Assess the impact of Christianity on Insular art

Assess the impact of Christianity on Insular art
Abstract
Surviving works of art are some of the most important artefacts for the study of the history
and culture of Early Medieval Europe. Conversely, historical and societal considerations are
of utmost importance for the study and understanding of the art of the epoch. This essay
deals with Insular art roughly from the fifth to the seventh century A.D., a period during
which Christianity was adopted, became widespread and achieved a status of major
significance in Ireland. It overviews and discusses the impact of this religious shift and its
historical circumstances on Insular art. Existing artistic practices, the policies adopted by the
legendary first missionaries, the monastic organisation of the early church, the Irish
penchant for pilgrimage and the growth of the cult of relics are all found to have influenced
the development of Insular stone carving, metalwork and manuscript illumination. In the
essay, I argue firstly that the advancement of Christianity promoted a rise in artistic
production; secondly, that it provided a source of artistic innovations while allowing, and
perhaps even facilitating, the continuation earlier visual motifs and practices. Finally, I
conclude that the advent of Christianity brought about a merging of local and foreign artistic
traditions which resulted in a unique new art style that gave birth to some of the most
astonishing masterpieces of the Early Middle Ages.
Keywords: Insular art; Hiberno-Saxon art; Christianity; early medieval art; early Irish art
The Christian church occupies a major position in the history of Western art. In
Ireland, where Christianity set foot very early despite its remote location on the edge of
what then was the Western world, its adoption led to a flowering of artistic creativity. In the
first centuries of their Christian history, craftsmen of Ireland and parts of Britain produced
an art known as Insular, which drew on pre-Christian traditions as well as on multiple new
influences brought by way of the new religion.1 Existing artistic practices, the policies of the
legendary first missionaries, the monastic organisation of the early church, the popularity of
pilgrimage and the cult of relics were among the many factors which shaped the
development of Insular art. In this essay, I will discuss aspects of these historical
circumstances with references to stone carving, metalwork and manuscript illumination.
Firstly, I will argue that the advancement of Christianity provided an impetus for artistic
activity. Secondly, I will discuss the innovations that made their way into craftsmen's
workshops, before moving on to look at the way religious artwork permitted a continuation
of older visual motifs. I will conclude by arguing that the merging of local and foreign artistic
traditions in that particular time and place gave birth to a unique new art style.
Christianity made its first incursions into Ireland in the fourth century through
contact with the churches of Roman Britain.2 According to Françoise Henry, it was 'certainly
1
The nationality-neutral terms I sular a d Hi er o-“a o are used i refere e to the art of the period
roughly from c.500 A.D. to 1000 A.D. in Ireland and the areas of Britain strongly connected with it, primarily
“ otla d a d Northu ria, hi h ha e ee des ri ed as a ultural pro i e of Irela d at the ti e. Ó Cróinín,
Dáibhi, 'Introduction: Ireland and the Celtic Kingdoms of Britain', in Susan Youngs (ed.), 'The Work of Angels':
Masterpieces of Celtic Metalwork, 6th-9th Centuries AD, London, 1989, p.14.
In this essay, I use the ter s Irish a d I sular i ter ha gea l for the sake of ariet a d re it .
I also concentrate on the earlier period in Insular art, prior to the Viking invasions c.800 A.D., during which
the style developed most rapidly and may be said to have reached its highest achievements.
2
The advent of Christianity in Ireland is 'documented linguistically and in historical sources, and
archaeologically in the occurrence if early cross-slabs.' Harding, D.W., The Archaeology of Celtic Art, London
and New York, 2007, p.252
1
firmly implanted' towards the end of the century.3 The earliest examples of specifically
Christian art, dating prior to 600 A.D., survive in the form of stone carving.4 Though it cannot
be ascertained whether stones and pillars bearing Ogham inscriptions were Christian
monuments from the outset, the script as well as the practice of incising burial memorials
with an epitaph originated in Roman customs.5 In any case, Charles Thomas suggests that
such inscribed memorial stones became common in Ireland and Britain in the fifth century
precisely because of the spread of Christianity and its burial requirements.
By 431 A.D., there were enough Christians in Ireland for the Pope to send the Gallican
Palladius as a bishop to the nascent community.6 While Palladius was active in the south of
the island, another mission arrived in the north from Britain – that of St Patrick. The first
missionaries brought a selection of liturgical objects with them, which would have
