svensk exegetisk 75 årsbok

Transcription

SVENSK
EXEGETISK
75
ÅRSBOK
På uppdrag av
Svenska Exegetiska Sällskapet
utgiven av
Stig Norin
Uppsala 2010
Svenska Exegetiska Sällskapet
Box 511
SE-751 20 UPPSALA, Sverige
WWW: http://www.teol.uu.se/homepage/SES/
Utgivare:
Stig Norin ([email protected])
Redaktionssekreterare:
Thomas Kazen ([email protected])
Recensionsansvarig:
Cecilia Wassén ([email protected])
Redaktionskommitté:
Stig Norin ([email protected])
Samuel Byrskog ([email protected])
Göran Eidevall ([email protected])
Dag Oredsson ([email protected])
James Starr ([email protected])
Prenumerationspriser:
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© SEÅ och respektive författare
ISSN 1100-2298
Uppsala 2010
Tryck: Elanders, Vällingby
iii
Innehåll
Exegetiska dagen 2009/Exegetical Day 2009
Thomas Römer
Christophe Nihan
Kåre Berge
The Exodus in the Book of Genesis........................ 1
Deuteronomy 18 and the Emergence of the
Pentateuch as Torah .............................................. 21
Was There a Wisdom-Didactical Torah-Redaction
in the Exodus Story (Exodus 1–15)?..................... 57
Övriga artiklar/Other articles
Tommy Wasserman
Torsten Löfstedt
Dag Oredsson
René Kieffer
The Greek New Testament Manuscripts in Sweden
with an Excursus on the Jerusalem Colophon....... 77
Paul, Sin and Satan: The Root of Evil According
to Romans ........................................................... 109
The Shoshenq Connection in the Old Testament.. 135
Evald Lövestam in memoriam ............................ 155
Recensioner/Book Reviews
Kenneth E. Bailey
Jesus Through Middle Eastern Eyes: Cultural
Studies in the Gospels (Holmberg) ..................... 157
Hans Barstad
History and the Hebrew Bible: Studies in Ancient
Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern
Historiography (Tiemeyer) ................................. 159
Marianne Bjelland Kartzow Gossip and Gender: Othering of Speech in the
Pastoral Epistles (Stenström) ............................. 162
Brian K. Blount
Revelation: A Commentary (Stenström) ............. 164
Kasper Bro Larsen
Recognizing the Stranger: Recognition Scenes in
the Gospel of John (Enermalm Tsiparis) ............ 167
Richard A. Burridge
Imitating Jesus: An Inclusive Approach to New
Testament Ethics (Enermalm Tsiparis) ............... 169
Brevard S. Childs
The Church’s Guide for Reading Paul: The
Canonical Shaping of the Pauline Corpus (Starr)171
John Day (red.)
Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel:
Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament
Seminar (Green).................................................. 174
Susan E. Docherty
The Use of the Old Testament in Hebrews: A
Case Study in Early Jewish Bible Interpretation
(Eriksson)............................................................ 177
James D. G. Dunn
Beginning from Jerusalem: Christianity in the
Making, Vol. 2 (Tranefeldt) ................................ 178
James D. G. Dunn
New Testament Theology: An Introduction
(Syreeni).............................................................. 180
The Greek New Testament Manuscripts in
Sweden with an Excursus on the Jerusalem
Colophon
TOMMY WASSERMAN (ÖREBRO)
Greek Manuscripts in Sweden
On the occasion of the 400th anniversary of Uppsala University in 1877,
Charles Graux from Paris made an expedition to several cities in Denmark
and Sweden in order to compile catalogues of the Greek MSS in our countries.1 In 1994 a new catalogue of the major Danish collection of Greek
MSS in the Royal Library of Copenhagen was compiled by Bjarne Schartau.2 In Sweden, however, Graux’s old catalogue, Notices sommaires des
manuscrits grecs de Sùede, supplemented by Albert Martin and published
in 1889, is still the most recent of its kind. This catalogue records seventynine MSS in Sweden (sixty-six in Uppsala; eight in Linköping; three in
Skokloster; and two in Stockholm).
Today, however, there are to my knowledge 107 Greek MSS in Sweden, not counting papyri.3 Some of these MSS are bound together and
registered under one shelf-mark (see e.g., Gr. 1 below containing Greg.Aland 441 and 442). Unfortunately, there is no uniform catalogue of all
these MSS deposited in various institutions. A joint project to digitize the
whole body of Greek MSS in Sweden and to produce a new catalogue
1
Charles Graux and Albert Martin, Notices sommaires des manuscrits grecs de Sùede
(Archives des Missions Scientifiques et Littéraires IIIe série, XV; Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1889), 293–370, and C. Graux., Notices sommaires des manuscrits grecs de la
grande Bibliotheque royale de Copenhague (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1879).
2
Bjarne Schartau, Codices Graeci Haunienses: Ein deskriptiver Katalog des griechischen
Handschriftenbestandes der Königlichen Bibliothek Kopenhagen (Danish Humanist Text
and Studies 9; Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1994).
3
Lund University Library holds the most extensive collection of papyri in Sweden by far
including ca. 800 papyri from Egypt, written in Greek. The complete collection has recently been digitized and made available in Advance Papyrological Information System
(APIS): http://www.columbia.edu/cu/lweb/projects/digital/apis/.
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with extensive descriptions would be highly desirable. Some first efforts
have been made on the level of separate institutions.4
Seventy-eight Greek MSS are in the University Library of Uppsala,
Carolina Redivia (where also the valuable Gothic Codex Argenteum is
deposited); in the Linköping Diocese Library there are thirteen MSS; in
the Royal Library in Stockholm there are five (the famous Latin Codex
Gigas, or “Devil’s Bible” is deposited in the same library); there are an
additional four MSS in the Gothenburg University Library; three in the
National Archive in Stockholm; two in the Lund University Library; and
finally, one MS in the National Museum of Art (Nationalmuseum) in
Stockholm.
The first Greek MS to reach Sweden was Codex Rålambianus (Uppsala
Gr. 28), probably acquired by the royal official Claes Rålamb when he
was sent by King Karl X to Constantinople in 1657. The MS was later
confiscated by King Karl XI and deposited in Uppsala in 1693. This massive MS in two volumes contains numerous works of classical authors,
and has probably been the most influential MS in Sweden from the viewpoint of Greek classical studies. Ever since then a small but steady stream
of Greek MSS have found their way to these northern latitudes.
The Greek New Testament Manuscripts
In the following I will first give a brief overview of all the Greek New
Testament MSS located in Sweden, and then I will treat each item in the
various collections according to their significance for textual criticism and
related fields. I will also include some words about a few of the great personalities who brought these MSS to Sweden.
According to the official register, Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen
Handschriften des Neuen Testaments, there are fifteen registered MSS in
Sweden.5 In 2008, however, I identified the sixteenth located in the National Museum of Art in Stockholm. This is registered as Greg.-Aland
4
Images and descriptions of the two Greek MSS in Lund University Library, Medeltidshandskrift 54 and 57, are now available in St. Laurentius digital manuscript library: http://
laurentius.lub.lu.se/. The former MS, although fragmentary, is one of the oldest witnesses
to the Apophthegmata Patrum (Collectio systematica) and was donated to the university
library by Adolf Deissman in 1920. See further Stig Y. Rudberg, “Les manuscrits grec de
Lund,” Eranos 67 (1969): 54–61.
5
Kurt Aland, Michael Welte, Beate Köster and Klaus Junack, eds., Kurzgefasste Liste der
griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments (ANTF 1; 2d rev. and enl. ed; Berlin
and New York: De Gruyter, 1994).
Tommy Wasserman: Greek NT Manuscripts in Sweden
79
1049 and was long thought to have disappeared. Its latest known location
was the Athos monastery Kutlumusiu. I will describe it in more detail below.
Table 1 (on the following page) gives a brief overview of the Greek
New Testament MSS in Sweden. The column “Textual classification”
indicates the classification according to two distinct systems where they
have been applied. First, there is an indication of the “Textwert” (text
value), according to the method developed by the Institut für Neutestamentliche Textforschung (INTF) in Münster.6 These data have been published in the series Text und Textwert (TuT).7 Secondly, there is the classification according to the Claremont Profile Method (CPM), devised by
Frederik Wisse and Paul McReynolds.8 This method employs test passages in the Gospel of Luke, chapter 1, 10 and 20, and has not been applied elsewhere.
