that Brigadier S.K. Malik of the Pakistan military establishment has quoted
copiously from the Qur�ãn in hisThe Quranic Concept of War, Lahore (n. d), New Delhi Reprint,
1986. General Zia-ul-Haq, the late president of Pakistan, recommends the book which, in his own
words, �brings out the Quranic philosophy on the application of military force within the context
of the totality that is Jehad.�
9
Some scholars think that Muhammad used the term �partners� because he was a businessmen.
Allãh of the Qur�ãn does sound like a racketeer out to consolidate a monopoly over worship
which humans offer to the Divine.
10
A translator of the Qur�ãn observes in a footnote that these Arab Goddesses were like Lakshmî
and Sarasvatî of the Hindus (Qur�ãn Majîd translated into Hindi by Muhammad Fãrûq Khãn,
Rampur (U.P.), sixth reprint, 1976, p. 242). Hindus can accept the observation as a complement,
though the translator frowns upon their Goddesses as �mere names without reference to any
existence.� In any case, it establishes kinship between Hindus and the Arab pagans. Hindu Gods
and Godesses have invited the some invectives and physical onslaughts from the Islamic invaders
and their remanants as the Arab Gods and Godesses did from the Prophet and his flock.
11
Allãh of the Qur�ãn, like Jehovah of the Bible, has great contempt for females. See Qur�ãn,
16.57;37.149-53; 43.16-19; 52.39; 53.21-22,27; 65.1-7.
12
Qur�ãn, 12.106; 4.117; 6.101-102; 59.19-23; 6.137; 8.35.
13
Ibid., 3.98; 2.170; 30.40; 18.15; 4.153; 18.102; 21.22; 40.42; 40.66.
14
Ibid., 10.40.
15
Ibid., 2.256. The first line of this verse is often cited by apologists of Islam in support of their
proposition that Islam stands for tolerance in matters of belief. The complete verse, however, says
quite clearly that the unbelievers have no business to persist in error after the right guidance has
come. All commentators on the Qur�ãn proclaim, in unmistakable language, that this verse
authorises Muslims to wipe out all other religions.
16
Ibid., 48.47; 21.24-25; 34.22; 35.13.
17
Ibid., 31.11; 25.3; 16.17; 16.21; 7.194-194; 13.16.
18
Ibid., 25.55; 21.43; 29.40; 17.56; 36.23; 19.15; 43.86; 5.90.
19
Ibid., 7.37; 34.40-41; 6.22-23, 95.
20
Ibid., 37.22; 25.17-19; 28.63; 37.28-30.
21
Ibid., 19.82-83; 16.86., 26.19-102; 40.74; 74.48.
22
Ibid., 6.75-82; 14.41; 19.42; 21.57-69, 98-100. 26 86: 60.4; 26.77.
23
Ibid., 2.54; 29.96-97.
24
Ibid., 27.22-24.
25
Ibid., 37.123-128; 31.13-15; 18.9-21.
26
Ibid., 3.95, 17.39; 42; 21.22; 3.151; 4.41; 14.30; 18.52; 39.16; 21.39.
27
For detailed description of the torment see Ibid., 2.24; 4.56; 7.42; 10.4; 14.16-17; 17.97;
18.19;20.74; 22.19-22; 35.36-37; 44.44, 50; 69.30-36.
28
Ibid, 50,36; 38.3.14; 6.44-45; 44.29; 7.4; 35.44; 27.69; 17.16,58; 46.27; 16.26,45,46; 14.47.
�Able to Requite� is a very mild translation of the Arabic �Azîz al-Intiqãm�, which means
�Lover of Vengeance�.
29
Ibid., 71.21-28. The story is repeated in several other chapters.
30
Ibid., 6.65., 7.70; 11.58; 26.136 140; 54.18-21. The story is repeated in several other chapters.
31
Ibid., 7.73-74; 11.62-65; 26.158-159; 54.23-31. The story is repeated in several other chapters.
32
Ibid., 7.80-84; 11.77-83; 26.54-58. The name of the town, Sadûm (Sodom of the Bible) is not
mentioned in the Qur�ãn but is given by commentators. The story is repeated in several other
chapters.
33
Ibid., 7.85.93. The story is found in several other chapters.
34
Ibid., 10.148-53; 26.18-29; 28.40-42. The story is found in many other chapters.
35
Ibid., 50.10-14. These places have not been identified with certainty.
