Volume 98 (2014) Radical Teaching and the

Transcription

ISSN: 1941-0832
Introduction to Special Issue:
Hip Hop, Critical Pedagogy, and Radical Education in a
Time of Crisis
By Christopher M. Tinson and Carlos REC McBride
“DO THE REAL HARLEM SHAKE” HARLEM, NYC, PHOTOGRAPH BY CHRIS TINSON
RADICAL TEACHER
http://radicalteacher.library.pitt.edu
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
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“Hip-Hop [can] use . . . a binding formula or
philosophy. In the time since its creation, its subtending
parts have each gone off along their own vectors, some
more or less prosperously, but all at great deficit to the
potency of others. The question, then, remains, much as it
does in the study of the heavens, whether hip-hop is, in
fact, a closed universe—bound to recollapse, ultimately, in
a fireball akin to its birth—or an open one, destined to
expand forever, until it is cold, dark, and dead.”
emergent limitations in its trajectory. We make no claims
of exhausting every angle of Hip Hop-based instruction. A
single issue, no matter how ambitious, could not
accomplish that. However, we do intend for scholars,
practitioners, and students whose work is influenced by Hip
Hop to join with us in thinking critically about the ethical
styles it proffers, the consequences of its academic code
switching, and the impact of its pedagogical power moves.
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Hip Hop and the Color of Crisis
D
epending on whom you ask, Hip Hop is in perpetual
crisis. Those who are concerned about Hip Hop’s
fate, mainly artists and fans of the culture, and
those who teach and write about it, are in constant debate
and dialogue about its traditions, its rituals, its political
potential and, in a word, its power. This special edition of
Radical Teacher is our attempt to look specifically at one
aspect of Hip Hop—its function in the realm of critical
education. This places us squarely in the largely
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disregarded “Fifth Element” of Hip Hop : Knowledge, or a
concern for the vast array of understanding that fuels Hip
Hop culture and its practitioners around the world. We are
concerned with what is known about Hip Hop and equally,
perhaps more specifically, how it becomes known.
Accordingly, we ascribe to Hip Hop a form of critical
education at the intersection of and inseparable from
political engagement. In this sense, we view Hip Hop as an
apt modality of critical pedagogy, demonstrating and
reflecting on Hip Hop’s ability to “read the world.”
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Hip Hop’s seemingly continuous state of crisis requires
frequent accounting of its engagement with the social,
political, and cultural climate that surrounds it. While we
seek to amplify “media assassin” Harry Allen’s call for a
“binding philosophy” of Hip Hop, none seems on the
horizon. The urgency of his statement, however, is a
clarion call for artists, practitioners, educators, and
activists to take seriously the meaning, stakes, and desires
of Hip Hop, considering its persistent resonance amongst
youth and its expansive global recognition. Allen’s
statement also carries a sense of ethical responsibility put
to practitioners of Hip Hop culture, suggesting it is their
duty to craft such a unifying philosophy. And yet, Hip Hop
Studies remains as variegated as Hip Hop itself, making
Allen’s statement all the more potent, and no less
prescient. Though varied by the particular strengths and
outlooks of a given instructor, and honed by student
demand for an educational experience centered on their life
experiences, Hip Hop has gained recognition in the realm
of critical pedagogy. Regardless, if the direction where Hip
Hop is headed matters to us at all, some assessment of its
current status is long overdue. In this introduction, we
highlight some of the issues that emerge in contemporary
explorations into Hip Hop’s burgeoning impact on
community organizing, teaching, and institution building.
Collectively, the essays and syllabi in this special issue of
Radical Teacher represent our attempt to examine current
pedagogical practices driven by Hip Hop, signaling its reach
into traditional educational settings, while identifying
Among several notable events that have recently
captured national attention, two particular incidents
pinpoint Hip Hop’s current engagement with political
struggle and critical education: the murder of Trayvon
Martin and the subsequent acquittal of his killer George
Zimmerman, and the renewed bounty on Assata Shakur.
From San Francisco to New York, supporters calling for
justice for Trayvon expressed anger and frustration and
took to the streets just hours after the jury announced its
not guilty verdict on the evening of Saturday, July 13th.
Though Zimmerman was technically being tried for murder,
the case felt like the latest prominent example of blackness
on trial. For many, it was further evidence of the lack of
value associated with Black life in the United States. As
expected, pundits weighed in from all corners. Some
echoed President Obama’s initial statement on the verdict:
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“We are a nation of laws, and a jury has spoken.” Yet, for
those who marched in protest, the verdict, followed by the
president’s statement, was another thumb in the eye.
In the intervening months between the reluctant arrest
of George Zimmerman and through the disingenuous effort
to prosecute him, Hip Hop artists and activists utilized what
skills and resources they could to express their profound
dissatisfaction. Yasiin Bey (Mos Def), dead prez, and Mike
Flo joined forces to produce “Made You Die,” a moving
tribute and rallying cry in honor of Trayvon. This and other
cases motivated the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement
(MXGM) to compile the study “Operation Ghetto Storm,” an
expansion of two earlier reports, “Trayvon Martin is ALL of
US!” and “Every 36 Hours.” These studies documented the
frequency of Black people’s death at the hands of police or
other self-deputized entities in the first half of 2012.
According to the report, there were over 300 such deaths
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last year. Inspired by that study, over a dozen emcees
and producers came together to produce an accompanying
CD entitled “Every 36 Hours: The War on Afrikans in
America,” which featured songs by Jasiri X, Immortal
Technique, Zayd Malik, and The Outlawz, among others.
Despite the demands for justice that have ensued
throughout and beyond the radical Hip Hop community
since the murder of Trayvon on February 26, 2012, there
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was no justice for him. He was effectively killed twice.
Hip Hop’s seemingly continuous
state of crisis requires frequent
accounting of its engagement with
the social, political, and cultural
climate that surrounds it.
While the Martin killing and Zimmerman acquittal sent
shockwaves through activist circles and dominated national
news, it unintentionally eclipsed an equally significant
event. In May of this year, the FBI doubled the bounty on
the head of former Black Liberation Army member Assata
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Shakur from $1 million to $2 million. Shakur, granted
political asylum by the Cuban government since her escape
from prison in 1973, was also the first woman placed atop
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the FBI’s newly established Most Wanted Terrorist list.
This action was taken under the direction of Eric Holder,
the first Black U.S. Attorney General, Aaron Ford, the
African American head of New Jersey FBI, and with the
tacit approval of the first Black U.S. president, now in his
second term.
Assata’s importance to the Hip Hop community is
indisputable. Her connection to Hip Hop extends from her
participation in a range of black radical political activity to
her familial ties to slain emcee Tupac Shakur. Artists such
as Mos Def and Common have spoken out and dedicated
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verses and full-length tracks to Assata’s case. Since the
1990s, MXGM has been instrumental in highlighting the
state sanctioned violence directed toward Assata Shakur,
Mumia Abu-Jamal, and dozens of other political prisoners
throughout the U.S. MXGM members range in age and
experience; however, much of its constituency is made up
of the Hip Hop generation. Their Black August celebrations
directly engaged the politics of imprisonment and collected
proceeds were dedicated to political prisoners and their
families. More than concerts, these celebrations were the
culmination of month-long activities commemorating the
struggle for racial justice in the United States and
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beyond. For many in Hip Hop, MXGM is their preferred
method of social activism, despite renewed calls for civic
participation exclusively through the vote.
For the more political-minded of the Hip Hop world,
Assata is a living deity of resistance. She has earned a
sacred space in the hearts and minds of many who have
felt trapped under the weight of state repression. Her case
is a fitting point of departure for any serious discussion of
black radicalism, as she represents a direct link between
black liberation politics, radical education, and Hip Hop
activism. Her career is emblematic of radical Afrodiasporic
traditions of protest and demands for social transformation
in the face of state violence. How can self-styled Hip Hop
activists learn from Assata’s example? In our view, if the
term “Hip Hop activism” possesses any value, it is located
in its ability to consistently and publicly critique the state
and create platforms of resistance against conditions of
oppression. In this sense, Hip Hop activism, informed by
histories of cultural and political struggle, may be said to
follow in the tradition of Civil Rights and Black Liberation
protest movements. These movements consistently
critiqued power and vocalized dissent on behalf of the
downtrodden and disenfranchised. So long as the
neoliberal tide of global capital continues to produce stark
forms of inequality, it is unfavorable for Hip Hop activists to
side with those who wield state power. This view may be
at odds with a music and aesthetic climate that is
indifferent, if not hostile, to a consistent expression of Hip
Hop politics. Most of the emcees and intellectuals that do
engage Hip Hop in their work make few explicit political
demands. As such, their definition of politics typically
reverts to established political lines. On the other hand,
self-described Hip Hop radicals─those who explicitly
position themselves and their work in a tradition of antiracist, anti-imperialist, anti-oppression activities─advance
a political view not beholden to either Democrats or
Republicans. In our view, Hip Hop Studies lie at the
intersection of politics and education, and thus play a
unique role in reviving political education inside and
outside of the classroom. School and college educators who
oppose what Pauline Lipman calls the neoliberalization of
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education have to act strategically to transform these
spaces into sites of growth, inspiration, and critical
knowing and find ways to incorporate radical histories in
their pedagogy.
Hip Hop, Popular Culture, and Critical Education
In an educational environment preoccupied with
transferrable skills into a labor market that can at best be
described as flimsy, scholars of all kinds, but especially
those who use Hip Hop culture as their lens of critical
inquiry, are challenged to get students to think about
society beyond mere job prospects. Despite the strictures
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of the Department of Education’s Race to the Top
hovering ominously over public education, Hip Hop scholars
do have an advantage. Over the past decades, Hip Hop
culture has been impacted by such issues as urbanization,
gentrification, police brutality, prison expansion, education
cuts, electoral politics, immigration debates, fights for
LGBTQ rights, and the onset of the hyper-individual
technological age. Hip Hop scholarship and teaching is well
positioned to weigh the effects of these issues on Hip Hop
and larger society, which requires an engagement with the
social issues that contributed to Hip Hop’s origins and its
continuing relevance as a cultural force and premier form
of culturally relevant pedagogy.
Hip Hop, like all popular culture, has to wrestle with its
contradictions. For one, Hip Hop scholarship and activism is
mired in the trap of taking its cues from the mainstream
profit-driven world of entertainment. The tension between
what is available through mass communication and what
should be made available is at the center of all
engagement with Hip Hop culture. Voices critical of the
mainstream,
globalized,
corporatist
definition
and
distribution of Hip Hop culture are rarely heard with any
amount of frequency. While specific practitioners of Hip
Hop culture take on the challenge of advancing radical
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media democracy, these efforts are unable to compete
with multinational media corporations. Though outfits such
as Davey D’s Hard Knock Radio, Jared Ball’s Vox Union, our
own TRGGR Media Collective, and past shows such as
Pacifica’s Divine Forces Radio persist in providing a broad,
historically rooted Hip Hop and informed social
commentary
through
radio
and
internet,
these
efforts─largely conducted on a volunteer basis─are far
from achieving a critical mass. This is compounded by the
fact that few educators at any level consistently produce
radio and internet media for public consumption, which
ironically includes professors who teach and write about
Hip Hop.
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In an educational environment
preoccupied with transferrable
skills into a labor market that can at
best be described as flimsy,
scholars of all kinds, but especially
those who use Hip Hop culture as
their lens of critical inquiry, are
challenged to get students to think
about society beyond mere job
prospects.
In accordance with Hip Hop’s global appeal,
universities and colleges are increasing their utilization of
faculty resources in expanding their curricular offerings to
include elements of Hip Hop culture. However, it remains
to be seen if these resources can be used to advance
increased opportunities for local communities. Hip Hop
courses that open up spaces for broad community
participation may be a critical factor in the development of
this field. Through such an approach, Hip Hop might
facilitate the use of university space in the service of
broader community needs. These are issues that challenge
the neat integration of Hip Hop into classrooms at all
levels. The ability of both scholars and practitioners to
creatively and critically address such questions will have an
impact on the relevance and expansion of Hip Hop Studies
in the coming decades.
A series of interlocking questions emerges when
contemplating the reach of Hip Hop into the academy,
including: Who should teach Hip Hop and how should it be
taught? Are professional practitioners and Hip Hop pioneers
best equipped to teach Hip Hop Studies? Can teachers of
common subjects, such as history, math, science, and
philosophy, learn to teach Hip Hop? Is the teaching of
gender, race, ethnicity, sex, and region critical to the
teaching of Hip Hop? Should Hip Hop Studies have a
community based learning component?
There are no
obvious answers to these questions, but they are no less
critical to Hip Hop’s ongoing engagement with education
and social justice.
Though the intersection of race, gender, sexuality, and
class combine to produce certain social outcomes, we
argue that the salience of race in Hip Hop-based education
requires particular attention in our current moment.
Although we are not promoting an essentialist view that
Hip Hop can and should only be taught by people of color,
specifically African Americans and Latin@s, we do
recognize the obvious limitations in Hip Hop only being
taught in the United States by white professors and
educators who have not been marginalized in the history of
the academy or the teaching profession. The best Hip Hop
scholarship embraces questions of privilege, racial
discrimination, social isolation, and cultural fetish as
interwoven with an engagement of deejaying, emceeing, bboying, graffiti writing, fashion, and education. Critical Hip
Hop Studies, like critical education in general, confronts
these issues with attention to complexity and nuance.
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Considering the “rap industrial complex”
and popular
media landscape already rife with white male media
ownership, it is perhaps understandable that there would
be strong apprehension and uneasiness towards Hip Hop
being taught in academic institutions where faculty are also
overwhelmingly white. Our point is that whiteness in Hip
Hop Studies must be interrogated as much as questions of
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essentialized blackness. It is important here to note the
inherent limitations in the well-circulated aphorism that
“Hip Hop transcends race.” While many of its practitioners
and enthusiasts are not Black or Latin@, the ownership
class of Hip Hop—record labels, recording studios,
publishing outlets, distribution companies, etc.—remains
overwhelmingly white and male. This is hardly
transcending race.
It should be evident at this stage of Hip Hop’s
evolution that blackness, whiteness, as well as ethnic and
gendered constructions of Asian American, Latin@, and
Muslim identities do not all possess equal stakes in
discussions and public reception of Hip Hop culture. The
easy inclusivity of Hip Hop might suggest otherwise. Yet,
we cannot emphasize enough that Hip Hop emerged out of
African diasporic cultural traditions and it proceeds that the
descendants of those traditions have the most at stake in
any Hip Hop-based social discourse. White scholars who
have taken up teaching Hip Hop in their classrooms are
most successful when they appreciate the fullness of a
cultural form that grew from a complex set of African
diasporic cultural practices and beliefs that confront and
clash with an array of socioeconomic factors, not when
they can assert the Beastie Boys, Eminem, or Macklemore
as racially transcendent artists. This requires an
engagement with the histories, practices, and beliefs that
emanate from and are germane to Africana and Latin@
communities today, including their discomfort with
“experts” of the culture and encounters that define their
daily life experiences.
Regardless, as the articles in this collection
demonstrate, anyone professing an ability to teach any
aspect of Hip Hop must “show and prove.” They must
demonstrate either a mastery over form, i.e. one or more
of the performative aspects of Hip Hop culture, or they
must reveal a mastery over the knowledge of Hip Hop
culture, its histories, the plethora of philosophical ideas
that contributed to it, from the influence of the Nation of
Islam, Five Percenters, and even Christianity, to Afrika
Bambaataa’s articulation of Knowledge of Self, while
keeping abreast of its current manifestations. Equally
important, scholars invested in teaching Hip Hop should be
deeply familiar with the body of literature on the subject
and possess an awareness of Hip Hop’s political
engagement. Yet, the latter is arguably the most
underrepresented aspect in Hip Hop Studies.
Hip Hop in the Contested Academy
Hip Hop Studies reveals Hip Hop culture as a form of
critical social inquiry, in that it urges a multipronged and
agile investigation into raced, gendered, and classed social
and political structures around the world. As a form of
transdisciplinarity (working across existing disciplines) or
even
undisciplinarity
(intentionally
defying
existing
disciplinary boundaries) Hip Hop Studies practitioners and
teachers are required to be conversant in a range of
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cultural, social, and political issues. In this sense, Hip Hop
Studies is not as concerned with methodology as with
fluency in Hip Hop’s multiple forms of articulation.
Recently, scholars Travis Gosa and Erik Neilson have
commented on the impact and status of Hip Hop’s growing
frequency on college and university curricula throughout
the country. Though they arrive at different conclusions,
the authors largely agree that the academy has become a
home of sorts for Hip Hop in the past few years. In two
Huffington Post on-line articles, Erik Neilson has argued
favorably for Hip Hop’s presence in the academy arguing
that the university and college space has not been given
enough credit for Hip Hop’s expansion into the mainstream.
To prove his point, in one piece, Neilson drops a list of
emcees, producers and pioneering contributors who
attended college at some point along their rise to
mainstream notoriety. In the second article he imagines
universities as “vital partners” in the celebration and deep
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understanding of Hip Hop Culture.
For his part, Travis Gosa is skeptical about Hip Hop’s
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presence in the academy.
While he applauds the
increasing interest in Hip Hop Studies, he questions the
intentions of universities who are receptive to Hip Hop
Studies at a time when institutions of higher education are
increasingly hostile or indifferent to the educational needs
of Black males, many of whom identify strongly with Hip
Hop. Considering what can only be called hostility towards
Black Studies being felt across the country from Cornell to
Temple to CSU Long Beach, Gosa’s point is well taken.
Black Studies is suffering and Ethnic Studies is being
absorbed by traditional fields of study or merged with
Cultural Studies or American Studies at a given university
or college. And in Arizona, Mexican American Studies has
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been completely banned from public high schools. In this
climate, Hip Hop Studies can at best only be the latest gold
mine to help stave off declining student enrollments.
Nielson can argue that the university deserves more
credit than it has received thus far, especially since, with
exceptions, there are very few consistent independent
institutional spaces rooted in Hip Hop culture.
A few
examples stand out: the Trinity College Hip Hop
International Festival recently held its eighth conference,
and Ohio State hosts an annual Hip Hop Literacies
conference. In terms of Hip Hop’s preservation of history
and knowledge of the culture there is The Hip Hop Archive
at Harvard University, which recently recognized the emcee
educational approaches, organizations, and institutions.
Beginning in 2010, it is arguably the most elaborate
program currently in the academy specifically dedicated to
Hip Hop-based instructional practice. Its website states
that the organization “was formed to fully promulgate and
explore the potential of Hip-Hop pedagogy.” And further,
its mission is “to cultivate and support Hip-Hop scholars,
teaching artists, cultural workers and activists, and social
entrepreneurs to professionalize the field of Hip-Hop
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Education and inform the larger education sector.”
Though promising, it remains to be seen how successful
their efforts will be in influencing social and educational
policy throughout the New York City public school system
or elsewhere.
For instance, can this and similar
organizations
influence
policymakers’
views
on
standardized testing, school closings, budget cuts, and
police in schools? While influencing contemporary social
policy may be one of several important goals of Hip Hopbased education, the creation of repositories of Hip Hop
knowledge represents yet another form of strategic
institutionalization.
Cornell University is home to The Cornell Hip Hop
Collection, whose stated mission “is to collect and make
accessible the historical artifacts of Hip Hop culture and to
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ensure their preservation for future generations.” Since
2008, Harvard University has housed The Hip Hop Archive,
though it was originally founded in 2002. It describes its
work as facilitating “the pursuit of knowledge, art, culture
and responsible leadership through Hip Hop . . . our
commitment [is] to build and support intellectually
challenging and innovative scholarship that both reflects
the rigor and achievement of performance in Hip hop and
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transforms our thinking and our lives.” The University of
Arizona has developed a minor in Hip Hop Culture, within
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the department of Africana Studies, and CSU Dominguez
Hills is developing a shared Hip Hop minor between that
university’s Africana Studies and Music departments. While
universities
are
devoting
resources
to
these
institutionalized sites for Hip Hop, whether those resources
are sufficient is another question. Within the functioning of
the academy, perhaps this form of legitimization makes
sense, but it should not go unquestioned and without close
scrutiny. Are there any costs associated with this form of
legitimization?
Will Hip Hop Studies have the
transformative impact on American
higher education in the way that
Ethnic Studies has for the past four
decades?
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Nasir “Nas” Jones with a fellowship in his honor , and
Cornell University houses its own Hip Hop Collection. Hip
Hop Studies in the academy largely depends on individual
faculty members who feel adequately experienced or
compelled enough to engage with their students and
colleagues about Hip Hop. Institutions such as NYU,
Cornell, Harvard, and the University of Arizona seem to
have provided resources devoted to either preserving or
cataloguing Hip Hop’s sociocultural history.
At New York University’s Metropolitan Center for Urban
Education, independent media producer Martha Diaz has
helped to establish the Hip Hop Educational Center, which
has documented and indexed a range of Hip Hop based
Though these few examples are promising, both
Neilson and Gosa fail to acknowledge that such collections
and institutes depend on the university or college’s
willingness to house them. Though there are plenty of
spaces to discuss and debate issues related to Hip Hop
culture, as Harry Allen reminds us, there is very little that
links them in common effort beyond their claim to Hip Hop.
Producers of Hip Hop culture lack widespread institutional
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credibility and presence, just as Hip Hop intellectuals yearn
for institutional autonomy and support to expand their
work. How do Hip Hop scholars address this sense of
institutional nomadism? Hip Hop culture, its practitioners,
and its critics-from-within cannot depend or rely solely on
institutional support, the conference format, the publishing
industrial complex, or the college panel and honorarium as
substitutes for genuine movement building, or stand to
merely view such moves as some kind of natural
progression.
At this stage, scholars whose lens of critical social
inquiry is Hip Hop and who possess academic privilege
have a particular duty to reflect the multifariousness and
breadth of Hip Hop experience, from the popular to the
political. So long as there are academics and educators
with a sincere interest in Hip Hop, it goes without saying
that Hip Hop culture will have a presence in university
spaces, even if marginal, transient, and ultimately
insecure. But this limited presence remains driven by the
intellectual tastes of specific faculty members and
educators. All this makes the idea of Hip Hop in the
academy─by itself─a necessarily unstable vehicle for
substantial transformative activity, even as it offers up
classroom space for critical engagement with a wide array
of social structures.
Will Hip Hop Studies have the transformative impact
on American higher education in the way that Ethnic
Studies has for the past four decades? When Ethnic Studies
emerged as a force on college campuses throughout the
United States it filled an expansive vacuum. The history,
experiences, culture, and literature of people of color were
identifiably absent from academic spaces prior to the
emergence of Ethnic Studies. Upon their arrival, Black
Studies, Chicano Studies, Native American Studies, Puerto
Rican Studies, and Asian American Studies challenged the
very structure of the academy. What political or structural
vacuum does Hip Hop Studies fill? What challenge does it
pose to the university structure? How does it force a
rethinking of the way the university functions? These seem
to be questions that Hip Hop Studies will do well to wrestle
with in the coming decades.
Hip Hop’s emergence as a cultural social force was
anticipated by the arrival of Black Studies as an
educational and political social movement. This might be
reason enough to state that an engagement with the
history, legacy, presence, and overall health of Black
Studies and Ethnic Studies is requisite for any serious
engagement with Hip Hop culture and studies. But, what is
Hip Hop’s relationship to Black Studies and Ethnic Studies?
As a direct outgrowth of the social struggles waged by
communities besieged by domestic warfare, institutional
racism, depletion of social welfare resources, and shaken
by military intervention in Viet Nam, Black and Ethnic
Studies emerged to provide context and critical insights
from people of color urging a reimagining of American
history and social structures in the process. Though Hip
Hop Studies seem to follow the same trajectory as Black
Studies, it is unlikely that it, independently, will have a
similar institutional legacy. It is unclear whether it will
constitute a challenge to the structure of the academy in
the way that Black and Ethnic Studies have even in the
face of budget cuts and the reinstitution of more or less
traditional academic hierarchies. Moreover, discourses of
postracialism, hyper-technological independence, and
sporadic political engagement have encouraged distance
from Black Studies’ roots for many students. Can Hip Hop
Studies assist in bolstering the institutional legacy of Black
and Ethnic Studies? If scholars fail in taking up this
challenge, Hip Hop Studies may merely be the latest
pretext for uprooting such legacies.
Despite these challenges, it is important to highlight
some of the effective strategies that have emerged in
recent years. An excellent example of a Hip Hop Studies
curriculum focused on music is the Hip Hop Education
Literacy Project (H.E.LP.). Based in Washington D.C., the
H.E.L.P. program was designed to address a range of
issues related to the achievement gap by creating
alternative ways to engage students to read and improve
literacy skills.
Gabriel “Asheru” Benn, the original
developer of the H.E.L.P. program, is also an established
emcee, educator, and activist.
Through his own life
experiences and career, Asheru has been able to bridge
methods of his own work and use music to create a
platform for young folks who have been failed by
traditional public schooling. Co-designed by a team of
educators and artists, H.E.L.P. offers 60 lesson plans that
place a familiar Hip Hop song under analytical scrutiny,
extrapolating the range of interpretation of sociocultural
vocabulary, exploring the use of grammar, syntax, and
sentence structure in the process. This approach, which
combines a number of related activities that vary in
complexity depending on the class level, are designed to
align with National Reading Standards. In the process
H.E.L.P. encourages youth to consider a variety of
strategies that allow them to engage their preexisting
cultural competence and conscious understanding of the
world around them. Through the development of their
voice and a critique of oppressive conditions included in
their own narratives, the young folks in the program
strengthen their vocabulary, grammar, literacy skills, and
build academic resilience.
An excellent example of a Hip
Hop Studies curriculum focused on
music is the Hip Hop Education
Literacy Project (H.E.LP.).
Utilizing similar strategies to those found in the
H.E.L.P. program, Conscious Women Rock the Page is a
curriculum workbook developed by three award-winning
activists and novelists, Sophia “Black Artemis” Quintero,
Elisha “E-Fierce” Miranda, and Jennifer “J-Love” Calderon,
who joined forces with social justice educator Marcella
Runell Hall. Their workbook explicitly engages questions of
gender and sexuality, and approaches violence, patriarchy
and racism as interlocking oppressions.
The lessons
therein are grounded on conscientious resistance to
oppressive conditions, be they inside or outside of school
classrooms, and provide strategies on how to cultivate a
liberatory life practice. By providing an intersectional
approach to their lesson plans, Conscious Women Rock the
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Page deepens existing Hip Hop educational models and
allows for facilitation of issues around social injustice that
can cater to a broad community of 6-12 graders.
Lastly, we recognize the effective Hip Hop-based
approaches developed by Dr. Dave Stovall, Associate
Professor of Educational Policy Studies and AfricanAmerican Studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago.
Stovall has been active in working with students and
educators at the Social Justice High School in the
Lawndale/Little Village High School in Chicago for well over
a decade. He has published a number of articles based on
his instructional experience that considers the significance
and ethics of utilizing Hip Hop and Critical Pedagogy that
intersect with issues ranging from the school-to-prison
pipeline and gang violence to issues of gender inequality.
In his work, Stovall provides a bridge from an institution of
higher learning to a secondary school and utilizes personal
testimony and critical reflection on his experiences as a
man of color, a resident of Chicago, and a scholar to bridge
multiple platforms of education.
Hip Hop as critical pedagogy
faces numerous challenges,
including adaptability to ongoing
political struggle, institutional
legitimacy, and pedagogical
innovation.
These are but a few examples of solid work being done
that merges Hip Hop and critical pedagogy with educational
social justice imperatives. Legitimating Hip Hop Studies in
the academy, though necessary, cannot replace actual
social movement, especially when Hip Hop Studies
emerged absent from a broad based social movement
militantly demanding institutional reform. Hip Hop scholars,
artists and critics are not unified on many topics whether
the issues include entrepreneurialism and commercialism,
unified political ideology, or academic sanctioning.
However, for Hip Hop to remain a relevant sociocultural
and political force, it would appear that Hip Hop Studies
must
negotiate,
interrogate,
and
challenge
the
restructuring of institutions of higher education away from
radical student activism and sustained community
engagement.
Toward Hip Hop and Critical Pedagogy
As we have outlined here, Hip Hop as critical pedagogy
faces numerous challenges, including adaptability to
ongoing political struggle, institutional legitimacy, and
pedagogical innovation. As scholar-activists of color who
are of African, Native, and Puerto Rican ancestry, we have
long viewed ourselves as life participants who identify with
Hip Hop culture beyond the infrastructure of a capitalist
system for which the active process of cultivation and
liberation of black and brown communities does not
register. At the same time, we recognize the privilege and
responsibility we possess as scholars and activists, and
view efforts to close the distance between those inside and
outside the academy critical to all dialogue and debate that
emerge in Hip Hop Studies.
In assembling this collection of essays we selected
scholars whose work employs a critical interrogation of Hip
Hop while viewing the culture as offering various strategic
lines of critical inquiry into an array of interlocking social
conditions. This issue situates Hip Hop Studies at the
center of an active process of critical and reflexive
teaching, learning, and research. In this sense, the work of
critical pedagogy is always changing, shifting, responding
to and drawing from new contexts and adapting to new
social and political environments. As these studies in
teaching strategy demonstrate, Hip Hop Studies continues
to represent the mobilizing of critical knowledge derived
from the lived experiences of predominately Black, Brown,
and urban communities that reflect political desires and
projects of liberation, but necessarily takes stock of the
impact of this knowledge outside of those communities
with equal force. Mirroring the expansive capacity of Hip
Hop, these scholars’ areas of emphasis and expertise vary
greatly. However, these authors are linked through their
rigorous interrogation of questions of institutional privilege
while appreciating the potential for transformational
activity in educational settings.
In this collection, Steven Netcoh’s perceptive essay is
chiefly concerned with the ethics of teaching Hip Hop to
white “colorblind” youth through an explicitly anti-racist
lens. In Todd Craig’s reimagining of the use of citations,
the Hip Hop deejay reemerges as a bibliophile, while
Andrew Hafner’s article locates Hip Hop squarely in the
hopes and dreams of immigrant Latin@ youth trying to
make meaning of their changing world. Antero Garcia’s
insightful essay imagines pop culture icon Kanye West as a
critical pedagogue. Rounding out the essays, Jared Ball’s
essay comments on the imperatives and impediments of
radical Hip Hop scholarship and activism from classroom to
community. Finally, we have included two syllabi that
demonstrate possible approaches to Hip Hop Studies:
Sarah Hentges’ course “Hip Hop: Art, Culture and Politics,”
and another by Priscilla Page and Djola Branner focused on
a critical engagement with Hip Hop Theater.
Our hope with this special issue is to encourage a
discussion that would appreciate the challenges and
potential dangers of Hip Hop’s institutionalization. We aim
to mobilize contemporary debates about the role of this
U.S. urban-originated, now globally-situated, embodied
cultural knowledge in educational spaces. As an on-going
dialogue, we recognize what may be perceived as gaps in
this current collection of essays. Admittedly, we may have
included a discussion of sexuality, gendered constructions,
and specifically queer remapping(s) of Hip Hop pedagogical
space. Considering the expansive reach of Hip Hop’s
current phase, we may have done more with what James
25
Spady, et al., have termed the “Global Cipha.”
And
finally, voices of contemporary youth practitioners who are
imaginatively challenging traditional understandings of
educational relevance are essential to marking Hip Hop’s
next generational milestone. With those shortcomings in
tow, we have assembled an issue sure to open more lines
of inquiry into Hip Hop’s pedagogical possibility. In so
doing, we are confident that these efforts will acquaint a
new readership with Radical Teacher and with the voices
herein, while connecting longtime readers of the journal to
RADICAL TEACHER
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.43
new threads of radical possibility. It is our intention to raise
a different series of critical questions and take stances that
may seem unpopular. We make no apology for our
position, and challenge other scholar-activists to share in
the effort to amplify the narratives of those who do not
have the luxury of considering such scholarship in the
broad-based struggle for social justice. Above all, these
studies reflect the politics of aesthetics and the aesthetic in
the political. In this sense, the spaces in the academy
where Hip Hop Studies occur constitute sites of everyday
struggle. Effectively, Hip Hop Studies becomes the lens
through which new sites of contestation are marked. As
contested space, the college, university, or school
classroom are remade into sites of resistance, where
students and faculty consciously engage with legacies of
social and political power, oppression, and resilience. In
this way, Hip Hop as critical pedagogy forces us to read
and write the world (albeit in spray paint), while working
towards the creation of the liberated future we all seek.
We, the editors of this special issue on Hip Hop and
Critical Pedagogy, wish to thank Radical Teacher editorial
board members Rachel Rubin and Jeffrey Melnick for their
guidance and encouragement in helping us produce this
cluster. We also thank K.C. Nat Turner and Tanisha C.
Ford for their editorial guidance in choosing these essays.
Notes
1
Harry Allen, “Dreams of a Final Theory,” in Total Chaos: The Art
and Aesthetics of Hip-Hop, edited by Jeff Chang (New York: Basic
Civitas, 2006), 7-9.
2
Hip Hop Culture is made up of five elements: deejaying, break
dancing, emceeing (rapping), graffiti writing, and knowledge.
These elements are certified by two of the pioneering
organizations in Hip Hop: The Universal Zulu Nation and the Rock
Steady Crew, and are accepted by practitioners around the world.
3
Paulo Friere and Donald Macedo, Literacy: Reading the Word and
the World (New York: Praeger, 1987).
4
Gregory Korte, “Obama ‘A Jury has Spoken’ in Zimmerman Case”
USA
Today,
July
14,
2013.
http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2013/07/14/obam
a-trayvon-martin-zimmerman-verdict-statement/2516137/.
Accessed on July 23, 2013.
5
Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, “Operation Ghetto Storm: 2012
Annual Report on the Extrajudicial Killings of 313 Black People by
Police, Security Guards and Vigilantes,” April 2013.
6
At the time of this writing, it was reported that the Department of
Justice is considering reviewing the Zimmerman case with the
possibility of charging Zimmerman with violating Trayvon Martin’s
civil rights. The NAACP has reported that is has obtained over
300,000 signatures for its petition demanding DOJ intervention
into the case.
7
Christopher Maag, “New Push to Capture Woman in ’73 Killing of
State Trooper,” New York Times, May 2, 2013. Accessed on July
15, 2013.
8
http://www.fbi.gov/newark/. Accessed on July 25, 2013.
9
Ironically, Common, one of the president’s favorite Hip Hop
artists, drew the ire of many on the right when he accepted
Obama’s invitation to perform at the White House. Common has
been an outspoken critic of the justice system and has advocated
for the release of numerous political prisoners. See Janee
Desmond-Harris, “Common White House Invitation Sparks
Conservative
Outrage,”
TheRoot.com,
May
10,
2011.
http://www.theroot.com/buzz/commons-white-house-invitationsparks-conservative-outrage Accessed on August 6, 2013.
10
Black August emerged as a month of solidarity with the
incarcerated in California prisons in the 1970s. Specifically, it
honors the lives of George and Jonathan Jackson, Ruchell Magee,
James McClain, William Christmas, Khutari Gaulden, and other
slain, deceased, or current political prisoners. MXGM has taken
up this effort from the 1990s to the present. In honor of Black
August, individuals are encouraged to engage in intensive political
education, fasting, and meditation throughout the month.
11
Pauline Lipman, The New Political Economy of Urban Education:
Neoliberalism, Race, and the Right to the City (New York:
Routledge, 2011).
12
The ARRA provides $4.35 billion for the Race to the Top Fund, a
competitive grant program designed to encourage and reward
states that are creating the conditions for education innovation and
reform; achieving significant improvement in student outcomes,
including making substantial gains in student achievement, closing
achievement gaps, improving high school graduation rates, and
ensuring student preparation for success in college and careers;
and implementing ambitious plans in four core education reform
areas: adopting standards and assessments that prepare students
to succeed in college and the workplace and to compete in the
global economy; building data systems that measure student
growth and success, and inform teachers and principals about how
they can improve instruction; recruiting, developing, rewarding,
and retaining effective teachers and principals, especially where
they are needed most; and turning around our lowest achieving
schools.
http://www2.ed.gov/programs/racetothetop/index.html.
13
Though our use of this term is in line with Kellner and Share who
RADICAL TEACHER
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.43
argue that “Media education should be connected with education for
democracy where students are encouraged to become informed and
media literate participants in their societies,” we want to expand
this concept to directly connect it with the political desires of people
of color who have long advocated for deep rooted structural social
transformation. See Douglas Kellner and Jeff Share, “Critical Media
Education and Radical Democracy,” in The Routledge International
Handbook of Critical Education, edited by Michael W. Apple, Wayne
Au, and Luis Armando Gandin (New York: Routledge, 2009), 281295.
15
George Yancy, ed., White on White/Black on Black (Lanham, MD:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2005).
16
We use this term to describe the contentiousness that perpetually
hovers above certain fields of study in the academy. It is meant
to mark the tension between tradition areas of study and
relatively new ones such as Black Studies, Ethnic Studies,
Women’s Studies, Queer Studies, etc. These fields intersect in
important ways with traditional fields, yet they also push the
boundaries of traditional epistemologies and canons.