6
According to this method, also referred to as the “Teststellen method,” each MS is collated in selected test passages. The different readings are assigned numbers in which 1)
represents a reading in agreement with the Majority Text (roughly equivalent to the Byzantine text); 2) represents the ancient text as reconstructed in the Nestle-Aland edition; S)
represents special readings; and 1/2) represents readings where no. 1 and no. 2 agree. All
MSS are then presented according to their numbers of 1, 2, S and 1/2 readings. Hence, in
Acts, Greg.-Aland 441 (Uppsala Univ. Libr. Gr. 1) has 34 readings in agreement with the
Majority Text; 14 readings in agreement with the ancient text (=Nestle-Aland 27); 23
readings where the Majority Text agrees with the ancient text; and 8 special readings. If a
MS has more than 90% readings in agreement with the Majority Text it is simply classified
as “Byzantine.” Such MSS have generally been considered to be of little value for the
reconstruction of the initial text of the New Testament.
7
Kurt Aland et al. eds., Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen
Testaments (ANTF; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1987–).
8
Frederik Wisse, The Profile Method for Classifying and Evaluating Manuscript Evidence
(SD 44; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982).
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83
Uppsala Gr. 1–8: Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeldt
As we have seen, the Uppsala University Library holds the largest collection of Greek MSS in Sweden by far.9 The first group of MSS in the Uppsala collection (now Gr. 1–8) were brought to Sweden by the efforts of a
Swedish traveler, Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeldt (1655–1727), during two
different research trips in the seventeenth century.10 In 1677–1682 he travelled to Norway, the Netherlands, France, Italy, England and Denmark,
where he visited numerous libraries and archives. In 1678 he acquired
three Greek New Testament MSS, Gr. 1 (Greg.-Aland 441, 442) and Gr. 4
(Greg.-Aland 899), from Venice, the provenance of which is also noted in
the codices themselves.11
In 1688 Sparwenfeldt made another research trip to the Netherlands,
France, Spain and North Africa, mainly in order to acquire items and historical documents of significance for the history of Sweden. In 1690 he
acquired six Greek MSS in Spain (Gr. 2–3, 5–8).12 On a closer examination it turned out that they once belonged to the Escorial Library in
Spain.13 Some of the MSS were copied by Andreas Darmarios and sold to
King Philip II of Spain during the latter half of the 16th century. Thus they
ended up in the Escorial Library.14
9
Stig Y. Rudberg has given a short description of the collection in , “Notices sur les manuscrits grecs d’Upsal.” in Studia codicologia (eds. Kurt Treu et al.; TU 124; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1977): 395–400; idem, “Något om de grekiska handskrifterna i Uppsala
universitetsbibliotek,” in Corona amicorum. Studier tillägnade Tönnes Kleberg (Uppsala:
Almqvist & Wiksell, 1968), 181–186.
10
Contra Rudberg, “Notices,” 395; and idem, “Något om de grekiska handskriferna,” 181–
182, who indicates that Gr. 1–8 were acquired during one travel in the 1690’s. Similarly,
Elisabeth Piltz, “Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia in schwedischem Besitz,” Byzantinoslavica 48 (1987): 206, erroneously states that the whole group was bought in Spain (the
second trip).
11
V. Lundström, “De codibus graecis olim Escorialensibus, qui nunc Upsaliae adseruantur,” Eranos 2 (1897): 2, “[I]n illo enim [Gr. 1] adnotauit Sparuenfeldius ipse ‘Emptus
Venitiis a J. G. Sparfvendfeldt’, in hoc autem [Gr. 4] item ‘Venitiis emit Sparfvenfeldt’.”
The date 1678 is noted by J. Belsheim, Codex Aureus (Christiania, 1878), 17. Cf. F. H. A.
Scrivener, A Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament for the Use of Biblical Students (ed. E. Miller; 2 vols.; 4th ed.; London/New York: Deigton, Bell & Co.,
1894), 1:262.
12
In Gr. 6 the date 1690 is indicated, “Don Juan Gauriel Esparuenfeldt en Ualladolid en el
mes de Abrile 1690” (V. Lundström, “De codibus,” 3).
13
Ibid., 1–7; S. Y. Rudberg, “Codex Upsaliensis Graecus 5,” Eranos 50 (1952): 60–70; L.
O. Sjöberg, “Codices Upsalienses graeci 6 et 8,” Eranos 58 (1960): 29–35.
14
K. J. V. Lundström, “Darmarios, Andreas” Nordisk Familjebok (5th ed.), 5:1402. For a
comprehensive biography of Andreas Darmarios, see Otto Kresten, “Der Schreiber und
Handschriftenhandler Andreas Darmarios: Eine biographische Skizze,” in Mariahilfer
Gymnasium Jahresbericht, 1967–1968: 6–11.
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In the same year, Sparwenfeldt also bought the famous Latin Codex
Aureus in Madrid. In 1705, he donated all the Greek MSS together with
many other valuable items to the Uppsala University Library, whereas
Codex Aureus among other items were donated to the Royal Library in
Stockholm.
Uppsala Gr. 1 (Greg.-Aland 441, 442)
The first volume, Gr. 1, is in fact two different and incomplete Apostolos
MSS bound together.15 The first part (ff. 3–182), registered as Greg.Aland 441, contains Acts (commencing at 8:14), Romans and 1 Corinthians to 15:38. Some pages are misplaced.16 This MS also contains
Oecumenius’ commentary. The second part, registered as Greg.-Aland
442, contains the Catholic Epistles, and, of the Pauline section, 1 Corinthians 13:6 to Hebrews 13:25.17 There is also a chain commentary (catena)
with an abridged version of Oecumenius surrounding the text in the margins.18
Both MSS are very important for the reconstruction of the Greek New
Testament text, as evident from the indicated Textwert (Table 1), as they
witness to the type of text commonly known as “Alexandrian.”19 Although
we can surely expect minuscule 441 to be included in future text-critical
editions of Acts and Paul, only 442 is included in the most recent NestleAland edition. This minuscule is also identified as one of the most important textual witnesses in the major text-critical edition, Editio Critica
Maior (ECM), of the Catholic Epistles produced by the INTF in Münster
(441 is not extant in this section).20
The text-critical evaluation of manuscript witnesses selected for this
new edition has been done on the basis of the Coherence Based Genea15
The handwritten library catalogue in Uppsala university library compiled in 1836 by C.
E. Aurivillius says, “[E]x duobus diversis codicibus compositum.”
16
For the sequence, see Gregory, Textkritik, 1:270.
17
A collation of both MSS is available in P. F. Aurivillius, ed., Codex Graecus Novi
Foederis e Biblioth. Acad. Upsal. descriptus et collatus. Vols. 1–5 (1783, 1786). The work
is available on microfilm from Uppsala University Library.
18
See the edition by J. A. Cramer, Catena in Epistolas Catholicas, accerunt Oecumenii et
Arethae commentarii in Apocalypsin (Oxford: Clarendon, 1840).
19
Cf. Scrivener, A Plain Introduction, 1:290 (Act. 68): “Upsal. Univ. Gr. 1 . . . is in fact
two separate manuscripts bound together, both of high value.” Scrivener also notes that in
the text of Paul “it [Greg.-Aland 441] much resembles Paul. 17 [Greg.-Aland 33].”
20
Barbara Aland, Kurt Aland, Gerd Mink and Klaus Wachtel, eds., Novum Testamentum
Graecum Editio Critica Maior. Vol. IV: The Catholic Letters (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1997–).
85
logical Method (CBGM).21 The results of the CBGM show that 442 has
the initial text as its closest, or next most closely related potential ancestor
in several epistles.22
Uppsala Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899)
The third MS, Gr. 4 is an illuminated Gospel codex from the 11th century,
registered as Greg.-Aland 899.23 The text is generally of Byzantine character but in John it preserves many valuable readings.24 The MS has decorated Eusebian canon tables and illuminations of the evangelists in the socalled Macedonian style, prefacing each of the Gospels, but the folios
with the illumination and headpiece of the Gospel of Luke are now missing.25 The titles and initials are written in purple-red ink. The illuminations
of the evangelists are without frames and have been produced in an ascetic
style, probably after 10th century models. The background is gilded, and
the faces of the evangelists are distinct.