36
D.S. Margoliouth, op. cit., p. 125.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
MUHAMMAD AND THE MECCANS
The Prophet had kept his mission concealed for three years after he received the first revelations. The
Muslim brotherhood had functioned as a secret society. Ibn Ishãq gives a list of persons who had
joined.1 �The advantage of the darkness for the first few years was great. The darkness saved it from being
crushed at the outset. Ridicule and contempt could be more easily endured when some hundred persons
were involved, than if the Prophet had been compelled to endure them by himself. It saved him, too, from
the character of the eccentric sage (such as Waraqa and others had borne), investing him from his first
public appearance with that of the leader of a party; it gave the Prophet time to secure over a reasonable
number of people that influence which he could exercise to a reasonable degree.�2
People in Mecca had, however, sensed that something was afoot. From the first, Muslims had been directed
by Allãh to offer prayers in congregation. They could not do it inside the city so long as they were an
underground organisation. �When the apostle�s companions prayed,� reports Ibn Ishãq, �they went to
the glens so that people could not see them praying, and while Sa�d b. Abû Waqqãs was with a number of
the prophet�s companions in one of the glens of Mecca, a band of polytheists came upon them while they
were praying and rudely interrupted them. They blamed them for what they were doing until they came to
blows, and it was on that occasion that Sa�d smote a polytheist with the jawbone of a camel and wounded
him. That was the first blood to be shed in Islam.�3 No reprisals from the pagan side are reported.
Some more incidents of a similar king happened and the offenders went unpunished. The pagans were not
organised in an ideologically oriented group, secret or open, to be able to meet the challenge promptly and
effectively. As it happens in every pluralistic society faced with an aggressive and determined minority, the
Meccan majority showed only surprise and pain at what was happening. This state of helplessness
displayed by the majority helped the Muslims to acquire contempt for it; some faint-hearted pagans chose
to go over fast to what looked like the winning side. So the secret society felt sufficiently self-confident to
come out in the open. �People began to accept Islam, both men and women, in large numbers until the
fame of it spread throughout Mecca, and it began to be talked about. Then God commanded His apostle to
declare the truth of what he had received and make known His commandments to men and call them to
Him. Three years elapsed from the time the apostle concealed his state until God commanded him to
publish his religion, according to information which has reached me. Then God said, �Proclaim what you
have been ordered and turn aside from the polytheists.��4
The �religion� proclaimed was very simple-the end of the world is near at hand; on the Last Day the
dead will be raised and judged; those who had believed in Allãh as the only god and in Muhammad as the
last Prophet will enter paradise for an everlasting life of the rarest pleasures; those who ascribed partners to
Allãh or denied Muhammad�s prophethood or did both will be thrown into blazing hell-fire and subjected
to ever more terrible torments without end or relief. It was made quite clear at the very outset that belief in
Allãh as the only God was not enough; it had to he accompanied by the belief that Muhammad was the
only mediator through whom Allãh�s mercy could be sought or obtained.
There were, of course, some novel ways of worshipping Allãh and leading a pious life. What startled the
Meccans, however, was the polemics which accompanied the publicity of Islam. �To avow Islam meant to
renounce publicly the national worship, to ridicule, and if possible to break down idols, and unabashedly to
use the new salutation and to celebrate the new-fangled rites. For it must be remembered that Islam was in
its nature polemical. Its Allah was not satisfied with worship, unless similar honour was paid to no other
name; and his worship also was intolerant of idols, and of all rites not instituted by himself� Mohammed
and Abu Bakr were planning an attack on the national religion, that cult which every Meccan proudly
remembered had within their memory been defended by a miracle from the Abyssinian invaders and in
their myths had often thus triumphed before. The gods they worshipped were, Mohammed and Abu Bakr
asserted, no gods. For their worship these innovators would substitute that of the Jews whose power in
South Arabia had recently been overthrown, and of the Christians with whose defeat the national spirit of
Arabia had just awakened.�5
The pagan response was slow in crystallizing. The first thing which the pagans did was to lead several
delegations to Abû Tãlib, Muhammad�s uncle and guardian. They told him that his nephew had �cursed
our gods, insulted our religion, mocked our way of life and accused our forefathers of error�, and
requested him to restrain the revolutionary. Abû Tãlib was conciliatory and tried to persuade Muhammad to
go slow. �Do not put on me a burden greater than I can bear�, he said to his nephew. But the Prophet
�continued on his way, publishing God�s religion and calling men therein.�6 His uncle was in no