17
Erik Nielson, “Where Would Hip Hop be Without Colleges and
Universities?” Huffington Post on-line, April 12, 2013, accessed
June 6, 2013. Nielson, “High Stakes for Hip Hop Studies,”
Huffington Post on-line, April 29, 2013, accessed April 30, 2013.
18
Travis Gosa, “Colleges Love Hip Hop, But Do They Love Black
Men Too?” Chronicle of Higher Education on-line, February 15,
2013. Accessed April 30, 2013.
19
Julian Kunnie, “Apartheid in Arizona? HB2281 and Arizona’s
Denial of Human Rights of People of Color,” The Black Scholar 40,
No. 4 (Winter, 2010): 16-26.
20
Gerrick D. Kennedy, “Harvard University Announces Nas
Fellowship,” Los Angeles Times, July 16, 2013. Accessed July 17,
2013.
21
http://steinhardt.nyu.edu/metrocenter/hiphopeducation/.
14
To our knowledge, Rosa Clemente was the first to use this term
on the “Beyond the Beats: Towards a Radical Analysis of the State
of Hip-Hop” panel at the National Conference on Media Reform in
Boston, MA, 2011.
22 http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/hiphop/.
2013.
23
Accessed
on
July
8,
http://dubois.fas.harvard.edu/hiphop-archive-harvard-university.
24http://www.arizona.edu/features/ua-introduces-
nation%E2%80%99s-first-hip-hop-minor. Accessed on July 9,
2013.
25
This work is licensed under a Creative
James G. Spady, H. Samy Alim, and Samir Meghelli, eds., Global
Cipha: Hip Hop Culture and Consciousness (np.: Black History
Museum Press, 2006).
Commons Attribution-‐Noncommercial-‐No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. This journal is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D-Scribe
Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. RADICAL TEACHER
9
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.43
ISSN: 1941-0832
Droppin‟ Knowledge on Race:
Hip-Hop, White Adolescents, and Anti-Racism
Education
By Steven Netcoh
“SPREAD LOVE: COMMANDANTE BIGGIE” ARTISTS: JOHN GARCIA, CERN ONE, SEAN MEENAN
PHOTOGRAPH BY CHRIS TINSON
RADICAL TEACHER
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1.
White Kids and Hip Hop
Though white adolescents comprise a large percentage
of Hip Hop‟s audience, relatively few academic studies
examine why they readily gravitate toward the music and
how they engage with the culture.
The majority of
scholarship on white adolescents and Hip Hop focuses on
how these individuals adapt the music and culture to their
local settings. Rodriguez (2006) investigates the racial
ideologies of politically conscious Hip-Hop fans primarily in
Northampton, Massachusetts. Hayes (2004) examines how
white Canadian youth in rural Ontario identified with Hip
Hop to distinguish themselves from their racially and
culturally homogenous home community. Cutler (1999)
explores how a white teenager from one of New York City‟s
wealthiest neighborhoods aligned with Hip-Hop by adopting
African American vernacular English and stereotypical
features of urban street culture such as gang membership
and drug use. Each of these studies illustrates the unique
ways that white adolescents have incorporated Hip Hop
into their lives in disparate local settings.
One text that provides a more overarching view of
white adolescents‟ engagement with Hip Hop is Kitwana‟s
(2005) Why White Kids Love Hip-Hop: Wankstas, Wiggers,
Wannabes, and the New Reality of Race in America. In the
book, Kitwana argues Hip Hop has a critical role to play in
moving America beyond its old racial politics, which he
defines as being “characterized by adherence to stark
differences—cultural, personal and political—between Black
and white . . . cultural territorialism on both sides, and . . .
uncritical acceptance of stereotypes, also on both sides.”
He believes Hip Hop will bring America toward a new racial
politics, which is “marked by nuance, complexity . . . and a
sort of fluidity between cultures” (pp. xiv-xv). According to
Kitwana, Hip Hop creates grounds for youth of diverse
racial backgrounds to converge and share their common
interest in the music and culture (p. xiv). Within these
spaces, youth can collectively “explore” new conceptions of
race that transcend understandings of racial boundaries as
fixed and biological. Kitwana argues Hip Hop is a “vehicle
to educate and bring down the walls of ignorance when it
comes to American race relations” (p. 132).
While Hip Hop may expose whites to diverse racial
representations and create spaces for youth of all races to
share a common interest in Hip Hop, the notion that the
music alone can facilitate significant transformation in
white Americans‟ racial ideologies is rather idealistic. Hip
Hop has become a staple of a media culture that promotes
consumerism and self-gratification while “devaluing
citizenship” (Yousman, 2003, p. 370). Mainstream Hip Hop
serves primarily as a spectacle for its audiences and rarely
invites critical social or political dialogue (Watts, 1997).
Most consumers perceive Hip Hop strictly as a form of
entertainment and fail to comprehend or ignore its capacity
as an agent for critical discourse on race. Provided the
media culture in which Hip Hop is produced and consumed,
it is unrealistic to assume the music can independently
affect any comprehensive change in white adolescents‟
racial ideologies and politics.
The minimal scholarship on Hip Hop and its white
audience supports the notion that rap music has been
limited in its capacity to mobilize racially just ideologies
and politics in white youth (Hayes, 2004; Rodriguez,
2006). One study indicates Hip Hop may in fact hinder
racial progress as many whites use stereotypical
representations of black males and females in Hip Hop to
legitimize discrimination against black Americans in both
“personal” and “political behaviors” (Reyna, Brandt, & Viki,
2009, p. 374). Additionally, Hip Hop has been a prominent
cultural force for over twenty years, yet there has been
little change in white Americans‟ racial discourse,
ideologies, or politics.
Since Hip Hop entered the
mainstream, color-blindness has been solidified as the
dominant racial ideology, and the belief that the United
States is a “post-racial” society has been accepted as
“common sense” (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Winant, 2002, p.
33).
Hip-Hop has been unable to destabilize these
prevalent notions that mask the degree to which racism is
institutionalized in American society and prevent the United
States from realizing true racial equality.
The minimal scholarship on Hip
Hop and its white audience
supports the notion that rap music
has been limited in its capacity to
mobilize racially just ideologies and
politics in white youth.
Given Hip Hop‟s limits in mobilizing racially just
ideologies and politics in its white listener population, I
draw on critical media studies scholarship to argue that
secondary and post-secondary schools provide useful
spaces for white adolescents to deconstruct Hip Hop‟s
representations of and discourses on race and participate
in meaningful dialogue about race as an embedded feature
of America‟s social institutions. Though most Hip Hop is
produced for a media culture that is market and
consumption driven, it can serve as an arena to challenge
the foundations of America‟s racial order when its
representations, discourses, and ideologies of race are
made subjects of explicit and critical investigation.
Secondary and post-secondary classrooms provide spaces
to maximize Hip Hop‟s democratic potential by examining,
among other subjects, Rick Ross‟s constructions of
authenticity, Lupe Fiasco‟s anti-racism discourse, Nas‟s
challenges of color-blindness, and Eminem‟s rearticulation
of whiteness.
2. Race, Racial Ideology, and Whiteness
Before examining Hip Hop‟s racial representations,
discourses, and ideologies, it is instructive to outline the
theories of race from which this study works. Although
race is commonly understood as a biological characteristic,
there is little dispute among social scientists that it is a
socially constructed entity. Humans created race as a
means to organize and structure the social world, and thus
it has no grounding in nature or biology. As Bonilla-Silva
(2006) contends, “notions of racial difference are human
creations rather than eternal, essential categories” (p. 8).
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11
All racial classifications are flawed as they incorrectly
assume homogeneity across a range of “nationalities,
geographical origins, languages, dialects, and cultural
traditions” (Keating, 1995, p. 911). Broad racial categories
cannot possibly account for the diversity contained within
them, which thus highlights their arbitrary nature.
Because
race
is
socially
constructed,
it
is
impermanent, unfixed, and subject to change. Omi and
Winant (1993) assert the meaning of race is “defined and
contested throughout society, in both collective action and
personal practice.
In the process, racial categories
themselves are formed, transformed, destroyed, and reformed” (p. 61). Racial categories have been updated and
revised throughout history to encompass different groups
of people. For much of the nineteenth century, “White,”
“Negro,” and “Indian” were the only recognized racial
categories in the United States (Keating, 1995, p. 911). In
California, Mexican immigrants were classified as “white,”
which afforded them all the rights and privileges of white
Americans while Chinese immigrants were labeled “Indian”
and thus “denied the political rights accorded to whites”
(Omi & Winant, 1993, p. 82). Since their categorization as
“white” and “Indian,” both Chinese and Mexican Americans
have been reclassified into various racial groups such as
“Orientals,” “Asians,” “Persons of Spanish Mother Tongue,”
and “Hispanics” (Keating, 1995, p. 911). This process of
continual racial reclassification underscores the subjective
nature of race.
Though race is fluid and unfixed, it produces real
effects in the social world. Bonilla-Silva (2006) uses the
term “racial structure” to describe how race has historically
provided privileges to those with white skin and restricted
the distribution of economic, political, and social capital to
those with darker skin (p. 9). This inequality persists
today as a variety of statistics suggest some racial groups
face institutional disadvantages in America‟s racialized
social structure. A report released by the Bureau of Justice
Statistics showed that as of December 2010, black males
were imprisoned at a rate “nearly 7 times higher than
white non-Hispanic males” (Guerino, Harrison, & Sabol,
2011). Data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
shows that the unemployment rate for black Americans has
consistently remained around double the jobless rate for
white
Americans
during
the
past
thirty
years
(“Unemployment Rates,” 2010).
Cited are just a few
statistics that suggest racial inequality is embedded in
America‟s social structure and that race functions as a
mechanism to order the social world.
Because race is socially
constructed, it is impermanent,
unfixed, and subject to change.
While race is an integral feature of social structures, it
is also experienced at the micro social level. As Omi and
Winant (2008) note, “Race always operates at the
crossroads of identity and social structure” (p. 1565). All
representations of race inevitably “invoke social structures,
power relations, lived experiences of identity and
difference” (Omi & Winant, 2008, p. 1570).
Racial
signification is thus inseparable from the larger racialized
structure that shapes individuals‟ social experiences. When
people interpret representations of race, they immediately
draw on “preconceived notions” created within and
perpetuated by the racialized social structure.
White
people who signify “blackness” in their speech, dress, or
body movements are understood to be acting “against their
race.” These individuals might face discrimination or social
stigmatization because they do not conform to their racial
scripts. As such, all racial representation is understood
and experienced within an established racial order (Omi &
Winant, 1993, p. 59).
Individuals and groups develop racial ideologies to
interpret and explain their varied experiences with race.
Bonilla-Silva (2006) defines racial ideology as “the racially
based frameworks used by actors to explain and justify
(dominant race) or challenge (subordinate race or races)
the racial status quo” (p. 9). A variety of racial ideologies
exist within racial structures and engage in a perpetual
struggle for dominance. Color-blindness is arguably the
dominant racial ideology in America, and it “disconnect[s]
race from the power relations in which inequality and racial
discourses are embedded” (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Rodriguez,
2006, p. 646).
Color-blindness presumes race
inconsequential in individuals‟ social experiences and
opportunities. People who employ color-blind ideologies
claim they “don‟t see any color, just people” and tend to
believe racism no longer affects society (Bonilla-Silva,
2006, p. 1).
Conversely, those who adopt more
progressive racial ideologies recognize race as an
organizing feature of social structures and thus advocate
policies that directly redress institutionalized racism and
past racial oppression (Omi & Winant, 1993, p. 57).
Whiteness is implicated in the maintenance of
structural racism, and it serves as a “site of racial,
economic, and political privilege” (Giroux, 1997, p. 290).
Lipsitz (1998) uses the term “possessive investment in
whiteness” to describe white America‟s collective interest in
protecting white supremacy and dedicates a book-length
study to examining how white privilege has been created
and sustained in the United States. He illustrates how
discrimination in housing markets, inequality in the
education system, and “intergenerational transfers of
inherited wealth that pass on the spoils of discrimination to
succeeding generations” has provided whiteness a “cash
value” and contributed to “the racialized hierarchies of our
society” (p. vii).
In a similar investigation of white
privilege, Harris (1995) examines how whiteness has been
afforded property value in American society and provides
“a host of public, private and psychological benefits” (p.
286).
Harris deconstructs the legal implications of
“whiteness as property” to demonstrate how the “judicial
definition of racial identity based on white supremacy
reproduced . . . racial subordination at the institutional
level” (p. 284).
Lipsitz and Harris‟s analyses are examples of
“Whiteness Studies,” which is a field of scholarship that
emerged to unveil the institutionalized advantages and
privileges of whiteness.
Dyer (1988) argues it is
imperative to unmask the privileges of whiteness because
“[W]hite power secures its dominance by seeming not to
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be anything in particular” (p. 44). As a result of its
“invisibility,” “‟whiteness‟ operates as the unacknowledged
standard or norm against which all so-called „minorities‟
are measured” (Keating, 1995, p. 905). Academics who
study whiteness attempt to destabilize its normalcy and
call attention to its role in racial oppression and exclusion.
Such a focus on the insidious nature of whiteness and the
social effects of institutionalized white supremacy provides
grounds for whites to become aware of their “dysconscious
racism” and recognize their collective involvement in racial
inequality (King, 1991).
3. Hip Hop, Color-Blindness, and Racial Stereotyping
Provided Kitwana‟s argument about Hip Hop as a
“vehicle to educate” about race and transform America‟s
racial ideologies and politics, one might expect white
adolescents at Hip Hop concerts where artists critique
“racist hypocrisies” and “rap about black nationalism” to
recognize white privilege and display some semblance of
understanding racism as an institutionalized feature of
American society (Rodriguez, 2006, p. 653).
To the
contrary, Jason Rodriguez demonstrates in “Color-Blind
Ideology and the Cultural Appropriation of Hip-Hop” that
the majority of participants in his study displayed colorblind ideologies in their discourse on race and Hip Hop.
Rodriguez conducted participant observation research at
twenty Hip-Hop concerts, primarily in Northampton,
Massachusetts, to examine how white Hip Hop fans
understand their participation in an “unmistakably African
American art form” (p. 648). Rodriguez found that the
majority of those he interviewed recognized race as a
“salient” feature of others‟ lives while simultaneously
denying its significance in their own (p. 657).
Most participants claimed they were attracted to
“conscious” Hip Hop‟s “radical politics,” but they refrained
from associating with its racialized politics.
Rodriguez
attributes his participants‟ reluctance to adopt Hip Hop‟s
racial politics to their color-blind ideologies, which are
defined by race neutral social and political outlooks (p.
654). Such color-blindness was reflected in a number of
the interviewees‟ comments about Hip Hop and race. One
participant asserted, “Well, with Public Enemy or Dead
Prez, they say a lot about black people, and you know, it‟s
like black music, but you have to make it . . . a bridge
between the race differences, and you have to realize that
it‟s all just people no matter what the color of your skin”
(p. 661). The majority of participants in the study made
similar “rhetorical maneuvers” to downplay the significance
of race in American life. Rodriguez argues that these white
adolescents‟ color-blind ideologies allowed them to justify
their participation in Hip Hop by “taking a racially-coded art
form and turning it into a color-blind one” (p. 663).
Rodriguez‟s research illustrates, at least in one locale,
Hip Hop‟s limits in independently mobilizing progressive
racial ideologies in its white audience. Although the white
adolescents in his study attended concerts where race was
a focus of the artists‟ lyrical and performative content, they
remained ignorant, at least in their discourse, of white
privilege and structural racism.
The participants‟
engagement with racially progressive and sometimes
radical Hip Hop did not destabilize their color-blind
ideologies nor did it prompt them to adopt more
progressive racial politics. Rodriguez suggests the overtly
racialized nature of the music may have exacerbated the
interviewees‟ color-blindness as they worked to justify their
presence in the scene by asserting the irrelevance of race
in their lives and ignoring the privileges of their white
identities.
In a similar attempt to investigate white youths‟
participation in Hip Hop, Hayes (2004) studied how white
Canadian youth in rural Ontario interpreted Hip Hop music
and adopted aspects of the culture to distinguish
themselves from their racially and culturally homogenous
community. Hayes found that the majority of participants
in his study had little to no interaction with black people
and thus displayed “limited understandings of the
complexity and diversity of blackness.” He argues the
youth came to understand “all black people as the
embodiments of rap culture” as they “distill[ed] the
heterogeneity of black identity to a handful of racial
stereotypes” (p. 67). For these youth, Hip Hop artists such
as Tupac Shakur and Notorious B.I.G. represented
authentic black culture because they rapped about life on
the streets of America‟s inner cities and the struggles they
faced as young black males. Consequently, these youths‟
performances of Hip Hop culture reinforced their
predominantly white town‟s understanding of the black
male experience as characterized by “violence, crime, and
poverty” (p. 65).
While Hayes believes in Hip Hop‟s potential to facilitate
meaningful dialogue about race in urban spaces that are
culturally diverse, he is pessimistic about its capacity to
mobilize progressive racial ideologies and politics in racially
homogenous communities. He argues that the youth in his
study were unable to move beyond their stereotypical
understandings of race to investigate the heterogeneity of
blackness and race in general. Further, he asserts their
inability to “overcome local perceptions of race” prevented
them from taking any significant steps toward “progressive
race relations” and “displac[ing] their town‟s unspoken yet
pervasive whiteness” (p. 80). While the youths‟ adoption
of Hip Hop presented opportunities to destabilize the
normalcy of whiteness in their town, they ultimately
reinforced its power with their fixed representations of and
discourses on race. Hayes‟s research suggests that Hip
Hop
may
negatively
impact
racial
progress
in
predominantly white communities as many white youth
uncritically accept detrimental stereotypes presented in Hip
Hop as authentic representations of “blackness.”
Reyna et. al.‟s (2009) “Blame It on Hip-Hop: Anti-Rap
Attitudes as a Proxy for Prejudice” also demonstrates the
potential dangers of Hip Hop‟s representations of race. The
authors conducted three different studies, two of which are
instructive for the current analysis, to determine if and how
“non-Blacks [could] use their stereotypes of rap to justify
prejudice and discrimination against Blacks─especially the
Black urban poor” (p. 364). In the first study, they found
white participants‟ negative attitudes toward Hip Hop music
were associated with negative beliefs about black
Americans and anti-black policy stances.
The authors
attribute the relationship between distaste for rap music
and anti-black policy positions to what they term
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“responsibility stereotypes” associated with Hip Hop music
such as the notion that all rappers advocate “get rich quick
through crime and violence” lifestyles (p. 364). These
stereotypes suggest rappers violate “important societal
values,” are responsible for their impoverished and violent
living conditions, and thus do not deserve the benefits of
favorable social policies (p. 364).
To obtain more current data and improve the
methodology of their first investigation, Reyna et. al.
conducted a second study in which they surveyed 98
participants about their attitudes toward Hip Hop, the black
community, and race relations in America. The second
study corroborated their analysis of the 1993 GSS data as
the results indicated that, once again, white respondents‟
anti-rap attitudes were associated with both negative
feelings toward black Americans and anti-black policy
positions.
The authors found that the responsibility
stereotype was a primary factor in whites‟ discriminatory
attitudes.
According to Reyna et. al., “responsibility
stereotypes fully accounted for the relationship between
anti-rap attitudes and street crime policies, as well as antirap attitudes and opposition to policies designed to help
Blacks that do not fit the stereotype portrayed by rap
(affirmative action for qualified Blacks)” (p. 371). These
results suggest that whites‟ discriminatory attitudes and
politics toward black people extended beyond just those
who fit rap‟s stereotypical representations of “blackness” to
black Americans in general.
During approximately the past
twenty-five years, movements have
emerged within the fields of cultural
studies, communication, and
education, among others, to
demonstrate the necessity for
media education and literacy
programs that equip youth with the
skills to deconstruct and critically
interrogate the media they
consume.
The aforementioned studies indicate that Hip Hop may
encourage color-blindness in certain locales and a general
acceptance of injurious racial stereotypes by its white
audience.
With little formal knowledge of how race
functions in society, many whites adopt the dominant racial
ideology of color-blindness, and Hip Hop becomes one
channel through which their color-blindness is deployed.
Additionally, Hip Hop is wrought with stereotypical
representations of black males and females that many
white listeners internalize and mobilize in their racial
politics and attitudes toward black people.
Such
acceptance of deleterious stereotypes is evident in the
research of Hayes (2004) and Reyna et. al. (2009) who
found that many white participants used representations of
black males and females in Hip Hop as a “proxy” for
discriminatory personal and political attitudes toward all
black people (p. 361).
This scholarship on Hip Hop and its white audience
underscores the importance of mediating Hip Hop‟s racial
representations and discourses.
While Hip Hop has
potential to mobilize racially just ideologies and politics in
its white audience, many white listeners internalize rap
music‟s stereotypical portrayals of race while they remain
ignorant of its more progressive racial discourses. The
existing research on Hip Hop and white listeners suggests
further measures must be taken to minimize rap music‟s
negative influence on the struggle for racial justice and
maximize its democratic potential. In the rest of this
essay, I build on critical media studies scholarship to
illustrate how secondary and post-secondary schools
provide useful spaces for white adolescents to deconstruct
Hip Hop‟s stereotypical representations of race, develop
anti-racism voices, destabilize color-blindness, and
rearticulate their whiteness.
4. Hip Hop, Race, and Education
During approximately the past twenty-five years,
movements have emerged within the fields of cultural
studies, communication, and education, among others, to
demonstrate the necessity for media education and literacy
programs that equip youth with the skills to deconstruct
and critically interrogate the media they consume (Kubey,
2003).
Advancements in technology have led to an
inundation of media in individuals‟ daily lives, which
necessitates “critical approaches that make us aware of
how media construct meanings, influence and educate
audiences, and impose their messages and values” (Kellner
& Share, 2007, p. 4).
Advocates of critical media
education argue schools are prime spaces to deconstruct
the media‟s representations of the social world and
empower youth to both critically read and produce their
own media texts. Many theorists assert critical media
education will help students situate the media in their
social and historical contexts and investigate the
intersections of “media and society, information and
power” (Ferguson, 1998; Kellner & Share, 2007, p. 6).
Media education as a whole is more a theoretical
framework than a concrete set of practices, but the
ultimate goal of the movement is for students to become
independently critical of media so they can effectively
navigate the ideologies, discourses, and representations
they encounter in the media landscape (Buckingham,
2003).
Within the critical media education movement,
scholarship has emerged to examine how Hip Hop can be
mobilized in schools to empower youth and facilitate
students‟ development into socially and politically active
citizens (Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2005; Scherpf, 2001;
Daspit, 1999). This research locates Hip Hop as a site of
resistance to oppressive power relationships and argues its
energy can be channeled into transformative pedagogies in
the
classroom.
Because
Hip
Hop
“invokes
counterhegemonic voices from the margins,” some
academics argue it is a prime location to challenge
America‟s dominant politics and forge multicultural
coalitions (Scherpf, 2001, p. 107). The following analysis
builds on this research by specifically examining how Hip
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Hop can be deployed in secondary and post-secondary
classrooms to help white adolescents interrogate the
genre‟s representations of and discourses on race and
develop racially just ideologies and politics in their personal
1
lives .
To begin, I will focus on the controversy surrounding
Rick Ross and his disputed employment as a corrections
officer. Ross, who is one of contemporary Hip Hop‟s
biggest stars, has fashioned an image of himself as a
hustler and ruthless drug dealer.
Hit songs such as
“Hustlin‟” and “Aston Martin Music” characterize Ross as a
feared drug pusher who has amassed tremendous wealth
from his involvement in trafficking narcotics. Ross had his
authenticity called into question in 2008, however, when a
photograph surfaced of him graduating from the Florida
Department of Corrections‟s training academy for
corrections officers (Eells, 2012). When the photograph
was exposed to the public, Ross first denied its legitimacy
claiming he had been digitally added to the picture. As
further evidence surfaced to support the validity of the
photograph, Ross fabricated a story claiming he had taken
the job to start selling drugs to inmates in prison (Eells,
2012). Knowing his reputation and authenticity could be
damaged by revelations of his employment as a corrections
officer, Ross resorted to lying and distorting the truth to
protect the public self-image he had so carefully crafted.
While many rappers like Rick Ross claim their lyrics
about drug dealing and violence are reflections of their life
experiences as young black men in America, their
narratives are often hyperbolic spectacles that gloss over
the details of their lives that do not conform to their
constructed images. Rick Ross‟s biography reveals that he
became a corrections officer to escape the life of crime in
which many of his friends were entrenched. When his best
friend was incarcerated on felony drug charges, Ross
decided it was time to distance himself from the “street
life,” and he subsequently sought employment with the
Florida Department of Corrections (Eells, 2012). While
Ross publicly touts his successes as a drug kingpin, his
biography exposes a more complex image of a man looking
to remove himself from the drug game.
Within the critical media
education movement, scholarship
has emerged to examine how Hip
Hop can be mobilized in schools to
empower youth and facilitate
students’ development into socially
and politically active citizens.
Secondary and post-secondary schools can serve as
arenas to debate and deconstruct the controversy
surrounding Rick Ross‟s employment as a corrections
officer. By critically examining Ross‟s self-representation,
claims to authenticity, and biography, white adolescents
can explore how stereotypical portrayals of black males in
Hip Hop are often hyperbolic representations of rappers‟
2
lived experiences.
After studying the discrepancies
between Rick Ross‟s biography and his public persona,
white students could delve further into the realm of identity
construction in Hip Hop by performing research on artists
to explore how their life stories compare with the images
they have created for themselves in the recording industry.
While some rappers write rhymes from their true life
experiences, many embellish their backgrounds to appear
“hard” and earn “street cred” in the Hip Hop industry.
Regardless of the truth in each rapper‟s public image, an
examination of Hip Hop artists‟ biographies can help white
youth see through, if only to a minor degree, the
glamorization of real life hardships and tragedies in HipHop
and
recognize
the
devastating
effects
of
institutionalized racism.
This research could lead to
presentations or campaigns in which students educate their
peers and communities at large about the pressure Hip Hop
artists face to conform to injurious stereotypes in order to
succeed in the music industry. If Rick Ross did not create
“The Boss,” would he still be one of the most popular
rappers in the industry today? What role do fans play in
the popularization and perpetuation of these media
stereotypes? These are questions white adolescents could
ask within the context of their projects to help those in
their communities interrogate representations of black
males in popular culture that are often passively accepted
as true to life depictions.
While many mainstream rappers like Rick Ross
promulgate stereotypical portrayals of black males, some
Hip Hop artists expose and rail against racist power
structures that function to provide privilege to certain
groups while limiting opportunities and freedoms for
others. Though racism is not the predominant subject of
Lupe Fiasco‟s lyrical content, his commentary on race and
its implication in institutionalized inequality is present in
many of his recent compositions. Lupe‟s discourse extends
beyond the common conception of racism as a
“black/white” issue to demonstrate how many racial groups
have been oppressed by white power and privilege. In one
of his most recent radio standards, “Around My Way,” Lupe
begins by referencing Pine Ridge, the site of the Wounded
Knee Massacre and the American Indian Movement‟s
standoff with the federal government, and other violence
against American Indians to call attention to Native
Americans‟ struggle against white racism throughout the
history of the United States. Within the same verse, he
addresses the U.S. government‟s sluggish response to
Hurricane Katrina and corporate benefits of the American
occupation of Iraq to illustrate more contemporary
examples of racism perpetrated by the predominantly
white American government. Together, these lines help
interrogate, as Lupe puts it, why “poverty is chocolate and
privilege vanilla” (Fiasco, 2012).
Another Lupe Fiasco song, “All Black Everything,”
demonstrates the prominent role that race has played in
American society throughout the country‟s history and
imagines life without race as a defining feature of social
life. The song begs the questions, what would America look
like if slavery had not existed, and how would America be
different if segregation was not a part of the country‟s
history? Without race as a organizing aspect of social
relationships, Lupe imagines America as a more peaceful
society in which “racism has no context,” black Americans
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have equal opportunities for upward social mobility, and
the social ills that stem from institutionalized racism have
all disappeared (Fiasco, 2011). In the final verse of the
song, he acknowledges that his vision is idealistic and that
nothing can be done to erase the racial atrocities of the
past, but he encourages all Americans to work together to
create a better future by turning inward, reflecting on how
race and racism affect people‟s lives, and taking action to
end racial oppression.
Lupe Fiasco‟s songs provide openings for white
adolescents to reflect on how race is implicated in power
dynamics that structure the social world and voice their
opposition to racial oppression. By critically dissecting
“Around My Way” in secondary and post-secondary
classrooms, white adolescents can examine how white
racism has afflicted a multitude of racial groups and served
to advance white power and privilege around the world. It
is important for white youth to see specific ways that
racism is more than a “black/white” issue and continues to
affect people both in the United States and across the
globe. Lupe‟s commentary in “Around My Way” is just one
example of the rapper speaking out against racism in both
his music and public discourse. He can serve as a model
for white adolescents to identify racism in the United
States or internationally and voice their opposition to it in a
rap song, video, public service announcement or
community-wide anti-racism
campaign.
These students
can join Lupe Fiasco in his
efforts to expose and oppose
institutionalized
racism by
carving out spaces for their
anti-racism voices in their
local communities.
do to ensure the world is more racially equal in the future.
Nas is another rapper whose music and public
discourse can help white adolescents disrupt America‟s
dominant ideology of race. Nas has specifically used his
music as a platform to challenge color-blindness and
America‟s racial politics. In 2007, Nas propelled race into
the national conversation with the announcement that his
upcoming studio album would be titled Nigger. The title
prompted debates in both black and white communities
about “the N-word” and its place in contemporary
American discourse (Reyna et. al., 2009). The album title
forced race into the public‟s consciousness, at least for a
short time, and invited critical dialogue on both the
historical and contemporary implications of race in
American society. In addition to the title, a number of
songs on the album such as “America,” “N.I.G.G.E.R. (The
Slave and the Master),” and “Black President” critique
dominant racial politics in the United States and invite
critical reflection on how race continues to work to the
advantage of some and to the detriment of others in
American society.
“America” in particular challenges color-blindness and
interrogates contemporary manifestations of structural
racism. In the first verse of the song, Nas describes his
ascent from a poor youth in
the projects to a rich and
famous international Hip Hop
star. Within the context of
this narrative, he describes an
encounter
with
an
“old
German” who calls Nas a thug
and looks at the rapper‟s
Mercedes Benz suspiciously as
White adolescents should
if to wonder where he earned
also
be
encouraged
to
the money to drive such an
consider the questions that
expensive car (Nas, 2008).
“All
Black
Everything”
The underlying commentary
inherently asks, which make
of these lines is that America
the song an ideal site for
is far from a color-blind
URBAN ART GALLERY PHOTO BY CARLOS MCBRIDE
reflection on the implications
society as black men with
of race in secondary and postmoney are shrouded in clouds
secondary classrooms. What
of suspicion, skepticism, and
would America look like if slavery had not existed? How
doubt.
The second verse of “America” addresses the
would America be different if segregation was not a part of
degree to which racism is embedded in America‟s social
the country‟s history? These questions can help white
fabric and provides examples of racial injustice in America‟s
adolescents examine contemporary social dynamics and
legal and education systems. Nas asserts white police
structures through an historical lens to better understand
officers are more frequently acquitted of crimes than black
how past racism has shaped present social realities. Lupe‟s
officers and that the education system inadequately serves
call for reflection and action on racial oppression at the end
black youth as they are underrepresented in prestigious
of the song could also serve as a starting point for white
career fields such as aeronautics. He also calls for a critical
adolescents to develop action plans to combat racism and
examination of America‟s “law books” to expose the racism
create a more racially just society. What concrete steps
embedded within the criminal justice system (Nas, 2008).
can individuals take to realize Lupe‟s vision for a more
“America” effectively undermines claims to color-blindness
racially equitable society? What steps can groups and
by highlighting the ways race continues to influence and
organizations take?
The last verse of “All Black
shape individuals‟ social experiences and life opportunities.
Everything” calls on youth to take agency in shaping a
Nas‟s commentary on his now untitled album can be
more racially just future. Secondary and post-secondary
mobilized in secondary and post-secondary classrooms to
classrooms serve as prime sites for white adolescents to
invite white adolescents to interrogate race‟s role in
heed Lupe‟s call and determine what they and others can
American society and expose them to an alternative racial
discourse that undermines claims to color-blindness.
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Within the context of studying “America,” teachers can
instruct their students to venture into their local or nearby
communities, observe social interactions, and draw
conclusions about the validity of Nas‟s challenges to colorblindness. Are black males more frequently surveilled in
retail stores than white males? Are black males treated
differently in public spaces than white males? Students
might also perform research to investigate Nas‟s assertions
about racism in the criminal justice system. Are black
police officers more frequently convicted of crimes than
white officers? Are black Americans unfairly targeted by
the criminal justice system? Such assignments, paired
with critical examinations of Nas‟s lyrics, could help white
adolescents see through claims to color-blindness in
America by identifying actual instances of racial
discrimination in their local communities and the country at
large. Though not all white adolescents will necessarily
subscribe to Nas‟s ideology of race and might seek out
ways to discredit his claims, challenging their colorblindness is an important first step to helping them
understand the ways race continues to structure the social
world and impact individuals‟ life experiences.
Eminem‟s music also undermines color-blindness, but
his racial discourse aims primarily to expose white
privilege. Like Nas, Eminem has been a prominent figure
in Hip Hop for over a decade, and he continues to hold the
spotlight as one of America‟s most popular rappers. Rather
than downplay the significance of his white identity,
Eminem often highlights the privileges he receives from his
whiteness. For example, in “White America” he raps:
As a white man who was raised in a “predominantly Black
Detroit neighborhood” and who often signifies “blackness”
in his speech, dress, and body movements, Eminem blurs
the lines between “black” and “white” to illustrate that race
is socially constructed and maintained (Fraley, 2009, p.
48). His presence in Hip Hop undermines the dominant
notion that there are natural distinctions among racial
groups and illustrates that human differences often
attributed to race are in fact products of socialization.
Eminem‟s discourse on and representation of race
serve as sites where white adolescents can reflect on their
racial identities and reconceptualize their own whiteness.
Giroux (1997) argues that pedagogies of whiteness begin
with “a critical engagement rather than a denial of
„Whiteness‟” (p. 299). Eminem‟s racial discourse provides
a model for white adolescents to critically engage their
whiteness as he frequently acknowledges and exposes his
own white privilege. White youth should be invited to
follow Eminem‟s lead by interrogating their whiteness and
investigating its role both in their own social experiences
and larger systems of domination. White students might
ask themselves, what privileges do I receive from my
whiteness? How would my life be different if I was not
white? How can I minimize the negative effects of my
whiteness? As Chaisson (2004) notes, “Whites becoming
conscious of their participation in whiteness is the first step
to achieving racial justice and equity” (p. 348). Even if
they cannot or refuse to identify white privilege in their
own lives, Eminem‟s racial discourse exposes youth to
alternative conceptions of whiteness and encourages
critical reflection on race.
Look at these eyes, baby blue, baby just like
While discussions of race and
racism are often discouraged in
schools, it is imperative that
adolescents are provided spaces to
participate in open conversations
about race and encouraged to
develop new understandings of how
it functions in society.
yourself
If they were brown, Shady lose…
Look at my sales, let's do the math
If I was black, I would've sold half
While many white Americans assert the United States
is a color-blind country in which race has no bearing on
individuals‟ opportunities and social experiences, Eminem
acknowledges that his whiteness has, more likely than not,
played a critical role in his success as a rapper. Rather
than adopt color-blindness to justify his participation in Hip
Hop, he undermines such an ideology by unmasking his
white privilege.
Eminem‟s racial discourse renders
whiteness visible as a site of power and privilege and
exposes its inconspicuous and often uncontested nature.
Along with his exposition of white privilege, Eminem
challenges fixed and discrete understandings of race in his
self-representation. According to Rodman (2006), Eminem
“manages to perform „Blackness‟ and „Whiteness‟
simultaneously, blending the two in ways that erase
precisely the same racial boundaries that White America
has worked the hardest to maintain over the past several
centuries” (p. 109).
Eminem‟s self-representation
demonstrates race‟s fluidity and destabilizes the notion
that there are inherently “black” or “white” ways of acting.
While examinations of whiteness can provoke a range
of emotions from guilt to anger in white adolescents, both
Giroux‟s
pedagogy
of
whiteness
and
Eminem‟s
representation of race offer frameworks for whites to
transcend the oppressive aspects of their racial identities
(Chaisson, 2004; Keating, 1995). Giroux‟s pedagogy of
whiteness defines “racial identities as multiple, porous,
complex, and shifting,” which he argues “provide[s]
theoretical openings for educators and students to move
beyond framing Whiteness as either good or bad, racially
innocent or intractably racist” (p. 299).