To take Matthew as an example (fol. 8v; Plate 1), he is depicted as an
aged man twisting his white blue beard, which contrasts the blue tunic and
violet himation (or cloak). His nimbus is painted in a distinct red circle.
He sits on a yellow chair, meditating in front of a brown pulpet on a red
pillow with unwritten parchment in his lap. The written Greek text on the
parchment of the pulpet, the first words of his Gospel, Βίβλος γενέσεως,
has almost worn off completely. There are a number of different writing
tools on the pulpit. The floor is green. Part of the colours, especially on
the left side, has worn off.
Apart from the illuminations, a significant characteristic of this MS, is
the so-called Jerusalem colophon, which is a colophon found in some
21
For a description of the Coherence Based Genealogical Method, see Gerd Mink, “Problems of a Highly Contaminated Tradition: The New Testament Stemmata of Variants As a
Source of a Genealogy for Witnesses,” in Studies in Stemmatology II (ed. Pieter van Reenen, August den Hollander and Margot van Mulken; Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004),
13–85.
22
For James 442 is not listed; 1–2 Peter: not listed; 1 John: among the sixteen MSS with
the initial text as their closest potential ancestor (ECM IV, Installment 3 [2003], 29*); 2
John: not listed; 3 John: initial text as the next most closely related potential ancestor;
Jude: among the eighteen MSS with the initial text as their closest potential ancestor (ECM
IV, Installment 4 [2005], 36*).
23
For a description of the illuminations, see Elisabeth Piltz, “Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia,” 206–208.
24
Kurt Aland et al., eds., Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen
Testaments. IV.2: Die Synoptischen Evangelien. Das Matthäusevangelium (ANTF 35;
Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2005), 322.
25
There is also a lacuna in John 16:5–17:8. Another hand has substituted John 21:17–25.
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New Testament MSS stating that the Gospel has been written and compared with ancient copies from Jerusalem kept at the holy mountain.26 It is
only the colophon in its full form that mentions Jerusalem, and it is almost
always placed after Matthew’s Gospel. Thus, the colophon at the end of
Matthew in 899 (fol. 56v; Plate 2) reads: ἐγρὰφη καὶ ἀντεβλὴθη ἐκ τῶν
Ἱεροσολύµοις παλαιῶν ἀντιγραφῶν τῶν ἐν τῷ ἁγίῳ ὄρει ἀποκειµένων...
(“Copied and corrected from the ancient manuscripts of Jerusalem preserved on the holy mountain...”).27
Excursus: The Jerusalem colophon
According to Alfred Schmidtke’s major study published in 1913, the Jerusalem colophon is found in thirty-seven MSS.28 The total number of MSS
is actually thirty-six since Λ (039) and 566 are two different sections of
the same MS, now separated and registered under two different Greg.Aland numbers.29 In a more recent article, however, Willam Petersen refers to yet another MS with the colophon, minuscule 754.30 (His list also
includes 892 instead of 829, which I interpret as a typo.)
One important question is whether these thirty-seven MSS are related
to one another in some way. Schmidtke thought that they did have a
common ancestor and referred to them as “Zion-Manuscripts.”31 He as26
A colophon refers to a description at the end of a MS or a part of a MS where the copyist
records various details of his or her work such as the copyist’s name, date of completion,
length by measured lines, στίχοι (lit. “rows”), etc. After the invention of printing, the colophons change and develop as they appear in printed books.
27
The other colophons are located at the end of Mark, fol. 91: ἐγρὰφη καὶ ἀντεβλὴθη
ὁµοίως ἐκ τῶν ἐσπουδασµένων παλαιῶν ἀντιγραφῶν... (“Copied and corrected similarly
from the best and ancient manuscripts...”); Luke, fol. 155: ἐγρὰφη καὶ ἀντεβλὴθη ὁµοίως...
(“Copied and corrected similarly...”); in John the colophon is missing since the last sheet
(f. 200r–v) containing the end of John (21:17–25) has been replaced at some point. Most
probably, the original colophon was similar to those in Mark and Luke. MS 157, however,
is noteworthy having the colophon mentioning Jerusalem after each gospel.
28
The MSS are: 039, 20, 117, 153, 157, 164, 215, 262, 300, 376, 428, 565, 566, 686, 718,
728, 748, 829, 899, 901, 922, 980, 1032, 1071, 1118, 1121, 1124, 1187, 1198, 1355, 1422,
1521, 1545, 1555, 1682, 2145, and 2245. See Alfred Schmidtke, Neue Fragmente und Untersuchungen zu den judenchristlichen Evangelien (TU 37/1; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1911), 3.
Schmidtke refers to H. von Soden’s sigla, which I have converted here for convenience sake.
29
The minuscule MS 566 contains Matthew and Mark. Then there is a change of script to
uncial in that part registered as 039, containing Luke and John.
30
Wiliam Petersen, “Zion Gospel Tradition,” ABD 6:1098. Cf. Jörg Frey, “Die Scholien
nach dem ‘jüdischen Evangelium’ und das sogennante Nazoräerevangelium,” ZNW 94
(2003): 123, who indicates that 36 MSS contain the colophon – a figure he takes over from
Schmidtke’s study.
31
See Schmidtke, Neue Fragmente, 7 (“Zion-Zeugnisse”).
87
sumed that the “ancient copies” mentioned in the colophon had been located in a church on Mount Zion, one which Cyril of Jerusalem accounts
for in the mid-4th century (Catech. 16.4; Migne PG 33:924). According to
Schmidtke, the archetype of these MSS, which he dated to around 500
C.E., witnesses indirectly, through a number of marginal scholia, to a now
lost Judeo-Christian gospel (“Evangelistenausgabe Zion”) equal to the
Gospel of the Nazoraeans, referred to by Jerome.32 These marginal scholia
are introduced by the words τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν, the Jewish (Gospel), which led
Schmidtke, followed by several other scholars, to connect the scholia with
this lost Zion Gospel.33
The τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν scholia are present in various forms in five MSS: 4,
273, 566, 899 and 1424, i.e., two of those that have the Jerusalem colophon (039/566 and 899). None of them have all the scholia. In the Uppsala MS, for example, they occur in Matthew 12:40, 18:22 (Plate 3) and
26:74.34 In J. K. Elliott’s translation these scholia read:35
12:40: “The Jewish does not have ‘three days and three nights’ (in the
heart of the earth).” [This reference is uniquely preserved in 899.]
18:22: “The Jewish has, immediately after the seventy times seven: ‘For in
the prophets, after they were anointed with the Holy Spirit, there was
found in them a word [matter] of sin.’”
26:74: “The Jewish: ‘and he denied and swore and cursed.’”
Schmidtke thought that these scholia themselves went back to a commentary on Matthew by Apollinarius of Laodicea (ca. 310/320s–ca. 390), who
in turn had collected the variant readings from the Zion Gospel.36 Schmid32
One of the scholia, at Matt 18:22 is cited by Jerome, Contra Pelag. 3.2. See further Frey,
“Die Scholien,” 124–125, 128.
33
Frey, “Die Scholien,” 122–123, mentions the following scholars who accepted Schmidtke’s hypothesis: E. Meyer, H. Waitz, M. Dibelius, E. Klostermann, A. Huck, W. Bauer, P.
Vielhauer, E. Lohse, G. Strecker, A. F. J. Klijn, D. Bertrand, and J. K. Elliott (with caution).
34
A. F. J. Klijn, Jewish-Christian Gospel Tradition (VCSup, 17; Leiden: Brill), 34, erroneously omits reference to Matt 18:22.
35
J. K. Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 14.
36
For a critical evaluation of Schmidtke’s elaborate hypothesis, see Frey, “Die Scholien,”
122–137. Joseph M. Reuss’ attempt to reconstruct Apollinarius’ commentary on Matthew
has made Schmidtke’s assumption even more improbable. See Joseph M. Reuss (ed.),
Mattthäus-Kommentare aus der Griechischen Kirche (TU 61; Leipzig: Akademie-Verlag,
1957).
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tke made this connection to Apollinarius on the basis of another scholion
in 039 and 899 in the Pericope of the Adulteress (John 7:53ff), which refers to Apollinarius.37 However, in my examination of 899 I have found
that this scholion is actually not there; Schmidtke must have made a mistake. Nevertheless, new collations have shown that the scholion in question is present in six of the thirty-seven MSS with the Jerusalem colophon
(039 20 215 262 1118 1187).38 It should be noted, however, that this
scholion is not introduced by the words τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν.