constituted only a small number of the necessary equipment as new churches were being
established, meaning that native craftsmen would have been employed from an early stage. 7
For the celebration of the Eucharist, metalworkers were required to produce sacred vessels
– chalices for the wine and patens or plates for the Communion bread. Michael Ryan also
lists a range of other surviving church equipment, which includes holy-water sprinklers, bells,
fragments of croziers and of mounts belonging to large crosses.8
3
Henry, Françoise, Irish Art in the Early Christian Period (to 800 A.D.), London, 1965, p.19
Thomas, Charles, 'The Earliest Christian Art in Ireland and Britain', in Michael Ryan (ed.), Ireland and Insular
Art AD 500-1200, Dublin, 1987, p.10
5
Ibid., p.8
6
D. Ó Cróinín (1989), p.13
7
St Patrick's seventh-century biographer Tirechán describes him bringing across the river Shanon 'fifty bells,
fifty patens, fifty chalices, altar-stones, books of the law, books of the Gospels', but this, in all likelihood, is a
strong exaggeration.
D. Ó Cróinín (1989), p.15; Ryan, Michael, 'Church metalwork in the eighth and ninth centuries', in S. Youngs
(ed.), 1989, p.125
8
M. Ryan (1989), p.129
4
2
Perhaps the most significant cultural innovation brought by the Christian religion was
the written word. As Emanuelle Pirotte states, early 'Christian culture is haunted by the
search for the spiritual meaning that lies in the sacred text of the Bible', and it is remarkable
how quickly this aspect of the faith was embraced in a society where teaching had been
practiced only in oral and where Latin had never been a spoken language.9 This flourishing of
intellectual activity can be ascribed to the monastic organisation which the Church took in
the Insular world.10 Contemplation and scholarly elaboration of the holy texts was an
essential part of monastic life, practiced not only in writing, but also in manuscript
illumination – both activities required 'an absolute and total participation of body and spirit
that was considered to be an important act of devotion.'11
The rise of monasteries as centres of learning and artistic activity must also account
for the strong stylistic links which developed between manuscript illumination, stone carving
and metalwork. In case of the latter, this includes secular metalwork such as brooches,
which would conceivably have been manufactured in the same monastic workshops,
especially given that monasteries were closely associated with royal centres of power.12
Royal patronage must also account for the sumptuousness and astonishing artistic quality
that was achieved in objects such as the Ardagh Chalice or the Book of Kells.
9
Pirotte, Emmanuelle, 'Ornament and Script in Early Medieval Insular and Continental Manuscripts: Reasons,
Functions, Efficiency', in Colum Hourihane (ed.), From Ireland Coming: Irish Art from the early Christian to the
late Gothic period and it's European Context, Princeton, 2001, p.278; F. Henry (1965), p.25
Not only were the texts of scriptures copied, but original works of exegesis appeared towards the middle of
the seventh century, as well as lives of Irish saints – F. Henry (1965), pp.30-31
10
The system of territorial dioceses, based on the old Roman military regions, had no equivalent in the rural
Irish society; with the decline of towns in the former province of Britannia and the additional devastation of
populations by the plagues of the mid-sixth century, it was the model of the monastic church of east
Mediterranean origins which firmly established itself.D. Ó Cróinín (1989), pp.13-14; Laing, Lloyd, European
Influence on Celtic Art: Patrons and Artists, Dublin, 2010, pp.71-72
11
E. Pirotte (2001), p.278
12
D. Ó Cróinín (1989), p.14, Ryan, Michael, 'Metalwork in Ireland from the Later Seventh to the Ninth Century:
A Review', in Colum Hourihane (ed.), Insular and Anglo-Saxon Art and Thought in the Early Christian Period,
Princeton, 2011, p.45; L. Laing (2010), p.71; 99
3
One last stimulus for Insular artistic production with which the Church may be
accredited is related to the cult of relics. Shrines were made for pilgrims travelling to Rome
and other holy sites so that relics acquired there could be brought back; with the growth of
the cult of Irish saints and "domestic" pilgrimage, lavish shrines were designed to display
their relics in the local churches, and monumental free-standing crosses were erected as
additional attraction points for pilgrims, re-creating the wonders of Rome on home land.13
It is clear from the discussion so far that with the establishment of the new religion a
wide range of novel objects began to be made by local artists and craftsmen. With the
foreign models for these items came a fresh influx of techniques, visual motifs and stylistic
forms from a variety of sources. Christian symbols were the most evident new forms that
appeared on craft works. A sample of Christian vocabulary can be found on the earliest
surviving objects – incised stone slabs. Cross-bearing stones were found in nearly every early
monastery, the Greek cross, often made of arcs of a circle, and the Latin cross with expanded