Eminem‟s
representation of whiteness provides the ground for white
adolescents to recognize the socially constructed and fluid
nature of race as he undermines dominant perceptions of
racial boundaries as fixed and discrete. Reconceptualizing
racial identities as fluid and multifaceted allows white
adolescents to view their whiteness through lenses of
possibility and optimism. Rather than frame all whites as
oppressive,
Giroux‟s
pedagogy
and
Eminem‟s
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representation of whiteness afford space for white youth to
rearticulate their racial identities in ways that resist
domination and work for the cause of racial justice. Within
the context of examining Eminem‟s fluid racial identity,
students could be asked to develop action plans that
outline specific steps they can take to build upon on the
liberatory aspects of their white identities and minimize the
more oppressive features of their whiteness. Performing
such an activity would help white adolescents view their
whiteness in a more positive light while identifying specific
ways they can become more active in the struggle for
racial justice.
5. Conclusion
The present analysis merely scratches the surface of
Hip Hop‟s potential to mobilize racially just ideologies and
politics in white adolescents, and it should serve as a
preliminary investigation of Hip Hop pedagogies of race
and whiteness. The dearth of literature documenting Hip
Hop‟s employment in anti-racism curricula necessitates an
initial examination of the possibilities for how the music
and culture can be used to teach white adolescents about
race and racism. With its diverse racial representations
and discourses, Hip Hop is a prime location for white
adolescents to explore new conceptions of race and
interrogate their own whiteness and larger systems of
racial oppression, and it must be recognized as such3. The
existing research on Hip Hop and white youth suggests,
however, that it is necessary to explicitly examine rap
music‟s discourses on and representations of race to mine
its democratic and liberatory potential. Independently, Hip
Hop has been unable to communicate the intricacies of
race to its white audience, and it may encourage colorblindness and acceptance of injurious racial stereotypes in
certain settings.
With direct and critical inquiry in
secondary and post-secondary classrooms, however, Hip
Hop has the capacity to expose white adolescents to
diverse racial representations and discourses that
undermine dominant paradigms of race and invite youth to
reflect on how race operates in their own lives and society
at large.
While discussions of race and racism are often
discouraged in schools, it is imperative that adolescents
are provided spaces to participate in open conversations
about race and encouraged to develop new understandings
of how it functions in society (Lewis, 2001; Castagno,
2008). Hip Hop can serve as a vehicle for such dialogue in
secondary and post-secondary schools as it affords
counternarratives to America‟s dominant racial discourse
and stereotypical racial representations that are ripe for
critical deconstruction. As one of today‟s most popular
youth cultures, Hip Hop is an invaluable pedagogical
resource that can be utilized to bridge adolescents‟ out-ofschool literacies with educational investigations of race
(Hull & Schultz, 2001). Partially removing Hip-Hop from its
consumerist context and inserting it in a more civically
oriented arena provides a greater possibility for the music
and culture to facilitate meaningful transformation in white
adolescents‟ racial ideologies and politics.
Future scholarship within the present line of inquiry
might employ qualitative research to investigate how white
adolescents respond to critical examinations of Hip Hop‟s
racial representations and discourses.
Some potential
questions for future research are: how do white
adolescents interpret Hip Hop‟s challenges of colorblindness? What are the implications of using Hip Hop as a
lens to examine white privilege? How do adolescents‟
ideologies of race change after sustained inquiry of Hip
Hop‟s racial representations and discourses? Investigating
these questions would identify some pragmatic implications
of mobilizing Hip Hop in schools to teach about race and
afford deeper insight into how white adolescents perceive
Hip Hop‟s racial commentary. Though existing scholarship
suggests a negative correlation between white youths‟
engagement with Hip Hop and their understanding of race,
the present analysis maintains a positive outlook on the
convergence of white adolescents, Hip Hop, and race and
calls for further analysis of Hip Hop pedagogies of race and
whiteness.
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DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.39
16. Giroux, H. (1997). Rewriting the discourse of racial
identity: Towards a pedagogy and politics of whiteness.
Harvard Educational Review, 67(2), 285-320.
37. Scherpf, S. (2001). Rap pedagogy: The potential for
democratization. Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural
Studies, 23(1), 73-110.
17. Guerino, P., Harrison, P.M., & Sabol, P.M. (2011).
Prisoners in 2010. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice
Statistics.
38. Seidel, S. (2011). Hip hop genius: Remixing high school
education. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
39. Unemployment rates by race and ethnicity, 2010. (n.d.).
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Retrieved November 11, 2012,
from
http://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2011/ted_20111005data.htm.
18. Harris, C.I. (1995). Whiteness as property. In K.
Crenshaw, N. Gotanda, G. Peller & K. Thomas (Eds.), Critical
race theory: The key writings that formed the movement (pp.
276-291). New York, NY: The NewPress.
19. Hayes, D. (2004). Fear of (and fascination with) a black
planet: The relocation of rap by white non-urban youth. Topia,
12, 63-82.
20. Hill, M.L. (2009). Beats, rhymes, and classroom life: Hiphop pedagogy and the politics of identity. New York, NY:
Teachers College Press.
40. Watts, E.K. (1997). An exploration of spectacular
consumption: Gangsta rap as cultural commodity.
Communication Studies, 48 (1), 42-58.
41. Winant, H. (2002). Race in the twenty-first century.
Tikkun, 17(1), 33.
42. Yousman, B. (2003). Blackophilia and blackophobia:
White youth, the consumption of rap music, and white
supremacy. Communication Theory, 13(4), 366-391.
21. Hull, G.A., & Schultz, K. (Eds.). (2001). School’s out:
Bridging out-of-school literacies with classroom practice. New
York, NY: Teachers College Press.
Notes
22. Jackson III, R. (2006). Scripting the black masculine
body: Identity, discourse, and racial politics in popular media.
Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
1.
While some middle grades teachers could choose to
implement the following approaches in their classrooms, the
explicit content of some songs and advanced level of the HipHop texts locate secondary and post-secondary classrooms as
more suitable sites for these methods.
23. Keating, A. (1995). Interrogating „whiteness,‟
(de)constructing „race.‟ College English, 57(8), 901-918.
24. Kellner, D., & Share, J. (2007). Critical media literacy,
democracy, and the reconstruction of education. In D. Macedo
& S.R. Steinberg (Eds.), Media literacy: A reader (pp. 3-23).
New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing.
2.
The more recent controversy surrounding Ross‟s line from
Rocko‟s “UOENO” that seemingly condones rape also presents
an opportunity for educators to deconstruct Ross‟s song lyrics
and examine the inconsistencies between his music, his public
assertions, and his actual history with the subjects of his
lyrics.
25. King, J.E. (1991). Dysconscious racism: Ideology,
identity, and the miseducation of teachers. The Journal of
Negro Education, 60(2), 133-146.
3.
It is important to note here that Hip Hop‟s relevance in
the classroom extends far beyond its use as a pedagogical tool
to educate white adolescents about race and racism in the
United States and should not be its sole or primary function.
It is well documented that Hip-Hop can and has been utilized
as a culturally relevant, liberatory, and empowering core of
classroom instruction for marginalized youth of color (DuncanAndrade & Morrell, 2005; Emdin, 2010; Hill, 2009; Seidel,
2011). The present analysis is meant to serve as a
supplement to the extensive body of research that
demonstrates Hip-Hop‟s relevance in social justice-oriented
educational initiatives.
26. Kitwana, B. (2005). Why white kids love hip hop:
Wangstas, wiggers, wannabes, and the new reality of race in
America. New York, NY: Basic Civitas Books.
27. Kubey, R. (2003). Why U.S. media education lags behind
the rest of the English-speaking world. Television & New
Media, 4(4), 351-370.
28. Lewis, A.E. (2001). There is no „race‟ in the schoolyard:
Color-blind ideology in an (almost) all-white school. American
Educational Research Journal, 38(4), 781-811.
29. Lipsitz, G. (1998). The possessive investment in
whiteness: How white people profit from identity politics.
Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
30. Morrell, E., & Duncan-Andrade, J. (2005). Popular culture
and critical media pedagogy in secondary literacy classrooms.
The International Journal of Learning, 12(9), 273-280.
31. Nas. (2008). America. On Nas [CD]. New York, NY: Def
Jam Recordings.
32. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1993). Racial formation in the
United States from the 1960s to the 1980s. New York, NY:
Routledge.
33. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2008). Once more, with feeling:
Reflections on racial formations. PMLA, 123(5), 1565-1572.
34. Reyna, C., Brandt, M., & Viki, G.T. (2009). Blame it on
hip-hop: Anti-rap attitudes as a proxy for prejudice. Group
Processes & Intergroup Relations, 12(3), 361-380.
35. Rodman, G.B. (2006). Race…and other four letter words:
Eminem and the cultural politics of authenticity. Popular
Communication, 4(2), 95-121.
36. Rodriguez, J. (2006). Color-blind ideology and the
cultural appropriation of hip-hop. Journal of Contemporary
Ethnography, 35(6), 645-668.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.
This journal is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D-Scribe Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by
the University of Pittsburgh Press.
RADICAL TEACHER
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
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ISSN: 1941-0832
“’Jackin’ for Beats’”: DJing for Citation Critique
by Todd Craig
“SU GODDESS HANDS,” SUHEIR HAMMAD, PHOTO BY CHRIS TINSON
RADICAL TEACHER
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"Funk is the DNA of hip-hop. And sampling is the essence.”
George Clinton
Ghostface Killer:
“Nah sun! Lemme tell these niggas something, god: I
don’t want niggas soundin’ like me……on NO album!
Knaimsayin? For real, cuz I’ma approach a nigga, for real. I
don’t want nobody soundin’ like me, for real sun. It’s bad
enuf nigga, I don’t want nobody soundin’ like nobody from
my Clan, man. Keep it real, git’cha own shit man, and be
ORIGINAL!”
Raekwon:
“Word up!”
GFK:
“That’s all man.”
From Ghostface Killer and Raekwon the Chef,
“Shark Niggas (Biters)”, Only Built 4 Cuban Linx…,
Loud/RCA, 1995.
Just letting my brain storm: “ . . . there’s a breeze in
the air that’s makin’ me think about this joint . . .”
P
icture this: about four years ago, you’re standing at
the launch party of the 2nd edition of your first novel.
You’re with your peoples who are in attendance.
Mr.Len, whose doing a special guest spot for your launch,
is killin’ his set in APT so ill, that when you’re standing
outside with two of your peoples, resident DJ Rich Medina
opens the door to go to the DJ booth and says “yo Len, I
just wanted to say FUCK YOU sun…cuz you’re KILLIN’ it
right now!!!” You speak to Len two days after the party and
he tells you an interesting anecdote about how he had
gotten a call the next afternoon, as there was a radio
personality who was playing the same songs from his set
that sounded quite reminiscient of the exact same set
order. You’ve already gotten the word from the day before
that the Twitter buzz was CRAZY from that night . . . word
on the wire was it was the party of the night. And all you
can think is “so Twitter’s buzzin’ ALL night, but you ain’t
gon say that’s my sun, sun? Yeah, aight…”
At that point, I couldn’t deny there was something in
the air, a funny type of cool breeze blowin’ through the
trees that forced me to focus on the fact that this sound
was in the air. It was clear to me that somebody was bitin’
my sun’s style and tryin’ to pass it off as his or her own . .
. ah, the foulness of it all. Somewhere along the line,
people straight forgot that classic Masta Ace line from that
classic posse cut entitled “The Symphony” (which, of
course, appeared on the legendary DJ Marley Marl’s album
In Control: Volume 1): “I project my voice so it's right in
the crowd/ There's a sign at the door: ‘No Bitin' Allowed!’/
And if you didn't read it, I suggest you do so/ or you'll be
stranded, just like Caruso/ Sleep if ya wanna, ga'head, get
some shut-eye/ A man broke his jaw tryin' to say what I/
say on the microphone/ you shoulda left it alone/ just for
the record, let it be known” (Masta Ace). It only makes me
think about the ways in which originality and borrowing
have changed based on technology, the Internet and a
whole slew of other forces. Masta Ace stated it clearly in
1988. Twenty-five years later, it seems the game done
gon’ and changed, word. So I sat down to catch it before
the wind flipped New England, and started to blow in
another way – a different direction, density and
temperature.
The Source . . . “that sound comes from somewhere“
In 2013, the wind in the academic air blows a chilly
breeze entitled “plagiarism.” Flip through any College
Handbook and you’re quick to find the “Statement of
Academic Honesty and Integrity”; it starts in the
handbook, appears on just about every forthcoming
syllabus (especially in English classes), and becomes more
complicated as the idea of “text” jumps off the page and
into 21st century Internet and online spaces. For students,
this idea is complicated by notions of “summary”,
“paraphrasing” and “citation” as well as “cut”, “copy” and
“paste.” It seems that students have a blurred and
complicated perception of what scholarly research looks
like in academia. Scholars like Laura J. Davies, Bill Marsh,
Dominic A. Sisti and numerous others continue to push the
research and the conversation in regards to the plagiarism
debate, and more specifically, how to address and curtail
the infamous epidemic. With this conversation in mind, the
concept of this article, “DJing for Citation Critique”, stems
from a few sources. First and foremost, it is important to
understand that the history of hip-hop sampling has been
referred to throughout various academic texts as a
borrowing, a new type of new media composition that is
constantly working in the vein of archiving, quoting and
citing – paying homage to all those “sources” that come
before it and through it.
Alongside the research that positions Hip Hop sampling
as a textual borrowing, a second contextual framework
guides my concept of DJing-for-Citation-Critique. This
framework emanates from Sarah Wakefield’s article
entitled “Using Music Sampling to Teach Research Skills”,
in which she explains that “music sampling provides a
metaphor for skillful incorporation of quotations . . .
discussing, or better yet, playing a sampled song
demonstrates to the class how quoted research should be
used. The outside material ought to enhance their
statements and arguments, flowing smoothly rather than
standing out” (358-359). Wakefield is able to begin a
student-centered conversation by highlighting the example
of P. Diddy and his choices in sampling throughout his
music career. The third piece of this conceptual framework
sits with Alastair Pennycook’s work dealing with plagiarism,
its connections to Western ideologies with regards to
composing and the relationship between authorship,
ownership and knowledge. In his essay entitled “Borrowing
Others’ Words: Text, Ownership, Memory, and Plagiarism”,
he promotes an alternative view of intertextuality over the
archaic
black-and-white
term
called
“plagiarism”.
Pennycook presents an interesting situation in terms of
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academic citation with a layered quote where he reads an
essay by Morgan citing Ann Raimes who quotes Giroux.
When he read the Raimes piece, he sees that Raimes
claims she is citing Faigley, who is citing Giroux. When he
finds the Faigley source, he sees that Faigley seems to be
paraphrasing Giroux; what becomes interesting in this
conundrum is when he finds the actual Giroux text as
referenced by Faigley in his bibliography:
the
phrase
‘theoretical
depth
and
methodological refinement’ does not appear in
the Giroux book on the page that Faigley
references: (or at least in the copy I looked at).
And so, as these words and ideas circulate around
the academic community, it becomes unclear
quite what their origins are. And does it matter? .
. . within contemporary academic writing
practices, with layers of citations, e-mail, cutting
and pasting, and so on, the adherence to
supposed norms of authoriality are becoming
increasingly hazy. (Pennycook 216)
This moment clearly demonstrates a necessity for
envisioning texts and citation methods in ways that model
an everchanging landscape in English Studies, specifically
how we as practitioners approach citation with regards to
the 21st century new media writer. Simply put, technology
has changed the outlook on citation and paraphrasing; how
do we as English scholars begin to help our students
envision this issue in a different way – one that reflects the
newly-arrived advent of digital technology and cyberspace
that complicate the former parameters of the teaching of
writing?
Based on the intersection of these three conceptual
frameworks, the aim of this article is to explore new ways
to frame citation, quoting and plagiarism─ all of which can
impact English composition classrooms─ by exposing us to
the utilization and critique of the sampling in which Hip Hop
DJs engage. This exposure can, at once, foster a new type
of conversation, one that jettisons some of the archaic
constraints of plagiarism as a “black and white”
phenomenon, but it can also lay part of the groundwork for
constructing key elements of DJ Rhetoric and Literacy.
What Pennycook so eloquently demonstrates is an idea
that appears in the movie “The Pursuit of Happyness”. In
the film, the protagonist, Chris Gardner (Will Smith), says
how in the Declaration of Independence, “Thomas Jefferson
calls the English ‘the disturbers of our harmony.’” It
interestingly demonstrates Pennycook’s theories on
plagiarism: a Western ideology that constrains, constricts
and inhibits students’ abilities to find their own voice in
writing, as “plagiarism” becomes the disturber of their
writing harmonies. With these layered concepts in mind,
this article samples these three conceptual frameworks,
using Pennycook to further Wakefield’s conversation about
research skills and Hip Hop sampling.
Since it has been further documented that the Hip Hop
DJ has been at the historical forefront and burgeoning of
hip-hop sampling, this writing theoretically functions
similar to how the Hip Hop DJ both utilizes and critiques
sampling. DJ Rhetoric and Literacy through the lens of the
Hip Hop DJ allows us to look at this quandary in a different
and innovative way. Pennycook’s idea of transgressive
versus non-transgressive intertextuality has been quite the
radical challenge to literature and composition scholars
stuck in the engendered and traditional ideologies of
plagiarism.
However,
this
complex
and
organic
understanding of intertextuality has been fully manipulated
and exploited by the Hip Hop DJ, especially in the
categorizing of music with three rhetorical terms: “biters”,
“jackers” and finally, “transformers”. Because the central
argument of this article revolves around these three fluid
categories, it is evident that the Hip Hop DJ’s lens
promotes Pennycook’s understanding of intertextuality in
21st century literacies in ways that the 20th century notion
of plagiarism simply does not and will not work.
Complicating the black-and-white of plagiarism to open up
a conversation within the new media technologies’ creation
of the gray areas presents a more fruitful understanding of
citation, paraphrasing and quoting for a community of
writers. So in order to do this, we need to do a litle
work─take this upcoming section as a sample of the
samplings.
Lemme find it: “. . . the OFFICIAL ‘DITC’ Session (Do
you REALLY know about that
. . . (?)”
In order to begin, the first thing that must be done is
to recognize sampling as a viable means of composition. A
quick tour through contemporary academic works will bring
us to some important scholars who have already defined
the sample. So instead of re-creating the wheel, I will
simply sample them.
In his 1991 article “The Fine Art of Rap”, Richard
Shusterman forges through a quite convincing (and witty)
argument positioning an emerging rap music not only as a
powerful postmodern form of cultural poetry (with its roots
deeply planted in a African-American underclass), but also
as fine art. When identifying the role of the Hip Hop DJ in
the section “Appropriative Sampling”, he shows an early
understanding of how “the music derives from selecting
and combining parts of prerecorded songs to produce a
‘new’ soundtrack. This soundtrack, produced by the DJ on
a multiple turntable, constitutes the musical background
for the rap lyrics [which] in turn are frequently devoted . . .
to praising the DJ’s inimitable virtuosity in sampling and
synthesizing the appropriated music” (Shusterman 614).
Two years later in his seminal text, Black Studies, Rap and
the Academy, Houston Baker not only works toward
defining the Hip Hop sample, but also clearly places the Hip
Hop DJ in the center of that discourse. Baker shows how
Hip Hop DJs would abandon any particular song if they felt
that only 20 or so seconds contained the worthwhile music.
So with two turntables, two copies of the same record, and
some really quick hands, Hip Hop DJs began to sample, or
loop, that 20 second beat live. As the technology grew, so
did the sampling technique, which included various
soundbites and riffs, which demonstrated a unique type of
archiving and referencing:
The result was an indefinitely extendable,
varied, reflexively signifying hip-hop sonicsindeed, a deft sounding of postmodernism. The
techniques of rap were not simply ones of
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selective extension and modification. They also
included massive archiving. Black sound (African
drums, bebop melodies, James Brown shouts, jazz
improvs, Ellington riffs, blues innuendos, doo-wop
croons, reggae words, calypso rhythms) were
gathered into a reservoir of threads that DJs wove
into intriguing tapestries of anxiety and influence.
(Baker 88-89)
influences that both precede it and live with it
contemporarily. As a form of “new media-based
expression”, the intricacies of 21st century understanding of
the sample cannot be useful in a 20th century context
called plagiarism. Rice shows how this lending and
borrowing of texts in the sample can be a critical location
for students to see intertextuality at work.
A year later, Andrew Bartlett helps to flesh out the
definition of sampling, labeling it as a new form of digital
collaboration that entails a dialogue between various pieces
of musical soundbites and representations that become
overlayed to create a sole ‘text’: “Sampling in hip hop is
not collaboration in any familiar sense of that term. It is a
high-tech and highly selective archiving, bringing into
dialogue by virtue of even the most slight representation . .
. with digital sampling, expropriated material is (often
minutely and momentarily) recognizable, yet placed so that
it often sounds radically anomalous, especially when the
sampled material is overlapped or layered” (Bartlett 647650).
Jeff Rice brings us full circle to a more contemporary
definition of sampling, as the “hip-hop process of saving
snippets of prerecorded music and sound into a computer
memory. These sounds become cut from their original
source and pasted into a new composition” (Rice 454).
These sources can be vast: from music, TV shows,
speeches, and even video games, all of which are used
methodologically to construct a new work based on
recontextualized sources or citations (Rice 458).
The
critical point that Rice later presents that deserves our
attention is in his book The Rhetoric of Cool, where in the
chapter “Appropriation”, he states:
The mere mention of sampling as a research
method tells me to explore hip-hop’s usage of
digital sampling (inspired by the role DJs play in
hip-hop) in order to learn more about how this
practice informs rhetoric . . . crying plagiarism has
done little to teach writing how appropriation
works for various purposes . . . to cry theft is to
refuse to recognize the mix’s role in new mediabased expression and how that role may
destabilize rhetorical and pedagogical expectations
. . . to teach the mix through appropriation, we
have to reject the disciplinary fixation on theft
(represented in the general fear of plagiarism─
whether that fear is posed as an economic one or
a
pedagogical
one)
and
recognize
that
appropriation as mix signifies more than just
borrowing texts . . . we become as mixed and
appropriated as the compositions we write. (Rice
67-69)
With this in mind, sampling not only functions as a
worthy source of information for composing, but it also
lends to a transactional practice, a back and forth interplay
between sampling as “text constructing” and the identity of
the Hip Hop DJ who “mixes”, writes or constructs that text.
There is a lineage in the formation of the sampled text;
that sonic “text” thus stands as a testament of the musical
Finally, after allowing the academic definitions, I took
it to the source to make sure I included the culture I am
writing about: Hip Hop. So I called my man Mr.Len: Hip
Hop DJ and producer whose worked with Hip Hop artists
from Company Flow (as a founding member and DJ) to
Jean Grae, Prince Paul to Pharaoh Monch and countless
others. When I told Len I was writing this article, we went
into one of many frequent extensive conversations about
the Hip Hop DJ and sampling. Len put it simply: “Yeah
mayn─the DJ was the one who sampled WAY before the
producer. That comes from Kool Herc. The true hip-hop DJs
sampled based on the name ‘DJ’─ cuz they Jockeyed the
Disc and rode the beat. They would ride that two or three
second riff, and stretched it into minutes . . . live!”
What all of these academic and DJ scholars do is not
only help us understand the idea of the sample, but place
the Hip Hop DJ at the forefront of sampling origins and
conversations as a new type of “composer”. They also push
us towards looking at sampling as a creative way to
engage students in the process of composing. What we find
in all these texts is the sample being used as re-creation
towards the aim of composing but also archiving─the types
of quotation and citation sourcing we ask our composition
students to do in their writing. These scholars also
highlight the importance of the advent of the sample as
composition, and with that, Hip Hop culture and
pedagogy’s “whatever” mentality, that bumps back against
a sometimes oppressive and outdated academy that sees
composing and writing in simple “black and white” terms:
“mainly – either you write it OUR way or it’s wrong…you
wrote it yourself, or you had to steal it, and NOW you in
trouble sun!!!”
Second, we must recognize that just as sampling
comes to the table with a rich legacy, so too do the roots of
Pennycook’s understanding of transgressive versus nontransgressive intertextuality. Around the same time the
landscape is being established for the Hip Hop sample,
there’s another set of records playing from another set of
crates in relation to the Hip Hop DJ’s “citation critique”
contextual framework. Pennycook’s notion of intertextuality
extends
from
a
movement
in
recontextualizing,
reinterpreting and re-envisioning plagiarism; throughout
the 1990’s, the scholar who avidly carried this torch was
Rebecca Moore Howard. Her overwhelming concern
involves reconsidering and revising the notion of the word
“plagiarism”: from probing students’ intentions when
deliberating over the individual cases of “patchwriting as
academic dishonesty” to completely abandoning the word
“plagiarism” because of its negatively engendered and
punitive etymology.
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RADICAL TEACHER
What all of these academic and
DJ scholars do is not only help us
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.40
understand the idea of the sample,
but place the Hip Hop DJ at the
forefront of sampling origins and
conversations as a new type of
“composer”.
In her article “Sexuality, Textuality: the Cultural Work
of Plagiarism”, Howard lays out a comprehensive history on
the legacy of the word (and all that travels with it):
“[Plagiarism] is derived from the Latin term for kidnapping,
a term whose meaning the Roman poet Martial extended to
include not only the stealing of slaves but also textual
appropriation” (Howard 479). Howard also illuminates the
argument that given the engendered and negatively
marred term “plagiarism”, along with all its historical and
cultural metaphors, meanings and connotations, requires
us more so to abandon the term than to actually try to
reconfigure its etymology:
Gender, weakness, collaboration, disease,
adultery, rape, heterosexuality, and property: This
whole set of metaphors and associations lies
behind every utterance of the word plagiarism,
rendering fruitless our pedagogical efforts to teach
useful textual strategies and to adjudicate this
plagiarism thing…the term plagiarism, denoting a
heterogeneous variety of textual activities, is
doing cultural work that few of us would
deliberately
endorse.
But
notwithstanding
attempts (my own included) to redefine that
category, as long as the term marks any sort of
academic activities, rules, or events, it will
continue to do the distasteful, hierarchical
work
that its metaphors describe, even if some of us
eschew or reject those metaphors. (Howard 487488)
engendered binary attitudes, and why the prevalent
discussion of the word is a Western ideological contortion
that should be done away with completely.
Howard introduces a new framework for intellectual
and pedagogical conversation in regards to what is
necessary in the 21st century for an emerging set of
student writers based on all that has come before and
through this necessary shift; detailing the large
circumference of landscape, spanning over three centuries,
involved with an academic and literary conversation on
plagiarism becomes Pennycook's intellectual playground in
his attempts to set the boundaries on the field where
intertextuality can breathe and play. Essentially, the
product of her sampling of plagiarism blazes trails for
Pennycook’s intertextuality sounds.
Because these scholars have advocated for a different
view of composing, it makes sense that this leads us to
Pennycook’s analysis, which requires us to complicate mere
“plagiarism” with the idea of intertextuality, where the
connection between texts, authorship and knowledge are
continuously writing and re-writing each other. The issue is
not as simple as “stealing” and theft, but instead, degrees
of recycled thoughts and writing to the point where the
intertextuality becomes “transgressive”─ a violation of the
one and/or many sources that may have contributed to the
words, ideas or composition a student may present as his
or her own.
We now have a sense of the source of our samples and
the records required to rock this set. Now we can let a Hip
Hop DJ show us what they all sound like with each other.
“Tight, Tight!/ Peace to the ones that DON’T bite!”
How these sound together: In the Midst of the Mix
aka R.I.5. Jay Dilla (Ruff Draft)
With this in mind, plagiarism throughout the academy
becomes a difficult term to define, an err-filled concept to
unilaterally universalize across a disciplinary committee
that handles such cases, and an ideal that simply cannot
be “washed clean and worn again”; Moore clearly
advocates for an extensive “spring cleaning” and a new
wardrobe in addressing the concept of “plagiarism”.
After cementing her argument in regards to
plagiarism, Howard moves forward by offering solutions
that might jumpstart the conversation for writers, scholars,
English Studies, and the academy at large. She constructs
a working draft for a new "academic honesty" collegiate
policy (see "Plagiarism, Authorships, and the Academic
Death Penalty"), taking into account student motives in
cases that could involve various degrees of plagiarism that
remove the negative and highly engendered stigma placed
on the word. In this document, she deciphers potential
student decisions in patchwriting (a source of inquiry for
Pennycook in describing certain aspects of intertextuality).
As well, Howard writes intertextually─using the scholars
from various writing disciplines that have come both before
and with her (thus, “a sample of the samplings”)─to
construct a comprehensive argument for viewing the word
"plagiarism" with all its negative metaphors and
So approaching this conversation with the Hip Hop DJ’s
perspective of “biters”, “jackers” and “transformers” in
mind, Pennycook’s notion of intertextuality can help us to
further the conversation that Wakefield presents. While she
gives her students more extensive examples of P. Diddy
and Vanilla Ice, this writing utilizes the philosophies of the
Hip Hop DJ to add on and continue a deeper conversation.
So instead of Diddy being labeled by students as an artist
using “too many samples”, DJ rhetoric would speak to this
situation by presenting three categories for Diddy’s work:
Diddy as “biter”, “jacker” and finally, as “transformer.”
After all, it is DJ rhetoric that would speak to the ways in
which the practices, modes, methods and cultural critiques
of Hip Hop music get defined and classified. Thus, the idea
of “biters”, “jackers” and “transformers” comes from a
categorization the DJ has traditionally made in commenting
on and critiquing music.
“Biters” would be considered artists who simply take a
loop, disregarding the context the loop comes from and
potentially creating a composition that goes completely
against the grain of what the original source represents.
For example, walking on a crowded college campus, a
student named Murv stops me and says, “Hey-that’s a cool
t-shirt! Where did you get it?” I tell the student, “I got it
from a website: www.dontbitemystyle.net─ check it out!” A
week later, Murv is seen by Lillith wearing an IDENTITICAL
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t-shirt. When Lillith asks Murv, “hey-that’s a cool t-shirt!
Where’d you get it?” Murv’s response is “Secret styles…I
got it from a undisclosed location I found myself and I ain’t
tellin’ you about it!” Murv has officially become a “biter.”
He is similar to the DJ who seemed to have snatched up
Mr.Len’s APT set at the novel launch party.
Wakefield presents an excellent example of chief biter
#1 – Vanilla Ice. In her conversation with students, she
states “Vanilla Ice, whose ‘Ice Ice Baby’ includes an
obvious backbeat from ‘Under Pressure’ (Queen/David
Bowie) and who denied the similarity, also fits into a lesson
where the instructor wants to discourage overreliance on
quotation and promote honesty in research” (Wakefield
359). While Wakefield does a good job in highlighting this
moment, another aspect of Vanilla Ice that is not present
in her work is Ice’s complete disregard of the original
source in his actual “writing”─as the only time Vanilla Ice
was probably “under pressure” was when he denied the
sample AND when Suge Knight held him off the hotel
balcony by his ankles . . . but alas, I digress. Wakefield’s
example shows how it is important to reference and cite
properly. This can be best described by Pennycook’s
examination of “transgressive intertextuality” because of
HONDA . PHOTO BY CARLOS REC MCBRIDE
Ice’s direct refusal of his original source.
The next category includes “jackers”, who can be seen
as borrowers or sharers: someone who lifts directly, but is
sharing, so never denying where that piece of writing came
from. For example, walking through a crowded college
campus, I am stopped by Herbie, who says, “Hey man –
that’s an dope t-shirt! Where’d you get it?” I respond to
Herbie with, “a website called www.dontbitemystyle.net –
you should check it out!” A week later, Herbie – wearing
the same t-shirt in a different color – is approached by
Murv. When Murv (our resident “biter”) asks, “yo man,
where’d you get that t-shirt from?” Herbie is quick to say “I
got it from this website, www.dontbitemystyle.net. This
dude I met last week put me onto it. You should check it
out.” While Herbie may have the same t-shirt in a different
color, he doesn’t deny the source of his knowledge in
regards to the website, or who told him about it. “Jackin’”
is a concept originally introduced by Ice Cube in his 1990’s
EP “Kill at Will” on a song called “Jackin’ for Beats.” The
first line of the song: “Gimme that beat fool!/ It’s a fulltime jack-move!” (Cube), clearly relates to Pennycook’s
notion of institutional resistance that students can possibly
present in their intertextual writing. This song is an
intertextual composition, as Cube rocks over various beats
that at the time were hot on the Hip Hop music radar. This
idea in practice dates back to DJ Kool Herc and his
Caribbean
influences.
So
this
process
actually
demonstrates the vast legacy that Hip Hop has in terms of
its musical/cultural roots. Sharing comes from the Jamaica
dancehall dub plate and “riddim” mentality, where various
dancehall artists share the same beat to create multiple
songs. The contemporary example for Hip Hop now would
be
mixtape
culture,
which
is
dominated
by
“freestyles”─artists rhyming on other artist’s beats.
Here, I present three useful examples to help students
see both sides of the coin. After sampling from the Isley
Brothers’ “Between the Sheets”, Jay-Z’s song entitled
“Ignorant Shit” with Beanie Siegel features verses by JayZ, who later in the song introduces Beanie Siegel. Two
years later, Drake and Lil’ Wayne borrow and share from
Jay-Z, with a song called "Ignant Shit". This coupling
demonstrates Pennycook’s intertextuality. Drake borrows
the musical composition in the form of the beat, but also
shares by referencing Jay-Z at the beginning of the song,
by using a very similar conversation in the intro to evoke
the original song recorded by Jay-Z and Beans, as well as
the actual song structure, where Drake’s long verse ends
with him introducing Wayne for another long verse
(identical to Jay and Beanie). Here, borrowing and sharing
differs from biting because the latter source references its
predecessor. So Drake makes no discursive and/or
rhetorical moves to deny Jay-Z and Beanie Siegel’s version
of the song; instead, he demonstrates his scholarly
prowess in understanding both Hip Hop music and lyricism.
So while Drake and Wayne evoke the original, they are
able to push the sonic “text” further with their written
compositions (which pay homage to those which came
before it), but also conceptually, changing the title to
“Ignant Shit” to reflect a new persona in regards to music,
language and locale. This is a critical staking-holding
moment in Hip Hop’s cultural economy. “Jackin’” gone well
is a chess move: an intricate demonstration of a song’s
importance to the culture, thus an acute persona in
regards to the history of hip-hop culture. “Jackin’” gone
wrong is a nightmare: it is based on a checkers-like
strategy, which could influence an artist’s perception of
being knowledgeable and credibility in understanding (or
overstanding, depending on how you envision this concept)
both the music and culture . . . in hip-hop culture, it leads
one to the unwanted category described previously.
While Wakefield presents Diddy and his infamous “this
is the remix…take dat, take dat, take dat…that’s right!”
movement, a more complex example that takes place
before Diddy is MC Hammer, with his song “U Can’t Touch
This”, which includes a loop from Rick James’ classic soul
song “Superfreak”. On the one hand, there is CLEARLY a
complete difference between Hammer’s emcee composition
and that of Rick James. One would think, to be blunt, that
the Superfreak is indeed touchable. As well, Hammer
actually thanks God in a composition where Rick James
discusses very unholy topics in his text. However, MC
Hammer complicates this idea, as he has credited Rick
James as a co-writer of this composition. This example
highlights the fine line between “biting” and “jacking” that
can be used in student-centered conversations to illustrate
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RADICAL TEACHER
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the delicate line between
transgressive intertextuality.
transgressive
and
non-
Another, and even more complicated example of
jacking can be pulled from popular culture’s shunning of a
Hip Hop citation. In the recent Nike commercial series with
Lebron James entitled “MVPuppets”, the Lebron puppet is
shown in the barbershop with his teammate Ilgauskas.
While they go through a complicated handshake, the song
that plays in the background is “The Message” by
Cymande: the original source sampled by Masta Ace in his
song “Me and the Biz”. While Nike is working intertextually,
sharing this visual concept from their 1996 commercials for
the Anfernee “Penny” Hardaway sneaker campaign, this
work was done after Masta Ace shot his video for “Me and
the Biz” in 1990: a song where Masta Ace acts as if Biz
Markie is on the song, but he is doing a voice mimicking his
fellow Juice Crew rapper. In the video, Ace is seen with a
Biz Markie puppet, that he works as a ventriliquist. While
Nike seems to be borrowing and sharing from themselves,
when they use the Cymande song and re-use the puppet
concept, they inadvertently evoke Masta Ace, but never
reference Ace at all, neither with the Penny nor the Lebron
campaigns.
While
this
example
demonstrates
an
“unwriting” of a hip-hop musical legacy in the sense of
leaving Masta Ace out of the conversation, it is a fruitful
location, and an interesting dynamic to begin a studentcentered conversation about the outcome of instances
where borrowing and sharing work towards citation, or
even malfunction. This example shows a collective memory
that does not cite a source and instead writes that source
out of a collective history for a population that has for
years been a demographic that has kept Nike afloat: the
Hip Hop community. Is it sharing? Intertextual
transgression? I leave that answer to you and your
students in the classroom.
The last category is “transforming”. This is a moment
where intertextuality works at its best: it lends the writer a
new voice through a creative usage of ideas and texts that
precede it. The transformative category of sampling within
Hip Hop is shown when artists are not only borrowing or
sharing, but when they are able to use that intertextuality
to transform the initial text of a song in order to create a
completely new work, while still archiving and referencing
the ideas which they originally were cited from. It is a
transactional process, where the borrowing or sharing
leads to fresh, innovative and creative ways to express a
similar idea from the sample that preceded it. So walking
through the crowded college campus, I am stopped by
Shawn, who says “Nice Tee my dude! Where’d you git
that?”