Thus, Schmidtke’s connection of the Jerusalem colophon in thirtyseven MSS with the τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν scholia in Matthew’s Gospel, found in
five MSS, only two of which have the colophon, and, further, the connection to Apollinarius, based upon a scholion in John’s Gospel extant in six
MSS is untenable, more so since most of the thirty-seven MSS are not
even textually related in terms of their running New Testament text.39
In the end, only a single MS, 039/566, has all the three features: the Jerusalem colophon, τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν scholia in Matthew, and the Apollinariusscholion in John (see Table 2). However, it is even possible that 039/566
shifts textual character from Luke onwards, i.e., the change of script to
uncial in Luke and John may coincide with a shift of exemplar, which
would completely undermine the genealogical connection between scholia
in Matthew and John (this question requires more research).
37
Schmidtke, Fragmente, 73 n. 1. More recently, Frey, “Die Scholien,” 127, imports the
error concerning 899 from Schmidtke, since Frey did not have access to the actual MS:
“Die Verbindung mit Apollinaris von Laodicea wird dadurch begründet, daß in Handschrift 566 und 899 auch zum Text des Johannesevangeliums, nämlich zu Joh 7,53 – 8,11,
ein Scholion begegnet, das unter anderem auf Apollinaris verweist.”
38
In private communication, Maurice A. Robinson, who has examined the pericope in all
the MSS, reports that these six MSS contain the scholion, which reads: τὰ ὠβελισµένα ἔν
τισιν ἀντιγράφοις οὐ κεῖται οὐδὲ Ἀπολιναρίου.
39
Although Schmidtke depended on Von Soden’s doubtful genealogical classifications, he
apparently realized some of the difficulties with the differing textual character of the MSS:
“Der Codex δ30 [Greg.-Aland 1424] ist nun das älteste und textlich unverdorbenste Glied
der kleinen Familie Φa, die auf einen ausgezeichneten, blutreinen Nachkommen von Z
[Zion edition] zurückgeht, der jedoch die Z-Subscriptionen gleich so vielen ganz sicheren
Zeugen der Ausgabe Z schon verloren hatte, während andere Vertreter der Φ-Gruppen sie
noch durchgerettet haben. Zwischen der in Ir und ε 370 f mündenden Z-Linie und der Form
von Φa besteht gar kein näheres Verwandtschaftsverhältnis. Wir treffen also den fraglichen
Apparat [the scholia] in den älteren Gliedern zweier Reihen an, die beide ganz selbständig
von der gemeinschaftlichen Basis Ur-Z ausgegangen sind” (Schmidtke, Neue Fragmente,
25). Apart from this explanation, Schmidte appealed to the gradual adaptation to the Byzantine standard text (ibid., 5).
89
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91
In conclusion, the transmission histories of the Jerusalem colophon, the
various scholia in Matthew and John, and the New Testament text itself
are distinct. Although they surely overlap in some cases, they can certainly not be traced back to one common ancient archetype, connected in
turn to a lost Zion Gospel.40 This does not mean that the fascinating τὸ
Ἰουδαϊκόν scholia in Matthew are not in themselves connected to a JewishChristian gospel.41
As for the intriguing Jerusalem colophon, regardless of its origin, it apparently became popular and was reproduced in varying forms in one or
more Gospels, sometimes independent of the text.42 I assume that it was
soon used simply to emphasize that the MS had been copied from and
compared with the best (ἐκ τῶν ἐσπουδασµένων) and most ancient MSS,
which, according to this tradition, were from Jerusalem.43 Perhaps this
popularity has to do with another tradition, recorded in many subscriptions, that Matthew wrote his gospel in the Hebrew dialect in Jerusalem.44
It is only the colophon in its full form that mentions Jerusalem, and it is
almost always placed after Matthew’s Gospel.
Another question concerns the meaning of the “holy mountain” that is
mentioned in the colophon. Kirsopp Lake proposed that it refers to Sinai.45
When Schmitdke launched the Zion theory, he pointed out that the phrase
“in Jerusalem” excluded Lake’s interpretation. According to another pro-
40
According to Frederik Wisse’s classification of MSS in Luke, the following MSS belong
to Group Λ: Λ (039), 164, 199, 262, 899, 1187, 1555 and 2586. Two of the MSS (199,
2586) do not have the colophon, which illustrates the partial overlap between ancestry of
text and colophon, respectively. See Frederik Wisse, The Profile Method for Classifying
and Evaluating Manuscript Evidence (SD 44; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 102.
41
Hence, Petersen, “Zion Gospel Edition,” 1098, points out that “all of the scholia can be
paralleled from much earlier sources connected with the Judeo-Christian gospel tradition.”
42
In an examination of a peculiar addition in the Gospel of John, also popular on Mt
Athos, I have likewise demonstrated that the history of readings is not synonymous with
the history of MSS, although the two categories overlap. See Tommy Wasserman, “The
Patmos Family of New Testament MSS and Its Allies in the Pericope of the Adulteress and
Beyond,” TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism (http://purl.org/TC) 7 (2002): par.
48.
43
For this usage of σπουδάζω, see LSJ s.v. σπουδάζω II.1. Cf. Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 5.30.1,
ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς σπουδαίοις καὶ ἀρχαίοις ἀντιγράφοις (“in all the best and ancient manuscripts”).
44
See Hermann von Soden, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments in ihrer ältesten
erreichbaren Textgestalt hergestellt auf Grund ihrer Textgeschichte (2 parts in 4 vols.; 2nd
unchanged ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1911–1913), 1:314; cf. Schmidtke,
Fragmente, 17.
45
Kirsopp Lake, “Texts from Mount Athos,” StudBib 5 (1902): 138–139; idem, “On the
Italian Origin of Codex Bezae,” JTS 1 (1900): 445.
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posal the mountain referred to is not Zion but Athos.46 If one considers
where the MSS with the colophon are located (in ancient collections), a
clear majority are indeed kept in the monasteries of Mt Athos, only one
MS is in Jerusalem.47 I think the major problem with the association of the
holy mountain to Mt Athos, however, is the fact that the colophon is present already in Codex Λ (039), dated to the 9th century, and this MS of
course goes back to an earlier archetype, whereas the oldest monastery on
Mt Athos, the Great Lavra, was not founded until 963 C.E. There were
certainly activities in the Athos area long before this date, but on the basis
of this evidence, I still find it less likely that the colophon originated there.
However, I agree with Schmidtke, who points out that later scribes made
the association to Athos.48 In any case, these type of references in a colophon would lend authority to the work of the scribe. There are other good
examples of colophons with an appeal to specimen copies, deposited in
various important places or connected with significant church fathers.49
This excursus shows that the time is ripe for a new and thorough investigation of both the Jerusalem colophon and the various τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν scholia, respectively.50
The next MS, Uppsala Gr. 9, was acquired by another traveler, Adolf
Fredrik Sturtzenbecker (1757–1783), who was the royal chaplain of the
Swedish legation in Constantinople. He was only twenty-six years old
when he visited the Thessalian monasteries, and just like Jacob Jonas
Björnståhl who had been in the area a few years earlier (see below), he
46
Ibid., 445 n. 1.
Athos: 922, 980, 1032, 1071, 1118, 1121, 1124, 1545, 1555; Jerusalem: 1355; Sinai:
1187, 1198; Thessaloniki (Vlatadon): 1682; Tirana (earlier Beirat) 2245; Trikkala (Dousikon): 901 (now in Uppsala); Venice: 215, 899 (now in Uppsala). Athos is overrepresented,
even when taken in consideration that there are many more MSS preserved in the monasteries on Mt. Athos.
48
Schmidtke thinks this accounts for various modifications in some MSS, e.g., the omission of “holy mountain” in order to avoid confusion (Neue Fragmente, 5–6 n. 2).
49
For similar appeals to specimen copies in colophons in mastercopies, see Eberhard Nestle, Einführung in das griechische Neue Testament (4th ed. revised by Ernst von Dobschütz; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1923), 40–41 and Schmidtke, Fragmente,
21.
50
Cf. J. N. Birdsall, “Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis,” in Collected Papers in Greek and
Georgian Textual Criticism (Text and Studies Third ser. 3; Piscataway: Gorgias Press,
2006), 122: “Here once more, we may indicate a topic on which research has stood still;
the manuscripts containing this intriguing colophon have not been investigated since 1911,
in the work of Schmidtke.”