position to stop him. �Perhaps Abu Talib and his numerous family could not afford to abandon their
wealthy relative; and, indeed, had Mohammed not had some power over his uncle, it is unlikely that the
latter would have submitted to the inconvenience which his nephew�s mission brought on him.�7
Meanwhile, Islam was having an impact on Meccan society which was even more painful for a people
wedded to the solidarity of family and clan. Every family from which a member or members had converted
to the new creed was under severe strain. Sons were not only becoming rude to their parents but also
pouring contempt on the elders� way of life and worship. Brothers were becoming estranged. Marriages in
which one of the partners had converted, were breaking up fast. As al-Walîd b. al-Mughîra, a man of
standing in Mecca, observed, Muhammad looked like �a sorcerer who has brought a message by which he
separates a man from his father, or from his brother, or from his wife, or from his family.�8
�The view prevalent at Meccah concerning Mohammad appears to have been that he was mad-under the
influence of a Jinn, one of the beings who were supposed to speak through poets and sorcerers. That this
charge stung Mohammed to the quick may be inferred from the virulence with which he rejects it, and the
invective with which he attacks the �bastard� who had uttered it. He charges the author of the outrage
with being unable to write and with being over head and ears in debt and threatens to brand him on his
�proboscis.��9 Allãh thundered on his prophet�s behalf: �You are not a mad man� And you will see
and they will see, which of you is the demented. Therefore obey not you the rejecters, who would have you
compromise, that they may compromise: Neither obey you each feeble oath-monger, detractor, spreader
abroad of slanders, hinderer, of the good, an aggressor, malefactor, greedy therewithal, intrusive. We shall
brand him on the nose.�10
This loss of temper on Allãh�s part, however, served only to confirm the Meccans in their
suspicion. Another incident gave strength to it. One day some Meccans were assembled in the precincts of
the Ka�ba when Muhammad also happened to come by. The Meccans made some remarks within his
hearing. Muhammad hit back, �By him who holds my life in His hand, I bring you slaughter.�11 The
Meccans were stunned. They concluded that something had happened to Muhammad who had been known
earlier as a man of even temper. Muhammad had claimed that an angel came to him often with Allãh�s
revelations. The Meccans became sure that he was being visited by some malevolent Spirit.
The Meccans sent �Utba b. Rabî�a, one of their chiefs, to Muhammad. Among other offers made by
�Utba to Muhammad, one was that of providing medical relief. �Utba said, �If this ghost which comes
to you, which you see, is such that you cannot get rid of him, we will find a physician for you, and exhaust
our means in getting you cured, for often a spirit gets possession of a man until he can be cured of
it.�12 The Prophet remained calm, explained his mission to �Utba, and recited some Qur�ãn. �Utba
came back convinced that Muhammad was quite sane and advised the Meccans to leave him alone. �If
(other) Arabs kill him, others will have rid you of him,� he said.13 The Meccans, however, did not agree
with him. They decided to launch an offensive against the Prophet. Their patience had come to an end.
The questions which the Meccans posed and the observations they made are scattered over many chapters
of Qur�ãn. We have collected and sorted them out with reference to subject and logical sequence. �The
objections recorded and ostensibly answered in the Koran appear to have been directed against every part
and feature of the new system; against Mohammed personally, against his notion of prophecy, against his
style, his statements, his doctrines. It is impossible to suggest any chronological scheme for them.�14
The manner in which the debate is recorded in the Qur�ãn is somewhat strange. The Meccans must have
said what they said, to Muhammad and his Muslims directly, or among themselves. But the answers come
invariably from Allãh in the form of revelations. It appears as if Allãh thought it hazardous to depend upon
the credibility or the capacity of his prophet to meet the challenge. �The debate with which the earlier
years were filled was conducted in a variety of ways. Occasionally the Prophet himself condescended to
enter the arena, and confront his antagonists: he was indeed a powerful preacher and �when he talked of
the Day of Judgment his cheeks blazed, and his voice rose, and his manner was fiery�; apparently,
however, he was not a ready debater, and was worsted when he tried the plan. Moreover, his temper in
debate was not easily controlled, and he was apt to give violent and insulting answers to questioners. He
therefore received divine instruction not to take part in open debate, to evade the question and if questioned
by the unbelievers, retire.�15
Cynics may say that the Prophet was using Allãh as an alibi. Whatever be the truth, Allãh�s intervention
helped in preserving some very significant pagan statements, as we shall see. The biographers of the
Prophet do indicate that a debate took place during his mission at Mecca. But their reports on the subject
are one-sided, apart from being sketchy.