Of
course,
my
response
is
“www.dontbitemystyle.net─you should check it out.” A
week later, Murv stops Shawn because he has on a
completely different t-shirt that Murv’s never seen. So
when Murv─resident biter─asks Shawn the infamous
question, Shawn gives a unique answer: “I saw this dude
who had a No Mas t-shirt on, told me he got it from
dontbitemystyle.net. So I went to the website, and they
had all sorts of fly gear. So I bought this one, cuz it was
different. I haven’t seen anyone wit’ this one yet!” Shawn’s
answer epitomizes “transforming.” While “jackin’ as
sharing/borrowing” might use a concept to further a new
textual conversation, “transforming” becomes an evolution
of the text, an evolution that students should strive
towards in their journey between citing various resources
and finding their own voice. An example of this is the
Snoop Dogg remix of “I Wanna Rock” featuring Jay-Z. This
song originally begins borrowing or sharing the introduction
of the Rob Base song “It Takes Two.” It is a small form of
borrowing; however, in Jay-Z’s opening verse, he
specifically references Rob Base’s flow from the original
song. Jay’s actions represent and demonstrate the act of
archiving while also re-creating to present a new type of
writing that both highlights the author’s new ideas while
also archiving the original source from which it is
borrowed.
Another intricate example of this work on a global
level is Prince Paul’s album “Prince among Thieves”. When
I asked Prince Paul about this album, he described it as a
intertextual process: “When I sat [down to write], I wanted
to parody every wild movie, or black movie or every movie
I’ve ever seen, and I put in my own thoughts as I wrote it”
(Prince Paul). So in writing the screenplay for this album,
Paul shows that this album is not only a text, but also a
transformative process that shows the intricacies of citing.
In this story of Tarik (an aspiring rapper), Tarik uses the
Big Daddy Kane “Young, Gifted and Black” instrumental for
his demo, which he is presenting to be signed to WuTang’s record label. The conversation between Tarik and
his best friend Tru starts off with Tru saying, “Yo didn’t
Kane use that?” Tarik responds with “Yeah, but he didn’t
flip it like this tho…” Not only does Paul use the beat and
reference Kane, but Kane also appears later as a character
in the story the album tells. He also transforms “Steady
Mobbin” from Ice Cube’s “Death Certificate” album for a
song called “Steady Slobbin”. What makes this album
significant is that it functions as a complete text, telling an
intricate story with each song. This album is a story (and a
“text”) because no one song truly stands alone: it is only
when you listen to the album from beginning to end that
you understand its conceptual nature and how each song in
sequential order furthers the complete story of the larger
“text.” What Paul is able to do is also transformative
because the story revolves around the idea of a “Prince
among Thieves”─an honorous character amongst biters
and crooks. This challenges the way Hip Hop albums have
traditionally been composed, as a text that contains
elements of research and a variety of citation methods:
from sharing and borrowing, to transforming.
“I’ma play wit’ dat”: Considering where it goes after
finding out how it goes .
Still, none of these categories are “permanently fixed.”
Artists can inhabit any one, or two, or even three
simultaneously, or at many points during their careers.
What all the examples present is an extension of
Wakefield’s conversation, and a conduit by which students
can begin to understand the importance of the various
modes of citation. As well, this composition functions as
an intertextual paper, citing various sources to describe
each category through DJ literacy by evoking terminology
that springs from DJ rhetoric.
In his essay entitled “Intertextuality in the
Transcultural Contact Zone”, Pennycook reaches his
conclusion with a very intertextual moment for describing
26
RADICAL TEACHER
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.40
the importance of these ideas: “It is precisely here at this
point of intertextual engagement, we suggest, that
Bakhtin’s dialogue and battle for meaning occur, as
teachers and students struggle to locate themselves in the
constantly shifting transcultural contact zones that
characterize today’s global universities [and] as students
struggle to establish ownership over and investment in the
written academic texts they produce” (Pennycook 136).
Engaging in DJ rhetoric to formulate a Hip Hop DJ critique
can be valuable to helping students understand the idea of
citation and referencing; this should be done through the
idea of intertextuality, as opposed to a continuous dwelling
within the realm of “plagiarism”─the grand disturber of
harmony. This conversation will also help students
understand the nature of intertextuality, and how being
able to identify with the areas of “bitin’”, “jackin’”, and
finally “transforming”, can allow for them to find their voice
in their own writing (while sampling various sources), as
well as understand the severity of issues involving
transgressive intertextuality. With this, we give students a
new approach in thinking about how they can reference
and cite information. And some of the best examples are
clearly demonstrated through DJ rhetoric. We will close
with three different Hip Hop DJ anecdotes.
When asked about the significance of DJing to writing,
legendary female DJ Spinderella stated very clearly
“[DJing] is a form of research” (Spinderella), which clearly
connects the idea of the DJ’s research legacy entitled
“diggin’ in the crates” to aspects of research in English
Composition classrooms. But when asked what advice she
would give to new up-and-coming DJs, she makes a
relevant point about not only being able to work with the
new contemporary technology, but she also urges DJs to
heed this beacon call:
if you really really want to maintain, and
challenge yourself and keep your integrity, and
[the integrity] of DJing─the art form itself─you’ll
learn from the beginning. And that’s just a really
good feeling to say “I’m a DJ and I learned on
vinyl and I use vinyl as well”. I’m proud to say
that I am one of those DJs who learned from the
beginning, but even if you’re not and you’re just
starting to DJ today: challenge yourself to do
those things, to learn with the origins.
(Spinderella)
It is here that DJ Spinderella is not only giving
valuable lessons on the importance of research techniques,
but she is labeling the range we can see between “biter”,
“jacker” and “transformer”. Essentially, she is expressing
the
importance
of
acknowledging
the
new
and
contemporary landscape of information (she says later in
the interview “I’m knowledgeable enough to have come
this far, with 25 years doing it, but I have to say I’m still
learning”),
while
impressing
the
importance
of
understanding the foundation of the culture. Thus, there is
new writing in the culture of the DJ, but it is constantly
influenced by the writing and the sources that have come
before it. Sound familiar?
DJ Skeme Richards eloquently put Hip Hop culture on
blast when he talked in his interview about the importance
of the cultural legacy of Hip Hop, and rightfully preserving
it for the upcoming generations. His statement, quite
simply:
new kids aren’t digging. They’re playing for
the now. I’m trying to play for forever Nobody’s
going back to where it starts . . . nobody’s digging
for history like that . . . If you ask a MC─if you ask
90’s MCs─who was the first person to say “mic
check one-two”, they can’t tell you. It was Melle
Mel. But they can’t tell you! You know whut I’m
sayin’? They can’t tell you! (Skeme Richards)
Besides clearly seeing Skeme’s passion about the state
of Hip Hop’s cultural history, he clearly places the DJ’s art
of “diggin’” in the paradigm of research
and then
demonstrates the importance of the research and
understanding a historical context to socio-cultural
moments. In writing, this can be likened to understanding
the inherent characteristics of intertextuality, and that
within different pieces of writing, there may be other
authors and/or scholars whose work and writing are
relevant to the conversation.
Finally, an internationally-known Philadelphia DJ by
the name of Ca$h Money shared with me the importance of
his legacy on both Hip Hop culture, but on DJ culture as
well, by explaining the history of the “Battle Style”
turntable set-up. In the interview, Ca$h describes why
turntables were turned 90 degrees, set up with the tone
arm at the top:
That’s MY style. Grand Wizard Rasheen─the
guy that I learned from─that’s how he used to
spin. Why he turned them that way─I guess it was
to fit on the table that he had, cuz the table was
mad small. When he was teaching me, I just
thought that was the way to do it. I seen
everybody else doing it the regular way, but I was
a little sloppy. My sleeve would honestly hit the
tone arm. I learned from Rasheen, and the world
learned from me. So you can look at any tape
from 1987 on─no one was doing that. I was the
only one spinning that way. Everyone was copying
off of me, and the people they were teaching,
they never told them any different. So they think
“oh this is Battle Style.” NAH─that’s Ca$h Money
style. I didn’t know anything about putting a
patent on anything like that. Who’s thinking that?
It was just comfortable for me . . . the set up on
that “Ugly People Be Quiet” [record cover] was
what everybody was trying to be, that set-up. And
what’s crazy is the turntable companies, that’s
how they started making the turntables─with the
tone arm at the top! That came from me and
Grand Wizard Rasheen. (Ca$h Money)
It is here with DJ Ca$h Money, that we
entire paradigm of DJ rhetoric focusing
“jackers” and “transformers” and enacting
From the DJ champions who came after Ca$h,
27
RADICAL TEACHER
can see the
on “biters”,
its practice.
to the pupils
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.40
those champions mentored, all the way down to the
companies who began producing turntables specifically
with the Hip Hop DJ in mind. And it is here where Skeme
Richards shows us the importance of the DJ working
intertextually, as well as the relevance and significance of
the Hip Hop DJ as cultural historian:
If you ask any of these kids now: who was
the first person to turn a turntable sideways,
“Philly Style”? They’ll be like “I don’t know, that’s
just the way it’s supposed to be done.” NO─Ca$h
Money started that. It’s called “Battle Style” but
really, it’s “Philly Style”. If you ask who the first
person was to do a transformer [scratch], and
they can’t tell you, then it’s like “see─you didn’t
do your homework. You’re a DJ, but you didn’t do
your homework.” So I believe in digging, I believe
in knowing history. You don’t write a book on a
subject until you go back in history. If you’re into
art, you can’t just say “oh, I like this” but then
you don’t know Van Gough’s history, or you don’t
know Picasso’s history, or Andy Warhol’s history.
People aren’t diggin’ in this generation . . . but we
dig. The dudes that have been doin’ it, we STAY
digging! (Skeme Richards)
14. Howard, Rebecca Moore. "Sexuality, Textuality: The
Cultural Work of Plagiarism." College English 62.4 (2000):
473-491. Print.
15. Howard, Rebecca Moore. "Understanding Internet
Plagiarism”. Computers and Composition 24.1 (2007): 3-15.
16. Howard, Rebecca Moore, and Amy E. Robillard,
eds. Pluralizing Plagiarism: Identities, Contexts, Pedagogies.
Boynton/Cook Publishers, 2008. Print.
17. Howard, Rebecca Moore, and Laura J. Davies. "Plagiarism
in the Internet Age." Educational Leadership 66.6 (2009): 6467.
18. Ice Cube. “Jackin’ for Beats.” Kill at Will. Priority Records.
1990. CD.
19. Ice Cube. “Steady Mobbin.” Death Certificate. Priority/
EMI Records. 1991. CD.
20. James, Lebron and Kobe Bryant. “MVPuppets Kobe and
Lebron – Handshake.” YouTube. YouTube. 8 Feb. 2010. Web.
March 2010.
21. Jay-Z featuring Beanie Siegel. “Ignorant Shit.” American
Gangster. Roc-A-Fella Records. 2007. CD.
22. Marley Marl feat. Master Ace, Craig G, Kool G. Rap and
Big Daddy Kane. “The Symphony.” In Control: Volume 1.CoChillin’/Warner Bros., 1988. Vinyl/LP.
23. Marsh, Bill. "Turnitin.com and the Scriptural Enterprise of
Plagiarism Detection." Computers and Composition 21.4
(2004): 427-438.
Now can you think of a better way to express these
ideas to students? If so, ga’head and make it happen. But
if not, let the DJ walk you through it.
24. Master Ace. “Me & The Biz.” Take a Look Around. CoChillin’/Reprise/Warner Bros, 1990. Vinyl/LP.
25. MC Hammer. “U Can’t Touch This.” Please Hammer, Don’t
Hurt ‘Em. Capitol/ EMI Records. 1990. CD.
26. Mr.Len. Personal interview. 10 March 2011.
Class is now in session.
27. Pennycook, Alastair. "Borrowing Others' Words: Text,
Ownership, Memory, and Plagiarism." TESOL quarterly 30.2
(1996): 201-230. Print.
Works Cited
1.
Baker, Houston A. Black Studies, Rap, and the Academy.
University of Chicago Press, 1993. Print.
28. Prince Paul. Personal interview. 19 February 2012.
2.
Bartlett, Andrew. "Airshafts, Loudspeakers, and the Hip
Hop Sample: Contexts and African American Musical
Aesthetics." African American Review (1994): 639-652.
29. Prince Paul. Prince Among Thieves. Tommy Boy/ Warner
Bros. 1999. Vinyl/ LP.
30. Rah Digga. “Tight.” Dirty Harriet. Flipmode/ Elektra
Records. 1999. CD.
3.
Big Daddy Kane. “Young, Gifted and Black.” It’s a Big
Daddy Thing. Cold Chillin'/ Reprise/ Warner Bros. Records.
1989. Vinyl/ LP.
31. Rice, Jeff. “The 1963 Hip-Hop Machine: Hip-Hop
Pedagogy as Composition”, College Composition and
Communication 54.3 (2003): 453-471. Print.
4.
Cash Money and Marvelous. “Ugly People Be Quiet.”
Where’s the Party At? Sleeping Bag Records. 1988. Vinyl/LP.
32. Rice, Jeff. The Rhetoric of Cool. Carbondale: Southern
Illinois University Press, 2007. Print.
5.
Chandrasoma, Ranamukalage, Celia Thompson, and
Alastair Pennycook. "Beyond Plagiarism: Transgressive and
Nontransgressive Intertextuality." Journal of Language,
Identity, and Education 3.3 (2004): 171-193. Print.
33. Rick James. “Superfreak.” Street Songs. Gordy Records
1981. Vinyl/ LP.
6.
Clear, Duval. “Me & The Biz.” YouTube. YouTube, 10 Nov.
2007. Web. Feb. 2010.
34. Rob Base and DJ E-Z Rock. “It Takes Two.” It Takes Two.
Profile Records. 1988. Vinyl/ LP.
7.
Clinton, George. Interview by Mo’Nique. The Mo’Nique
Show. BET. 26 Feb. 2010. Television.
35. Shusterman, Richard. "The Fine Art of Rap." New Literary
History 22.3 (1991): 613-632. Print.
8.
Cymande, “The Message.” Cymande. Janus. 1972. Web.
36. Sisti, Dominic A. "How Do High School Students Justify
Internet Plagiarism?" Ethics & Behavior 17.3 (2007): 215-231.
9.
DJ Ca$h Money. Personal interview. 1 November 2011.
10. DJ Spinderella. Personal interview. 28 December 2011.
11. Drake featuring Lil Wayne. “Ignant Shit.” So Far Gone:
The Mixtape. October’s Very Own. 2009. MP3.
12. Hardaway, Anfernee. “Nike Lil Penny Classic
Commercial.” YouTube. 16 March 2007. Web. March 2010.
13. Howard, Rebecca Moore. "Plagiarisms, Authorships, and
the Academic Death Penalty." College English 57.7 (1995):
788-806. Print.
37. Skeme Richards. Personal interview. 13 May 2011.
38. Snoop Dogg featuring Jay-Z. “I Wanna Rock (The Kings
G-Mix).” More Malice. Doggystyle/ Priority Records. 2010. CD.
39. The Isley Brothers. “Between the Sheets.” Between the
Sheets. T-Neck Records. 1983. Vinyl/ LP.
40. The Pursuit of Happyness. Dir. Gabriele Muccino. Perf.
Will Smith, Thandie Newton and Jaden Smith. Sony. 2006.
DVD.
41. Thompson, Celia, and Alastair Pennycook. "A Question of
Dialogues: Authorship, Authority, Plagiarism." Education
Canada 48.3 (2008): 20-23. Print.
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42. Thompson, Celia, and Alastair Pennycook. "Intertextuality
in the Transcultural Contact Zone." Pluralizing Plagiarism:
Identities, Contexts, Pedagogies (2008): 124-139.
43. Wakefield, Sarah. “Using Music Samples to Teach
Research Skills.” Teaching English in the Two Year College
33.4 (2006): 357-360.
CLASS AND THE COLLEGE CLASSROOM COLLECTS AND
REPRINTS TWENTY ESSAYS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN
RADICAL TEACHER. EDITED BY ROBERT C. ROSEN.
AVAILABLE NOW FROM BLOOMSBURY PUBLISHING
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-‐Noncommercial-‐No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. This journal is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D-‐Scribe Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. 29
RADICAL TEACHER
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.40
ISSN: 1941-0832
Beautiful Dark Twisted Pedagogy:
Kanye West and the Lessons of Participatory Culture
By Antero Garcia
“HUGGIN‟ THE BLOCK”
RADICAL TEACHER
PHOTO BY CARLOS MCBRIDE
30
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.38
O
ver the fall of 2010, rapper Kanye West reimagined
the way music was distributed. He did this by
engaging in an online conversation with millions.
For the greater part of that year, Kanye West was firmly
present on the cultural radar. This was deliberate and done
in a way that made his presence, his performances, and his
music an ongoing conversation with his fans, with his past,
and with a larger network of engaged online participants.
Through demonstrating the affordances of participatory
culture, West presents a framework for engagement and
communication that critical educators can leverage even
within the increasingly restrictive space of public education.
Though the capitalist practices that led to his album
spending more than six months on the Billboard 200 may
not seem like the obvious place to search for liberatory
educational pedagogy, I argue that the strategies
developed and tested by West offer an important
framework for guiding critical consciousness and fomenting
action within our classrooms.
As a Hip Hop fan and former music journalist, I often
infused my classroom with beats and rhymes. Whether it
was the first Lupe Fiasco album encouraging my students
to consider the blend between Hip Hop and skateboarder
social groups on my campus or formally utilizing classics
like Grandmaster Flash‟s “The Message” and Dead Prez‟s
“Police State” as starting points for literary and critical
analysis, Hip Hop played a formative part in my teaching
practice. For the eight years that I spent teaching English
and ELL courses at a public school in South Central Los
Angeles, my classroom breathed Hip Hop as well as music
across genres to speak to the diverse youth population I
worked with. Comprised of approximately 80% of my
students identifying as Latino and 19% as Black and a
dropout rate that rocketed above 60%, my school was
characterized in the media by stereotypes of a failing
school while my students exuded the passion to learn that
showed me an optimism in transforming schools.
Throughout this teaching time, I can see now how Kanye
West‟s music acted as a through line in my classroom. On
a year-round schedule, my first year teaching allowed me
to bring in West‟s infamous 2005 declaration that “George
Bush doesn‟t care about Black people” during a Hurricane
Katrina relief telethon. Meanwhile West‟s singles filtered
into my classroom as music played by students or analyzed
for various writing assignments. At the time that West
revolutionized media distribution and opportunities for
pedagogical growth in 2010, I was working with ninth
grade students and exploring how mobile devices like iPods
could help connect urban youth with civically engaging
movements beyond the classroom (Garcia, 2012a).
Just in time to be heralded critically by music
publications ranging from XXL to Rolling Stone, Kanye
West's fifth solo album My Beautiful Dark Twisted Fantasy
was released in the United States on November 22, 2010.
However, even by the time the album leaked through file
sharing networks and torrents online, weeks before the
official release date, its music was anything but surprising.
Via his own music label, G.O.O.D. (Getting Out Our
Dreams), West leaked many of the tracks from his album
as free downloads during the fall. A matter of a few clicks
from his official website yielded more than snippets from
the album. Releasing one song each week on “G.O.O.D.
Fridays,” responding to challenges and criticism from fans
via Twitter, West sustained interest and anticipation
throughout the world. In addition to a slew of tracks from
the album including the lead single "Power," West released
numerous tracks that were subsequently never officially
included in the final album. Speculation of what would
make the cut drove buzz around My Beautiful Dark Twisted
Fantasy rather than speculation about what kind of sound
the album would take. By the end of 2010, fifteen different
tracks were given away by West, including two of the lead
singles from his album: a remix of “Power” and the cameofilled “Monster.” Through use of simple and public media
tools like Twitter, West moved popular hip-hop models of
marketing beyond traditional mixtape culture and
illustrated how participatory culture can help foment profit
as well as awareness and social organization.
Moving Beyond the Mixtape
As far as Hip Hop is concerned, the role of mixtapes is
one that dates back to the early days of Hip Hop in the late
„70s (Westhoff, 2011). Splicing together popular rap verses
with unreleased Hip Hop beats, mixtapes were
underground commodities traded and sold by the
aficionados within an exclusive subculture. Though it has
been years since mixtapes were widely distributed as
actual cassettes, the concept is still the same; otherwise
unreleased or un-cleared samples are released noncommercially. Like electronic music's prevalent use of
"white label", unofficial releases (Reynolds, 1999), to help
build interest in a track, Hip Hop has incorporated mixtapes
as more than underground productions by individuals and
part of a larger marketing and distribution ecology.
Transitioning from tapes to CDs and now to direct Internet
downloads, mixtapes are used by mainstream rappers to
sustain interest between album releases. Lil‟ Wayne, for
example, has benefited from a plethora of mixtape releases
that have helped garner radio play and online reviews long
before his albums are available for media consumers
(Westhoff, 2011). No longer are mixtapes simply an
extension of the listening experience for rap fans. Instead,
they act as previews and major marketing ploys for Hip
Hop artists. Additionally, because they are steeped in the
history of Hip Hop, they may signal an artist‟s credibility for
some rap fans. However, where the mixtape largely
succeeded in previewing a forthcoming album and playing
with the expected commercial limitations of what could be
released, Kanye West takes the model and deconstructs it.
The recognition that today's
media consumer is also a media
producer means that sustaining
interest means responsiveness.
Instead of the mishmash of 40-70 minutes of free
music usually released on a mixtape, West slowly strings
along track after track over months at a time, responding
and changing his music as responses are blogged and
status-updated. In one notable example, teen-idol Justin
Bieber, upon hearing that Kanye liked his song “Runaway
Love” tweeted, “@kanyewest it's not a so what moment for
me. I'm 16 and a fan. I'm kinda hyped u are listening to
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my stuff. Thank u. Nice sunday morning" (Vilensky, 2010).
Shortly afterwards, West responded to fomenting interest
from online fans and released his remix of “Runaway Love”
featuring both West and Wu Tang rapper Raekwon.
In terms of his album, My Beautiful Dark Twisted
Fantasy also built upon mixtape culture by reflecting the
practice within the production of his album. The silly
mashup of unexpected artists that is typically reserved for
mixtapes became a centerpiece for the album: softcrooning indie musician Justin Vernon of the band Bon Iver
is featured prominently in the album's penultimate song,
"Lost in the World;" Vernon‟s lilting voice is paired
earnestly with Hip Hop verses. No longer a mixtape
novelty, West builds upon accepted underground Hip Hop
practices and subverts what is expected within commercial
Hip Hop.
Amplification and the Participatory Culture of
G.O.O.D. Fridays
Though the mixtape formula was popular in subverting
official release dates, West moved from the singular verses
and cobbled together mixes of unreleased music to a
model that placed agency and music decisions in the hands
of his fans. In short, Kanye West released music in ways
that utilized the connected culture of social media to
invigorate enthusiasm and to build camaraderie with a
continually building fan base. Henry Jenkins et al. (2009)
describe the ways media as "participatory culture" shift
“the focus of literacy from individual expression to
community involvement.”
Further, Jenkins et al. write, “Participatory culture is
emerging as the culture absorbs and responds to the
explosion of new media technologies that make it possible
for average consumers to archive, annotate, appropriate,
and recirculate media content in powerful new ways.”
West‟s G.O.O.D. Friday releases, in responding to and
encouraging dialogue with his fans, indicate a mass media
application of participatory culture for profit. However, the
general tenets of participatory culture typically wrest
control of media distribution from traditional mass media
outlets in ways that empower teens fluent with the tools on
their laptops and smartphones.
The recognition that today's media consumer is also a
media producer means that sustaining interest means
responsiveness. It wasn‟t enough, for instance, for West to
thank Bieber for the Twitter shout out. The voice (and the
thousands that followed echoing wishes to see a
collaboration between the two musical stars) encouraged
participation, remix and playfulness. YouTube is rife with
tributes and parodies of West‟s songs. From a version of
his song “Monster” that pays tribute to the food at Taco
Bell (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CnUKmk5Lz50) to
one that is sung by Harry Potter‟s nemesis Voldermort
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hA7leadDk9g),
the
digital tools online allow for new forms of participation and
engagement. In my own research on how young people
may be able to challenge existing power structures and
dominant narratives via social tools, I have described the
potential of participatory culture as an “amplifying” process
(Garcia, 2012b). In the public, persistent spaces of Twitter,
YouTube, and Facebook, for instance, comments youth
make can be seen by anybody. However, within the
educational world, the participatory culture of out-of-school
time is frequently stifled by school and district policies that
limit socialization (see Frey and Fisher, 2008). Further, like
the central argument of this article: that a massively
popular,
wealthy
rapper
can
provide
meaningful
pedagogical guidance for critical educators, I have also
argued that the mainstream and profit-driven companies
like MySpace and Facebook can build important socializing
spaces for critical dialogue and student support (Garcia,
2008). Through reimagining his relationship with an
audience of millions, West demonstrates ways to challenge
traditional power structures─a model that can be forged
within today's classrooms.
A year before the Occupy movement would capture
America's consciousness and months before the Arab
Spring more fully rolled across northern Africa, Kanye West
demonstrated the possibilities of social media as tools for
knowledge building and sustained interest. Though critical
educators should rightfully challenge West‟s capitalistic
intentions, the pragmatic lessons of utility and philosophy
with social media should not be disregarded. To date,
West's album has sold more than one million physical
copies (Recording Industry Association of America, 2013).
His follow up tour a year later, co-headlined by collaborator
Jay-Z, was the highest grossing Hip Hop tour of 2011,
making more than $48 million in ticket sales (Lewis, 2011).
To consider West's popularity anything of an underground
phenomenon would be ludicrous.
It is important to recognize that West‟s lyrical content
can lead to further disregard for the relevance of
mainstream Hip Hop within the classroom. And the public
persona that West plays up does little to convince critical
educators to consider the possibilities that West
represents. When West grabbed the microphone from
Taylor Swift to decry that Beyonce did not win a 2009 MTV
Award, even President Obama called West a “jackass” (BBC
2009). To be clear, I do not apologize or account for West‟s
actions. Instead, the focus on the rapper‟s ability to expand
the world of Hip Hop and the possibilities for critical
educators mean looking beyond these actions; West‟s
resources for engagement and community building offer
myriad tools to encourage challenging and critiquing his
non-critical work.
Toward a Beautiful Dark Twisted Pedagogy
West‟s every step in releasing the album, from
ludicrous twitter messages to on-air blowups to banned
album artwork meant that there was not a day that I was
unable to catch up with the latest in the Kanye-verse. In all
of these updates Kanye evolved the Hip Hop mixtape to its
proper participatory-culture configuration: it is an “alwayson” amalgam of music, personality, and hype.
The pervasive nature of Kanye‟s approach to
marketing My Beautiful Dark Twisted Fantasy is something
educators can lift. How can we deconstruct classroom
pedagogy to move beyond traditional application of
emergent technologies? Is it really the best we can do to
simply duplicate textbooks and textbook practices when
equipping students with iPads and mobile devices? This is
essentially reducing the possibilities of screen and
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interfaces to a glowing page. Likewise, pedagogy must
incorporate the persistent “always-on” nature of West‟s
approach. His persistence and personality are what helped
transfer knowledge, interest, and passion for his work.
Critical educators, qualms about West aside, must evaluate
how this approach may be adopted for classroom use.
Teachers should ask themselves, how is my practice
pervasive? How does the work that I do in my classroom
transform students’ lives throughout the day?
A year before the Occupy
movement would capture America's
consciousness and months before
the Arab Spring more fully rolled
across northern Africa, Kanye West
demonstrated the possibilities of
social media as tools for knowledge
building and sustained interest.
I want to reiterate that what West accomplished was
not some secret phenomenon. West made abundant profits
from his efforts. At the same time West was mirroring
widely adopted digital practices at a highly visible level:
responding to tweets, sharing updates, hosting online
Q&As and producing video and music content for others are
all attributes of what youth can and do easily engage in
while online. In essence, West‟s efforts mimic what young
people regularly do on their own. He mimics the literacy
and learning practices that take place outside the
classroom. For educators, this is also an important
reminder: classroom practices should mirror the real world
settings that students will venture to after leaving our
classrooms. Students are already experts in media
production and West reminds us to bring in these outside
skills.
How can critical educators adjust their teaching
practice in light of the work of Kanye West? Perhaps this
may not seem the most astutely worded of educationrelated questions, but a necessary one nonetheless. West
makes participating and communicating with fans fun,
memorable, and engaging. Classrooms can leverage similar
tools to get young people excited, in conversation, and
networking globally around classroom content. To be clear,
I am not advocating co-opting youth practices within a
classroom. On the contrary, I am speaking about a largescale effort to update the classroom into the kinds
of networked ecologies that are utilized for interaction
everywhere except for in schools. As Castells (2009)
writes, “A network-based social structure is a highly
dynamic, open system, susceptible to innovating without
threatening its balance” (pp. 501-502).
A Beautiful Dark Twisted Pedagogy is one that
envelops students in opportunities to engage with extrinsic
and intrinsic rewards. It allows youth to speak back to the
content and see work in dialogue. An instantiation of this
pedagogy, despite the capitalistic intentions of its
namesake, begins with “a dramatic reorganization of power
relationships” (Castells, 2009, pp. 502) and funnels
classroom agency toward youth. It begins with youth
interest and quickly amplifies key concepts that resonate
within a classroom and well beyond. Like West, this shift
toward meaningful engagement is one that requires
educators to remain attuned to the interests and cultural
landmarks of youth culture as entre into dialogues about
socially
conscious
curriculum.
The
corners
of
commercialism─video games, music videos on YouTube,
series on MTV─are going to function as signals for how
young people‟s attention is being drawn both outside of
schools and in classrooms. Instead of merely challenging
the messages, images, and intentions of these multimodal
texts, this is a pedagogy that can use these as starting
places for youth-oriented production. Youth can remix and
speak back to dominant texts not solely as classroom
exercises but as public statements to be shared in the
same social networks that they utilize daily.
In this sense My Beautiful Dark Twisted Fantasy
illustrates ways transmedia storytelling (Jenkins, Ford and
Green, 2013) and textual play can emerge fluidly with the
many digital pathways enabled for youth. Transmedia, as
described here, are media products that unfold across
multiple platforms: a narrative may be told via movie
productions, video game plotlines, comic books, and
cartoons (as is the case with The Matrix series, for
example). Instead of looking at a novel as a singular and
definitive version of a text, the notion of transmedia allows
youth literacies to demonstrate the text as a hub for
building upon and collaboration. How can the canonical text
taught in a classroom extend learning from the context of
the Shakespearean era to contemporary social issues for
youth. We can see burgeoning examples of this now: a
quick search on Facebook and it is clear I can friend dozens
of Holden Caulfields and Othellos and Katniss Everdeens:
teachers and students alike are using today‟s tools to
extend stories across various forms. These are not
concepts presently being taught in teacher education
programs and a Beautiful Dark Twisted Pedagogy calls for
intentionality in this respect.
West‟s album ends with the song “Who Will Survive in
America,” built primarily around an excerpt from a 1970
poem by Gil Scott Heron, “Comment #1.” This finds West
not only recontextualizing a critique of leftist organizing in
the late sixties and seventies for the modern day but also
continuing a dialogue between West‟s and Heron‟s work
that extended across several albums; in 2005, West
sampled a different Heron poem for his song “My Way
Home”; Heron responded with a sample of West‟s “Flashing
Lights” for his final album, I’m New Here in 2010. West
builds upon, reinterprets, and engages in conversation with
Heron‟s work. The narrative and melodic dialogue spreads
across three albums and invites listeners to rethink the
lyrics, music, and context for both works. It is a
transformative work that challenges critical new literacies
to build upon the notion of the “meme” as an educational
possibility (Lankshear and Knobel, 2006).
With memes helping describe quickly spreading,
“viral”, media across networks, literature on memes often
credits Dawkins (1976) with imbuing the term as a unit
that spreads cultural content over time. As not merely a
delivery system of information, memes effectively write
upon the world and change it. In their 1987 text, Freire
and Macedo describe literacy as a process of reading the
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world and then reading the word. It is an order often lost in
discussions of Freire‟s development of critical literacies:
cultural, “worldly” experience imbue the process of reading
texts. West illustrates how advances in technology allow
the world to be written upon and the need for educators to
renegotiate their pedagogical stance.
“No one man should have all that power”: The
Contradictions of Kanye
In the lead single off of My Beautiful Dark Twisted
Fantasy, “Power,” West raps that “No one man should have
all that power.” It is a declaration that contributes to
West‟s ongoing braggadocio. However, it is also a quote
that is steeped in pedagogical meaning and historical
precedent. A near word-for-word iteration of this quote was
printed in 1957 in the Amsterdam News; a “stunned” police
officer, noted about Malcolm X, “No one man should have
that much power” (Marable, 2011, p. 128). It is likely that
the quote was picked up by West in the 1992 Spike Lee
directed biopic, X. This would not be the first time that
Malcolm X is invoked in West‟s lyrics. In “Good Morning”
West claims he‟s “like the fly Malcolm X buy any jeans
necessary.” Both invocations of the civil rights leader point
back to the remixing and transmedia literacies that West
demonstrates; they are necessary components of Beautiful
Dark Twisted Pedagogy. However, I want to also return to
the line from “Power” and its implications both for
reflecting on West and for classroom practice.
As a self-critique, West‟s statement points to the
problematic ways his performance of the Hip Hop genre
upholds individuals and capitalism in boasts that separate
fans through recognizable power structures. However, it is
a model that West also challenges in content: the song
“Power” was shared in multiple mixes before its profitable
release on West‟s album with power and voice distributed
(though not evenly) with his fans.
From my own classroom experience, it is easy for
critical educators to look at the realm of capitalism and
disregard it wholesale; though I secretly indulged in West‟s
music, I would deride it in discussions with my 11th
graders. And yet, while the content is a problematic
perpetuation of marketing practices, the approaches
themselves speak to the ways students are engaging,
interacting,
and
approaching
informal
learning.
Approaching the challenging domain of capitalism with a
lens of pragmatic optimism, West illustrates the potential
of participatory media as enacted by for-profit companies
and illustrates ways these can be harnessed for wholesale
social transformation.
Finally, in returning to West‟s lyric, “No one man
should have all that power,” it is important to notice that
West distributes production, input, and narrative across
various platforms with numerous points of input for others.
It is a reflection of what radical educators‟ classrooms can
look like. The decentralization of the teacher as singular
leader within the classroom is neither new nor
revolutionary. However, in looking at the ways teacherleaders, like West, can spark conversation, invite
multimodal exploration, and direct connection with the
community, the role of the teacher is not diminished as
much as it is altered. Perhaps a problematic source for
some, in terms of beginning a conversation of how critical
pedagogy continues to shift in the 21st Century, Kanye
West‟s work illustrates practices our students are engaged
in everyday. His work functions as a provocation for a
redefinition of pedagogy that addresses the cultural shifts
of participatory media. It is messy, problematic, and─in the
liberatory possibilities it signals─beautiful. It is a pedagogy
of hope for the digital age.
culture: Media education for the 21st century. MacArthur
Foundation.
References
10. Jenkins, H., Ford, S., and Green, J. (2013). Spreadable
media: Creating value and meaning in a networked culture.
New York: NYU Press.
1.
BBC News. (2009). Obama Calls Kanye West a Jackass.
BBC News. Retrieved January 24, 2013, from
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/entertainment/8258330.stm.
2.
Castells, M. (2009). The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd
ed. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.
11. Lankshear C, Knobel M (2006). New literacies: Everyday
Practices and classroom learning, 2nd ed. Maidenhead: Open
University Press.
12. Lewis, R. (2011). U2, Taylor Swift have highest-grossing
concert tours of 2011. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved January
24, 2013, from
http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/music_blog/2011/12/u2taylor-swift-have-highest-grossing-concert-tours-of2011.html.
3.
Dawkins, R. (1976). The Selfish Gene. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
4.
Freire, P. & Macedo, D. (1987). Literacy: Reading the
word and the world. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey.
5.
Frey, N., & Fisher, D. (2008). Doing the Right Thing With
Technology. English Journal, 97 (6): 38-42
6.
Garcia, A. (2012a). Good reception: Utilizing mobile
media and games to develop critical inner-city agents of social
change. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
California, Los Angeles.
7.
Garcia, A. (2012b). Inform, Perform, Transform:
Modeling In-School Youth Participatory Action Research
Through Gameplay. Knowledge Quest, 41 (1): 46-50.
13. Marable, M. (2011). Malcolm X : a life of reinvention.
New York: Viking.
14. Recording Industry Association of America. (2013). My
beautiful dark twisted fantasy. Retrieved January 29, 2013,
from
http://www.riaa.com/goldandplatinumdata.php?artist=%22My
+Beautiful+Dark+Twisted+Fantasy%22.