47
93
died during the trip in 1783. His diary is still kept in the Uppsala University Library.51 Sturtzenbecker acquired Uppsala Gr. 9 and a Greek Psalter
(Uppsala Gr. 10) from the Meteora monasteries.52 They were donated to
Uppsala University through his will in 1784.53
Uppsala Gr. 9 is an illuminated tetraevangelion with an appended list
of lessons according to the Synaxarion and Menologion. According to the
Liste it dates from the 13th century and is registered as Greg.-Aland 900.54
The text is Byzantine and belongs to cluster 202 in Luke.55 Titles and initials are in gold and pink. The illuminations are in Paleologian style.56
There are four portraits of the evangelists with typical Paleologian traits,
like drawn out bodies with peculiar postures, or the three-dimensional
impression with architectural scenes and draperies.
Elisabeth Piltz points out that the miniature of Matthew (fol. 4v) is of
lower quality and not by the same artist as the other portraits.57 For example, she draws attention to the deformed head with half the ear missing.
The frame is damaged. The drapery in red frames the golden background.
The evangelist sits on a green pillow with red ribbons, holding a scroll.
His crossed legs is an older Western motif. He has brown-grey hair and a
51
Uppsala University Library, shelfmark X 405. To my surprise the diary has not yet been
edited and published.
52
F. H. A. Scrivener’s note (also in Gregory’s Textkritik) that Sturtzenbecker received it in
1784 is of course wrong since he died one year earlier. See F. H. A. Scrivener, A Plain
Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament for the Use of Biblical Students (ed. E.
Miller; 2 vols.; 4th ed.; London and New York: Deigton, Bell & Co., 1894), 1:262.
53
Christian Callmer’s information that Sturtzenbecker acquired three MSS from Meteora
which were donated to the library in 1787 is erroneous – only two MSS were donated and
it was in 1784. See Christian Callmer, “Jacob Jonas Björnståhls thessaliska resa,” Lychnos
(Uppsala and Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1946–1947): 173 n. 6. Aurivillius’ handwritten library catalogue says concerning Gr. 9: “In bibliothecam Upsaliensem venit testamento a Fr. Sturtzenbecker, qui ab antistite quodam graeco dono acceperat 1784”; and
there is a reference to this note under Gr. 10.
54
On the basis of the miniatures, Hugo Buchtal dates the MS to the early 14th century. See
Hugo Buchtal, Das “Musterbuch” of Wolfenbüttel and its Position in the Art of the Thirteenth Century (Wien: Verlag der Österrichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1979),
51. Elisabeth Piltz indicates “zum Ende des 12. oder Anfang des 13. Jhs” in her 1987 article “Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia,” 207, whereas she changes the date to “around
1300” in idem, Det levande Bysans (Stockholm: Natur och kultur, 1997), 174.
55
Wisse, The Profile Method, 67.
56
Descriptions of the illuminations include Åke Davidsson, Miniatyr och initial: Medeltida bokmåleri i Uppsala universitetsbiblioteks samlingar (Uppsala: Universitetsbiblioteket,
1970), 26–30; Buchtal, Das “Musterbuch” of Wolfenbüttel, 51; Piltz, “Drei illuminierte
Tetraevangelia,” 207–208.; K. W. Nyberg, “Lukasbilden i Sturtzenbeckerevangeliariet,”
Bysantinska Sällskapets Bulletin 17 (1999): 31–38.
57
Ibid., 207, “Bei dieser Figur fehlen Teile der Zeichnung. A ist kein so guter Maler wie B.”
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red beard. He wears a blue tunic and a violet cloak. The floor is green.
Hugo Buchtal who dates this portrait to the early 14th century says, “the
shape of the drapery and footstool, and the lectern with its scroll winding
over the table can be traced back to their ancestors [i.e., earlier models] ...
of the thirteenth century.”58
Uppsala Gr. 11–23: Jacob Jonas Björnståhl
The second major group of Greek MSS in Uppsala, now Gr. 11–23, were
acquired by the great adventurer and scholar Jacob Jonas Björnståhl
(1731–1779). Since he is in many ways Sweden’s equivalent to the famous traveler and scholar Constantin von Tischendorf, who discovered
and examined many MSS of major importance, a few glimpses of Björnståhl’s career are in place. During the twelve last years of his life Björnståhl travelled in Europe and the Orient. An abridged version of his travel
journal and letters was published posthumously in five volumes by Carl
Christoffer Gjörwell, and was translated to German and Italian.59
The original purpose of his voyage was to accompany two young barons Rudbeck as guide and tutor on their grand tour. Björnståhl was never
to return to Sweden. First he travelled in Europe for nine years (1767–
1776), where he visited renowned scholars (or their descendants) and examined several important manuscript collections. This resulted in numerous notes, transcriptions, manuscript catalogues, and a few translations of
significant MSS. During his time in England he was appointed professor
of Oriental languages in Uppsala 1776, and in the same year he embarked
on his last journey to the Orient.60 He arrived in Constantinople two
months later, where he stayed for almost three years.
In 1778 Björnståhl wanted to travel further into the Orient. He applied
to the Royal Chancellor in Sweden for means to undertake another travel.
This was granted by King Gustaf III in June. Björnståhl was to travel to
58
Buchtal, Das “Musterbuch,” 51.
Carl Christoffer Gjörwell, Resa til Frankrike, Italien, Sweitz, Tyskland, Holland, Ängland, Turkiet och Grekeland beskrifen af och efter Jac. Jon. Björnståhl (6 pts. in 4 vols.;
Stockholm: Nordström, 1780–1784); Jacob Jonas Björnståhl . . . , Briefe auf seinen ausländischen reisen an den königlichen bibliothekar C.C. Gjörwell in Stockholm (trans. J. E.
Groskurs; 6 vols.; Rostock-Leipzig: J. C. Koppe, 1777–1783); G. G. Bjoernstaehl, Lettere
ne’ suoi viaggi stranieri di Giacomo Giona Bjoernstaehl professore di filosofia in Upsala
scritte al signor Gjorwell bibliotecario regio in Stoccolma (translated from the German
edition by Baldassardomenico Zini di Val di Non; Poschiavo: G. Ambrosioni, 1782-1787).
Notably, the German edition was published before the Swedish original.
60
For a detailed description of this last phase of Björnståhl’s life and travels, see Christian
Callmer, “Jacob Jonas Björnståhls thessaliska resa,” Lychnos (1946–1947): 149–196.
59
95
Palestine and Egypt, and return home through North Africa. He received
specific instructions for the journey, the purpose of which was to acquire a
better knowledge of Palestine’s conditions and anything that could illuminate biblical culture and history, including “new and important variants in
Hebrew and Greek manuscripts, etc.”61 A specific task was to acquire biblical MSS, which would be of use for the new Bible translation commissioned by the king.
However, Björnståhl was to wait for a travel partner appointed by the
king. This person eventually became ill and could not travel. Another
scholar, Matthias Norberg, was appointed in his place. By that time, Norberg was in the Ambrosian Library, transcribing Origen’s Hexapla from a
Syriac MS, which Björnståhl had drawn his attention to, so he could not
join Björnståhl at once.
During this delay, Björnståhl decided to embark on a little detour to
Greece, when he was given an opportunity to sail with a Swedish ship in
January 1779. The main purpose of the travel was to examine the old
Greek MSS on Mt Athos. However, the first destination was the Meteora
monasteries in Thessaly. Björnståhl had heard that there were books and
MSS there, which no foreigner had seen. These monasteries were not yet
known in Europe. In fact, Björnståhl was the first European ever to make
a research trip to Thessaly. Several well-known travelers mention Björnståhl and his visit in the Meteora monasteries.62 Spyridon Lampros, who
was to make extensive research of these monasteries in the beginning of
the twentieth century, acknowledges Björnståhl as the first scholar to research the Meteora monasteries.63
On July 12, 1779, Björnståhl died of dysentery in Saloniki at the age of
48. Later in July his will was opened in Constantinople. Björnståhl’s Oriental and Greek books and MSS were to be donated to the Uppsala University Library. They were transferred there in 1784. Unfortunately, all of
the collations and catalogues from the travel in Thessaly have been lost.
61
Callmer, “Björnståhls thessaliska resa,” 152 n. 6 (my translation).