The style in which the pagan questions are posed and Allãh�s answers stated in the Qur�ãn is
stereotyped. The points the Meccans made are preceded by the phrase, �They say�, and Allãh�s
rejoinders by the phrase, �Say�. Allãh looks like a prompter guiding from the wings an actor on the
stage. Quite often, the debate is reported as having taken place between some earlier prophet and his
people. It is obvious, however, that the participants meant are Muhammad and his pagan contemporaries,
�More often then the controversy was conducted as it is� in election times, when different speakers
address different meetings. The points are recorded and reported by members of the audience to the
antagonists; who then proceed if they deem it worth while, in some manner to reply.�16
To start with, the Meccans felt amused that a man like Muhammad, who was distinguished neither by birth
nor breeding, should strut around proclaiming himself a prophet. Muhammad�s followers also came from
classes and occupations which were not very respectable according to Meccan standards. Allãh reports:
�When they see you (O Muhammad) they treat you as a jest saying: Is he (the man) whom Allãh has sent
as a messenger? He would have led us far away from our gods if we had not been staunch to them� Has
he invented a lie concerning Allãh or is there some madness in him? �Shall we forsake our gods for a mad
poet? �Or one of the gods has possessed you in an evil way� Shall we put faith in you when the lowest
(people) follow you? �We see you but mortal (man) like us, and we see not that any save the most abject
among us follow you, without reflection. We behold in you no merit above us-nay, we deem you liars�
We are surely better than this fellow who can hardly make (his meaning) clear� We do not understand
much of what you say, and we see you weak among us� We are more (than you) in wealth, and in
children� Why are not angels sent down unto us, and why do we not see our Lord? �If you cease not,
you will soon be the outcast.�17
Allãh keeps mum about his Prophet�s birth and breeding. About the Prophet�s followers he says that
their past is not relevant after they have come to the true faith. He assures the Meccans that Muhammad is
neither mad, nor a poet, nor possessed. He laments that the Meccans think too highly of themselves and are
proud and scornful. He assures Muhammad that the time is fast approaching when it will be found out who
is really mad, and that the disbelievers shall stand humbled.
Muhammad�s and his followers� low birth and lack of breeding may sound a merit in our own times
when an inverted snobbery, which prizes them above everything else, has been made fashionable by
Marxism and allied ideologies; one has to hide one�s high birth and breeding these days in order to pass
muster. To the Meccans of the seventh century as to their contemporary societies, however, Muhammad�s
bio-data disqualified him, at least as a messenger from Allãh. Biographers of the prophet would not have
taken the pains they took, and invented fables in order to invest Muhammad with a distinguished pedigree,
had not his background been seen by them as a distinct disadvantage to his claims and career. Margoliouth
has cited several early Muslim sources to conclude that Muhammad�s grandfather, �Abd al-MuTTalib,
was a manumitted slave who made his living by means which were not considered honourable in Mecca at
that time, namely, lending money and providing water and food to the pilgrims for a consideration.18 In any
case, there is no escape from the evidence provided by the Qur�ãn that Muhammad himself felt deeply
hurt by the jibes hurled at him by the Meccans and sought consolation from Allãh. It appears that he
himself shared the standards or prejudices of his age.
Another point which provided amusement to the Meccans was the Prophet�s incapacity to perform
miracles. He had himself invited the trouble by producing revelations in which the preceding prophets,
particularly Moses and Jesus, had exhibited supernatural powers. Allãh reports: �They say: This is only a
mortal like you who would make himself superior to you� He is only a man in whom there is a madness.