ends being the most common among a variety of other cross types.14 The Chi-Rho
monogram is also found, often consisting of the curve of the Rho simply added to the upper
arm of the cross [image 1]. Another popular motif is the marigold cross, which is thought to
derive from the flabellum.15 The Marigold Stone in Carndonagh, Co. Donegal [image 2], may
be a representation of the famous example which belonged to St Columba (Colum Cille) and
13
Hoogla d Verkerk, Doroth , Pilgri age ad Limina Apostolorum in Rome: Irish Crosses and Early Christian
“ar ophagi , i C. Houriha e ed. ,
, p.
14
F. Henry (1965), p.54
15
The flabellum is a type of fan which originated in the East from fans used to keep winged insects away from
the Eucharistic bread and wine, but had acquired a symbolic function and was made of metal by the time it
reached Ireland. L. Laing (2010), p.85
4
became one of the relics of the saint.16 Among other found iconographic symbols we may
cite the fish and the peacock – both symbols of Christ.
These earliest manifestations of Christian ornament are believed to have reached the
Insular world on stamped pottery through trade with southern Greece, Asia Minor and
North Africa.17 Much greater opportunities for artistic exchange were established once Irish
pilgrims and missionaries embarked on their foreign travels and founded new monastic
centres overseas. Peregrinatio, undertaken as spiritual exile and even "white martyrdom",
seemed to be second nature to the Irish in the eyes of continental Europeans. 18 The
monasteries of Durrow and Iona founded by the Irish St Columba, as well as Iona's daughterhouse at Lindisfarne, became important centres of contact between Ireland and Anglo-Saxon
and Pictish peoples. The mission of Columbanus initiated in c. 590 A.D. resulted in the
monasteries of Luxeuil, Fontaine and Annagray in Burgundy, St Gall in Switzerland founded
by Columbanus' disciple, and Bobbio in Italy. The artistic impact of these foreign connections
can be observed to a great extent in the Book of Durrow, the earliest complete illuminated
Insular gospel book to survive. The broad ribbon interlace such as that which borders the
pages of evangelist symbols is attributed to Coptic or at least Mediterranean origins. 19 An
Eastern Mediterranean origin is also inferred for the Book's carpet pages, and Carl
Nordenfalk has argued that the first carpet page (f.1v) was directly inspired by a similar
carpet page in a Persian copy of the Diatesseron by Tatian.20 The chequered cape of St
Matthew (f. 21v) [image 3] is recognised as simulating millefiori and cloisonné designs
popular at the time in Anglo-Saxon jewellery, such as the Sutton Hoo shoulder clasps [image
16
L. Laing (2010), pp.85-86
L. Laing (2010), pp.75-76; C. Thomas (1987), p.9
18
D. Ó Cróinín (1989), p.15
19
D.W. Harding (2007), p.253
20
L. Laing (2010), p.106
17
5
4], while the eagle symbol (f.84v) [image 5] bears strong resemblance in its pose and
decoration to known examples of Visigothic eagle-shaped fibulae [image 7] and a
Merovingian brooch [image 6].21 The calf figure (f.191v) has been compared to Pictish stonecarvings for its pose and distinctive spirals demarcating the hip and shoulder joints. 22 Finally,
the animal interlace on f.192v [image 8] betrays influence both from Anglo-Saxon or
Germanic Salin Style II ornament and from Mediterranean models.23
The innovations overviewed above did not, however, displace the skills and
decorative traditions which had been in place before the advent of Christianity. Henry
remarks on the surprisingly peaceful and successful, even impulsive, adoption of the new
faith in Ireland, whereas 'Saint Patrick and his followers showed no undue intolerance,
accepting and adapting what could be kept of old beliefs and secular customs.' 24 In these
circumstances, there was no reason why traditional patterns of Celtic art should be
discarded. Thus, the earliest surviving Insular manuscript, the Cathach of St. Columba,
already displays Celtic peltae, trumpets and spirals in its decorated initials. As Pirotte
21
D.W. Harding (2007), p.256; Henderson, George, From Durrow to Kells: The Insular Gospel-books 650-800,
London, 1987, p.48; 52; L. Laing (2010), p.118
Alternatively, Laing also suggests that the cape of the St Matthew symbol is modelled on the sumptuous
garments worn by ecclesiastics in the Eastern Church, while the eagle is most closely matched with depictions
in Byzantine textiles – L. Laing (2010), p.106; 110
22
L. Laing (2010), p.116
23
One source for the Durrow animal interlace is found in Anglo-Saxon metalwork, such as the silver gilt mounts
of the maplewood bottles and the great belt buckle from Sutton Hoo. But the intricately interlaced beasts in
the horizontal panels of the page, for instance, upon closer examination reveal themselves to be quite different
i hara ter fro a spe ifi k o pre ede ts: a ordi g to Gü ter Haseloff, the Celti a i al or a e t is
always characterised by its clearness, while Germanic animal ornament decomposes or disintegrates the
a i al ; the a i al heads also ha e a degree of naturalism not found in Germanic zoomorphic ornament –