F. C. H. L. Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grèce 3 (2nd ed.; Paris, 1826), 335, states “L’
espérance de trouver des manuscrits aux Météores, que la nature semble avoir placés pour
être les archives de la terre classique, y avait attiré, en 1779, M. Biornstal, voyageur suédois, le premier qui ait vu cette contrée en observateur.” See also R. Curzon, Visits to Monasteries of the Levant (London, 1849), 279, who mentions Björnståhl (Biornstern) in connection with Meteora.
63
Σ. Π. Λάµπρος, “Σύµβολαι εἰς τὴν ἱστορίαν τῶν µονῶν τῶν Μετεώρων,” Νέος
Ἐλληνοµνήµων 2 (1905): 49. Cf. N. A. Βέης, “Geschichtliche Forschungsresultate und
Mönchs- und Volkssagen über die Gründer der Meteorenklöster,” Byzant.-neugriech.
Jahrbücher 3 (1922): 383.
62
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Apart from some scattered notes and items, most of which are now in the
Lund University Library, many of the books and MSS of Björnståhl’s
legacy are still kept in Uppsala. Uppsala Gr. 11, 12 and 13 are Greek New
Testament MSS. Interestingly, there is a note in Gr. 12 (Greg.-Aland 901)
showing that the MS once belonged to the monastery Dousikon or Hagios
Bessarion64, which was probably the last monastery Björnståhl visited.
The origin of the other two MSS is unclear.65
The first of Björnståhl’s codices, Uppsala Gr. 11, registered as Greg.Aland 1852, dates from the 13th century. The MS is arguably one of the
most important extant minuscules. It contains Acts, the Epistles and Revelation, but since the first fifty-eight folios are missing, the text commences
in Acts 9:33. On the first extant page someone, probably the contemporary librarian and Greek scholar Pehr Fabian Aurivillius, has inscribed
“LEGATUM BJÖRNSTÅHLIAN 1784” with large letters in the lower
margin.66 The MS has an old pagination in Greek. It is most probably
Aurivillius who has added another set of pagination (page 1 is indicated
on the first page) as well as a reference system in Latin indicating the
various books, chapters and verses.
As evident from Textwert (Table 1), the text of 1852 is far more valuable in the Catholic Epistles than elsewhere. It retains more than three
times as many ancient readings than Majority readings, besides a number
of special readings (Cath: 181 61/2 562 16s). In spite of that, 1852 is only
among the “frequently cited witnesses” in NA27.67 This is likely to change
since future Nestle-Aland editions will be successively adapted to the new
major text-critical edition Editio Critica Maior (ECM), based upon new
research (see above). MS 1852 has now been identified as one of the most
64
The church of the monastery was founded in 1558 by the saint Bessarion, who also
restored the monastery that had been destroyed. Today most of the MSS from Dousikon
have been transferred to the National Library in Athens, but the monastery still retains one
Greek New Testament MS (Greg.-Aland 2806).
65
The chief librarian, Otto Walde, reported to a biographer, Christian Callmer, that the
MSS were not from the Meteora monasteries. See Callmer, “Björnståhl’s thessaliska resa,”
173 n. 6. It is unclear on what basis Walde could make this statement.
66
I would like to thank Håkan Hallberg, Ass. Librarian at Uppsala University Library
Manuscript and Music Department for this identification. Apparently, the hand is similar
to the list of books and MSS donated by Björnståhl, “Legatum Björnståhlianum,” which
Aurivillius wrote. Aurivillius also collated several Greek MSS (see above).
67
See NA27, p. 19* (introduction).
97
important witnesses in the Catholic Epistles.68 In an extensive examination
of the textual tradition of Jude, 1852 was found to preserve some very rare
ancient readings. For example, in Jude 15 it reads πᾶσαν ψυχήν, a reading
otherwise attested only in P72 and Codex Sinaiticus.69
The next MS brought home by Björnsthål from the monastery Dousikon,
Uppsala Gr. 12, is registered as Greg.-Aland 901. It dates to the 11th century and contains the whole of the New Testament except Revelation.
There is a list of lessons according to the Synaxarion and Menologion.
The text is Byzantine. Just like Uppsala Gr. 4 (899) it has the Jerusalem
colophon, but the texts of the two MSS, although of Byzantine character,
are not immediately related.
The final MS from Björnståhl in Uppsala is Gr. 13, registered as Greg.Aland 902. This is a tetraevangelion from the 12th century. The text is
Byzantine. In the binding I have found an extra fragmentary leaf by the
same scribe, which was included in the pagination (added later) with text
on the recto from Luke 1:17 (δυνάµει)–1:25 (ἐν ἡµ[έραις]). It has no text
on the verso. Probably the scribe made some error on this page and decided to reuse it for the binding.
68
The CBGM as applied for the ECM of the Catholic Epistles indicates that in James 1852
is among the ten MSS with the initial text as their most closely related potential ancestor
(ECM IV, Installment 2 [2000]: 23*); 1–2 Peter: the exact relationships are not specified: 1
John: among the sixteen MSS with the initial text as their closest potential ancestor (ECM
IV, Installment 3 [2003]: 29*); 2 John: among the nine MSS with the initial text as their
next most closely related potential ancestor; 3 John: among the fifteen MSS with the initial
text as their closest potential ancestor; Jude: among the seventeen MSS with the initial text
as their second most closely related potential ancestor (ECM IV, Installment 4 [2005],
36*).
69
Tommy Wasserman, The Epistle of Jude: Its Text and Transmission (ConBNT 43;
Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2006). Recently I examined the physical MS in Jude in
Uppsala and discovered a marginal reading in greyish ink, which had not been visible on
the microfilm I had consulted earlier, and which is therefore not noted in my apparatus:
The ending -ας is written beside the line with τῶν ἀσεβειῶν in v. 15, which most probably
refers to the attested alternative reading ἀσεβείας. This reading is neither noted in NA27 nor
in the ECM. See Barbara Aland, Kurt Aland, Gerd Mink and Klaus Wachtel, eds., Novum
Testamentum Graecum Editio Critica Maior. Vol. IV: The Catholic Letters. Installment 4:
The Second and Third Letter of John, The Letter of Jude (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2005).
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An examination of the data in Text und Textwert and the CPM, shows
that the Gospel text is almost identical to a MS in the Bodleian Library in
Oxford (Selden Supra 28), dated to the 13–14th centuries, and registered as
Greg.-Aland 53. It is not possible at this point to say if the Oxford MS is a
direct copy of the Uppsala MS. More research is necessary.
Uppsala Gr. 67, 68, 69, 73 (Greg.-Aland l1950, l949, l950, l1256)
The three lectionaries Uppsala Gr. 67, 68, 69 were donated to the library
in 1891 by the Norwegian-Swedish consul in Smyrna, F. W. Spiegelthal.
Since these MSS are not continuous-text MSS but lectionaries, their text
have not been examined and classifed in the Text und Textwert series or
with the CPM by Wisse. In general, however, the lectionaries witness to
the Byzantine text with very few exceptions. Indeed, Birger Gerhardsson
who collated “characteristic passages of the text” of the fourth lectionary,
Uppsala Gr. 73 (Greg.-Aland l1256), concluded that it belongs to the Byzantine text-type.70
Uppsala Gr. 67 (ff. 86–121), registered as Greg.-Aland l1950, is a lectionary with lessons from the Gospels, Acts and the Epistles dated to the
15th century. It is now incomplete with only 36 extant folios. The text
commences near the end of the Synaxarion, τῷ σαββάτῳ/τῇ κυριακῇ τῆς
ἀπόκρεω, and breaks off in the Menologion, January 6.
The next MS, Uppsala Gr. 68, registered as Greg.-Aland l949, is a lectionary that contains lessons from the Gospels for all weekdays between
Easter and Pentecost, and for Saturday and Sunday the rest of the weeks.
The MS is dated to the 12th century.
The third MS that was donated by Spiegelthal, Uppsala Gr. 69, registered as Greg.-Aland l950, is a lectionary with lessons from the Gospels
for all weekdays of the year. The MS is dated to 1289/90 in a colophon.
The last lectionary, Uppsala Gr. 73, registered as Greg.-Aland l1256,
contains lessons from the Gospels for all weekdays between Easter and
Pentecost, and for Saturday and Sunday the rest of the weeks. It was acquired together with Gr. 74 from a Bulgarian refugee in 1950, who said he
had received them from a priest in Sofia.71 After examination, however, it
turned out that there was a colophon in Gr. 74 that showed that it originally came from the monastery at Kosinitza in Drama (formerly Turkey,
70
Gerhardsson, “Ein griechisches Lektionar,” 78.