So watch him for a while� This is only a mortal like you who eats whereof you eat, and drinks of what
you drink� If you were to obey a mortal like yourselves, you surely will be losers� What ails the
messenger of Allãh that he eats and walks in the markets? �You are but mortals like us who would fain
turn us away from what our fathers used to worship� shall mere mortals guide us? �You are but a mortal
man like us. RaHmãn has naught revealed to you but a lie� Is this other than a mortal man? Will you then
succumb to magic when you see it? �So bring some token if you are of the truthful� If only some portent
were sent down upon him from his Lord � If only he would bring us a miracle from the Lord� Why are
no portents sent down upon him? �Why then have armlets of gold not been set upon him, or angles sent
along with him? �We shall not put faith in you till you cause a spring to gush forth from the earth for us,
or you have a garden of date-palms and grapes and cause rivers to gush forth therein abundantly, or you
cause the heavens to fall peacemeal as you have pretended, or bring Allãh and the angels as warrant, or you
have a house of gold, or you ascend into heaven, and even then we will put no faith in your ascension till
you bring down a book that we can read� Or why is not treasure thrown down unto him or why has he not
a paradise from whence to eat? �You are following but a man bewitched��19
Allãh assures the Meccans: �Your comrade errs not, nor is deceived� Surely he beheld him (the angel)
on the horizon. Nor is he avid of the unseen�� He commands the Prophet: �Say: You are a warner
only� Say: I am naught save a mortal messenger� Portents are with Allãh and I am a warner
only� Allãh is able to send down a portent. But most of them known not�� He reminds Muhammed
that the Meccans are not likely to believe even if a miracle is shown to them. �The hour drew nigh and the
moon was rent in twain. And if they behold a portent, they turn away and say: Prolonged
illusion.�20 According to some commentators on the Qur�ãn, this revelation refers to an actual miracle
performed by the Prophet. One night the moon had split into two and Mount Hara was seen standing
between the two parts. But the Meccans dismissed it as an illusion. Other commentators, however, say that
this refers to a future event when the Last Day will be near at hand.
The Meccan stood firm by their gods; their faith in the gods was not at all shaken by Muhammad�s
attacks. Allãh reports: �When it was said unto them, There is no God save Allãh, they were scornful, and
said: Shall we forsake our gods for a mad poet?� And they marvel that a warner from among themselves
has come. They say: This is a wizard, a charlatan. Makes he the gods One God? This is an astounding
thing� The chiefs among them go about exhorting: Go and be staunch by your gods. This is a thing
designed (against) you. We have not heard this earlier in our religion. This is naught but an invention. Has
a Reminder been revealed unto him alone among us?� Why not Allãh speak to us, or some sign come to
us?� Had Allãh willed we would not have ascribed (unto him) partners, neither our forefathers� Had
Allãh willed we would not have worshipped aught beside Him, we and our forefathers, nor forbidden aught
commanded from Him� We worship them only that they may bring us near unto Allãh� He has invented
a lie about Allãh��21
Some of their observations were addressed to Muhammad, though reported by Allãh: �Enough for us is
that wherein we found our forefathers. Have you come to us that we serve Allãh alone and foresake what
our fathers worshipped? Do you ask us not to worship what our forefathers worshipped? We are in grave
doubt concerning that to which you call us� Does your way of prayer command you that we should
forsake that which our forefathers worshipped ?� We found our forefathers following a religion, and we
are guided by their footprints. In what you bring we are disbelievers� O Wizard! Entreat your Lord by the
pact he has made with you, so that we may walk aright��22
The Meccans were in no mood to accept the name which Muhammad wanted to foist on Allãh: �When
they see you, they but choose you out of mockery: Is this (the man) who makes mockery of our gods? And
they would deny all mention of the RaHmãn� And when they are asked to adore RaHmãn, they say: What
is RaHmãn? Are we to adore whatever you bid us? And it increases aversion in them� And when the son
of Mary is quoted as an example, behold! the folk laugh out, and say: Are our gods better, or is he?� They
call our revelations false with strong denial� And when the Qur�ãn is recited unto them, they do not
prostrate themselves.�23
But, as Muhammad persisted in reviling their gods, the Meccans decided to hit back. They met him and
said: �Muhammad, you will either stop cursing our gods, or we will curse your Allãh.� They had
understood finally that the Allãh whose will Muhammad was revealing was not the Allãh they worshipped.