Haseloff, Gü ter, I sular A i al “t les ith “pe ial ‘efere e to Irish Art i the Earl Medie al Period , i M.
Ryan (ed.), 1987, pp.46-47.
Similarly, Uta Roth concludes that the zoomorphisatio of i terla e i a highl elega t fashio resulted for
the adoption of Anglo-“a o
otifs a d the i flue e of the Celti aster i ha dli g i terla e , itself l i g i
true i terla e of Mero i gia or Mediterra ea pro e a e – ‘oth, Uta, Early Insular Manuscripts:
Or a e t a d Ar haeolog , ith “pe ial ‘efere e to the Dati g of the Book of Durro , i M. ‘ a ed. ,
1987, pp.24-25
24
F. Henry (1965), p.19
6
suggests, native ornament was 'obviously one of the most distinctive means by which
barbarian peoples could appropriate the book.'25 In fact, it might be said that the Celtic
tradition was reinvigorated by becoming attached to Christian art.26 Moreover, decorative
motifs of pagan origin, as in the case of animal interlace of Anglo-Saxon origin discussed by
Ryan with the example of the Derrynaflan paten, became imbued with overt Christian
symbolism, even though a large part of the meanings are now lost to us. 27 It is even possible
that pagan myths themselves were incorporated into Christian scholarship and art – one of
the examples proposed by Susanne McNab is the small figure with its thumb at its face on
f.8r of the Book of Kells [image 9], which calls up the mythological warrior Finn macCumhaill
and may double as an allegory of wisdom received through the Gospels.28 This does not
seem implausible if we recall the borrowings from pagan classical models in the earliest
Christian art and the general tendency of Christian iconography towards ambiguity and
multiplicity of meanings.
As we have seen, early Christian Insular art is characterised by a combination of old
and new; but the new style which emerged was more than just a sum of its constituting
parts. The concentration of scholarship in monasteries, the intellectual fervour of the monks
and the religious significance ascribed to crafts dedicated to the Church seem to me like
crucial factors in the fast-paced innovations which took place, such as the integration of
decorated initials with the text already in the Cathach, or the lucid arrangement of carpet
25
E. Pirotte (2001), p.277
Henry, Françoise, Irish Art in the Early Christian Period, London, 1940, p.43
27
Among the panels of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic interlace are the figures of stags and an eagle which,
as ‘ a asserts, are learl deri ed fro earl Christia i o ograph – M. Ryan (1989), pp.131-132; M. Ryan
(2011), p.49
28
McNab, Susanne, 'Celtic Antecedents to the Treatment of the Human Figure in Early Irish Art', in C.
Hourihane (ed.), 2001, p.168
26
7
page – evangelist portrait – illuminated initial in the Book of Durrow. Close contacts between
different crafts in the monasteries may also account for the stylistic unity found across all
media, and for the virtuosity attained – as Ryan explains, once new forms of animal
ornament, millefiori and cloisonné-inspired decoration were accepted as appropriate in
sacred texts, the capacity to experiment, add complexity and encode the motifs with
Christian meanings granted to illuminators by their medium in turn challenged metalworkers
to push their skills to the limit.29 The unbelievable intricacy, minute scale and richness of
ornament, both visual and philosophical, of the Chi-Rho page in the Book of Kells (f.34r)
image 10] and the dazzling wealth of techniques executed with astounding quality on the
Tara Brooch [image 11] are the ultimate products of this dynamic. Finally, it must be noted
that by the time Christianity reached Ireland, a strong and distinctive visual culture had
developed there over a long period of virtual isolation, and with the fall of the Roman
Empire there was no strong authority to displace it or stifle its further independent
evolution.30 Artists were able to select those innovative elements which were compatible
with their native decorative language, transforming and adapting them as they were
incorporated into the Insular style.
In conclusion, Christianity proved to be the ultimate catalyst for the development of
Insular art. It required the continuous production of new craft objects, ranging from
manuscripts to stone crosses to precious chalices, all of which had to be of the highest
artistic standard as they were dedicated to the glory of God. Contacts established through
the strong desire of Irish monks to undertake pilgrimage provided a wide range of new
29
30
M. Ryan (2011), pp.48-49; 56
D. Ó Cróinín (1989), p.11; F. Henry (1940), p.43
8
models which invigorated the local decorative language, while a tolerant approach of the
first missionaries to old pagan traditions allowed the survival of Celtic motifs. The
uniqueness of the style and the virtuosity achieved in its greatest masterpieces conveys the
impression that the scholars and artists in Irish monasteries, in Ireland and overseas, never
felt like they were on the periphery of the Christian world, but were proud to employ their
distinctive traditions and ways of thought in furthering the greatness of the Christian
religion.
9
Bibliography