S. Y. Rudberg, “Något om de grekiska handskrifterna,” 183. Uppsala Gr. 74 is a
menaion for September, dated to 1441.
71
99
today Greece).72 Subsequently, in 1954 Kurt Aland of the INTF in Münster and S. Y. Rudberg in Uppsala concluded that Gr. 73 was the MS formerly known as Kosinitza 202 (Gregory’s l1256).73 Judging from palaeographical and iconographical data, and the lectionary system, Gerhardsson
thinks the MS was copied around 1300 somewhere in western Asia Minor.74 According to the Liste it is dated to the 13th century.
Göteborg University Library Cod. Gr. 2 (Greg.-Aland 2288)
The Greek and Latin MSS in Gothenburg, formerly held in the public library, are now in the university library.75 Göteborg, Cod. Gr. 2 was acquired in 1907 from Jacques Rosenthal in München by Professor Vilhelm
Lundström on behalf of the Gothenburg Public Library.76 It dates to the
15th century. The text is Byzantine. At first this MS became registered as
Greg.-Aland 1944. Subsequently, however, Kurt Aland announced that
the MS originated from Biblioteca Estense in Modena where it had once
formed a part together with Gr. 13, a.U.2.14 (II A 13), and so it was transferred to the same number, Greg.-Aland 2288.
On the last folio (104v) of the part which is still in Modena the text of
Romans breaks off in 1:5, and continues in the part in Gothenburg. Apparently, the two parts had been bound separately, and the latter part (II A
14) was separated from the Modena collection at some point.77 It is impossible to know how and when this happened, but when Scholz visited
Modena on his “biblisch-kritischen Reise” in 1820, the two parts were
apparently still there, since he collated them under siglum 177 for his edition, wheras Puntoni, who published an index of the Greek MSS in Biblioteca Estense in 1896, noted the latter part as “deperditus.”78 The part in
Gothenburg contains the Pauline epistles (from Rom 1:5) and Hebrews.
72
See J. A. Thomopoulos, “Remarques sur quelques manuscrits grecs d’ Upsal.,” Eranos
49 (1951): 59–62. The monastery was destroyed in 1916. Today, most of the known MSS
from this monastery have been transferred to the Ivan Dujčev Research Centre, Sofia.
73
Gerhardsson, “Ein griechisches Lektionar,” 72. Cf. Gregory, Textkritik, 3:1271 (1256).
74
Ibid., 82–88.
75
For full descriptions, see the manuscript catalogue by Tönnes Kleberg, Catalogus codicum Graecorum et Latinorum bibliothecae universitatis Gotoburgensis (2nd ed.; Göteborg:
Elanders Boktryckeri, 1974).
76
Lundström acquired two Greek and twenty Latin MSS from Rosenthal for 6500 SEK,
donated by five private persons. See S. Hallberg, Göteborgs Stadsbibliotek: Det första
halvseklet 1891–1940 (Göteborg: Göteborg Stadsbibliotek, 1941), 42.
77
See further Tönnes Kleberg, “Eine aus Modena stammende Göteborger Handschrift der
Paulinischen Briefe,” Eranos 52 (1954): 278–281.
78
Ibid., 280.
100
SEÅ 75, 2010
Göteborg University Library Cod. Gr. 3 (Greg.-Aland 2441)
The second Greek New Testament MS in Gothenburg is Cod. Gr. 3. Professor Vilhelm Lundström acquired this MS from K. W. Hiersemann in
Leipzig in 1920, and donated it to the Gothenburg Public Library in 1935.
The names of some previous owners are noted inside of the book cover.79
The MS is registered as Greg.-Aland 2441 and dated to the 14th century. It
is written on paper, in contrast to all the other Greek NT MSS in Sweden
that are made of parchment. The paper has a watermark (Briquet 4173).80
The MS is severely damaged by water and worms. It contains Acts and
the Epistles with considerable lacunae.81 The text is of Byzantine character.
Linköping Diocese Library T.14 (Greg.-Aland 1851)
The Linköping Diocese Library acquired its first Greek New Testament
MS, T.14, in 1757 from the property left of archbishop Eric Benzelius
(1675–1743) in Uppsala, formerly bishop of Linköping (1731–1742).
Benzelius had studied under Johan Gabriel Sparwenfeldt and made several trips to foreign scholars and universities. He was particularly interested in book and manuscript collections. Later, in 1702, he became librarian in Uppsala and subsequently acquired several Greek MSS for the
Uppsala University Library. He also had an impressive personal collection
of Greek books and MSS.
Linköping T.14, registered as Greg.-Aland 1851, contains Acts and the
Epistles with lacunae.82 In the Liste it is dated to the 10th century. According to Graux and Martin the date 1200 is indicated on fol. 222v where the
NT text ends (Philemon).83 However, there is no colophon by the scribe.
Some illegible traces of letters are visible in the lower margin, but they
may well have been added later. The codex contains various liturgical
hymns before and after the New Testament section. There is a list of contents and a list of lessons according to the Synaxarion and Menologion.
Besides running lection notes for the liturgical reading from the Apostolos, there is on 229r–v a list of prokeimena and allelouiaria to be sung
before and after the liturgical reading. On the last extant page (229v) an
79
“Donné par m. Bienz fils”; ex-libris Werner Schreiber. Kleberg estimates that the bookcover is from the 18th century (Catalogus, 14).
80
Charles M. Briquet, Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier des
leurs apparition vers jusqu’en 1600 (2nd ed.; 4 vols.; Leipzig: K. W. Hiersemann, 1923).
81
For the exact contents see Table 1 with footnote.
82
See footnote in Table 1.
83
Graux and Martin, Notices sommaires, 76.
101
unidentified homiletical text commences. Chapter references and various
notes in Latin have been added later, possibly by Benzelius. The text is
Byzantine. A collation of the MS by P. F. Aurivillius is available in Uppsala (MS Gr 63, Num. F.).
Linköping Diocese Library T.277 (Greg.-Aland 2600)
The second Greek New Testament MS in the Linköping Diocese Library
is T. 277, registered as Greg.-Aland 2600. It was acquired together with
four other Greek MSS including a Greek Psalter (T.275) by Professor K.
G. Westman from the Danish collector of Byzantine art Halvor Bagge
around 1920.84 This mutilated codex is dated to the 13th century and contains Luke 20:19–John 13:14. As evident from Textwert (Table 1), the text
in John is valuable, not least for the many special readings (20 special
readings in just thirteen chapters). The CPM classification says little since
the MS was not extant in two of the test chapters (Luke 1, 10) and fragmentary in Luke 20.
Nationalmuseum NMB 1961 (Greg.-Aland 1049)
We have come to the last Greek New Testament MS in Sweden, Nationalmuseum NMB 1961, which is registered as Greg.-Aland 1049. This MS
was long thought to have disappeared among text-critics – its latest known
location according to the Liste was the Athos monastery Kutlumusiu,
where it was once registered as MS 70. Apparently, the monastery sold a
number of MSS in the beginning of the 20th century in order to secure
their finances. In 1955 it was bought by a Swedish executive, Sven Ericsson, at a Sotheby auction. Ericsson donated it to the National Museum of
Art in Stockholm in 1968. In the following I will give a rather detailed
description.85
The codex is dated to the 11th century according to Gregory (and the
Liste).86 Carl Nordenfalk, however, indicates the 12th century, which is
more plausible since the MS is a typical example of a Gospel book from
the Comnenian period (1081–1261). Initials and rubrics are in purple.
84
Hjalmar Frisk, “Fem nyförvärvade grekiska manuskript,” 45–51 i Linköpings bibliotheks
handlingar 3 (1922): 48–51.
85
The former head of the National Museum of Art, Carl Nordenfalk, gives a detailed description in Bokmålningar från medeltid och renässans (Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren,
1979), 22–25. Further, Elisabet Piltz discusses the illuminations in “Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia in schwedischem Besitz,” Byzantinoslavica 48 (1987): 208–209.
86
The dating in the Liste depends on Gregory who examined the MS in 1902. Then it soon
disappeared.