Allãh of the Qur�ãn felt concerned at this new turn and revealed, �Had Allãh willed, they would not
have been idolatrous. We have not set you as a keeper over them, nor are you responsible for them. Revile
not those unto whom they pray beside Allah lest they wrongfully revile Allah through ignorance.�24 Ibn
Ishãq observes: �I have been told that the apostle refrained from cursing their gods, and began to call them
to Allãh.�25
The Meccans, however, were not at all impressed by the revelations produced by the Prophet; they did not
accept his claim that he received them from some higher source. They thought that he was inventing them
himself. Allãh reports: �They say: This is naught else than the speech of a mortal man� This is naught
else than an invented lie� Nay, say they, (these are but) muddled dreams, he has but invented it; nay, he is
but a poet� And when our revelations are recited unto them, they say: We have heard. If we wish we can
speak the like of this. This is naught but fables of the men of old��26
Muhammad threw a challenge to the Meccans. Allãh prompted him: �Say: Then bring a sûrah like unto it,
and call (for help) all you can besides Allãh if you are truthful.�27 The challenge was accepted by al-NaDr
b. Hãrith, a Meccan chief, who said: �I can tell a better story than he� In what respect is Muhammad a
better story-teller?�28 He told several stories in verses which were like verses of the Qur�ãn. Muhammad
felt outraged and never forgave al-NaDr. �The effect of the criticism must have been very damaging; for
when the Prophet at the battle of Badr got the man into his power, he executed him at once while he
allowed the others to be ransomed.�29 Ibn Ishãq confirms that when the apostle was at al-Safrã� on his
way back from Badr. �al-NaDr was killed by �Alî��30 But while the Prophet was still in Mecca, Allãh
thought it wise to pacify the pagans. He revealed: �It is not a poet�s speech� nor diviner�s speech.
And if he had invented false sayings, we assuredly had taken him by the right hand, and severed his lifeartery, and not one of you could have held us off from him.�31
The more knowledgeable among the Meccans suspected that Muhammad was only repeating what he had
learnt from the People of the Book, Jews and Christians. Allãh reports: �They say: And we know well that
only a man teaches him� This is naught but a lie that he has invented and other folk have helped him so
that they produced a slander and a lie� Fables of men of old which he has written down so that they are
dictated to him morn and evening� One taught (by others), a mad man��32
There were several stories current in Mecca regarding the particular person or persons who coached
Muhammad in biblical lore which, they said, was all that came out in the Qur�ãn. �One account says it
was Jabar, a Greek servant to Amer Ebn al Hadrami, who could read and write well; another, that they were
Jabar and Yesar, two slaves who followed the trade of sword cutlers at Mecca, and used to read the
pentateuch and gospel and had often Mohammed as their auditor, when he passed that way. Another tells us
it was Aîsh, or Yãsîh, a domestic of al Haweiteb Ebn Abd al �Uzzã, who was a man of some learning, and
had embraced Mohammedanism. Another supposes it was Kais, a Christian, whose house Muhammad
frequented; another, that it was Addãs, a servant of Otba Ebn Rabia��33
Having seen the People of the Book from close quarters, the Meccans found it difficult to believe that
divine knowledge had been sent to the Jews and the Christians long ago, and that they themselves were
deprived of it till the advent of Muhammad. Allãh proceeds: �They say: The Scripture was revealed only
to two sets of people before us, and we in sooth were not aware of what they read� If the Scripture had
been revealed unto us, we surely would have been better guided than are they� Two magics which support
each other� In both we are disbelievers� If it had been any good they would not have been before us in
attaining it� This is an ancient lie.�34
It had also been noticed that Muhammad produced revelations according to his convenience in the debate.
Allãh complained: �And when we put a revelation in place of (another), they say: You are but inventing�
Why is not the Qur�ãn revealed unto him all at one.�35 Allãh had himself revealed that the Qur�ãn was
being read out from a �well guarded tablet� preserved in the highest heaven. Why was it then being
doled out in bits and pieces? The Meccans suspected that the Prophet was inventing verses as occasion
demanded.
The incident which confirmed their suspicion was that of the so-called Satanic Verses. Tabarî has recorded:
�When the apostle saw that his people turned their backs on him and he was pained by their estrangement
from what he brought them from God he longed that there should come to him from God a message that
would reconcile his people to him� Then God sent down, �Have ye thought of Al-Lãt and al-�Uzzã and
Manãt the third, the other, these are the exalted Gharãnîq whose intercession is approved.�� The
Meccans felt happy and thought that the strife was over, now that Muhammad had endorsed their
Goddesses. But Muhammad had to face his own followers who felt betrayed. The verses were withdrawn
soon after and replaced by another revelation. �So God annulled what Satan had suggested and God
established His verses.�36
So the Meccans turned down the Qur�ãn totally and finally. Allãh reports: �Their chieftains said: We
surely see you in foolishness and we deem you of the liars� It is all one to us whether you preach or are
not of those who preach� Our hearts are protected from that unto which you (Muhammad) call us, and in
our ears there is deafness, and between us and you there is a veil� They say (to their people): Heed not
this Qur�ãn, and drown the hearing of it.�37
Having reaffirmed their Gods and rejected Muhammad�s prophetho