15. Reynolds, S. (1999). Generation ecstasy: Into the world
of techno and rave culture. New York: Routledge.
8.
Garcia, A. (2008). Rethinking MySpace: Using Social
Networking Tools to Connect with Students. Rethinking
Schools 22 (4): 27-29.
9.
Jenkins, H., Clinton, K., Purushotma, R., Robison, A. J., &
Weigel, M. (2009). Confronting the challenges of participatory
16. Vilensky, M. (2010). Kanye West and Justin Bieber bond,
plan possible collaboration over Twitter. New York Media LLC.
Retrieved January 24, 2013, from
http://www.vulture.com/2010/08/kanye_west_and_justin_bie
ber_b.html.
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17. Westhoff, B. (2011). Dirty South: OutKast, Lil Wayne,
Soulja Boy, and the Southern Rappers Who Reinvented HipHop. Chicago: Chicago Review Press.
“PHONE”
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ISSN: 1941-0832
Sampling an Inner DJ with Hip Hop Hopes: (Re)Writing
Immigrant Identities for English Language Learners in
Classroom Third Spaces
By Andrew Habana Hafner
AZTEC ACTIVISTS BY MELCHOR RAMIREZ, TUCSON, ARIZONA 2012 PHOTO BY CHRISTOPHER TINSON
RADICAL TEACHER
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.49
argue in this paper that inviting Raul‟s “inner DJ” (karimi,
2006) and his investment in hip hop culture served to
(re)negotiate his school identities in ways that produced
transformative third spaces (Gutierrez, Rhymes & Larson,
1995; Gutierrez, 2008) that supported his academic writing
and a developing critical consciousness (Freire, 1970).
This perspective rests in a foundational critical pedagogy
that recognizes immigrant ELL students‟ resistance to
dominant discourses of schooling and mainstream
American society, and contends that these lived
experiences offer productive opportunities for academic
development.
Raul was a ninth grader in my
intermediate English Language
Learner (ELL) writing class when he
wrote his immigration narrative of
coming to America as an
unaccompanied minor journeying
north from El Salvador.
Intro
I made the trip to America alone [which] was
scary. It took me one month and fifteen days from
El Castillo, Provincia Norte, El Salvador to
Springtown, Virginia. I was 12 years old when I
made my journey to the U.S.A.
Raul was a ninth grader in my intermediate English
Language Learner (ELL) writing class when he wrote his
immigration narrative of coming to America as an
unaccompanied minor journeying north from El Salvador.
He moved around the East Coast to stay with different
families in the two years before I met him, resulting in
interruptions in his schooling, prolonged absences, and
only partial identification of his learning needs. During this
first year at Cuttersville High School (pseudonym), these
struggles continued as he negotiated a schedule of ELL,
Special Education (SpEd) and mainstream classes. Raul
dwelled on the social margins, often observed to be sitting
alone in the cafeteria, sometimes skipping lunch entirely
for the refuge of a quieter space in the library, computer
lab, or even the safety of the ELL homebase Room L2.
I recall one day after releasing my class to go to
second lunch, I found him sitting quietly on the floor in the
dark side hallway across from the ELL classroom L2 that
lead to the ELL department office. He was hiding beneath
his XXL hoodie sweatshirt, hanging barely baggy on his
robust frame, listening to reggaeton artist Don Omar on his
iPod. After the ritual exchanges of “what‟s up?” I asked him
why he was not in the first half of class. With a familiar
blank expression on his round face, over-stubbled to hide
his adolescence, he admitted that he got confused about
the rotating lunch schedule and went to first lunch by
mistake. I invited him to hang out with me in the
classroom, which was an opportunity to check in and
maybe get some of his overdue work completed. We spent
this quiet time listening to music, while he worked on
finishing his draft about his “American Dream” of becoming
a famous Hip Hop DJ. Although that Hip Hop dream may
still be materializing, Raul eventually graduated high school
into the reality of the immigrant struggles of work and
living in the United States.
This paper interrogates some of the tensions that
immigrant ELL students like Raul navigate between their
multiple social and cultural identities in school spaces. I
In his essay “how I found my inner DJ” robert karimi
(sic) (2006) proposes the notion of a “sampled
consciousness” as a Hip Hop construct that recasts Hip
Hop‟s fifth element, knowledge of self. karimi argues for
this hybrid intersection of Hip Hop literacies and critical
literacies in “sampling”, which refers to the DJ‟s artisitry of
remixing parts of other songs, beats, lyrics, soundbites,
etc. to create new mosaics of sonic art and discursive
meaning through a new multilayered aesthetic. karimi
explains that a sampled consciousness "is understood to
have the power to transform reality”; it is:
a state of (self) being created by the act of
sampling different experiences: education, stories,
interactions, and observations. The individual
takes
these
experiences,
knowingly
or
unknowingly, and makes them part of their
worldview, the way they create/interact. The
consciousness is constantly in flux, alternating,
adding, subtracting, choosing. Self
(being) is
being negotiated. We sample, blend, fade in and
fade out the various experiences, remixing the self
in service to its goal: zeroness. (p. 323)
As such, this third space study investigates the role of
a critical pedagogy that engages the spatial practices of
Raul‟s inner DJ by “sampling the words and sampling the
worlds” of his immigrant narrative and Hip Hop hopes for a
brighter future. Understanding and embracing Raul‟s inner
DJ involves a remixing of his multiple institutional identities
and (re)negotiation of his marginalization in schools. Along
this line of inquiry, the principal research question explored
in this paper is: How do immigrant ELL students
(re)negotiate meanings and identities through hip hop
discourses to produce third spaces in the secondary writing
classroom? In addressing this question, this study aims to
map the productive tensions of producing third spaces with
students like Raul to co-construct glimpses of his hopeful
future, one that strengthens his Hip Hop dreams that are
the American Dream, if there continues to be one.
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It is an important time in U.S. history to bring together
the research, politics and eduction policy of immigrant
ELLs, Hip Hop as global youth culture, and critical
pedagogy. In the post-911 surveillance and security era,
immigrant students, and Latinos in particular, face the
growing militarization of southwestern borders, persecution
of the undocumented, detention and separation of families,
and constitutional struggles over educational rights. Over
the last decade, the conservative, well-funded campaigns
promoting
English-only
linguicisms
succeeded
in
eliminating bilingual education in California (1998), Arizona
(2000), and Massachusetts (2002). The dismantling of the
successful Mexican American Studies (MAS) program in
Tucson, Arizona in 2011, despite years of dedicated
community organizing and activism, and the constitutional
battle in process, is a continued testament to the fierce
political and ideological conflicts that play out in and
through public education as a site of struggle. These
current struggles reiterate that it is imperative to recognize
how school spaces and institutionalized roles of teachers
and students have the potential to both perpetuate and
resist discourses of power that are represented in
educational policy, institutional structures, and formal
curricula. This study aims to contribute to better
understanding and addressing these issues through
production of third space for immmigrant ELL students of
the Hip Hop Nation.
Hip Hop as third space for immigrant ELLs
This paper contributes to research on immigrnant ELLs
through analysis of how Hip Hop culture promotes
productive oral and written comunication supported by
engaging youth experiences of oppression in academic
literacy development. I foreground the critical construct of
third space as taken up in one strand of critical language
and litearcy research (Gutierrez, Rhymes & Larson, 1995;
Gutierrez
&
Baquedano-Lopez,
1997;
Gutierrez,
Baquedano-Lopez, & Turner, 1997; Gutierrez & Orellana,
2006) that is particularly important for immigrant students.
With an attention to critical discourse analysis of oral and
written texts of the ELL classroom (Bloome, Carter,
Christian, Otto & Shuart-Faris, 2005; Bloome & Clark,
2006), this paper builds on Gutierrez‟s (2008) evolving
notion of a “grammar of third space” which focuses on
different grammatical, lexical and semantic qualities of
discourses of “social dreaming” within a collective third
space. Immigrant students are encouraged to think of
themselves as “historical actors” to consider how their past
experiences and future visions of „social dreaming‟ are
manifested discursively and textually in teaching and
learning spaces of the classroom.
It is an important time in U.S.
history to bring together the
research, politics and eduction
policy of immigrant ELLs, Hip Hop
as global youth culture, and critical
pedagogy.
In this third space study, I also draw from critical
studies of language and literacy (Leander, 2001, 2002;
Leander & Rowe, 2006; Moje, Ciechanowski, Kramer, Ellis,
Carrillo, & Callazo, 2004; Moje, 2004; Leander & Sheahy,
2004; Wilson, 2004; Wilson, Barton, Hamilton, & Ivanic,
2000) that have incorporated cultural geographic
perspectives on social space (Harvey, 1989; Lefebvre,
1974, 1991; Soja, 1996). In bridging education research
on third space and Hip Hop culture, this study contributes
in particular to better understanding how immigrant ELL
students can identify with Hip Hop discourses (Ibrahim,
1999) and how teachers can draw on these non-school
practices for developing academic literacy (AlexanderSmith, 2004; Dimitriadis, 2009; Duncan-Andrade, 2004;
Kamberelis, 2001; Mahiri, 2004; Morrell & DuncanAndrade, 2002; Hill, 2009; Alim, 2011; Osumare, 2001).
Petchauer‟s (2009) literature review of “Hip-Hop
Educational Research” categorizes the emerging field as
Hip Hop-based education, Hip Hop meaning(s) and
identities, and Hip Hop aesthetics. Irby and Hall (2011)
also reviewed research literature on Hip Hop to indicate a
need for more research that is not from teacherresearchers and by outsiders to Hip Hop culture. They
pointed toward new research directions toward “more
expansive, penetrative, methodologically diverse studies . .
. that capture how personal (e.g. race/ethnicity, class,
gender, sexuality, cultural disposition) and professional
(teaching experience, educational background, grade level,
subject area) identities shape the ways hip-hop pedagogies
are implemented” (p. 234). While this is a teacherresearcher study, I contend that this paper still brings
more diverse perspectives on Hip Hop culture in education
research through new analytical methods and as I situate
myself later on as an undocumented immigrant in the Hip
Hop Nation.
Design & methods of a third space study
This paper is part of a larger ethnographic teacherresearcher study of a high school ELL writing class that
aimed to redefine third space for immigrant ELL students
(Hafner, 2012). This ethnographic case study employs
methods of „thick description‟ of the local research context
(Geertz, 1973; Merriam, 1998), while also is guided by
principles of critical ethnography that aim to problematize
and make transparent the centrality of the researcher in
rendering cultural portraits (Carspecken, 1996; Noblit,
Floris & Murillo, 2004). I incorporate critical discourse
analytic methods (Bloome & Clark, 2006; Fairclough, 1992,
2003) to look at „micro-ethnographic‟ events of classroom
interactions (Bloome et al., 2005). Data collection following
ethnographic methods compiled a broad data set
associated with classroom instruction over one school year,
including fieldnotes, classroom video and audio, digital
images,
student
work,
semi-structured
interviews,
curriculum materials.
Analysis of these data was conducted through a
recursive process of moving from broad theme or content
analysis (Merriam, 1998) of field notes, and reviewing
video and audio documentation, and other classroom
artifacts, and then revisiting theoretical constructs in light
of the data. Initial themes surrounding these classroom
texts related to tensions surfacing from course content,
RADICAL TEACHER
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classroom participation and discussion surrounding
tensions related to multiple social identities. More detailed
codes and subcodes were developed to document varying
modalities of classroom participation and textual
production as they related to negotiating tensions around
discourses of music/hip hop, immigration, race and
ethnicity, marginalization, and resistance in school. Within
identified critical events of classroom interaction,
transcripts were reorganized by interactional units, which
are a series of conversationally tied message units that
entail both specific language as well as contextualization
clues (e.g. intonation, pauses, stress, speed, volume, etc.).
Interactional units were analyzed in terms of the social
moves and social identities that were being projected into
the classroom space through discursive moves, and the
strategic interactions through material, abstract and
experiential fields of meaning making. Critical discourse
analysis with an attention to space and time allowed for a
mapping of the shifting identities across teacher-student
interactions in classroom spaces. Due to limitations in
scope and focus, this paper provides only a partial
discussion of the broader data analysis and findings that
inform this argument.
Building Comm.Unity: Transformative designs for the
ELL classroom
Academic and critical literacy development is
negotiated around lived experience and negotiated social
identities in the classroom third space that was governed
by a spirit of Comm.Unity. This was a proposed collective
identity that is reflected in the formula: communication +
unity = Comm.Unity. Even though I am not a graff writer,
a large graffitti-esque poster hung on the wall at the front
of the classroom with the sub-text: Comm.Unity: The place
where me, we and the world come together. I developed
this notion of Comm.Unity previously during a summer
school communications course for high school students
with learning differences in which I developed a thematic
unit around Hip Hop culture and personal expresssion
through writing “verse” (e.g. rap) and creating “visuals”
(e.g. graffiti). In developing Comm.Unity for a critical
pedagogy, I have continued to use this construct in
shaping collaborative learning communities in college
education and youth development courses, and have
increasingly invited students to co-construct and redefine
its implications based on context.
Classroom group norms of behavior (in place of rules)
were collaboratively generated as guiding social codes that
scaffold academic and critical literacy work. This classroom
third space of Comm.Unity is characterized by tensions
around the academic content, interactional processes and
compositional products of academic tasks, which are
negotiated from the standpoint of members‟ diverse
worldviews─or cultural, linguistic, religious, class and
gendered identities. As a critical pedagogical framework for
a diverse group of immigrant ELLs, my notion of
Comm.Unity is allied to ethnic studies programs that seek
to build students‟ full humanity, build caring communities,
and bridge gaps in building transformative education for
teachers and students (Romero, Arce, & Cammarota,
2009; Ginwright & Cammarota, 2011; Ginwright, Noguera
& Cammarota, 2006).
The classroom Comm.Unity of this study was an ELL
writing class comprised of ELL students in Grades 9-11
with ranges of intermediate proficiency. The class
enrollment fluctuated with 12-14 students because of
student mobility as some left the area or country and
others arrived mid-year. Students represented countries
including El Salvador, Ecuador, Thailand, Korea, Cape
Verde, Cameroon and Bangladesh. There was a also a
range of socioeconomic and class backgrounds of students
and their families which reflected the college town of
Cuttersville in the state of Northeast (pseudonym). Several
students were children of academic professionals affiliated
with local higher education institutions, but the majority of
students had poor, rural, and working class backgrounds.
Most of the Latino students like Raul had migrated in
arduous journeys, and some also experienced arrest and
detention at the U.S. southwestern borders before
relocating to be near extended family in Northeast. Some
students were in legal proceedings regarding pending
deportation, petitions for legal immigration status, and
securing home country passports. There were two teen
mothers at the start of the year and four by the end of the
year; so discourses of family, culture, and gender roles and
identities, for men and women, were also central in the
broader data analysis.
Many of these students, especially those with financial
needs for family in the United States and/or their home
countries, worked heavy part-time or full-time schedules,
mostly in the kitchens of local food establishments and fast
food chains. During the school year, several students were
directly affected by immigration raids on such restaurants,
targeted for their employment practices. Some students
even skipped work and lost their jobs out of fear of arrest.
This context is important to understanding how these third
space tensions were integral to the classroom Comm.Unity
by engaging students‟ diverse and multiple identities with
attention to lines of oppression of their lived social spaces.
As a starting point for framing third space production
in the Comm.Unity, it is relevant to position my own
identity in relation to Hip Hop culture alongside Raul‟s
membership engagement with the Hip Hop community. I
am a long-time fan who was born along with the birth of
Hip Hop and came of age in the Golden Age of Hip Hop.
Out of respect, and in recognition of identity politics and
claims of authenticity and “the real” (e.g. Forman, 2002), I
situate myself on the sociocultural margins of the hip hop
community.
While
I
enjoy
and
appreciate
the
multiaesthetic arts of Hip Hop culture, and I believe in the
power of the fifth element, knowledge of self, I am not one
who contributes to cultural production directly. This is
significant because it positions me outside the discourse
community. By contrast, Raul was actively invested in the
Hip Hop community, constantly plugged into the music,
working and learning to DJ, wearing Hip Hop styles,
producing social space imbued with Hip Hop discourses,
and his Hip Hop hopes in writing about the future. Taken as
a cultural difference between us, our lived experiences
intersected around Hip Hop in ways that allowed for
renegotiation of our common identities in school spaces.
Irby and Hall (2011) suggest there is a need for new
research that engages Hip Hop from the outside. I propose
RADICAL TEACHER
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this study as my remix as an undocumented immigrant of
the Hip Hop Nation. I am a hip hop dreamer awaiting
immigration reform.
Immigrant identities of a hip hop American Dream
What I am feeling in the USA, is that people can get a
lot of opportunities working really hard to make it. But if
you are just coming to have fun, it can make you pay the
consequence, like getting in jail and being deported or
even dying because there is a lot of violence in the best
cities.
This excerpt from his narrative provides glimpses of
Raul‟s take on the “American Dream.” There is the hope of
opportunity and meritocracy that rewards hard work but
also the reality that social and cultural adjustments include
many potential snares as people strive to get ahead. Raul
faced his own struggles during the school year that
entailed conflicts with his school obligations, family
expectations, and his investment in Hip Hop. Further
analysis of Raul‟s compositions and classroom participation
reveals a particularly complex profile of an immigrant ELL
student with special needs that becomes marginalized
within institutional spaces of CHS, where 8.8% of the
sudents were Latino and only 2.2% recorded as Limited
English Proficient (LEP).
Raul would fit the deficit-laden label of an “at-risk”
student, although his complex learning needs are obscured
by intersecting lines of oppression as a second language
learner, as an immigrant, as a low-income minority, as an
adolescent male of color in America. Excessive absences,
accumulated missed work, and failing grades were part of
Raul‟s profile as a struggling student. He was often
positioned in school as even further “at-risk” when he got
arrested and had to serve a community service probation.
Raul‟s lived experiences in school were greatly structured
by his dual institutional designations as a SpEd and ELL
student.
These two institutional labels get stuck in
disproportionate numbers to culturally and linguistically
diverse students like Raul (Artiles, Rueda, Salazar, &
Higareda, 2005; Harry & Klinger, 2006; Klinger & Artiles,
2003). These institutionalized identities, and the official
and unofficial discourses that shape them, can have
significant impact on tracking immigrant students along
educational paths characterized by unchallenging subject
matter and low expectations for student achievement
(Nieto & Bode, 2008; Suarez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, &
Todorova, 2008). As immigrant students are often tracked
by low expectations, often stemming from deficit
perspectives of Limited English Proficiency, their learner
identities can be shaped by a trajectory of frustration and
failure rather than success and potential, which can lead to
students‟ disengagement and resistance to school. In
addition to the cultural-linguistic diversity of immigrant
communities and the influence of varying historical
conditions of migration, ELLs are affected by contexts of
prior schooling, native language literacies, and divergent
experiences across immigrant generations (Harklau, 1994;
Matsuda, Canagarajah, Harklau, Hyland, & Warschauer,
2003; Roberge, 2002).
Bringing marginalized groups,
especially immigrant ELL students
like Raul and families from lowincome households, further into the
center of the educational process is
of paramount importance.
Raul was sixteen years old and in the 9th Grade at the
time of data collection. He emigrated from El Salvador in a
3-month journey over land as an unaccompanied child that
turned 13 years old along the way. He arrived in the
Cuttersville school district for grade 7 when his initial
referrals for special education began. He relocated to
Virginia where his father was living at the time since his
parents migrated separately. However, this proved to be a
“lost year” as Raul reportedly had periods of truancy for
several weeks at a time. He returned to Cuttersville for
Grade 9, when his Individualized Educational Program
(IEP) underwent a formal annual review during the course
of the study. Some of the details of his “non-specific
disability in writing” included problems with generating
written language in longer assignments, comprehension of
longer reading assignments, retaining and recalling
instructions, recalling information in testing situations, and
short-term memory problems. A significant clue of
narrating his institutional marginalization as a SpEd-ELL
student is that the re-evaluation process for his IEP
included the frequent backlog in referral and assessment
processes, which in this case required a trained bilingual
psychologist. Raul was eventually reassessed late in the
spring of the school year.
Bringing marginalized groups, especially immigrant
ELL students like Raul and families from low-income
households, further into the center of the educational
process is of paramount importance. Differentiated
approaches aimed at academic success for ELLs (e.g.
Gebhard, Author & Wright, 2004) in an era of high stakes
testing (Orelus, 2010; Pandya, 2011) need to increasingly
incorporate critical pedagogies that draw on and
interrogate the lived spaces of cultural and linguistic
marginalization that are inherent for immigrant youth, and
especially those that are low-income, undocumented, and
undereducated.
These aspects of Raul‟s insititutional identities, and
their programmatic role in shaping the school spaces he
inhabited (including the quiet side hallways), are key to
analysis and understanding of tensions he encountered and
perpetuated in the classroom. Through closer ethnographic
analysis of the broad data set, the chronotope (i.e. timespace construct; Bakhtin, 1986) of “mediating Raul”
surfaced where Raul‟s “(mis)placed humor” during student
sharing became a flash point; this was the case during the
Comm.Unity Café readings of student compositions at the
end of the focal unit. However, in looking more closely at
challenges and opportunities in supporting Raul‟s learning,
I also argue in this study that critical interrogation of the
chronotope of immigration tied to his investment in Hip
Hop culture offer moments of production of third space that
generate transformative opportunities for renegotiating
student identities in the classroom.
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The DJ “doing my dream job”
Raul‟s social identity and investment in Hip Hop
culture, as a discourse community and commercial
industry, was his hope to “get my driving license and get a
car to became a famous DJ.” In the beginning of the
school year through the Christmas break, Raul had been
helping his uncle on Sunday nights working with him as a
DJ in the nightclub despite being underage. As he
recounted to me on several occasions, he was exposed to
the nightlife both inside and outside the club after hours.
As he wrote in his New Years Hopes composition: “I was
DJing on December 31st, New Years; I was at the Pacific
Club (sic) seeing all the people dancing. I felt so good.” He
underlined and bolded the club name, which could carry
many semiotic meanings, but in the least, represents an
attempt to literally underscore that he was “doing my
dream job.” He beamed with smiles and almost giddy
pride at sharing with me what it is like to see people
grooving to his music.
He wrote in his immigration
narrative later about his hopes in Hip Hop: “It feels really
good that I could be famous someday and get a mansion
with many kids and a wife.” While one can scrutinize such
adolescent statements as idealistic day dreams, such
hopeful visions for our immigrant students carry our
national mythology of an American Dream that is
attainable through hard work and dedication. However, as
mainstream institutions readily point out, the educational
and career pathways in business, law, medicine, or even
education, and the trends toward dwindling K12 arts
programs, signal ever narrowing opportunities for pursuing
that dream by sampling the inner DJ in formal education
curriculum.
Ironically, his progress toward these future goals was
impeded by his work as a DJ, which became a source of
tension and conflict with his familial obligations and school
responsibilities. Unfortunately, one incident of his coming
home at 5:00 a.m. on Monday morning after DJing on a
Sunday night, and coming to school late and unprepared,
would eventually be the cause for this dream job to end.
This ending was negotiated in the context of an IEP reevaluation meeting, and while he consented that these
interests were in conflict, it is a hard reflection of third
space tensions central to this analysis. Up until this
incident, I was actively encouraging him to pursue his Hip
Hop dreams and encouraging his textual exploration of this
identity in writing assignments. The conflict that arose,
however, forced me to retreat somewhat to an institutional
space of teacher, with principal obligation to his best
interests as a student and adolescent who had to refocus
priorities and attention to school space.
Following the meeting I addressed the issue with him
directly and in private. I explained that I understood how
important the experience was because of his passion for
Hip Hop music and that it was also a great opportunity to
learn the skills of DJing working with his uncle. He
recounted that after the club closed that night he was
brought along by his uncle to eat with some “crazy” girls,
which was accompanied by the sexualized suggestion of his
reaction to their dancing style and other social behavior.
We discussed directly that even though he loved DJing this
was not something he could continue because there is no
way he can be ready for school being out so late, and
especially the issue of respecting the wishes of his mother.
At the end of our conversation following the IEP meeting,
Raul admitted to me that he knew it was problematic and
he eventually stopped DJing at the Pacific Club.
Reading the world through Hip Hop: „The
government is always cheating‟
The tensions of negotiating his DJ identity and
investments in Hip Hop discourse communities becomes
apparent in a key curriculum unit that was focused on
students writing their own personal narrative of Coming to
America. The unit began after the national holiday for
Martin Luther King (MLK) Day and we had a discussion and
viewing of MLK‟s “I have a dream” speech in which the
students discussed the meaning and significance of this
civil rights leader, his work and message about the
oppression of American history and contemporary politics.
Students used this text to identify key nouns such as
freedom, hopes, opportunity, and began to make
intertextual connections to an immigrant narrative of a
female student from El Salvador. This textual model was a
significant connection for our many Salvadoran students in
negotiating the tensions between home and school
discourses. We engaged in textual analysis of the narrative
while identifying different genre features of narratives such
as descriptive language, simile/metaphor, and use of
dialogue with correct punctuation. Students did writing
skills work on organizing information by time and
sequence, while practicing the past, present and future
tense.
Raul‟s composition from this unit met similar
organizational challenges of lost pre-writing and a string of
absences set him back in his writing process. One decision
I made in this process was to allow him to rework his
previous unfinished New Years Hopes essay. In this
unfinished work he talked about his dreams of becoming a
Hip Hop DJ, so we negotiated how he could continue
developing these ideas and incorporate them as the “after”
part of his immigration story; the writing process and unit
was scaffolded sequentially in before, during and after
segments, each with distinct language objectives related to
time, verb tense, transitions, etc. As he was behind in the
drafting stages, I was concerned that he would not be able
to complete the composition. He reinvested himself in that
draft and was able to expand his ideas considerably. He
evidenced his discourse knowledge and incorporated more
descriptive supporting details in defining reggaeton‟s
musical genealogy “from basic beats of hip hop, reggae,
dancehall and all the Latino rhythms like bachata,
merengue, salsa and cumbias.” Aside from the material
wealth of musical success so prevalent in discourses of Hip
Hop bling bling, his justification relates to dreams of
family: “It feels really good that I could be famous
someday and get a mansion with many kids and a wife.”
His cultural identity and pride is a clear motivation for his
future success, as he also wishes proudly to become a
famous rapper to “defend all my Latin people.” This
reference clearly illustrates an identification with Hip Hop,
and reggaeton, as a discursive form that is a source of
community pride. In the concluding paragraph of his essay
he connects his musical dreams to the chronotope, or time-
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space in Bakhtinian terms (1986), of the American Dream
being achieved through hard work. A critical awareness of
the tensions between myth and reality of these immigrant
discourses is also clear as he comments that “if you are
just coming to have fun, it can make you pay the
consequences, like getting in jail and being deported or
even dying because there is a lot of violence in the best
cities.” This statement also indexes class position of his
lived experience and the space-times of his arduous
immigration journey as an unaccompanied youth traveling
by land from El Salvador.
Raul‟s understanding of political themes of Hip Hop
discourse such as class politics is evident in an informal
interaction in which the teacher is scaffolding the students‟
own critical literacy and “reading of the world” through Hip
Hop. As narrated in the opening vignette, the classroom
interaction occurred when the teacher and student had the
time and space for a focused exchange over a lunch period
when Raul decided to stay in the classroom. The
represented interaction below illustrates how the teacher
and student negotiate this relationship in immigrant
discourses of his Hip Hop hopes and the American Dream.
This transcript is an excerpt from the full Hip Hop Hopes
(Appendix) that is the basis for detailed analysis of the
interactional units (Appendix) that informed the identity
mapping diagram presented in the subsequent section.
Transcript: Hip Hop Hopes (Excerpt covering IUs 2-4)
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
world?” (Line 8). The student responds with a social
critique about inequitable class politics and a social position
as “low class” that is oppressed by a government that “is
always cheating about us” (Line 11), implying his own lived
spaces of marginalization and hardship both in his home
country and as an immigrant in the United States. Here the
community of “us” could refer to the low-income
communities in general, or more specifically to the
Salvadoran or Latino immigrant community with which he
identifies. Fairclough (2003) explains that space and time,
co-constituted as space-time, are socially constructed and
represented in texts, and also constitute a linking of
different scales of social life (Harvey, 1989, 1996, 2006).
In this example, the space-time of Raul resituates himself
on the margins of these abstract spaces of a global class
politics, in which the government does not equally
represent the interests of all its citizens equally. His
immigrant identity and lived spaces (Lefebvre, 1991; Soja,
1996) of his physical migration over land are rooted in
material spaces of poverty. After advancing his social
critique at a global space-time, Raul repositions himself
locally on these margins of political discourse, by qualifying
in the subsequent line that this is “just what I think” as if
he is not in his place to critique the system, especially not
from within the official spaces of the school and classroom.
However, the analysis and argument of this paper supports
Raul to bring his critical “sampled consciousness” into the
classroom as a basis for academic literacy development.
Mapping student identities: Teacher and student
(re)negotiating profession and passion
Teacher: So when you are talking about your hope related to your
music, how does the music make you feel? Why do you love hip
hop? Why do you love reggaeton?
Raul: I don’t know. I just love it.
Teacher: Why? You got a reason. This is about you figuring it out.
Teacher: Why? What do you love about reggaeton?
Raul: Huh? (Staring at the floor)
Teacher: Why do you love, why do you love music? Why do you
love hip hop and reggaeton
Raul: I don’t know, the beats, hip hop and …
Teacher : What does it tell you about the world?
Raul: It tells you many things happening in the world.
Teacher: Like?
Raul: Like, the government is always cheating about us.
Raul: That people are from minus class, little class.
Teacher: Lower class
Raul: Yea, lower class. They just think that we are like nothing.
Raul: That’s just what I think … and also I like the dance, how
XXXX (Spanish). (breaking into a smile, changing tone). Yeah.
(sweeping his head to the side)
The teacher prompts the student to explicitly reflect on
the discursive meanings he draws from Hip Hop. When
probed for the reason why he loves Hip Hop, the student is
not able to immediately articulate a reason (Line 2, 7);
although upon second questioning he mentions “the beats”
which is a reference to the material aesthetics of pulsing
rhythms that drive the dance floor (Line 15) in the work of
the DJ. He mentions in later interactions that the reason he
loves DJing is because it makes him feel great that people
can “come together to my music” which is source of
fulfillment and hope for a musical future.
The teacher changes his line of inquiry, however, by
asking directly about how Hip Hop discourses are
representative of a critical literacy that helps Raul “read
the world” (Freire, 1970); “What does it tell you about the
Analysis of this critical spatial event with Raul, the
classroom transcipt of Hip Hop Hopes (Appendix), lead to
an elaborated analysis that was the basis for the identity
mapping (Figure 1). Analysis of both space-time scales and
temporalities provided clues to later identifying the
discursive boundaries of interactional units (see Appendix).
I conducted a detailed line-by-line analysis of the
transcribed interactions with an attention to the
communicative functions of each interlocutor to identify the
particular discursive meanings being negotiated and their
implications for social identities being animated in
classroom space (Bloome, Carter, Christian, Otto, &
Shuart-Faris, 2005). I revisited in a recursive fashion each
of these different spatial analyses across the transcript,
revising and deepening analysis in order to identify
discursive boundaries and interactional units. Detailed
analysis of interactional units over a 20-page matrix lead
to the mapping in Figure 1 of shifting identities of Raul as
teacher an student renegotiated immigrant identities in the
classroom.
The subsequent interactional units of the transcript
show a shift in chronotopes (Bakhtin, 1986) that reflect a
discursive movement across time and space. This also
affirms the student‟s musical dreams and positions him and
the teacher on equal ground being passionate about their
work. These chronotopic shifts and renegotiations of
student identity are represented in mapping of space-time
shifts. Through the remaining interactional units, we trace
a shifting of chronotopes that allows space for diverse
student identities to be incorporated in classroom work. In
interactional units (IUs) 5-6, it prompts a time-space shift
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from the student‟s Hip Hop hopes of the future to the
chronotope of immigration which is the focus of the
composition. As the teacher relates the chronotope of the
student‟s personal immigration and his discovery of Hip
Hop, the student shifts the time-space stating that Hip Hop
music is important to his future. IU7 shows a time-space
shift to the present as the teacher prompts the student to
reflect on what he can do to work toward this future goal
which sets up an invitation to talk about his present
activities as a DJ (IU8). With several time/tense shifts, the
teacher critiques the immigration myth of the American
Dream building discursively on the student‟s previous
reflection on Hip Hop as critical literacy by nominalizing
America as a “nobody” that is not going to “show up at
your doorstep.”
The chronotopic shift of IU8 takes the exchange into
the time-space of a Hip Hop club and Raul‟s current
activities as a DJ mixing music. These exchanges within the
club chronotope are significant as the teacher prompts the
student to reflect on the emotional sensation ─ the lived
spaces─of making people “come together” and “move
to my music.” This repositions the student as Hip Hop DJ,
as an important and central community member in Hip
Hop, and as the one who produces the musical space of the
Hip Hop dance party. Ironically, the student‟s sense of
importance within the club time-space reflects a principal
third space tension of the study: the student‟s strong
investment in Hip Hop, and the teacher‟s encouragement
and attempts to build academic literacy from those lived
spaces. Yet, an eventual Hip Hop-home-school conflict repositions both teacher and student within dominant
institutional spaces that discourage the DJ.
IUs 9-11 are also significant in repositioning the
student as having valid professional aspirations as a DJ,
affirming that making music and making people move is
personally fulfilling which is of great importance in
choosing a profession that is a “labor of love.” The teacher
makes chronotopic parallels in asking if students would
want a teacher that does not like teaching, to which he
answers emphatically “No!” This shift to the chronotope
of fulfillment of teachers ─ and, therefore, myself as his
teacher─can also be interpreted as a statement about the
current interaction (i.e. Hip Hop Hopes as critical spatial
event) as fulfilling and that my relationship with him as his
teacher is fulfilling. In making this chronotopic parallel of
the DJ and the teacher as having equally fulfilling “labors of
love”, teacher-student discourse puts the DJ and the
teacher on equal professional ground that I argue
represents third space production in the classroom.
Nevertheless, in IU-12, the teacher quickly shifts back to
the present academic task and the time-space of the
writing assignment. As it appears that the student has lost
the focus on the conversation as scaffolding for his writing
assignment, the teacher proceeds to review the key ideas
that were discussed, underscoring in particular the
emotional reflections of the student on his sense of
fulfillment and hope in making people dance and move:
“That gives you hope, joy, happiness.”
FIGURE 1. MAPPING IMMIGRANT STUDENT IDENTITIES IN
CLASSROOM DISCOURSE
Implications
The consistent theme of Hip Hop discourses are
prevalent in this study of Raul‟s multiple identities as seen
in analysis of focal data discussed in this paper. These data
also illustrate the content themes of his immigrant
experience that reflect a first-hand awareness of contexts
of poverty and economic and social survival in America and
El Salvador, his “two hoods” as he later represented in a
visual text for a project on describing place. Murray
Forman (2002) draws on Lefebvre‟s spatial theory (1991)
to frame and analyze the inherent spatialities of Hip Hop
discourses and the lived spatial practices that shape
identity construction of its community members. He writes,
“The prioritization of spatial practices and spatial
discourses underlying hip-hop culture offers a means
through which to view both the ways that spaces and
places are constructed and the unique kinds of space or
place that are constructed” (Forman, 2002, p. 3).
As data and analysis of the broader study illustrate,
Raul‟s investments in Hip Hop discourses are a prominent
situated identity which is layered in his classroom
participation in the ELL composition classroom. The
tensions that arise in negotiating his Hip Hop identities,
and their hybrid mixtures of his ethnic and immigrant
identities, present both challenge and opportunity in
building investments in his academic literacy and school
spatial practices. Textual analysis of Raul‟s compositions
provides an important perspective on how he negotiated
the multiple meanings stemming from his academic and
personal (i.e. social, cultural, linguistic, ethnic, racial)
identities. Situated at the nexus of his student identity as a
member of the ELL writing class and as a “struggling”
SpEd-ELL student, Raul‟s meaning-making process
involved the constant interplay of participation and
resistance in academic tasks largely due to his
(dis)organizational problems related to his identified (and
unidentified)
learning
needs.
The
discursive
representations in the focal transcripts evidence how Hip
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Hop culture and discourse has offered him a lens of critical
consciousness through which he makes meaning of his
lived experience; the beats, rhymes and life through which
he gains a partial view of the world (Hill, 2009). In
addition, attempts to encourage his DJ identity are shown
to have important potential for student engagement that
builds academic literacy by incorporating his funds of
knowledge and lived experience through Hip Hop. His Hip
Hop dreams are clearly voiced and narrated in his
compositions discussed in the data analysis. Narrative
analysis of his work over the school year reveals these
consistent chronotopes of his Hip Hop dreams as part of his
immigrant hopes. Nevertheless, these findings also
illustrate the need for deeper consideration of the tensions
of negotiating school identities with his personal identities
as an immigrant Latino male, an invested member of Hip
Hop culture, and his marginalization as a “low class”
person “cheated” by the government, as his words
describe.