102
SEÅ 75, 2010
Titles are in golden uncial. Borders with flower decoration in blue, green,
red and white frame the titles. The MS has iota subscripts. It has eight
decorated Eusebian canon tables (the last one is empty) with prologue, list
of chapters and pericopes for the liturgical year. Nordenfalk suggests that
the codex was produced in Constantinople.
However, prologues to the Gospels and the portraits of the evangelists
have been added later.87 Nordenfalk reports the opinions of Belting, Buchtal and Weitzmann that the illuminations stem from Paleologian time (14–
15th centuries). The exact dating, however, is difficult since there are no
quite similar examples of illuminations in Byzantine MSS. The first striking thing is the absence of a golden background. The white clothing of
Mark, Luke and John deviates from the Paleologian style, betraying influence from older models (so Nordenfalk), whereas Matthew, clearly of the
same hand, is more typical with dark blue tunic and purple brown himation.
Elisabeth Pilz goes so far as to characterize the portraits as nonByzantine.88 She thinks they originate from elsewhere, and that the artist
attempted to build on the Byzantine tradition, but failed. For example, the
artist had difficulties to keep the portraits within the frames (especially
John; Plate 4). The Evangelists have no sandals. Their heads have the
wrong dimension and their poses are unusual. The colours are neither the
wax tempera nor the distemper typical of Paleologian time.
The current binding is a thick wooden board clothed in leather and
blackened silk. An earlier deluxe binding is mentioned in an inscription
dated to 1605 (7113 of the Byzantine era) on fol. 201v, where it is said that
it was commissioned by a prominent Romanian lady, Elisabeth, daughter
of a ruler in Moldau-Valacy, in co-operation with the abbott Paisiou. This
note has led Elisabeth Pilz to suggest that the illuminations may be from
Moldau-Valacy.89 In my opinion, this is unlikely, since the illuminations,
dated to Paleologian time by leading experts, are much older than the
binding mentioned in the note.
As for the New Testament text, which has not been examined in detail
before, I have collated the MS in selected passages in the Gospels against
control witnesses: Matt 19:13–26 (42 test passages); Mark 11:15–26 (38
test passages); Luke 13:34–14:11 (40 test passages); John 6:60–7:1a (40
test passages). The results show that the MS is to be characterized as Byzantine. My further examination in Luke using the Claremont Profile
87
Matthew, fol. 8v; Mark, fol. 63v; Luke, fol. 101v; John, fol. 159v.
Piltz, “Drei illuminierte Tetraevangelia,” 209.
89
Ibid.
88
103
Method has revealed that the MS is a member of M609.90 The other members are: 609, 1047, 1220, 2098 (Luke 1), and 2661. It is to be noted that
1047 is located in the same monastery (Kutlumusiu 68) as was 1049 formerly. Hence, it is very likely that 1047, dated to the 13th century, has a
common background to 1049. This relationship requires more research.
What is most interesting with MS1049 is that its text in the Pericope of
the Adulteress (PA) is practically identical to that of M (021). Apparently,
the PA was not in the exemplar of 1049, and so the text was copied from
M directly, or via another MS.91 According to a report from Maurice A.
Robinson who has collated virtually all known MSS in the PA, there are
three other MSS which have an almost identical text to M (021) in the PA:
1220 (Sinai/St. Petersburg), 1347 (Jerusalem, Saba) (“differing slightly”)
and 2661 (Athens). Two of these belong to M609 (1220 and 2661). The
other members in M609, according to Robinson, have a different text in
the PA. In conclusion, M609 is a larger group of related MSS, whereas
1049, 1220 and 2661 form a close family with a common archetype, of
which text in the PA was probably copied from M (021), or vice versa.
The direct dependence of a minuscule on an uncial is extremely rare.92 I
know only of 1071, which is copied from D (05) in the PA.
Summary
This article has treated the sixteen Greek New Testament MSS in Sweden.
Uppsala University Library holds the largest collection, eleven MSS,
some of which were brought to Sweden by the Swedish travelers Johan
Gabriel Sparwenfeldt (1655–1727), Adolf Fredrik Sturtzenbecker (1757–
1783), and Jacob Jonas Björnståhl (1731–1779). We have caught a few
glimpses of their careers and how they acquired MSS, in particular the
90
See Wisse, The Profile Method, 101. According to Wisse the family profile of M609 in
Luke 1 is: 4, 6, 17, 34, 36, 37, (53); in Luke 10: 1, 3, 8, 9, 10, 15, (19), (22), (25), (35),
(37), (47), 57, (62), 63; in Luke 20: 9, 18, 19, 28, 33, 42, 50, 60, 61, 62, 64, (65), 70, 73,
74, 76. MS 1049 has the following profile in the test passages in Luke 1: 4, 6, 10, 28, 34,
36, 37. (I have disregarded test passage no. 24 in Luke 1 since there is apparently an error
in Wisse here – both variants are in bold typeface.); in Luke 10: 1, 3, 8, 9, 10, 15, 22, 25,
35, 37, 50, 57, 60; in Luke 20: 9, 18, 19, 28 (1049*), 33, 42 (1049*), 50, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65,
70, 73, 74, 76.
91
In the closely related 1047 the PA has apparently been added by a later hand. See Gregory, Textkritik, 3:1123.
92
Cf. K. Lake, R. P. Blake and S. New, "The Caesarean Text of the Gospel of Mark," HTR
21 (1928): 207–404, who collated a large number of MSS at Sinai, Patmos and in Jerusalem, and found very few cases of direct copying, even among the minuscules.
104
SEÅ 75, 2010
great adventurer and scholar Björnståhl, whom I have described as Sweden’s equivalent to Constantin von Tischendorf.
Uppsala Gr. 1 actually consists of two MSS (Greg.-Aland 441, 442)
bound together in one volume. These are notable from a text-critical perspective for their excellent New Testament text. The illuminated Gospel
codex Uppsala Gr. 4 (Greg.-Aland 899) also preserves a good text in
John, but this MS is notable above all because it is one of merely thirtyseven known MSS that preserve the so-called Jerusalem colophon, normally placed at the end of Matthew’s Gospel. Further, it contains some
even more unusual scholia in Matthew’s Gospel which are introduced by
the words τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν, “the Jewish [Gospel].”
Alfred Schmidtke, who erroneously claimed that 899 contains another
unusual scholion in the Pericope of the Adulteress (John 7:53ff) that refers
to Apollinarius, tried to connect these three features found variously
among MSS – the Jerusalem colophon, the τὸ Ἰουδαϊκόν scholia, and the
Apollinarius-scholion – to a now lost Judeo-Christian gospel (“Evangelistenausgabe Zion”), but his theory is untenable. A combination of all three
features is, as we have seen, in fact only found in one single MS
(039/566), which is certainly not the archetype from which these features
are derived.
Incidentally, the Jerusalem colophon is also found in Uppsala Gr. 13
(Greg.-Aland 902). Another notable MS in Uppsala is Gr. 11 (Greg.Aland 1852) with Acts, the Epistles and Revelation. This is one of the
most valuable extant minuscules in the New Testament textual tradition,
especially in the Catholic Epistles.
The two MSS in Gothenburg preserve a Byzantine text. One of them,
Cod. Gr. 2 (Greg.-Aland 2288) containing the Pauline Letters and Hebrews, originally belonged to a codex, one part of which is still in Modena
(with Acts and the Catholic Epistles).
Of the two MSS in the Linköping Diocese Library, T.277 (Greg.-Aland
2600) has a valuable text in John with a significant amount of special
readings. Finally, there is one MS in the National Museum of Art in
Stockholm, NMB 1961 (Greg.-Aland 1049). I have treated it in greater
detail, since it was long thought to have disappeared by text-critics and
has not previously been examined in detail. This illuminated Gospel codex has a very valuable text in the Pericope of the Adulteress (John
7:53ff), which closely resembles the text of M (021). Such a close textual
relationship between a minuscule and a majuscule MS is quite uncommon
in the New Testament textual tradition.
Uppsala University Library
Plate 1
fol. 8v
Evangelist portrait of Matthew
105
106
SEÅ 75, 2010
Plate 2
fol. 56v
Jerusalem colophon (end of Matthew)
Plate 3
fol. 34r
scholion, Matt 18:22
National Museum of Art, Stockholm
Plate 4
Nationalmuseum NMB 1961 (Greg.-Aland 1049)
fol. 159v
Evangelist portrait of John
107

svensk exegetisk 75 årsbok

Transcription

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