Harding, D.W., The Archaeology of Celtic Art, London and New York, 2007

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Medie al Period i Mi hael ‘ a
ed. , Ireland and Insular Art AD 500-1200, Dublin,
1987, pp.44-55

Henderson, George, From Durrow to Kells: The Insular Gospel-books 650-800, London,
1987

Henry, Françoise, Irish Art in the Early Christian Period (to 800 A.D.), London, 1965

Henry, Françoise, Irish Art in the Early Christian Period, London, 1940

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a d Earl Christia “ar ophagi i Colu
Houriha e ed. , From Ireland Coming: Irish Art
from the early Christian to the late Gothic period and it's European Context, Princeton,
2001, pp.9-26

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
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Irish Art' in Colum Hourihane (ed.), From Ireland Coming: Irish Art from the early
Christian to the late Gothic period and it's European Context, Princeton, 2001, pp.161182

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
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Youngs (ed.), 'The Work of Angels': Masterpieces of Celtic Metalwork, 6th-9th Centuries
AD, London, 1989, pp.11-17
10

Pirotte, Emmanuelle, 'Ornament and Script in Early Medieval Insular and Continental
Manuscripts: Reasons, Functions, Efficiency', in Colum Hourihane (ed.), From Ireland
Coming: Irish Art from the early Christian to the late Gothic period and it's European
Context, Princeton, 2001, pp.277-288

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Insular Art AD 500-1200, Dublin, 1987, pp. 23-29

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
Ryan, Michael, 'Metalwork in Ireland from the Later Seventh to the Ninth Century: A
Review', in Colum Hourihane (ed.), Insular and Anglo-Saxon Art and Thought in the Early
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
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Ireland and Insular Art AD 500-1200, Dublin, 1987, pp.7-11
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11
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12
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13
Images
1. Chi-Rho stone, Drumaqueran, Co. Armoy
2. Marigold Stone, Carndonagh, Co. Donegal;
The depiction of a flabellum is seen above
a cross of arcs
14
3. Book of Durrow, f.21v
4. Shoulder clasp, Sutton Hoo
15
5. Book of Durrow, f.84v
6. Ostrogothic eagle-shaped fibula
7. Pair of Visigothic eagle-shaped
fibulae
16
8. Book of Durrow, f.192v
9. Book of Kells, f.8r
17
10. Book of Kells, f.34r
18
. Tara
roo h
19