As a teacher-researcher, I also draw methodological
and epistemological implications from this third space
study on how teachers' own reflective practice, enacted
through our own multiple identities, can both encourage
and discourage the development of both critical and
academic literacies in the classroom. As a critical teacherresearcher, I aim to engage reflexively in how my own
identities influence the production of third spaces, which
rests in recognizing and navigating social tensions.
Following Solsken, Willett & Wilson-Keenan (2000), my
intention is to “disrupt the prevalent dichotomy in research
whereby classroom practices are described in terms of
either celebration or critique in favor of a more complex
view of the necessary interweaving of celebration and
critique” (p. 204). I caution that an essentialized
conception of immigrant and ELL students has become a
substitute for defecit perspectives of “low income”, “atrisk”, “minority”, “bilingual/bicultural” students, among
other labels. Being critically aware of how we position
immigrant ELL students, especially those with SpEd
designations, has increasing relevance and intersection
across urban and suburban contexts as immigrant
populations migrate, relocate, and are resettled to
transform the (sub)urban social spaces of schools and
communities across the United States. There is a need to
look at the cultural, linguistic, and discursive resources
immigrant ELL students bring to the classroom, which
includes investments in global Hip Hop culture, as well as
the need to resist oppressive discourses that inhibit
progress and prosperity toward that American Dream.
Academic writing can provide that critical spatial praxis
(Soja, 1996) that can be transformative for immigrant ELL
students, and their teachers alike, as we allow the work of
words become the work of transforming our world.
The negotiation of meaning and identities in the
production of hybrid third spaces (Bhabha, 1996) as sites
of cultural conflict has direct implications for considering
school practices, curriculum and texts as colonizing. This
implies the need for considering the experiences of
immigrant ELLs, and non-dominant students generally,
who can experience doubling of consciousness or
dissonance between home discourses and school
discourses. This dissonance, however, also reveals tensions
that can also be mobilized in producing a hybrid social
space of cultural production in the classroom. “Thirdspace,
then, becomes a productive hybrid cultural space, rather
than a fragmented angst-ridden psychological space, only
if teachers and students incorporate divergent texts in the
hope of generating new knowledges and discourses” (Moje
et al 2004; p. 43).
This also entails a balancing of institutionalized power
structures not only reified in teachers‟ roles and
responsibilities, but also in how students‟ cultural and
linguistic funds of knowledge (Moll, 1990; Moll, Amanti,
Neff & Gonzalez, 1992) are incorporated in the negotiation
of academic meanings and identities within a permeable
curriculum (Dyson, 1993).
The instructional synergy
between the content and process of classroom third spaces
indicate, however, the need for a respatialization of
classroom pedagogy in which teacher and students can
relinquish traditional classroom roles, identities and
hierarchies. This encourages a redefinition of curriculum as
social practice that reframes dialogic instruction that
includes and constructs multiple forms of knowing that are
rooted in students‟ lived experiences (Gutierrez &
Baquedano-Lopez, 1997).
Outro
Hip Hop as cultural discourse constitutes one of the
principal social communities that have points of
convergence for the teacher and student, thereby serving
as a discursive field for (re)negotiating meaning and
participation in the lived spaces of school. The meditations
on Hip Hop as a cultural and commercial phenomenon have
become more widely prevalent across an array of arts and
humanities, and social science disciplines, especially as the
musical and discursive permutations of Hip Hop are seen in
global spaces and are politically intertwined with social
movements and struggles of the oppressed (e.g. M. Dyson,
2003). Hip hop is making its way across the world, in local
and global ways, through its main discursive forms, or the
four traditional elements, which include rapping, DJing,
break dancing and graffiti. The fifth element of knowledge
of self, speaks to a Freirean critical consciousness of the
social conditions of the oppressed and how one is
historically located, with the liberatory goal of positive
social transformation. “It [hip hop] provides a sustained
articulation of the social partitioning of race and the diverse
experiences of being young and black or Latino in North
America” (Forman, 2002, p.3).
There is increasing investigation by practitioners and
researchers on tapping Hip Hop as popular culture as well
as a valued discourse community that finds relevant
intersections for building academic and critical literacies,
particularly with urban youth of color (Alexander-Smith,
2004; Dimitriadis, 2009; Duncan-Andrade, 2004; Morrell,
2004; Kamberelis, 2001; Mahiri, 2004). Au (2005)
provides an intriguing essay on how rap music has
engaged in a discursive battle with education, using textual
analysis of lyrical discourse that traces lived experiences of
alienation
and
marginalization
in
school
spaces.
Nevertheless, invoking hip hop discourses in school
curriculum to engage youth of color can quickly fall into the
RADICAL TEACHER
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snares
of
disempowering
ideologies
and
benign
multiculturalism in ways that are reproductive of
oppressive structures.
In this study, I aim to engage these discursive
tensions in significant ways that are in students‟ interests
and have some contributions to improving classroom
practice for immigrant ELLs; yet I too heed cautions of the
trap of the “pseudocritical educator” (Macedo & Araujo
Freire, 1998) who does not engage the tensions of Hip Hop
and its cultural meaning for youth identity development.
This shared identity and membership in a Hip Hop
discourse community was intentionally reified by me as the
teacher at different strategic moments as a means to
engage the students in academic tasks. While there was
the general interest in tapping students‟ funds of
knowledge in creating a dialogic and permeable curriculum
(Dyson, 1993), Hip Hop culture, and Raul‟s aspirations of
becoming a DJ, were particular third spaces I pursued
strategically as a means of engaging his student identity
through
academic
writing,
building
Comm.Unity
relationships,
and developing
a
critical “sampled
consciousness” (karimi, 2006) in the ELL classroom that
has the power to transform realities.
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APPENDIX – Hip Hop Hopes Transcript w/
Interactional Units (IUs 1-12)
Context: During lunch period, when the student (RM)
has chosen to spend time working on unfinished
composition on New Year‟s Hopes, which was originally due
before the Christmas and New Years holiday break. The
student is sitting at the computer station next to the
teacher‟s desk in the front of the room. The teacher is
arranging materials near bulletin boards at the back of the
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u-shaped classroom desk set-up. Conversation begins from
across the room and teacher makes his way to be next to
the student as the transcript of classroom interaction
begins.
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 1 – Student on-task, teacher
moves to scaffold student writing; Student establishes hip
hop discourse and interspatial links to future hope
smile, changing tone). Yeah. (sweeping his head to the
side)
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 5 – Teacher redirects to
immigration
narrative,
proposes/acknowledged
an
interspatiality of immigration & American dream;
scaffolding academic task at hand;
T: So how does that relate to you and coming to
America?
T: So what are you working on?
T: You came to America, you had a difficult journey.
RM: My essay
T: You found reggaeton, you found music
T: So you are on the computer right now? So, you
need help with anything? You got an idea about the pieces?
RM: I am working on my music, my rapping, my hopes
(point to different writing on the computer screen)
RM: No, well that was already here
T: But you found it. It was something that you found
RM: I think about that kind of music in my future.
RM: That is something that is important to me.
T: There you go.
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 2 – Teacher takes up hip hop
discourse and scaffolds student reflection on investments
T: So when you are talking about your hope related to
your music, how does the music make you feel? Why do
you love hip hop? Why do you love reggaeton?
RM: I don‟t know. I just love it.
T: Why? You got a reason. This is about you figuring
it out.
T: Why? What do you love about reggaeton?
INTERACTIONAL
UNIT
6
–
Student
restates
interspatiality of hip hop and his future goals; teacher
prompts his reflection on agency in fulfilling mythologized
American dream and present activities
T: How do you think you can make it part of your
future?
T: What do you think you will have to do?
T:
Because people always talk about coming to
America, there‟s lots of opportunities,
T: but nobody is going to show up at your doorstep
with a record contract.
RM: Huh? (Staring at the floor)
T: Why do you love, why do you love music? Why do
you love hip hop and reggaeton
I don‟t know, the beats, hip hop and …
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 3 – Teacher shifts inquiry to
discursive level of hip hop as textual representation of the
world; Student signals marginalized as „low class‟ and
social critique in global chronotope of systemic injustice
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 7: Teacher prompts student to
think about present activities; recognizes student
membership in Hip Hop discourse community; invites
student lived experience into school discourse, task.
T: What have you been doing?
RM: I have been trying to mix music;
RM: So my cousin can put it on in his dancing parties
T: What does it tell you about the world?
T: So start DJing parties.
RM: It tells you many things happening in the world.
RM: I Start djing, yea,
T: Like?
RM: Like, the government is always cheating about us.
RM: That people are from minus class, little class.
T: Lower class
RM: Yea, lower class. They just think that we are like
nothing.
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 4 – Student discursively reverts
and situates himself on the margins, underscoring his
perspective based in lived experience
RM: That‟s just what I think … and also I like the
dance, how XXXX (inaudible Spanish). (breaking into a
T: And you have a connection, you know somebody
that owns a club, so you get to go and dj a little bit.
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 8 – Teacher prompts student
reflection on lived space of DJing a dance party (i.e
emotional experience, personal fulfillment); repositions
student within chronotope of dance party as powerful,
influential.
T: What is the feeling that you get when you are out
there?
RM: People are dancing, it‟s so cool. When people can
come together to your music. That feels really good.
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T: How does that make you feel?
RM: Really good
RM: People enjoy the music, my music
T: You got everybody up there moving and jumping
and having a good time.
RM: Yea
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 9 – Teacher recharacterizes the
dance party chronotope as „fulfillment‟ for a DJ, and
constituting a professional aspiration
T: Yea, so that‟s something that makes you fulfilled
T: So that‟s something about you making that as part
of your profession,
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 10: Shifts to global time-space
of having enjoyable work (i.e. labor of love)
T: hopefully we have jobs that we love to do also,
RM: Yea
T: It makes working … right.
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 11 – Teacher uses hypothetical
parallel to teaching as a „labor of love‟ to validate students‟
passion, fulfillment as DJ
T: You don‟t want to have a teacher that hates
teaching.
RM: Nooo!
T: because they won‟t be a very good teacher.
T: So you know, anyway …
INTERACTIONAL UNIT 12 – Shift back to teacher
scaffolding writing task with explicit summary of ideas and
instruction to include in text
T: So that‟s something right there. It makes people,
when people are dancing –
T: Put that in there!
[RM turns back to computer, puts hands to keyboard
to type]
T: That‟s why I asked you. I didn‟t ask you because …
–right? [T slaps him on the shoulder; slight laughter]
T:
[Continues talking to Ss who is facing the
computer] We were talking about your life in America and
your hopes for your music.
T: What did you just explain to me.
T: You love it when people are dancing. How does it
make you feel, right? That‟s hopeful, what you just told
me. When you make people move and dance. That gives
you hope, joy, happiness. (Teacher walks away from
student, and student remains seated at computer and
typing)
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ISSN: 1941-0832
Hip-Hop Fight Club:
Radical Theory, Education, and Practice in and Beyond
the Classroom
By Jared A. Ball
BLACK AUGUST POSTER, 2010
BLACK AUGUST POSTER, 2010
50
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Bolekaja! . . . Come on down, let’s fight! – Marimba Ani1
The press does not exist merely for the purpose of
enriching its proprietors or entertaining its leaders. It is an
integral part of the society, with which its purpose must be
in consonance. It must help establish a progressive political
and economic system that will free [women and] men from
want and poverty . . . It must reach out to the masses,
educate and inspire them, work for equality of [women
and] men’s rights everywhere. – Kwame Nkrumah2
Introducing . . . In This Corner. . .!
Few who have any working knowledge of Hip Hop are
unaware of the importance battling
plays in all its
elements. Emcees battle, DJs battle, graffiti artists battle,
dancers battle, everyone battles. Well, not everyone, or at
least not nearly enough. If, as has been suggested, “hiphop journalism” is to be a “sixth”3 element and “hip-hop
scholarship” now a “seventh” 4 element of hip-hop then
these elements must also “Step in the Arena” or “Enta da
Stage.”5 As someone loosely affiliated with each of these
elements, I have for sometime now thought this necessary
but have only really found a home for this argument in my
classrooms, as tacit pedagogy.
There I have taken
advantage of the classroom space to engage this idea as a
method of teaching communication studies and of
developing a theoretical approach to media studies since
2006.
The battle I am interested in furthering is a
traditional one, found in any field or any social or cultural
movement; it is a political battle, an ideological battle.
Yet, we might ask, from what political, cultural or
ideological lineage should we draw? What is the nature or
goal of our work? With what organization or movement
are we connected or how do we define those organizations
or movements? While I have not seen or been able to
engage these arguments in ways I would like to outside the
classroom, I have found them to be welcomed supplements
to coursework and bases from which students can gain
interest or find involvement in critical, even radical,
thinking.
The study or application of Hip Hop as pedagogy is as
contested (though still not nearly contested enough) as
most fields of inquiry have ever been. Over the last 20
years or so an emergent field of Hip Hop Studies (HHS) has
entered the fight for relevancy even as other related fields,
such as Africana/Black Studies, that once proposed to
study and advance the liberation of Hip Hop’s progenitors,
struggle for survival.6 This shift or passage of fields in and
out of the dark night of U.S. “higher education” is also
indicative of unfinished ideological fights among those
within these fields and prefigures similar conflicts to come
over the purpose of academia/academics and the
relationship these fields have to the conditions faced by
those ostensibly under study.
I see these fights as
necessary
aspects
of
field
insertion,
co-optation,
hierarchies of spokespeople and codification of canons,
narrowing of ideological limits, eventual ineffectuality, and
the subsequent liberalizing or altogether dismissal loom
large on the horizon of predictable outcomes from
unchanged systems and structures. Hip Hop then becomes
an avenue in the classroom through which I attempt to
engage these concerns, even if in relative isolation, and
work to show how Hip Hop continues to reveal the
intransigence of colonial power relationships and the
particularities of anti-Blackness in our contemporary world.
My goal, in its broadest sense, is to have Hip Hop be the
conduit through which my students and I can grapple with
existing traditions of radical thought and practice.
The struggle to find space in the classroom for often
omitted or diminished traditions of radical thought and
practice is part of an equally conscious─and overtly
stated─goal of having my classroom be an intellectual
training ground for future political activists. As will be
discussed, this includes the development and application of
an Africana Media Theory or Black Radical Media Criticism
(AMT/BRMC), as well as the deployment of a Fight Club
model of discussion/debate. AMT/BRMC attempts to infuse
long-standing traditions of globally situated African radical
thought
and
journalistic
practice
into,
or
in
contradistinction from, established forms of media criticism
and theory with the explicitly-stated goal of opening up
space for students to aggressively confront imposed
notions of the role or function of media and journalism.
Fight Club is a fitting heuristic device suited to these goals
as it allows for an energetic, overt and positive
confrontation to occur where student and faculty notions
are challenged and encouraged toward the evolution of
political consciousness, organization and activity beyond
the classroom. Fight Club as a method for the inclusion of
Hip Hop and AMT/BRMC─or hip-hop as radical theory─also
greatly assists the struggle over time, syllabi or curriculum
constrictions set by my academic environment.
Fight Club v. Time and Space
. . . I am the inescapable, the irresistible,
The unnegotiable, the unchallenged
I am time
I scroll in measurements, control the elements,
I hold the evidence, I tell the story
I am time
I know no prejudice, I bare no sentiments
For wealth or settlements, I move forward
I am time
You can't recover me, conceal or smuggle me,
Retreat or run from me, crawl up or under me,
You can't do much for me besides serve...
– Mos Def7
My attempt at finding time and space for Hip Hop and
radical theory in the university classroom has been
mitigated by several factors; first, I teach at an underfunded Historically Black College and University (HBCU),
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one that is public and itself part of a specifically
conservative academic tradition and which is rife with our
own version of being academically ghettoized by
overwhelmingly persistent 4-4s (4 classes each fall/spring
semester) with more than 100 students per semester, full
advising loads and horribly uncompetitive pay. All of this
leads to the annual decision by departmental leadership
that we simply have too many majors (more than 600, by
far the largest in our College of Liberal Arts) for me to
teach courses outside the narrowly established core
needed by the department. Secondly, I teach within a
School of Global Journalism and Communication that is
experiencing its own traditional struggles of creeping
commercialism
and
hostility
between
journalist
practitioners and academics, and an overall climate of antiintellectualism, signaled in part by a total disrespect for
terminal degrees by those without said degrees who due to
their prior professional journalism experience are promoted
to positions of departmental and school leadership.
However, I argue that neither of these points approaches
the impediment that Hip Hop is an expression of colonized
communities whose existence can hardly be said to be
“welcomed,” never mind their full inclusion as subjects or
sources of intellectual inquiry in this country’s systems of
(higher)
education.
To
much
of
the
academic
establishment, be that at HBCUs or Predominantly White
Institutions (PWIs), Hip Hop in all its loud and brash
expression conjures uncomfortable memories of the
oppressed whose silence has for so long been required.
In 2010 Dr. Brian Sims, professor of psychology at
North Carolina A&T, combined the elements of freestyle
battling, street corner oratory and radical intellectualism
into what he has since then called “Fight Club.” 8 Each
week people gather, put topics on a board and debate
them until, through crowd vote, a “winner” is determined.
It has become an effective way to engage many involved in
Hip Hop and higher education to develop and harness
critical thinking skills and to most importantly test and
challenge ideological positions. Building on the approach
Sims initiated, I have found Fight Club to be an appropriate
description of my own method of teaching that is tied to
critiques of traditional Communication Studies courses.
Rather than relying on existing communications analysis, I
employ a developmental concept, which I call Africana
Media Theory/Black Radical Media Criticism (AMT/BRMC).
In my view, one of the glaring gaps in Communication
Studies is a theoretical approach to media studies whose
foundation are historical works of media analysis or
journalistic practice that come from the African world/Black
radical traditions of political struggle.
However, I also see this method as practice for or as a
test of how those of us involved in what is often referred to
as “hip-hop activism and scholarship” can utilize the Fight
Club as a model for vigorous debate over the precise
meaning of these phrases so that we can identify, define
and draw some important political lines. What do these
debates mean for this period of Hip Hop-based education?
And how do the debates impact professors and other
professional educators? I consider my pedagogy as an
example of the Fight Club model by bringing students into
these debates with Hip Hop as the epicenter of critical
thought.
In this instance, my Fight Club “chalkboard
assertion,” an opening bell of sorts, begins as follows:
“Hip-hop activists and scholars have yet to properly define
or even debate their political and ideological positions and
this serves to weaken the potential for hip-hop to serve the
liberation of its progenitors.” Throughout the semester we
wrestle with the ideas that emanate from this statement,
as it is intended to provoke discussion and serve as a pivot
on which many of the course ideas turn.
The previously outlined constraints of meeting core
curricular goals means that I am challenged to find ways to
merge Hip Hop discourses with standard communications
theory. Because Hip Hop is a highly visible cultural form,
students connect easily with these efforts as evidenced by
how frequently Hip Hop is referenced in students’ written
work and in-class arguments, which allow Hip Hop to be a
conduit through which important societal contradictions can
be isolated, identified, scrutinized. Yet, courses I have
developed which link these issues more thoroughly such as
Hip Hop as Mass Media or Hip Hop and Pan-Africanism,
though
popular,
have
not
reached
the
core
Communications course offerings. 9 The question then
becomes one of method, strategy, and application, to allow
Hip Hop to perform its critical function of expressing and
explaining the world, or to paraphrase Kwame Ture, aiding
“the job of the conscious [which] is to make the
unconscious conscious of their unconscious behavior.”10
As Hip Hop introduces, expresses, and extends a
variety of radical traditions, it has also been the platform of
choice for many colonized African communities around the
world to identify and communicate their struggles and
histories. This includes their navigation through social and
industrial mechanisms, which continue to constrain the
liberatory aspirations of these aggrieved communities.
When it comes to some of the basic tenets of
introductory college-level communication studies courses I
will use examples in Hip Hop that explain “mass
communication,”
or
the
technologically
mediated
dissemination of ideas, by outlining the process through
which a song must go in order to be heard via the media
technologies of radio, video, printed or online presses and
even internet radio broadcasts. For instance, in any given
week we can use UrbanInsite.com to look up the top 20
songs as determined by radio airplay or “spins.” We can
see by individual radio station or national totals what songs
are played and how often. From there we can select songs
and artists, determine the particular record label and
parent company that owns the song and actually chart the
process by which that song went from being written and
recorded, to being disseminated and monetized. We can
chart the process by which issues of copyright and
intellectual property are managed, and how media
consolidation allow for management of popular culture by
charting how three conglomerates owning most commercial
rap music feed us their product intravenously through the
equally consolidated feeding tubes of radio, television and
internet.
For example, on a given week this past summer, Robin
Thicke’s “Blurred Lines,” featuring Pharrell Williams, was
the number one song on the radio. It played 3969 times
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nationally, slightly down from 4009 times it was played the
previous week.11 The song/artist is owned and distributed
by Interscope Records which is itself owned by Universal
Music Group, a subsidiary of international conglomerate
Vivendi. Using this data opens a discussion of payola, or
pay-for-play, which helps to demonstrate the enormous
cost of air-time (roughly $1000 per song, per station)
devoted to ensuring maximum public consumption.
As Hip Hop introduces,
expresses, and extends a variety of
radical traditions, it has also been
the platform of choice for many
colonized African communities
around the world to identify and
communicate their struggles and
histories.
In textbook chapters on the music industry or radio,
film, even book and magazine publishing, I use hip-hopbased examples to demonstrate corporate consolidation or
to challenge claims of “profit motive” for media companies’
selection of what will or will not be promoted.
For
instance, in our oft-used textbook by Straubhaar, et al.,
Media
Now:
Understanding
Media,
Culture,
and
Technology, the authors briefly describe various elements
of media economics including “the profit motive,” or the
need of media companies to produce products that will sell
well in order to “recoup their costs” on the production.12
While this may be a fitting starting point, taking the
previous example of how songs go from production to
dissemination allows students the opportunity to challenge
the simple argument that it is the right of a given artist to
make money however little change they bring to the music
industry’s tried and true method of commodification and
consumption. Students come to realize that the largest
record companies are often small segments of much larger
operations that are important but not essential to financial
sustainability or even growth.
In 2011, for instance,
Universal Music Group, the largest music company in the
world, was only 14% of Vivendi’s revenue. Sony Music was
only 6% of Sony’s overall revenue and Warner Music Group
was at the time 3% of its parent private equity group’s
revenues. 13
The argument I make here, similar to
arguments made about Rupert Murdoch’s willingness to
take losses on his press properties, is that the forms of
popular culture we are offered are less about profits and
more about managing ideas, ranges of debate, and critical
thinking. Beyond making money, the industry process of
song/artist promotion deeply reflects the function of and
process by which propaganda or psychological warfare14 is
conducted through “message force multiplication.”15
Moving beyond the demonstration of corporate
consolidation of the media industry, I also seek to model
efforts that counter degrading images and ideas, linking
Hip Hop media analysis with social struggles. When, for
instance, in 2012 rapper Too Short was broadcast to the
world by XXL Magazine sharing some dangerously
inappropriate sexual advice for teenagers, I, with the help
of Rosa Clemente and a quickly-formed “We Are the 44%”
collective, launched through social media, was able to shift
the discussion not only to one focused on male violence
against women but also into an opportunity to openly
critique media function and ownership structures.16 As we
revealed, XXL and its content were linked to its parent
company Harris Publications, which placed our concerns in
a broader context of media consolidation and the imperial
reach afforded mostly white, male and interlocked media
ownership.17
Fight Club, Hip Hop and Africana Media Theory/Black
Radical Media Criticism (AMT/BRMC)
I first studied law to become a better burglar. – Huey
P. Newton18
AMT/BRMC is my attempt to organize existing but
disparate works from within the African world that is
routinely ignored by most media theory scholarship.19 It
attempts
to
argue
against
the
exclusion
from
Communication Studies the works, for example, of Frantz
Fanon and how media form part of the “polydimensional”
method of colonization,20 or Claudia Jones’s radical feminist
journalism which challenged the limitations of Marxism and
called into question the “internal colonialism” of Black
America, or George Jackson’s call for a militant
underground press that would promote revolution, at the
intersection of media theory and journalism history.
Ultimately, I seek to position ACT/BRMC as the standard by
which Communication Studies is measured. Beyond that, I
also mean to distinguish the difference between more
conventional descriptions of critical or radical media theory
and AMT/BRMC in a way similar to how Reiland Rabaka
draws out the distinction between Africana critical theory
and Africana philosophy.21
For Rabaka, Africana philosophy is “concerned only
with identifying, reconstructing, and creating traditions and
repositories for thought of continental and diasporan
Africans.” 22
However, Africana critical theory, he
continues, is “theory critical of domination and
discrimination in continental and diasporan African lifeworlds and lived experiences.” 23 Similarly, I seek to
highlight the main differences between AMT/BRMC and
dominant media criticism. That is, while there exists no
shortage of media criticism or analysis stemming from the
African or Black world and, of course, European or White
media criticism – including “radical media criticism” – there
exists a tendency to discredit African global thought or
omit such perspectives altogether. AMT/BRMC attempts, in
a distinct fashion, to organize various traditions of African
philosophy, apply them specifically to a criticism of mass
media and journalistic practice, so as to have them
become, as Rabaka continues of Africana critical theory,
“critiques not simply [of] imperialism but the anti-imperial
theory and praxis of the past… to better confront,
contradict, and correct domination in the present and offer
alternatives for liberation in the future.”24
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HIP HOP ONE LOVE, BERLIN, GERMANY, OCTOBER 2012
PHOTO BY CHRIS TINSON
In a journalistic sense this is akin to what I’ve
previously identified as the difference between civic or
advocacy journalism and what Hemant Shah once coined
as “emancipatory journalism.” 25 Drawing on Shah’s
articulation, this refers to a practice that acknowledges a
persistent denial of freedom, then naturally eschews
notions of “objectivity” as inherently limited and openly
calls for radical political organization and activity.
In
linking this work with hip-hop I have made the case that
the development of the rap music mixtape was in fact an
early
example
of
anti-colonial
and
“national”
media/journalism development.26 I argue that as a form of
media theory hip-hop often demonstrates the central tenet
of AMT/BMRC. From this view, the presence of hip-hop
demonstrates a continuing absence of liberation and
explicitly, even if unconsciously (hence the development of
the mixtape) calls for alternative forms of communication,
organization and ultimately action in response to existing
conditions. The explicit distinction between the AMT/BRMC
approach and most media criticism, even of the so-called
“radical” variety, mirrors the distinction between Black or
“minority” journalism/media criticism and the open
advocacy of radical organization, even rebellion.27 Hip Hop
is a microcosm of the gross exploitation and worsening
conditions for oppressed communities and demands (at
minimum) a more aggressive intellectual confrontation that
moves beyond simply including racially diverse contributors
as part of an already narrowly-formed discussion. Beyond
simple inclusion there is a desperate need for unabashed,
unapologetic media and journalism produced by aggrieved
communities that identifies these conditions and calls for
their total eradication through radical grassroots political
organization and movement-building.
In other words,
AMT/BRMC marks the journalistic difference between the
Afro-American newspaper and isolated Black columns in
other news outlets, and fully independent platforms such
as the Black Panther newspaper historically, or Black
Agenda Report in the present day.28
When Straubhaar, et. al., discuss the development of
the printing press, or the telegraph I include discussions of
the rise of the rap music mixtape as Hip Hop’s first
“national” mass medium. Much as Dan Schiller has
described the expansion of the telegraph wire and post
office service in the social formation of the United States,
the mixtape helped create and extend a burgeoning Hip
Hop “nation.”29 More directly, the history of the rap music
mixtape, and even the broader and international origins
and applications of the mixtape itself, can be used to
explain the internal colonialism suffered by the Black and
Latin American communities from which they were
produced. 30 The necessity of a mixtape as a primary
conduit for a Hip Hop community/nation excluded from or
demonized by existing media tells the political and cultural
tale of internally colonized communities while explaining
the persistent and special relationship mixtapes have to
not only Hip Hop enthusiasts in general but particularly
Black and Brown communities who form their core.
Additionally, as Straubhaar, et. al., give one and a half full
pages in their chapter on newspapers to all of the so-called
“people of color” or “minority” presses in a sub-section
titled “Diversity in the Press,” I encourage students to
envision the mixtape as a kind of early “Hip Hop press”
which eventually developed into an entire wing of what is
now called “Hip Hop journalism” or the “sixth element.”31
In extending the woeful attention given to the world’s
numerical majority, including discussions of the fully
omitted radical press traditions (abolitionist, anarchist,
socialist, feminist, Black internationalist, etc.), we are able
to add important depth to the question of why these
presses or forms of journalism were necessary in the past,
and discuss why they may still be required in the age of
the Internet and rapidly expanding global communications
networks.
As Hip Hop introduces,
expresses, and extends a variety of
radical traditions, it has also been
the platform of choice for many
colonized African communities
around the world to identify and
communicate their struggles and
histories.
This wider vision is largely possible by simply centering
Hip Hop in discussions of other more “relevant” topics in
communication studies. Unfettered by the political function
of imposed structures, Hip Hop speaks effectively and
radically to the conditions of oppressed communities. One
simple pedagogical technique is to let students hear, read
and see Hip Hop as it actually exists outside of dominant,
corporate, colonizing impediments of mainstream media
and business. And if there is a benefit to teaching within
communication studies it is that the field itself is
necessarily interdisciplinary and as such allows for easy
and sound (pun intended) connections to or interactions
with any number of arenas of thought. Hip Hop is highly
interdisciplinary, multi-faceted and comprised of its own
diverse but intersecting elements all of which are born of
particular socio-cultural, political, historical and geographic
contexts. By looking beyond the imposed limitations of
traditional Communication Studies discourse, I am able to
relate these to topics imposed by departmental structure
and, more importantly, to have those avenues of thought
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interact with previously established and continuing radical
intellectual and activist traditions.32
commercial, narrow, liberal and intellectually or politically
debilitating content.35
Fight Club, “Hip Hop Activism,” and the Classroom
Having these discussions as secondary or tertiary
content within different courses and the fact that most
students have not read much or any of the developing
“canon” of Hip Hop Studies, I provide a few shorter articles
and use primarily public media, in particular mine and
comrades’ radio shows.36 In this way I introduce students
to what I argue are insufficient discussions of the meaning
of these phrases (Hip Hop scholarship, Hip Hop activism),
the limitations they set as canon, and the often
ideologically conservative political positions taken by the
most popular spokespeople.
Although Hip-Hop itself was born in the early
1970’s in the wake of the heyday of the Black
Power and Black Studies movements, “Hip-Hop
Studies” or the mainstream study of Hip-Hop by
Black academicians and journalists generally takes
place and shape in the historical context of this
later rendition of Black Studies mainstreamed as
“African-American Studies.” And it is what it is
(“Hip-Hop Studies”). Part of a global “Hip-Hop
Revolution” it paradigmatically is not. In actual
fact, on the whole, it has an ambivalent or
adversarial, even antagonistic relationship to HipHop itself... If it is cliché for bourgeois (petitbourgeois
or
pseudo-bourgeois)
critics
to
pontificate on “Hip-Hop” and “commercialization”
(while upholding mundane bourgeois values
otherwise themselves), no commentators of note
have
condemned
(as
a
“problem”)
its
commercialization in academia or publishing as a
“new” and profitable “object of investigation. –
Greg Thomas33
The approach that has had the most powerful impact
in the classroom is the introduction of students to some of
the debates around the popular discussion and definition of
“Hip Hop scholarship” and “Hip Hop activism.” In the
above quote, Greg Thomas has brilliantly summarized my
own concern by identifying that much of what has become
Hip Hop Studies’ canon is a tendency for authors to
condemn commercialism while becoming overwhelmingly
commercial themselves. Taking as his example seminal
“Hip Hop scholar” Tricia Rose’s Hip-Hop Wars, Thomas
writes:
What are the perspectives of this Hip-Hop on
the rap that Rose recommodifies as “Hip-Hop,” on
the
“wars”
or
“debates”
over
HipHop? Moralistically, Rose criticizes her two target
paradigms without a hint of the possibility that the
paradigm from which she criticizes is a paradigm
and one in dire need of criticism itself. For even if
the subject at hand were to remain the likes of
Nelly and Kanye West, under a less overblown
rubric, the evaluation of Hip-Hop and the
“commercial” sold in The Hip-Hop Wars would
change drastically as soon as the Hip-Hop
repressed by it returns to attack exploitation,
Western empire and the complicit academic critic
with an oppositional perspective or set of critical
values, norms and ideals.34
I often encourage students to see the same in much of
what has become Hip Hop journalism. In each case “wars”
or “debates” are often reduced in focus to the most
commercial rappers and the limited ranges of their
thought. Rarely if ever, as Thomas argues, is the focus on
journalists or scholars themselves and their own largely
Since the 2008 election of Barack Obama these
discussions have centered largely around the tendency
among those most popularly referred to as “Hip Hop
activists and scholars” to narrow “activism” to Democratic
Party electoral politics and the insufficient debate around
that fact within an equally nebulously defined “Hip Hop
community.”
The use of mostly radio and selectively
chosen archived Internet video greatly assists in
introducing students in shorter periods of time to poignant
aspects of current debates. In the case of my own radio
program or my own involvement in these debates, these
media also allow students to experience the extension of
the classroom space to a broader public sphere.
One of the teachable moments of this work occurred in
March of 2006 when I was invited as a guest on the
Michael Eric Dyson show, which formerly aired on Radio
One. Prior to my appearance on the show, I wrote a
column critical of Dyson’s stance as a progressive
alternative to rightwing and mainstream media while
enjoying frequent and seemingly friendly visits on the show
from John McWhorter, a Black representative of the
Manhattan Institute’s decidedly conservative political
agenda.37 In my conversation with Dyson I argued that
McWhorter’s appearances weakened Dyson’s progressive
posture and moreover wasted already limited media space
at a time when genuinely progressive news and
commentary was sorely needed by Black and Brown
communities. In particular I also responded to McWhorter’s
wholesale and repetitive condemnations of rap music as
extensions of his blanket condemnations of Black culture
and social behavior all of which was/is devoid of historical
or political context or an understanding of how the music
industry works or what political state function it serves.
Shortly after the article appeared Dyson invited me to
debate him and McWhorter. Though I accepted the
challenge, I predicted that I would merely be the radical
straw man that provided legitimacy to a disingenuous
platform of debate.
As a teaching tool, the audio from what would be two
appearances on Dyson’s program allow for an introduction
to some of the key tensions in popular discussions of Hip
Hop, as well as examples in the politics of media,
interviewing and commentary. Specifically,, the exchange
demonstrates the ranges of acceptable political debate as
defined by the right-wing McWhorter, who uses Hip Hop as
a mechanism for condemning Black culture as the real
cause of Black inequality, and Dyson to establish a left
RADICAL TEACHER
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
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political baseline that legitimizes the right and prevents
extensions of the left’s position to critiques of planned
structural inequality, i.e. colonialism, capitalism, White
supremacy. Finally, the exchange demonstrates (my own)
poor use of time and argument within the confines of
commercial media where time constraints and established
norms of the left (Dyson)/right (McWhorter) consensus
require skillful and practiced adeptness to overcome. Or
as I explain in class, it is not enough to be correct during
debate. You must also learn the skill of managing time,
staying focused on talking points and being, in this case,
radio-ready, clear and engaging. Most importantly, one
must become aware of interviewing and debate techniques
that rival any skilled propagandist in assuring a message is
conveyed with greatest impact on its target audience.
Together, my students and I identify areas where debate
points were won and lost.
BORN OUT OF STRUGGLE, POSTER, LAWNDALE/LITTLE VILLAGE
HIGH SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE, CHICAGO 2007
I had initially intended to challenge Dyson and
McWhorter on several bases: a) In his criticism of Hip
Hop’s narrow and debilitating content McWhorter ignored
the colonial, corporate process by which songs are selected
for popularity assuring that no radical content (so much of
what is actually produced around the world) ever reaches
its intended audiences and, b) that allowing McWhorter to
appear as a regular guest on his program Dyson was
disingenuously establishing the boundaries within which
these discussions can take place. When he defended his
right to have any guest of his choice and argued that he
did not fear disagreement, I suggested Dyson drop the
Manhattan Institute neocolonial McWhorter and have
weekly debates with people to his political left. What
happened was more akin to an episode of The Boondocks,
some kind of faux BET Awards back-stage fight with Dyson
descending into rants about his manhood and being
unafraid to confront conservatives, and McWhorter being
coy, evasive and defending himself by saying that at least
his wife liked him, and me ridiculously descending into
arguments over footnotes and (accurately if not effectively)
equating McWhorter to an intellectual Melvin “Cotton”
Smith.38 After two appearances and two hours I made few
of the points I had planned to and, much to my chagrin,
allowed both the liberal and conservative viewpoints on the
issues to serve as the only legitimate range of argument.
In more serious and clear examples I at times engage
students around the development and eventual (for all
intents and purposes) demise of the National Hip-Hop
Political Convention (NHHPC) of 2004. While many hoped
this would be more akin to the 1972 National Black Political
Convention in Gary, Indiana or the beginning of an
internally colonized domestic non-aligned movement, it
and subsequent conferences ultimately devolved into
campaign rallies first for John Kerry and later Barack
Obama. 39 I recently revisited this issue on my radio
program, which, when used in my class, is for students
another opportunity to be quickly introduced to the history
of the NHHPC and some of the debates that emerged there
around the marginalizing of women and radical politics.
From there more current debates are encouraged around
the concerns raised earlier about the lack of political clarity
of many “Hip Hop scholars and activists,” concerns which
unfortunately prefigured the largely uncritical support of
the “Hip Hop community” for the disaster that has been
Barack Obama’s two terms.40
In addition to the Dyson debates and recent coverage
of the history of NHHPC, there is my use of video from a
panel convened at the 2011 National Conference for Media
Reform (NCMR) in Boston. Panelists, including Rosa
Clemente, Mariama White Hammond, Dr. Chris Tinson,
and myself, attempted to address these and related issues
around “Hip Hop scholarship and activism.” One of the
many important outcomes of that panel was what I think is
the first clear delineation of a distinct “Hip Hop radicals”
category. Rosa Clemente coined the phrase, while Tinson
and I sought to address some of the troubling trends in
popular work around Hip Hop. Most notably emphasis was
placed on the diminishing (if not full on erasure) of Black
and Latin American radical political traditions that run far
left of voting for Democrats. The limitations established
and defended by many of Hip Hop’s spokespeople meant
that even a well-known and established Hip Hop activist
like Rosa Clemente could have her 2008 vice-presidential
campaign on the Green Party ticket with former
congresswoman Cynthia McKinney practically ignored by
her own “Hip Hop nation.” Encouraged by Hip Hop’s
“intelligensia,” which provided little counter-narrative to
the orchestrated and skillful rise of Obama, most were as
convinced as the wider public that his election would be
transformative. Worse still were the claims that Hip Hop
got Obama elected or that he was Hip Hop’s candidate
because he could make reference to an artist or two.41
Let me offer one final example. Recently, Bakari
Kitwana, noted Hip Hop commentator and organizer of Rap
Sessions, joined my radio program to revisit the debate
over the definition of “Hip Hop activism,” which provided
another teachable media piece.42 Prior to our conversation
on air, he asked me to respond to some questions about
Hip Hop activism and found my responses puzzling; in fact,
as he said, he was “shocked” to hear that I felt a need for
some debates around ideology or political trajectory among
those described as part of this Hip Hop activist collective.
Specifically, Kitwana found troubling my views that Hip Hop
activism has by now become a brand, a euphemism for
liberal funding of some “minorities” to ultimately and solely
organize themselves to vote for the Democratic party’s
candidates. Kitwana’s acknowledgement of a diverse array
of politics within the community, I argued, was not itself
evidence that those ideas were equally welcomed,
suggested or organized politically by those within these
vague categories of “Hip Hop activists and scholars.” The
wide-array of politics within these communities, including
RADICAL TEACHER
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pan-Africanism,
Black
nationalism,
anti-imperialism,
socialism
among
them,
are─as
in
other
fields─overwhelmingly marginalized in favor of liberal
electoral politics. For the classroom, however, the most
important aspect of these public discussions is that
students can hear them debated and be introduced to
broader, more radical ideas all within a context of Hip Hop.
The Hip Hop academic and activist debate can function
effectively in the classroom by demonstrating the purpose
and (often unintended) consequences of debate especially
involving educators at the college level. Judging by student
responses to the examples, these debates are an exciting
break from the norm of most classroom specific exercises.
The debate also allows for introductory level students to
experience basic media studies concepts such as agendasetting, framing or gatekeeping and where they can
witness how these concepts play out in the context of
debating Hip Hop and its relationship to people’s lived
experiences.
For more advanced students the debate
allows them to witness the ideological limitations put on
popular, commercial media versus the public, community
radio format of my own and some of my colleagues’ media
outlets, and lets them see media theory in practice. This
year, for example, graduate students in media theory will
read some of the literature, watch and listen to some of
these debates and analyze them via conventional (Marxist,
Feminist, Critical) and unconventional (AMT/BRMC, Hip Hop
Feminism) theoretical angles and will be encouraged to
vigorously engage me and each other in a “fight” around
my initial assertion that, “Hip Hop activists and scholars
have yet to properly define or even debate their political
and ideological positions and this serves to weaken the
potential for Hip Hop to serve the liberation of its
progenitors.”
As I reflect on my experiences moving back and forth
from the classroom to larger society and back again, I am
increasingly cognizant of the political and media
environments that seek to locate, destroy, or otherwise
thwart the reach of unconventional ideas. And like many
activist-scholars, I struggle to find ways to be relevant,
which in my case means doing what I can to reacquaint my
mostly working-class Black students and communities to
the range of their own radical political and cultural
traditions. As I frequently remind students, Hip Hop is part
of those radical traditions. Observing that fact requires the
active use of radical media analyses, especially ones that
come from Hip Hop’s progenitors and that are overtly
concerned with their liberation, in educational settings. My
pedagogical approach to these goals is very much akin to
the Fight Club model, where a stage is set each week to
battle over ideas. By semester’s end the “fight” ends as
Hip Hop has always intended, with hugs and pounds (which
for students translates into grades and graduation), and
amicable parting of the ways with the goal of later
advancing political organization and struggle.
What is
more “Hip Hop” than that?
Notes
1
Marimba Ani, Yurugu: An African-Centered Critique of
European Cultural Thought and Behavior, Trenton: Africa
World Press, 1994, 1.
2
Quoted in Herbert Altschull, Agents of Power, New
York: Longman, 1984, 150.
3
Raquel Cepeda, And It Don't Stop: The Best
American Hip-Hop Journalism of the Last 25 Years.
London: Faber & Faber, 2004.
4
Conclusion: And the Winner Is . . .?
Earlier I stated that I “feel” these debates have been
most effective as a teaching tool. This is because to date I
am still in the process of measuring the effectiveness of
this approach. I, like many of my colleagues, am still
engaged in a process of trial and error in developing this
approach and developing appropriate tools for measuring
its success. Yet, student energy and passion during course
discussions, the routine with which these debates and
radio-derived teaching tools are referenced in student
essays, and the length of time students are willing to
spend in post-class conversations that spill over into the
hallways and out into the parking lots are a testament to
the potency of a Hip Hop centered media analysis. Rarely
do our traditional communication studies discussions
flourish to that degree.
The Hip Hop academic and
activist debate can function
effectively in the classroom by
demonstrating the purpose and
(often unintended) consequences of
debate especially involving
educators at the college level.
Personal communication, a statement made to this
author by scholar/emcee Dr. Jason Nichols/Haysoos, March
30, 2013.
5
Gang Starr, Step in the Arena [Album], Chrysalis/EMI
Records, 1991 and Black Moon, Enta da Stage [Album],
Nervous Records, 1993.
6
Travis Lars Gosa, “Colleges Love Hip-Hop, but Do
They Love Black Men Too?” Chronicle of Higher Education,
February
15,
2013.
Archived
online
at:
http://chronicle.com/blogs/conversation/2013/02/15/colleg
es-love-hip-hop-but-do-they-love-black-men-too/.
See
Also, “HuffPost Live: Is a Hip-Hop Studies Minor
Legitimate?” January 16, 2013, archived online at:
http://newblackman.blogspot.com/2013/01/huffpost-liveis-hip-hop-studies-minor.html.
7
“The Hurricane,” The Hurricane: Music from and
Inspired by the Motion Picture, MCA Records, 2000.
8
“Fight Club was founded by Dr. Brian Carey Sims in
2010 as a student/community outreach initiative of the
first annual Dialogue on Progressive Enlightenment (DOPE)
conference at North Carolina A&T State University, and
serves as the material response to students wishing to
carry DOPE forward as an active means to radically
interpret and engage the world to produce progressive,
transformative social change. Since then the Fight Club
RADICAL TEACHER
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model has been implemented in various other communities
including a student-led effort in Washington, DC (Fight
Club-DC) and in Ann Arbor, MI.” Quoted from an as yet
unpublished essay, “Structured Dialogue in the Black
College Classroom,” Drs. Brian Carey Sims and Lumas J.
Helaire.
9
I will leave out the long, boring and tedious history of
attempts to make such courses part of the core; suffice it
to say all attempts failed.
10
Comments made during a meeting of the Patrice
Lumumba Coalition, New York: NY., 1996.
11
The
week
running
UrbanInsite.com/charts.
August
4-18,
2013,
12
Straubhaar, J., LaRose, R. and Davenport, L.
(2012), Media Now: Understanding Media, Culture, and
Technology, Seventh Edition, Boston, MA.: Wadsworth,
Cenage Learning, p 33.
13
Ball, J. I Mix What I Like! A Mixtape Manifesto,
Baltimore, MD.: AK Press, 2011.
14
“Propaganda” would become “public relations” to
avoid the negative connotation the term achieved after the
second World War and each have a definition and function
that is interchangeable with “psychological warfare.” Each
share as core to their definition and function the conscious
use of techniques to mold the worldview for political
purposes of a target audience, individual or mass. For a
discussion of “message force multipliers” see David
Barstow, ”One Man’s Military-Industrial-Media Complex,”
The New York Times, November 29, 2008.
Archived
online:
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/30/washington/30gener
al.html?pagewanted=all. For a discussion of the modernday application of what are largely indistinguishable
definitions and uses of “propaganda” and “psychological
warfare” see Laura Flanders’s GritTV episode, “Maintaining
Bush's
Propaganda
Program?”
Archived
online:
http://blip.tv/grittv/grittv-maintaining-bush-s-propagandaprogram-2800627.
15
For a discussion of “message force multipliers” see
David Barstow, ”One Man’s Military-Industrial-Media
Complex,” The New York Times, November 29, 2008.
Archived
online:
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/30/washington/30gener
al.html?pagewanted=all.
16
The 44% represents the number of Black and Brown
girls sexually molested or assaulted before the age of 18.
Public Statement: “We Are the 44%” Coalition Challenges
Sexual Violence Against Black and Latina Teens, February
21,
2012.
Archived
online
at:
https://www.facebook.com/notes/wearethe44/publicstatement-we-are-the-44-coalition-challenges-sexualviolence-against-blac/159855520800028.
17
To extend the similar arguments made from
opposite ends of the political spectrum by Ben Bagdikian
on the one hand and Zbigniew Brzezinski on the other and
summarized in Jared Ball, I Mix What I Like! A Mixtape
Manifesto (Baltimore: AK Press, 2011) pp. 55 and 73.
18
David Hilliard and D. Weise, The Huey P. Newton
Reader. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2002, 25.
19
By African world I mean, diaspora and also mean to
include Black or African Americans and the Afro-Latino
diaspora as well.
20
Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, NY:
Grove Press, 1964, 35.
21
See Rabaka, W.E.B. Du Bois and the Problems of the
Twenty-First Century: An Essay on Africana Critical Theory
(Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008).
22
Quoted in, Bassey, Magnus O. (2007). “What is
Africana Critical Theory or Black Existential Philosophy?”
Journal of Black Studies, 37; 914.
23
24
25
Jared Ball, I Mix What I Like! A Mixtape Manifesto.
Baltimore, MD.: AK Press, 2011.
26
Jared Ball, “I Mix What I Like! In Defense and
Appreciation of the Rap Music Mixtape as ‘Dissident’ and
‘National’ Communication,”
International Journal of
Communication, vol. 5, 2011, 278-297.
27
See for instance, D. Berry and J. Theobald (eds.).
Radical Mass Media Criticism: A Cultural Genealogy.
Montreal: Black Rose Books, 2006. The only Black voice
heard in this volume is bell hooks’ and only through the
lens of the White author’s perspective.
28
This tradition can be said to run through Freedom’s
Journal, The North Star, David Walker’s Appeal, the
journalism of Marcus Garvey’s The Negro World and the
work of Ida. B. Wells, Robert and Mabel Williams, and
through much of the “minority” presses described by Juan
Gonzales and Joe Torres in News For All The People: The
Epic Story of Race and the American Media, London: Verso,
2011.
29
‘National’
Communication,” International
Journal
of
30
‘National’
Communication,” International
Journal
of
31
Raquel Cepeda, And It Don't Stop: The Best
American Hip-Hop Journalism of the Last 25 Years.
London: Faber & Faber, 2004. This is not to suggest that
the content or perspective of this journalism deserves to go
unchallenged.
RADICAL TEACHER
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
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32
These movements would include anti-imperialist,
pan-Africanist, as well as Black involvement in socialist,
communist, anarchist and labor movements most of whose
intellectual and press traditions are ignored.
See, for
instance, Juan Gonzales and Joe Torres, News For All The
People: The Epic Story of Race and the American Media,
London: Verso, 2011, John Downing,
Radical Media:
Rebellious
Communication
and
Social
Movements.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2001 or the earlier
press history classic, David Armstrong, A Trumpet to Arms.
Boston: South End Press, 1981.
33
Greg Thomas, “Hip-Hop vs. The Bourgeois West …
and ‘Hip-Hop Studies’?” June 14, 2010, imixwhatilike.org.
Found
online
March
30,
2013
at:http://imixwhatilike.org/2010/06/14/thomasvrose/.
34
Greg Thomas, “Hip-Hop vs. The Bourgeois West …
and ‘Hip-Hop Studies’?” June 14, 2010, imixwhatilike.org.
Found
online
March
30,
2013
at:http://imixwhatilike.org/2010/06/14/thomasvrose/.
35
I have also attempted to make this argument here:
“Stand and Deliver: Political Activism, Leadership and HipHop Culture by Yvonne Bynoe” (Book Review) in The Global
Journal of Hip-Hop Culture, Vo. 3, No. 1, January 2007,
and here:“Stealing Empire: P2P, Intellectual Property and
Hip-Hop Subversion by Adam Haupt” (Book Review) in The
Global Journal of Hip-Hop Culture, vol. 4, no. 1, June 2009.
36
My show, The Super Funky Soul Power Hour airs
Fridays 11a-12p on WPFW 89.3 FM Washington, DC. My
comrades Dr. Chris Tinson and Carlos ‘Rec’ McBride do
even better and more Hip Hop-grounded work on TRGGR
Radio Fridays 6-8p on WMUA 91.1FM in Amherst, MA. as
does, JR and BlockReportRadio.com, Hard Knock Radio
from KPFA 94.1 FM in Berkley, CA. and DaveyD with
Breakdown FM at DaveyD.com.
Repression, Cambridge, MA.: South End Press, 1990, 8487.
39
“The Non-Aligned Movement is a movement of 115
members representing the interests and priorities of
developing countries. The Movement has its origin in the
Asia-Africa Conference held in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955.
The meeting was convened upon the invitation of the Prime
Ministers of Burma, Ceylon, India, Indonesia and Pakistan
and brought together leaders of 29 states, mostly former
colonies, from the two continents of Africa and Asia, to
discuss common concerns and to develop joint policies in
international relations. Prime Minister Nehru, the
acknowledged senior statesman, along with Prime Ministers
Sukarno and Nasser, led the conference. At the meeting
Third World leaders shared their similar problems of
resisting the pressures of the major powers, maintaining
their independence and opposing colonialism and neocolonialism, especially western domination.
The NonAligned
Movement:
Description
and
History,
The
Government Communication and Information System
(GCIS) of South Africa. Retrieved September 15, 2013,
archived
online:
http://www.nam.gov.za/background/background.htm.
40
“Women Tell Some of the Untold Story of the Rise
and Fall of the Hip-Hop Political Convention and Saying ‘No’
to Clear Channel!” March 15, 2013. Archived online at:
http://imixwhatilike.org/2013/07/02/women-tell-theuntold-story-of-the-rise-and-fall-of-the-hip-hop-politicalconvention/.
41
“Beyond the Beats: Towards a Radical Analysis of
the State of Hip-Hop,” a panel at the National Conference
for Media Reform, April 14, 2011.
Archived online:
http://imixwhatilike.org/2011/04/09/beyond-the-beatstowards-a-radical-analysis-of-the-state-of-hip-hop/.
42
37
Jared Ball, “Et tu Michael Eric Dyson? Fraternizing
with the Devil,” BlackCommentator.com, March 16, 2006.
Archived
online
at:
http://www.blackcommentator.com/175/175_dyson_ball_g
uest_pf.html.
“What is Hip-Hop Activism?” with Bakari Kitwana,
October
12,
2012.
Archived
online
at:
http://imixwhatilike.org/2012/10/12/what-is-hip-hopactivism-w-bakari-kitwana/.
38
FBI infiltrator of the Los Angeles chapter of the Black
Panther Party who aided state officials in capturing,
framing and convicting BPP member Geronimo Pratt in
1969. See, Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall, Agents of
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-‐Noncommercial-‐No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. This journal is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D-‐Scribe Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. RADICAL TEACHER
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
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ISSN: 1941-0832
Syllabus: Hip Hop Theater
By Djola Branner (Hampshire College) and
Priscilla Page (UMASS Amherst)
This course examines the influence of Hip Hop music,
dance and visual art on the content and character of
contemporary American drama. Primary considerations are
identifying this "new" aesthetic, its origins and major
players, and exploring the convergence of art, culture,
politics and community. We will analyze the works of such
theatre artists as Will Power, Renita Martin, Rennie Harris,
Kamilah Forbes, Marc Bamuthi Joseph and Universes. We
will take a close look at the cultural, social, and political
conditions in place at the time of Hip Hop’s genesis and
consider the political nature of Hip Hop as culture and how
and when its political roots are acknowledged by
contemporary artists
Week 4
Lecture/Discussion - Can't Stop, Won't Stop, Chapters
9 & 10
In-Class Response #1: Last Poets & Gil Scott Heron
Lecture/Discussion - Can't Stop, Won't Stop, Chapter
11
1st Critical Response Due.
Week 5
In-Class Response: “a/coltrane/poem”
Sanchez and “Black Art” by
by
Sonia
Amiri Baraka; Film Excerpt: Style Wars
Course Curriculum:
Chang, Jeff. Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the
Hip Hop Generation
Euell, Kim. Plays from the Boombox Galaxy
Lecture/Discussion - for colored girls who have
considered suicide/when the rainbow is enuf by Ntozake
Shange (electronic copy)
Week 6
Week 1
Lecture/Discussion - Can't Stop, Won't Stop, Chapters
18 & 19
Introductions; Review of Syllabus; What is Hip Hop?
1st Assignment: Each student will bring in something
that exemplifies Hip Hop. This could be aural, visual,
performative; spoken or written. Limit the presentation to
5 minutes.
“Can You Rock It Like This” by Holly Bass in The Fire
This Time, edited by Vivien Labaton and Dawn Lundy
Martin (electronic copy)
Peer Review Comments Due
Week 2
Share 1st Assignment, Group 1.
Week 7
Share 1st Assignment, Group 2.
Goddess City by Abiola Abrams & Antoy Grant in Say
Word: Voices from
Week 3
Lecture/Discussion - Can't Stop, Won't Stop by Jeff
Chang, Chapter 1
Film excerpt: Style Wars
Hip Hop Theater, edited by Daniel Banks (electronic
copy)
2nd Critical Response: White Chocolate for My Father
by Laurie Carlos
RADICAL TEACHER
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
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60
Week 8
Galaxy, group six presents
Spring Break
Portfolio (with all course work) and Final paper (10
pages) due.
Week 9
Lecture/Discussion: What is Hip Hop Theater?
“Shango’s Mixtape”, Introduction to Plays from the
Boombox Galaxy by Kim Euell
In Case You Forget by Ben Snyder (electronic copy);
group one presents
Hip Hop and Theater Course Bibliography
1.
Style Wars produced by Public Art Films, 2004.
2.
Banks, Daniel. Say Word: Voices from Hip Hop Theater.
The University of Michigan Press, 2011.
3.
Carlos, Laurie. White Chocolate for My Father in Moon
Marked and Touched By Sun edited by Sydne Mahone. Theater
Communications Group, 1994.
1st Critical Response, second draft due
Week 10
“Minstrel Reprise: Hip Hop and the Evolution of the
Black Image in American Popular Culture” by Jeffrey Ogbar
Welcome to Arroyo's by Kristoffer Diaz; group two
presents
4.
Chang, Jeff. Total Chaos: The Art and Aesthetics of Hip
Hop. Basic Civitas, 2007.
5.
Chang, Jeff. Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip
Hop Generation. St. Martin’s Press, 2005.
Week 11
6.
Elam, Harry. Taking It to the Streets: The Social Protest
Theater of Luis Valdez and Amiri Baraka. University of
Michigan Press, 1997.
Preface and Introduction to The Hip Hop Wars by Tricia
Rose
7.
Euell, Kim. Plays from the Boombox Galaxy: Theater from
the Hip Hop Generation. Theater Communications Group,
2009.
In-Class Response: “Blink Your Eyes” by Sekou
Sundiata on Long Story Short, Righteous Babe Records,
2000; and “No Black Male Show” by Carl Hancock Rux on
Rux Revue, 55 Music, 1999.
8.
Forbes, Kamilah. Rhyme Deferred in The Fire This Time:
African American Plays for the 21st Century edited by Harry
Elam, Jr. and Robert Alexander. Theater Communications
Group, 2002.
“World Wide Hip Hop Art Beyond Borders” by Chang
(electronic copy)
3rd Critical Response
Week 12
Low by Rha Goddess (electronic copy); group three
presents
The Evidence of Silence Broken by Zell Miller III in
Plays from the Boombox Galaxy, group four presents
Week 13
Flow by Will Power in Plays from the Boom Box
Galaxy, group five presents
Attend Hip Hop and Theater panel, performance &
discussion with Zell Miller III, Curtain Theater
9.
Jones, LeRoi. “The Revolutionary Theater.”
http://www.nathanielturner.com/revolutionarytheatre.htm
10. Jones, Omi Osun Joni L., Lisa Moore and Sharon
Bridgforth. Experiments in a Jazz Aesthetic: Art, Activism,
Academia, and the Austin Project. University of Texas Press,
2010.
11. Ogbar, Jeffrey O. G. Hip Hop Revolution: The Culture and
Politics of Rap. University Press of Kansas, 2007.
12. Rose, Tricia. The Hip Hop Wars: What We Talk About
When We Talk About Hip Hop and Why It Matters. Basic
Books, 2008.
13. Rux, Carl Hancock. Rux Revue. 55 MUSIC, 1999.
14. Sanchez, Sonia. Homegirls and Handgrenades. Thunder’s
Mouth Press, 1984.
15. Sapp, Steven and Mildred Ruiz. Slanguage in The Fire
This Time: African American Plays for the 21st Century edited
by Harry Elam, Jr. and Robert Alexander. Theater
Communications Group, 2002.
16. Scott-Heron, Gil. The Revolution Will Not Be Televised.
Bluebird/RCA, 1988.
Class Discussion of Panel and Performance
Week 14
“word becomes flesh” by marc bamuthi joseph in Plays
from the Boom Box
17. Sundiata, Sekou. Long Story Short. Righteous Babe
Records, 2000.
.
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No. 97 (Fall 2013)
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ISSN: 1941-0832
Hip Hop Syllabus: AME/MUS 303
Hip Hop:
Art, Culture, and Politics
By Sarah Hentges
*SEE NOTE
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“Hip-Hop is More than Just Music to Me. It’s the vehicle I hope will someday lead us to change.”
—Gwendolyn Pough, Check It While I Wreck It
Hip is to know
It’s a form of intelligence
To be hip is to be update and relevant
Hop is a form of movement
You can’t just observe a hop
You gotta hop up and do it…
—KRS-One and Marley Marl, “Hip Hop Lives”
"I love the art of hip hop, I don't always love the message . . . Art can't just be a rear view mirror—it should
have a headlight out there, according to where we need to go."
—Jay-Z fan, American President Barack Obama
University of Maine at Augusta
College of Arts & Sciences
Professor Sarah Hentges
[email protected]
COURSE DESCRIPTION
Hip Hop is an umbrella term for art, music, dance, literature, identity, style and politics. We will begin to understand the
art, culture, and politics of Hip Hop by looking at the movements and politics that inspired the birth of Hip Hop as a form of
art and music. We will consider the art and aesthetics of Hip Hop and the musical styles that made Hip Hop music possible.
Students will create a piece of art or music inspired by Hip Hop. The ways in which Hip Hop speaks to youth and speaks
about oppression, violence, identity, culture, and power will also be considered. We will then explore Hip Hop as a form of
cultural politics and activism toward social justice. Students will create art or music toward Hip Hop inspired social justice.
Finally, we‘ll consider the possibilities of a Hip Hop future. 3 credits. Prerequisite: AME 201 OR MUS XXX OR ENG 102 OR
permission of instructor.
COURSE THEME
The colloquium theme chosen for the 2011-2012 school year is revolution. This theme is fitting to the subject, motives,
forms, critiques and actions inspired by Hip Hop. Thus, we will consider the revolutionary aspects of Hip Hop (as well as the
challenges to Hip Hop's revolutionary qualities and visions). One of the most obvious ways that we will consider this theme
is through the ways in which Hip Hop challenges oppression and creates counter-narratives to dominant misrepresentations
and lack of representation in public life. We will also consider the many revolutionary aspects of Hip Hop art, culture, and
politics as well as specific artists, albums, or songs that speak to, and about, revolution.
For instance:
Lupe Fiasco, Lasers; Immortal Technique, Revolutionary Volume 1 and 2; The Coup, Pick a Bigger Weapon and Party Music;
Dead Prez, "Revolutionary But Gangsta"; Sarah Jones, "Your Revolution (Will Not Happen Between These Thighs)"; Payday
Monsanto, "Revolution."
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COURSE OBJECTIVES
Students will:
Develop an understanding of the ways in which Hip Hop has been shaped by the experiences of African Americans
and other oppressed groups in the U.S. and the ways in which the U.S. (and cultures around the world) have been
influenced by Hip Hop.
Understand the various elements that comprise Hip Hop as well as the variety of forms that Hip Hop takes
Develop an appreciation of the cultural, political, and artistic value of Hip Hop
Understand the nuances of mainstream Hip Hop, conscious rap and underground Hip Hop
Create Hip Hop inspired art, music, and activist projects
Develop critical thinking and writing skills as well as skills of observation, synthesis, and connection
COURSE RESOURCES
Dalton Higgins, Hip Hop World (a Groundwork Guide).
Gwendolyn Pough, et al., eds. Home Girls Make Some Noise: Hip Hop Feminism Anthology.
Jeff Chang, ed. Total Chaos: The Art and Aesthetics of Hip-Hop.
In addition to these books, Blackboard (BB) will include a number of resources each week, primarily links to YouTube
videos and related websites as well as weekly power point "lecture" videos that review the course material for the week and
how it connects to the previous week‘s material as well as the class as a whole. BB will also be the space where you will
submit all of your work and engage in conversation with other students, and this is where you will find the pertinent
information for class.
ASSIGNMENTS
Weekly Blog Postings and Comments
All Weekly Blog postings and comments are due by the end of the day on Sunday. There are 13 BLOGS possible and
students will be required to submit at least 10 weekly BLOG postings. (Consider that this counts toward your "in-class"
time.) Each weekly BLOG is worth 4 points and should be approximately 300 words. (Extra blog entries and thoughtful
comments may be completed toward extra credit.)
Generally, each week students will post a BLOG and will comment on other students' BLOG postings. An introduction,
questions/connections to consider will be posted on BB for each week of readings. Important!: You should not answer these
questions directly. Instead, you should use these questions to shape a BLOG posting that critically engages with the course
materials, provides specific examples, and analyzes these examples (see guidelines for writing papers). These questions are
meant to give you something to think about as you read and to give you something to guide your writing. These questions
also help to focus our reading and conversation on the most important points of these readings—the points that address the
theme of our course. The power point/video introduction will also provide guidance and a bigger picture of the readings.
Blog entries should always refer directly to the readings when relevant. You should aim for critical analysis, pertinent
questions, deep explorations, and scholarly engagement. You should not summarize the readings and you should not simply
offer your opinion. There is certainly room for your own opinions and observations but there should always be specific
relevance to the materials. Specific examples (quoted and paraphrased) from the readings and other class materials should
be used and analyzed.
Titles for your BLOGS are important in order to give other students an idea of what you are writing about.
Revised BLOG final reflection
At the end of the semester, students will reconsider their blog entries and revise these entries into a final paper that
addresses the general question: How can we better understand ―Hip Hop‖ by considering art, culture, and politics through
an American Studies lens? A prompt will be provided for this assignment though it is important to note here that this
assignment is both about the content of the class as much as it is about the way in which you have understood the content
of the class through your BLOG postings.
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Both of these assignments (weekly blog and revised final) should be completed according to the guidelines for writing
papers. You should have a central argument/thesis statement. You should provide specific examples (from readings, films,
and other class materials) and analyze these examples.
Art, Culture, and Politics WIKI Postings and Comments
All Art, Culture, and Politics postings are due according to the schedule below (and on BB). These will be posted in the
WIKI format on BB that allows you to post video, photos, and revise posts. Each posting should include a brief
summary/description and analysis of the connections to some aspect of course materials and course readings and an
example (or multiple examples) that also provides a multimedia representation (like a photo, a YouTube video, a website).
Students may choose to do these WIKI postings in small groups, covering multiple aspects of the topic, for instance.
Students can also choose to make comments or to add to someone else's WIKI page. Examples will be provided in the
course materials as well.
Art, Culture, Politics WIKI Topics:
WIKI1: Politics in/of Hip Hop
WIKI2: History/Politics of Race/Revolution
WIKI3: Identity Politics in Hip Hop (Race, Class, Gender, Sexuality)
WIKI4: Hip Hop Across Borders
WIKI5: Hip Hop Feminism and Activism
WIKI6: Beyond the Four Elements
Comments should engage with a specific aspect of the original blog. Comments should question, support, counter,
complement. They should not simply agree or praise. They also should not insult, belittle, or attack. Comments should be at
least 50 or more words.
Please also be aware that all blogs and comments are public (to our class); therefore, I will comment on these blogs
publicly. If there is an issue with a blog that I cannot address publicly, I will send a private e-mail to the person whose post
or comment is in question. If a post is particularly offensive or inflammatory, I will remove the blog and the student may
choose to re-do it.
Hip Hop Action/Education Project
This project should find a way to put Hip Hop into action—toward your education and/or the education of others. You
may choose to create a video to complement your music or someone else's, or create a piece of Hip Hop art, or write Hip
Hop journalism or spoken word. You might create jewelry, clothing, political action, or social movement. You may create a
lesson plan to teach Hip Hop in elementary school or high school. There are many, many ways to fulfill this part of your
course work and this project will include both an action and an analysis. I will provide a prompt for this assignment and
students will submit an informal proposal during Week 10. Project and reflection due by the end of finals week. Students
may choose to work in small groups for this project and should feel free to discuss project ideas with your professor and/or
other students.
Contributions to Classroom Community/Engagement with Education (final statement):
On-line classes have different classroom communities than live classes and the success of this course greatly relies
upon students‘ contributions to the classroom community. These contributions can be made through your assignments—
timely posts and thoughtful replies—as well as through other opportunities for engagement. This assignment asks you to
assess your contributions as well as the ways you have engaged in your education. For this part of your grade, you will
submit a final statement where you will detail your work in the class and reflect upon your work overall including your
participation and the ways in which you engaged in the course and your education. This is a report of the work you did
throughout the semester and you may also grade yourself on a 10-point scale. For instance, I completed all of my weekly
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blogs on time and submitted my revised final reflection. Through this work I learned______. My project really helped me
understand____. I attended... I commented..... and found _____.
COURSE SCHEDULE
Readings, supplementary texts, and assignment due dates are listed on the days when they are due. Course books are
referred to by the author/editor's last name.
WEEK 1: Introduction to Hip Hop
This week we get acquainted with the books and themes for the course.
Read: Higgins. Chapter 1: "The Audacity of Hip Hop"
Read: Pough. Foreword (by Mark Anthony Neal) and Introduction (by Gwen Pough) and Afterword (by Joan Morgan)
Read: Chang. "Introduction: Hip Hop Arts: Our Expanding Universe"
Web links: Aceyalone, ―Ms. Amerikkka‖; Nas, ―American Way‖; Lupe Fiasco, "The Words I Never Said"; "Payday
Monsanto, "Sheeple of Amerika"
WEEK 2: The Old School/ WIKI 1 (Politics in/of Hip Hop)
Read: Higgins. Chapter 2: "The Old School and the Elements"
Web links: The Last Poets, ―When the Revolution Comes‖, ―Niggers Are Scared of Revolution‖; Afrika Bambaataa
―Planet Rock‖; Sugarhill Gang, ―Rapper‘s Delight‖; Rock Steady Crew, ―Uprock‖; Killa Kela, live beatboxing; Beat box
example; Run DMC and Aerosmith, ―Walk This Way‖
WEEK 3: Roots
Read: Chang. Part One: "Roots: Perspectives on Hip-Hop History"
Web links: Gil-Scot Heron, "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised"; Nas, "Hip Hop Is Dead"; KRS-One and Marley Marl,
"Hip Hop Lives"; Taalam Acey, "When the Smoke Clearz"; Dead Prez, ―hip-hop‖, ―(It‘s Still Bigger Than) Hip Hop‖, ―Hip
Hop‖ live.
WEEK 4:Race-ing Hip Hop/ WIKI 2 (History/Politics of Race/Revolution)
Read: Higgins. Chapter 3: "What's Race Got to Do With It?"
Web links: Dahlak Brathwaite, "Black Genius"; Murs, ―D.S.W.G.‖; CNN Article ―Rapper has defiant words for his new
album‖ (Nas and his album ‗Ni**er‘); Tumi Molekane, ―Bambezela‖, TEDxSoweto; ZOLA, ―Mdlwembe‖; Kwaito
documentary trailer; EES featuring Gazza, ―T.I.A (This is Africa)‖
WEEK 5: Herstory and Conscience
Read: Higgins. Chapter 5: "Hip Hop's Herstory and Pride Rap" and Chapter 6: "Rap's Social Conscience"
Web links: Funky Four + 1 More, ―Rappin and Rockin the House 12 ver. 1 of 2‖; Queen Latifah, ―U.N.I.T.Y.‖; Teremoana
Rapley, ―Beautiful People‖; Invincible, ―Sledgehammer‖, ―Shapeshifter‖, ―Spacious Skies‖; Democracy Now interview,
―Detroit Hip-Hop Artist and Activist Invincible: Another Detroit is Happening‖; Colorlines, ―Eight Openly Queer Rappers
Worth Your Headphones‖; World Hip Hop Market, ―Women‘s Movement: DJ Leydis Breaks Down Hip Hop in Cuba‖;
Legendary K.O., ―Bush don‘t like black people‖; Common, ―A Song for Assata‖; The Roots, ―Don‘t Feel Right‖; Mos Def,
Immortal Technique and Eminem, ―Tell the Truth‖; Mos Def, ―The Katrina Klap (Dollar Day)‖; Emmanual Jal, ―We Need
Peace‖, ―War Child‖; Flobots, ―Fight With Tools‖
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WEEK 6: Women in Hip Hop
Read: Pough. Section One, "B-Girls, Femcees, Graf Girls and Lady Deejays: Women Artists in Hip Hop," 1-109
Web links: ―Brown Sugar‖ movie trailer, ―When did you fall in love with hip hop?‖ scene; Erykah Badu
Featuring Common, ―Love of My Life‖; JenRO interview, ―Try It‖, ―Boss Up‖; Interview with Paradigm; Interview with
Hanifah Walidah; Ladies Lotto
WEEK 7: Identity in Flux/ WIKI 3 (Identity Politics in Hip Hop [Race, Class, Gender, Sexuality])
Read: Chang. Part Three: "The Real: Identity in Flux"
Web links: Robert Karimi, e-poets.net featured artist; Memorial for Dave Funkenklein on Bomb Hip Hop; Clutch, ―Carry
on Tradition‖ article on Joan Morgan; School Library Journal, ―Street Fight: Welcome to the World of Urban Lit‖; Deep
Dickollective, ―For Colored Boys‖; ―HomoRevolution‖ Tour preview; Humboldt State‘s Social Justice Summit 2009.
*Bangor Live Discussion Option: Identity Politics in Hip-Hop Culture
WEEK 8: Economics and Globalization/ WIKI 4 (Hip Hop Across Borders)
Read: Higgins. Chapter 4: "Hip Hop's Economic Stimulus Plan" and Chapter 7: "The Globalization of Hip Hop"
Web links: The Coup, "Kill My Landlord", ―5 Million Ways to Kill a CEO‖, ―Fat Cats Bigga Fish‖; Immortal Technique,
―The Poverty of Philosophy‖; MSN article, ―Who will be hip hop‘s first billionaire?‖; M.I.A. biography on Sweets Lyrics;
k‘naan, ―Soobax‖; Poetas de Karaoke ―Sam the Kid‖
WEEK 9: Hip-Hop Arts Beyond Borders
Read: Chang. Part Four: "Worldwide: Hip-Hop Arts Beyond Borders"
Web links: Theatre Maina, ―Border/Clash‖ article/review of Stacey Chin; KCRA interview with Eli Jacobs-Fauntauzzi; Ted
Talk: Suheir Hammad; JAAS, ―Newen‖; Upper Hut Posse, ―E tu‖, ―Ragga Girl‖; Invincible, ―People Not Places‖,
―Spacious Skies‖, ―Deuce/Ypsi‖; Afro Pop, ―Hip Hop Revolution‖; The Native Press, article on OutKast
WEEK 10: PROJECT PROPOSAL DUE
Web links: This.org, ―Quebec‘s ―hip hope historian‖ raps about Quebecois black heritage‖, article on Webster; Webster
with Karim Ouellet, ―QC History X‖, ―La force de la multitude‖
*WEBSTER: Live Culture and Discussion Option
Culture Option: Augusta Thursday 6:30
Culture Option: Bangor Friday 12-1
Discussion Option: Bangor (or Compressed Video)
*Bangor Optional Culture, Friday 6:30 pm, "Revolutionary Movements" (fitness-dance class)
WEEK 11: Gender Representation
Read: Pough. Section Two: "Representin' (for) the Ladies: Issues of Gender and Representation in Hip-Hop Culture,"
111-299
Web links: CNN, ―Hip-hop portrayal of women protested‖; Essence, ―10 Hip-Hop songs that uplift women‖; ―Aya de
Leon‖, trailer; Aya de Leon, ―99 Reasons‖; Luna Magazine, ―Santigold‖; Santigold, ―L.E.S. Artists‖, ―Go‖; Jay-Z,
―Brooklyn we go hard‖
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WEEK 12: Cultural Critiques of Gender, Sexuality, and Patriarchy
Read: Pough. Section Three: "That's My Word!: Cultural Critiques of Gender, Sexuality, and Patriarchy in Hip-Hop
Culture," 301-474
Web links: ABC News, ―Marry Your Baby Daddy Day‖; Christian Science Monitor, ―Marry Your Baby Daddy Day: Activist
Marries Unwed Parents‖, article about ―activist‖ Marilynn Reed; Revolving Door Reading Series, Tara Betts
Augusta Live Discussion Option: Hip Hop Feminism (BLOG 10 or 11)
WEEK 13: WIKI 5 (Hip Hop Feminism and Activism) due
WEEK 14: Beyond the Four Elements/ WIKI 6 (Beyond the Four Elements)
Read: Chang. Part Two: "Flipping the Script: Beyond the Four Elements"
Web link: Rennie Harris, Puremovement; Best of Rennie Harris; Blog interview with Bill Adler and Cey Adams; Slingshot
Hip Hop, trailer; Born Here, ―Dam‖; Eisa Davis was Born To Do It All
WEEK 15: Futures for Hip Hop
Read: Higgins. Chapter 8: "Black to the Future"
Read: Chang. Part Five: "Next Elements: Hip-Hop Arts and Future Aesthetics"
Listen: Deltron 3030 (album suggestion)
Web link: Spank Rock, ―Put That Pussy On Me‖; Oregon Humanities – Conversation Project: Break It Down, interview
with Walidah Imarisha; Kid Sister, featuring Kanye West, ―Pro Nails‖; Mickey Factz, featuring The Cool Kids, ―Rocking N
Rollin‖; Kid Kudi, featuring Kanye West, ―Erase Me‖; K-OS, ―Zambony‖; Fog and Smog, ―Whole Foods Parking Lot‖,
―Yoga Girl‖
FINALS WEEK
Final statement on Contributions to Classroom Community; Final Revised BLOG Reflection; and Action/Education Project
and Reflection
______________________________________________________________________________
A FEW CONCLUSIONS
One of the challenges of this course was the diversity of students who signed up for it. Some students who took this
course were self-professed fans and lovers of Hip Hop; other students had only heard mainstream radio Hip Hop and were
neither fans nor haters. Both sets of students, and those in between, learned about Hip Hop from where they started. I
have found that Hip Hop provides opportunities to talk about ideas, experiences, art forms, and policies that are not often
included in students' other classes. For some students, these are important aspects of their past, present, and future lives.
We also have opportunities to challenge knowledge production and evaluation through an interdisciplinary approach and to
challenge stereotypes and complicate identities and structures through considerations of intersections. Most students
conclude the course with a much richer understanding of what Hip Hop is─a form of art, a forum for politics, and a rich part
of American culture. And many students take this understanding outside the classroom as they share this new-found
knowledge with friends, family, and their communities.
NOTES
*This artwork was created by a student in this course for her action/education project. In her project reflection she
writes: "Within the semester, my project ideas kept changing like my environment . . . however I ended up creating some
rasquache art." And, "In closing, all of my projects that I have done in the past [American studies and women's studies
classes] have a piece of me within them, and this one is no exception. From my introduction to my closing of this class, Hip
Hop is a beautiful art form that allows me and anyone to create a voice and connect with people all around the world." I
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also include reference to this student's work and use this artwork in my recent/forthcoming article in Words, Beats, Life: A
Global Journal of Hip-Hop Culture, "Rasquachismo: A Theory, Methodology, and Pedagogy for Hip-Hop Intersections."
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ISSN: 1941-0832
Book Reviews
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The Failure of Corporate School Reform
By Kenneth J. Saltman
(Paradigm Publishers, 2012)
Educational Courage: Resisting the
Ambush of Public Education
By Nancy Schniedewind and Mara SaponShevin (Eds.)
(Beacon Press, 2012)
Reviewed by Chris Arthur
P
oliticians, education policy makers, media
pundits and business groups present corporate
school reform as either an obvious solution or an
experiment worth trying given the ‘failure’ of public schools
to close the achievement gap between groups, raise test
scores and prepare students to compete in the global
market. Informed by a neoliberal conception of social
justice, corporate school reformers argue that all students
ought to have an equal opportunity to build up their human
capital and become life-long learners, constantly adapting
to, anticipating and even shaping the global economy’s
needs by creating novel technologies (products and
processes) that can be commodified, patented and used to
attract investment. In this narrative, students’ skills,
knowledge and behaviors are forms of capital that should
be prudently and perpetually improved for the benefit of
the individual and nation─a moral imperative that
naturalizes the global capitalist economy and depoliticizes
corporate reformers’ ontological and normative claims (e.g.
the individual is a form of malleable capital that must be
fitted to the economy’s needs). Schools, in this vision,
must become entrepreneurial units that can be dissolved
and reformed to keep up with the needs of the mercurial
global economy, preparing students for an uncertain
future. In this context, corporate school reformers present
themselves as selling the means (standardized testing,
merit pay, charter schools, voucher systems, national
curriculum standards, deunionization, privatization and
turnaround policies that support the replacement of staff in
schools with low test scores) to create an education system
that by becoming more equitable, accountable, flexible and
innovative can better prepare tomorrow’s workforce to
compete in the global economy.
Given how effective these arguments have been
among education policy makers, and the mandate for the
states to make education both more effective and cheaper,
Kenneth J. Saltman’s The Failure of Corporate School
Reform and Nancy Schniedewind and Mara Sapon-Shevin’s
edited book Educational Courage: Resisting the Ambush of
Public Education could not be timelier. Saltman,
Schniedewind and Sapon-Shevin make it clear that
corporate school reforms fail on their own terms: they are
not more efficient, they do not make schools more
accountable, and they do not increase test scores or close
the achievement gap─and worse, they are an attack on our
democracy. Corporate school reforms transform schools
from public spaces that can be used to analyze and
democratize social relations to institutions that reduce
critical thinking and action to depoliticized problem solving.
Saltman begins The Failure of Corporate School
Reform with a broad topological analysis of the groups,
individuals and dominant ideological and material interests
behind corporate school reform. In the second chapter, he
contrasts the reformers’ claims about the portfolio model of
school reform with the available scholarly research.
Saltman first highlights that there is no evidence that the
portfolio model, an approach in which the district
superintendent acts as an investor who keeps securities
(schools) that show gains in student achievement and sells
those that do not (Saltman, 2012, p. 38), will increase test
scores or close the achievement gap between differently
privileged groups. Even worse for corporate reformers,
there is mixed to negative evidence that the portfolio
model’s constituent elements (decentralization, charter
school creation, school closure, test-based accountability,
school turnarounds and merit pay based on test
performance) increase test scores or close the achievement
gap between groups. Finally, as Saltman cogently argues,
the claims that corporate reform will increase efficiency
and reduce bureaucracy are demonstrably false. Indeed,
the new market bureaucracy is both more opaque and
expensive.
In the rest of the book, Saltman moves from an
immanent critique to a more radical dismantling of the
corporate school reform movement’s positivist, neoliberal
paradigm. Rather than championing either pole in the
debate (the old liberal, state-funded public system versus
the new neoliberal, corporatized system) Saltman argues
that both systems of schooling have historically
depoliticized and justified the conditions that produce
inequality while reproducing a stratified workforce for the
capitalist economy. Saltman seamlessly interweaves
insights and theoretical concepts from Giroux, Zizek,
Harvey, and Althusser to argue in clear and accessible
language that we need to jettison the paradigm within
which both liberals and conservatives argue about school
reform.
As Saltman emphasizes throughout, what we know
and how we know are never universal ‘facts’ or processes
but the result of historical and ongoing political struggle.
Schools, in his opinion, must do more than fill students up
with ‘neutral’ knowledge so they can fit into the world as it
is; they must offer students opportunities to subject our
collective forms of knowledge and ways of knowing to
critical analysis as part of a collective, continuous challenge
to unequal political economic relations of power.
The fourth chapter, “Why Democratic Pedagogy is
Crucial”, and the fifth, “Toward a New Common School
Movement”, are particularly effective in making the case to
liberal fellow travelers that schools ought to be part of a
collective effort to democratize our economic and political
practices and relations-shifting power from economic and
political elites to the public. For Saltman, challenging
privatization and standardized tests is only an interim goal;
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the ultimate objective is to extend democratic control over
the commons (production, culture, nature, geography and
biology) for the benefit of the common good. This book
should appeal to all who are concerned about the state of
our schools and our democracy.
Nancy Schniedewind and Mara Sapon-Shevin’s edited
book Educational Courage: Resisting the Ambush of Public
Education is an excellent companion to Saltman’s book.
Schniedewind and Sapon-Shevin’s collection presents
inspiring examples of students, teachers, administrators,
academics, and parents challenging the ambush on public
education and complements Saltman’s broader and more
radical analysis of corporate school reform. Situating the
assault on public education within its post-Fordist context,
these essays answer the perennial question: What is to be
done?
Educational Courage: Resisting the Ambush of Public
Education is split into four parts: the first outlines the
privatization initiative since the implementation of No Child
Left Behind and lists its negative effects. The second part
features voices of resistance, including a chapter by Alfie
Kohn, an eleven-year-old who refused to take a state’s
standardized test, arguing against national standards, and
a teacher who quit Teach For America, viewing it as a
means to deprofessionalize teaching and attack public
education. The third, entitled “Working in the Cracks”,
presents examples of how teachers and administrators
have creatively worked within the confines of the present
educational system to widen spaces of limited freedom
while protecting and educating their students. A chapter by
primary school teacher Felipa Gaudet stands out in this
section, offering a deeply touching example of why we
must resist high-stakes testing, and highlights one of the
book’s strengths: its affective appeal through the voices of
those children, parents, teachers and administrators who
have been directly affected by education reforms. The
fourth section provides courageous examples of collective
resistance to education privatization, ending with a chapter
by Bill Ayers.
Another of the book’s strengths is the diversity of
voices, strategies and aims it presents. Students and
parents resist mandatory high-stakes standardized tests
because they destroy children’s sense of self, desire to
learn and, if mandatory for graduation, their chance at
pursuing higher education or employment. Teachers and
administrators recount examples in which they resisted
corporate school reform, sometimes at the cost of their
employment, because they want to provide a space where
students can heal, feel valued, connect with others and
pursue projects they find meaningful. Still others─Bob
Peterson and Bill Ayers─point to the need to look beyond
the school, to link education and resistance against
corporate school reform with social justice struggles
outside the school. Alongside actions aimed at alleviating
the pain students feel when they are set up to fail (English
Language Learners who must write standardized tests after
having only one year of English language schooling,
students with learning disabilities, and students whose
cultural knowledge is not represented in the tests) and a
desire to help students become economically self-sufficient
and fit into the world as it is, the book provides voices who
argue, much like Saltman does, that education is a
necessary practice for creating a more just world.
These heterogeneous acts of resistance challenge
corporate school reform in the name of a ‘collective good’
that opposes the corporate school reformers’ ‘collective
good’: the expansion of perpetual, precarious competition,
which supports the marketization of schools and the
preparation of students for global economic competition. In
contrast, the voices in Schniedewind and Sapon-Shevin’s
edited collection present the collective good as both
synonymous with an ethic of care concerned to alleviate
the contextual circumstances of students’ lives and as
requiring the replacement of unjust, hierarchical economic
and political social relations and the practices that sustain
them. While different, the notion of a collective good
constituting an ethic of care concerned with the alleviation
of the social order’s ill effects and a more radical notion
concerned with replacing capitalism do not have to be
mutually exclusive, as Pauline Lipman’s call for
“nonreformist reforms” makes clear (Lipman, 2011, p.
164). This does not mean, however, that work does not
have to be done to bring these two notions together.
Certainly, Saltman is correct in his criticism of liberals who
believe that corporate school reform is only misguided in
its means─leaving untroubled the aims of preparing
students to fit into the global economy or transmitting a
seemingly universal set of facts and values.
That said, the diversity of problems students face
requires a variety of responses, some more pragmatic than
radical, and this is where the two books again complement
each other well. Saltman outlines the problems confronting
us that require radical change while Schniedewind and
Sapon-Shevin’s edited collection highlights the numerous
diverse challenges teachers, students and families face and
the heterogeneous micro-political acts of resistance
required to combat them. Reading these two books
together one can better see that schools ought to provide a
space removed from the demands of the world for children
to heal, engage with others and learn. However, at the
same time, schools must be engaged with the world,
providing a space where students can learn about and link
up with collective struggles outside the school that aim to
create a better world. In this, as both books make
abundantly clear, corporate school reform has failed on
many levels; it falls to us to reimagine and recreate public
education for another, more just world.
References
1.
Lipman, P. 2011. The New Political Economy of Urban
Education: Neoliberalism, Race, and the Right to the City. New
York: Routledge.
2.
Saltman, K. J. 2012. The Failure of Corporate School
Reform. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers.
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Teaching the Taboo: Courage and
Imagination in the Classroom.
By Rick Ayers and William Ayers
(Teachers College Press, 2011)
Reviewed By Betsy Bannier
S
easoned teachers, weary from years in
classroom trenches and navigating test-this-notthat imperatives, are already acutely familiar
with the reality painted by the Ayers brothers in their
introduction to their book Teaching the Taboo: Courage
and Imagination in the Classroom (2011). They write:
“While many of us long for teaching as something
transcendent and powerful, too often we find ourselves
locked in situations that reduce teaching to a kind of
glorified clerking, passing along a curriculum of received
wisdom and predigested and generally false bits of
information”(6). Less familiar to teachers, however, are
the seldom-traveled pathways out of this mess. In concise
form, Rick and William Ayers offer what could be
interpreted as a field guide to help educators find their way
into an irreverent (and thus unpopular) teaching space and
hold their ground once they have arrived.
Drawing on the educational theories of John Dewey
and Martin Haberman, the philosophical frameworks of
Michel Foucault, and the liberating teaching practices of
Paulo Freire, Ayers and Ayers guide the reader in coming
to terms with the reality that our factory-model schools are
devolving into prison-model institutions. Along the way,
“teaching designed to develop free minds in free people”
has become a form of teaching the taboo (37). Timely
examples of such teaching are provided, such as one
instructor’s “curriculum of questioning” centered on the
influx of military recruiters in his high school (84). As the
multiple realities of living in a nation at war, flaccid
employment prospects, and legislation that prioritizes
military spending over educational funding all collide,
classroom discussion along these lines is urgent.
Teaching the Taboo also includes a personal and selfreflective aspect, when it offers a snapshot of the
experiences of a classroom teacher, Malik Dohrn, who
happens to be the nephew and son of the two authors,
respectively. Dohrn quips about those who actually teach
and those who talk about it: “No offense, but you guys are
both in the talk-about-it class” (92). This forces Ayers and
Ayers to acknowledge their privileged position as
academics in a commodity-based educational system
where public school teachers are “near the base of the
educational hierarchy, just above the student, who is at the
very bottom of the barrel” (96).
“Into the Woods,” the curiously titled third chapter,
drew me into “Avi’s World” (50) and stood out as a
highlight of the book. This was exactly the concrete and
colorful example of who is teaching the taboo and how they
approach the task that I was hoping for. Avi, we learn, is
an amazing high school educator who dares to engage
students in the “vast expanse of … what we don’t know we
don’t know” (52). “Into the Woods” is richly laden with
examples of questioning privilege and encouraging selfdiscovery. This chapter alone has enough power to fuel a
spirited discussion among educators, and would make a
fantastic opener for an education department meeting in
need of a few breaths of life.
The authors make some slips, however, in chapters
five and eight. Chapter five, “Banned, Suppressed, Bound,
and Gagged,” which speaks to the enormous power
differential inherent in our schools, offers the candid
opinion that “teachers are not invited to do missionary
work, charity work, among the oppressed in our society . .
. we are only useful agents in [students’] educations if we
replace charity with solidarity, patronizing with respect”
(78). A call along these lines may sound reasonable to
higher education researchers, but comes across as
patronizing to those immersed on a daily basis in K-12
arenas. Until our nation’s schools receive the funding and
support they need, the “missionary work” and “charity
work” of individual teachers are in themselves acts of
transformative teaching that deserve our respect. And
later, chapter eight, “Release the Wisdom in the Room:
Language and Power” offers a well-developed example of a
lesson on the creation of a classroom slang dictionary,
including how the teacher became the learner in the
process.
This intriguing story focused on classroom
experience gets overshadowed, however, when the
discussion boils over into political theory.
Overall, this text would be good for teacher
education seminars and department reads. Teaching the
Taboo: Courage and Imagination in the Classroom would
also be helpful for policy makers, whom Malik Dohrn refers
to as “a blank slate” (92). Somehow, getting this engaging
text into the hands of those who need it most feels like
wishful thinking.
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Teaching Notes
Teaching Titus Andronicus in Contemporary India
by Anna Kurian
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R
eading Titus Andronicus (1594) as the first text
in a course on Shakespeare’s tragedies, starting
in January 2013, most of the M.A (English)
students at the University of Hyderabad (a public university
deemed to be among the elite higher education institutions
of India but with a very mixed student demographic from
rural, urban, and semi-urban areas), found the violence
over-the-top, the characterization slim, and the lines
themselves insipid.
Lavinia’s life, rape, and eventual
murder by her father consequently
became a theme which resonated
with beliefs and values that remain
deeply entrenched in contemporary
India.
It was only as we "read" Lavinia and the way women
were narrated into and out of being that students began to
see interesting parallels between a late 16th century text
and 21st century India. My effort in classes was directed at
pointing to the strange relevance of Early Modern ideas
regarding gender and femininity, albeit refracted via
imperial Rome, to present-day India. I used as the
immediate context the brutal gang-rape in India’s capital in
December 2012─the victim died of her injuries. Three
thematic parallels stood out in our discussions.
THE OBJECTIFICATION OF WOMAN AND THE WOMAN AS
PROPERTY
Beginning
with
Lavinia’s
epithet─"Rome’s
rich
ornament" (I.i)─we examined her passage from hand to
hand, in a show of gendered legitimate ownership. Her
father, brothers, and betrothed all move her around like a
chess piece, her desires irrelevant, her opinion unsought.
Reduced by the Emperor Saturninus to "this changing
piece," Lavinia remains largely silent. Then female students
from conservative Indian backgrounds (irrespective of
religious affiliation) saw the connection: their opinions
regarding their futures were often ignored in the face of
overwhelming societal and familial pressures that
determined a suitable time for marriage and the choice of
husband.
WOMEN’S
BODIES:
SITES
ENACTMENTS OF POWER
OF
HONOR
AND
In the scene which precedes Lavinia’s rape (II.iii), she
articulates her fear of being dishonored, and to avert it,
pleads for death at the hands of Tamora and her sons. My
students perceived the internalization of the patriarchal
code of honor which governs the lives of women in India’s
still largely traditional societies: an honor that is mapped
on the body of the woman. We then spoke of India’s long
history of communal riots with its ignoble tradition of rape
and mutilation, and also the use of rape in war. An
understanding of rape as being not so much about sexual
gratification as a demonstration and claiming of power by
those who experience themselves as powerless resulted
from a discussion of the ambiguous status of Lavinia’s
rapists in Roman society. Their actions revealed to my
students how in wartime and times of civil troubles women
become "soft targets" for the vicious rage of men who
perceive themselves as disempowered and seek to thus
demonstrate their masculine superiority.
WOMEN, FAMILY-HONOR, HONOR-KILLING
Reading the final scene, where Titus kills Lavinia,
citing a noble precedent and approved by the Emperor, we
discovered that 21st century India had not moved very far
from Shakespeare’s time (or Roman times as seen in the
play). The "zinda laash" (literally a "live corpse," taken to
symbolize death-in-life) argument often cited in our news
reports and articulated by politicians in the aftermath of
the December 2012 rape, characterizes the rape victim as
a someone who would be better off dead, thus sparing
herself and, more importantly, her family shame and
sorrow. The same views are articulated by the Emperor:
"Because the girl should not survive her shame,/And by
her presence still renew his sorrows" (V.iii). In India where
women are commonly killed (if they marry "outside" their
caste/community) to "preserve" family honor, students
immediately recognized Lavinia/the Indian woman as a
place-holder of family prestige.
Lavinia’s life, rape, and eventual murder by her father
consequently became a theme which resonated with beliefs
and values that remain deeply entrenched in contemporary
India.
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News for Educational
Workers
Compiled by Leonard Vogt
Although school closings seem to be an urban
problem, outrage and protest has hit rural areas like
Sullivan County, Tennessee where a grassroots group
called Save the South Zone are collecting signatures and
fighting for the consolidation of local middle schools into
area high schools (www.nationofchange.org, June 13,
2013).
Standardized Testing
School Closings
An epidemic of school closings in Chicago, New York,
Detroit, Washington, Sacramento, Baltimore, Birmingham,
and St. Louis reported this spring has been answered with
protests throughout the country. Students, teachers,
parents and activists are making the point that the savings
from closed schools is minimal and the transfer of money
to charter schools rarely leads to improved academics.
Since most students affected by these closures are
students of color, protesters see these closings as a civil
rights violation (The Nation May 5, 2013).
The Chicago school closings are the largest in U. S.
history, eliminating 49 public schools and displacing 40,000
students. Diane Ravitch feels that Chicago Mayor Rahm
Emanuel is punishing the teachers’ union for their strike
last fall by opening up more charter schools staffed by nonunion teachers (http://portside.org, May 23, 2013).
Although Emanuel’s Chicago Public Schools district says
these closings must happen to resolve the $1 billion deficit,
Chicago Teachers Union President Karen Lewis says,
“Enough with the lies and public deception. School closings
will not save money and taxpayers will not see costs
benefits in two years. Why? Because vibrant school
communities will be quickly transformed into abandoned
buildings, neighborhood eyesores and public safety
hazards” (http://portside.org, March 21, 2013).
The Philadelphia school district, which proposes closing
37 schools, would displace 17,000 students and fire more
than 1,100 teachers (The New York Times, December 30,
2012).
The Sacramento school district wants to close seven
elementary schools, causing twelve students and their
parents to file a civil rights lawsuit claiming the closings will
result in “a discriminatory effect on the poor,
disadvantaged population which is served by these
neighborhood
schools
slated
for
closure”
(http://portside.org, June 15, 2013).
“High Stakes Rebellion” (The Nation, May 27, 2013)
explains that ever since the test-driven mentality of No
Child Left Behind took over, protesting parents and
educators have not been heard . . . until now, and for a
very interesting reason: a cheating scandal in Atlanta,
where 35 teachers, administrators, and even a former
superintendent changed students’ test scores. This act of
desperation emboldened anti-testing rebellion across the
country. In Texas, the birthplace of the testing movement,
legislation reduced the number of tests required for
graduation from 15 to 5. In New York, new tests based on
new national standards have caused so many complaints
that some parents are instructing their children not to take
the tests.
An anti-testing op-ed piece in Time Magazine (April 2,
2013) reported, “One of the biggest ironies of the Atlanta
public schools testing scandal . . . is that the faked scores
prevented some schools from accessing three quarters of a
million dollars in federal money to support struggling
learners because they no longer qualified for help. The
impact on individual children was devastating.” The piece
goes on to say, “Even if we eliminate the cheating, what
remains is a broken system built on the dangerous
misconception that testing is a proxy for actual teaching
and learning.”
Cheating on standardized test, however, is nothing
new. In the past four academic years, cheating on test
score results has been confirmed in 37 states and
Washington, D. C. (Answer sheet blog, The Washington
Post, April 1, 2013).
Cheating on test scores is perhaps one form of
rebellion, but the Seattle school teachers took a much
more positive step and took the forefront in the movement
against testing by boycotting the standardized tests used in
the city’s schools. The entire teaching faculty of Garfield
High School in Seattle voted unanimously to never again
administer the Measures of Academic Progess (Common
Dreams, January 12, 2013; www.portside.org, January 28,
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2013; In These Times, March 2013). For an extended
interview with teachers from Garfield High about the
testing boycott, see www.democracynow.org, January 29,
2013.
Anti-testing protest is extending beyond Seattle.
Across the country, 61 schools, including 47 in New York
City, are refusing to participate in the latest round of tests
(www.huffingtonpost.com, February 22, 2013). In Chicago,
over 300 students from over 25 different public school
boycotted the second day of the statewide standardized
tests (Common Dreams, April 24, 2013).
In “Why I Won’t Let My Son Take the PSSA
(Pennsylvania System of School Assessment)” (www.postgazette.com, April 3, 2013), an associate professor of
English explains why she will no longer allow her 9-year old
son to take standardized tests in school: high stakes tests
are negatively affecting her son, his family, his teachers,
his school and, ultimately, the entire education system.
The Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) has written a
position
paper
called
“Debunking
the
Myths
of
Standardized Testing” which relates high stakes tests to
the education achievement gap, the inability to adequately
measure knowledge, the waste of instruction time with
negative impacts on student learning, and testing scandals.
For a copy, contact CTU.
Charter Schools
The closing of schools and the use of standardized test
results to close them is intimately connected with the push
for charter schools. A corporate mentality wants to rule
public education in the United States. To that end,
corporations are trying to starve public schools in order to
justify privatization. In Chicago, for example, the Broad
Foundation is venture philanthropy/capitalism “dedicated to
redesigning school districts . . . [on] business/finance
principals and data-driven accountability . . . focused on
the
‘return
on
investment’.
Basically,
venture
philanthropists do not donate unless they can shape policy
decisions” (Chicago Sun Times, July 30, 2013). In the
closing of its 37 schools, Philadelphia outsourced its
decision to the business world and, according to a Pew
study, came to its final consensus after consulting “a
California-based engineering design firm, and . . . an Ohiobased company that specializes in school-closing issues.”
To give even greater encouragement to corporate
investment, the New Markets Tax credit law passed in
2000 allows up to a 39% tax credit to investors in charter
schools (AlterNet, February 17, 2013 and May 8, 2013).
The Walmart business chain has taken advantage of this
tax credit since 2005 by giving more than $1 billion to
organizations and candidates who support privatization
(truthout.org, March 5, 2013).
To read more about the origin and growth of charter
schools, how they measure up, how they reinforce school
segregation, and how parents and teachers are beginning
to fight back, see Stan Karp’s “Charter Schools and the
Future
of
Public
Education”
(http:portside.org/print/node/2003).
Divestment
The Teachers’ Union of Ireland (TUI) became the first
academic union in Europe to endorse the Palestinian call
for an academic boycott of Israel. Referring to Israel as an
“apartheid state,” the TUI called for “all members to cease
all cultural and academic collaboration with Israel,
including the [institutional] exchange of scientists, students
and academic personalities, as well as all cooperation in
research programs” (LaborAgainstWar, April 10, 2013)
Back here at home and several months earlier,
lawmakers threatened the funding of Brooklyn College for
hosting an event on the divestment (BDS) campaign
against Israel, but failed to stop the program
(www.democracynow.org, February 6, 2013). Across the
country at University of California Berkeley, the Student
Senate passed a resolution in favor of divestment from
companies that profit from Israeli occupation (Jewish Voice
for Peace, April 24, 2013).
Fossil fuel divestment campaigns are now beginning to
sweep the country on over 200 college campuses, with
Unity
College
in
Maine,
Hampshire
College
in
Massachusetts, and Sterling College in Vermont already
committed to divest from 200 fossil fuel companies
identified by Bill McKibben’s environmental group, 350.org
(In
These
Times,
March
2013
and
www.nationofchange.org, April 12, 2013). These students
organizing for climate justice are making the broader
connections between the environment and social issues like
debt, racism, and immigration.
CUNY Pathways
The City University of New York (CUNY) “Pathways”
proposal, an administratively driven system wide overhaul
of the curriculum that would weaken content and decrease
student contact hours, has received a rousing 92%
landslide vote of No Confidence in Pathways, which should
help put a stop to the implementation of Pathways during
the 2013-2014 academic year (The Chronicle of Higher
Education, June 3, 2013).
For reports on the faculty
struggle against Pathways, see Clarion (February and
March, 2013), CUNY’s Professional Staff Congress union
paper. For those outside the CUNY system, learn more
about the history and background that led to the Pathways
proposal at http://pscbc.blogspot.com/2013/sandy-cooperroad-to-pathways.html.
Resources
Books
The goal of Louise Dunlap’s Undoing the Silence: Six
Tools for Social Change Writing (Oakland, CA, New Village
Press, 2007, 229 pages) is to reclaim writing as a route to
progressive activism. It taps writing tools like free writing,
process, feedback, etc. with the specific goal of assisting
activists in their work for social change.
Rethinking
Schools adds two more books to its excellent series:
Teaching About the Wars and an expanded edition of
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Rethinking Mathematics. For more information, contact
www.rethinkingschools.org.
Films
Bullfrog Films has two new movies worthy of
classroom use. Bidder 70 centers on an extraordinary,
ingenious and effective act of civil disobedience demanding
government and industry accountability. In 2008,
University of Utah economics student Tim DeChristopher
committed an act that would redefine patriotism in our
time, igniting a spirit of civil disobedience in the name of
climate justice. Follow Tim, Bidder 70, from college student
to incarcerated felon. Shadows of Liberty reveals the
extraordinary truth behind news media censorship, coverups and corporate control. The overwhelming influence of
corporate conglomerates has distorted news journalism
and compromised its values. For preview copies, call toll
free 800-543-3764 or go online at www.bullfrogfilms.com.
Educaution is a documentary film by graduate
students who are concerned about the future of the
American Higher Education System. By focusing on the
economic issues surrounding the higher education system,
the film examines the increasing concerns of many
Americans regarding the continuing decrease in the quality,
value, and financial return of higher education in the
market place. For additional information, go to
StudentDebtCrisis.org.
Youngist is a web based publishing project for under26 voices with editors in New York City, Egypt, Greece, and
Pakistan. To view a brief video on the project, see
http://www.indiegogo.com/projects/youngist-youngpeople-powered-media?c=home.
Is there a news item, call for papers,
upcoming conference, resource, teaching tool, or
other information related to progressive education
that you would like to share with other Radical
Teacher readers? Conference announcements and
calls for papers should be at least six months
ahead of date. Items, which will be used as found
appropriate by Radical Teacher, cannot be
returned. Send hard copy to Leonard Vogt,
Department of English, LaGuardia Community
College (CUNY), 31-10 Thomson Avenue, Long
Island City, New York 11101—or email items to
[email protected].
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution‐Noncommercial‐No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. This journal is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D‐Scribe Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. RADICAL TEACHER
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Contributors’ Notes
DOMINOS BX
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Chris Arthur is an elementary teacher in the Toronto
District School Board and a part-time PhD student at York
University. His research interests include Marxism, political
philosophy, critical policy analysis and financial literacy
education. His recent book, Financial Literacy Education:
Neoliberalism, the Consumer and the Citizen (2012), is
published with Sense Publishers.
Betsy Bannier is an Assistant Professor of Chemistry
and Mathematics Online at Lake Region State College in
Devils Lake, North Dakota. She holds a Ph.D. in Adult &
Continuing Education with an emphasis in online science
education, as well as an MS in analytical chemistry. She
has 15 years of experience teaching in higher education,
primarily in the field of undergraduate, online laboratory
chemistry. In her current position, Dr. Bannier serves as
both an online Master Course developer and a mentor for
new online faculty.
Jared A. Ball is the father of two brilliant and
adorable daughters, Maisi (7) and Marley (5), and the
fortunate husband of Nelisbeth Yariani Ball. After that he
is an associate professor of communication studies at
Morgan State University in Baltimore, MD. and is the producer
and host of the “Super Funky Soul Power Hour” (Fridays 11a12p EST) on Washington, DC’s WPFW 89.3 FM Pacifica
Radio. Ball is the author of I MiX What I Like: A MiXtape
Manifesto (AK Press, 2011) and co-editor of A Lie of
Reinvention: Correcting Manning Marable’s Malcolm X (Black Classic
Press,
2012). He
can
be
found
online
at
IMIXWHATILIKE.ORG.
Djola Branner, associate professor of theatre,
received his B.A. from the University of California at Santa
Cruz, his M.A. from San Francisco State University, and his
M.F.A. from the New School for Drama (formerly known as
Actors Studio Drama School). His interdisciplinary work,
which combines music, movement, and text as language,
explores the broad gray area between performance art and
theatre, and gives voice to individuals historically absent
from the stage. He has presented throughout the U.S. and
abroad, contributed to such anthologies as Voices Rising,
Colored Contradictions, and Staging Gay Lives, and
published one book of collected plays entitled sash & trim.
He has taught dance, acting, and dramatic writing at
Macalester College, University of Minnesota, and the
American Musical and Dramatic Academy.
Todd Craig is a native of Queens, New York. In 2013,
Craig completed his Doctor of Arts degree in English at St.
John’s University where he was awarded the 2008
Academy of American Poets Prize. Craig’s research
interests are rhetoric and composition, hip-hop culture and
pedagogy, African American literature, multimodality in the
English composition classroom, creative writing pedagogy
and poetics. His dissertation is a qualitative research study
that includes interviews from a laundry list of prominent
and influential DJs in the hip-hop and music community.
This research explores the hip-hop DJ as 21st century new
media reader and writer and examines the function of hiphop DJ Rhetoric and Literacy, and its potential
contributions to the English Composition classroom. His
multimodal novel tor’cha (which comes with a CD-Rom) is
out now in its second edition. His most recent publications
include the poems “the comfort of shape-shifting” and
“comes and go ons” in The Portable Boog Reader 6: NYC
and “…spy verse spy…” which appears in Staten Island
Noir, a crime story anthology series published by Akashic
Books. As a creative writer with various publications of
poetry and fiction, Craig started blacker inkwells Publishing
Group, LLC in 2008 to provide an artistic and collaborative
space for underrepresented writers and artists within
mainstream publishing and media culture. In addition to
being a writer, Craig is also a deejay. As an artist, Todd
has
done
numerous
readings
and
performances
nationwide, including collaborations with other writers,
poets and musicians such as Newspeak, Donnell Alexander,
Dr. Jan Ramjerdi, Anne Waldman, Rich Medina, Geoffrey
Canada, Dr. Bessie Blake, Lee Ann Brown, David T. Little
and hip-hop artists Hypno (The Spooks), Sean Strange (No
Good People, Goondox), Mr. Len (Smacks Records), DJ
Premier (Gang Starr) and Mobb Deep, in order to bring a
musical element to his writing. Craig is currently an
Assistant Professor of English at Medgar Evers College at
the City University of New York (CUNY).
Antero Garcia is an assistant professor in the English
department at Colorado State University in Fort Collins,
CO. His recent research focuses on critical literacies,
technology, and youth civic engagement. For eight years
he was a teacher at a public high school in South Central
Los Angeles. In 2008 Antero co-developed the Black Cloud
Game. A Digital Media and Learning Competition award
recipient, the Black Cloud provoked students to take real
time assessment of air quality in their community. Using
custom-developed sensors that measure and send data
about air quality, students critically analyzed the role
pollution played in their daily lives and presented
recommendations to their community. He is a 2012-2014
Cultivating New Voices Among Scholars of Color fellow with
the National Council of Teachers of English and a 20102011 U.S. Department of Education Teaching Ambassador
Fellow. Antero’s numerous publications and conference
presentations address technology, educational equity,
youth participatory action research, and critical media
literacy.
Andrew Hafner is an Assistant Professor of Education
at Westfield State University.
He holds a B.A. from
Hamilton College, and both M.Ed. and Ed.D. from the
University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Sarah Hentges is an Assistant Professor of American
Studies at the University of Maine at Augusta. Her book,
Women and Fitness in American Culture, will be published
by McFarland in 2014.
Anna Kurian teaches at The University of Hyderabad,
India. Her interests include Shakespeare Studies and
Children's Literature.
Carlos REC McBride is a Doctoral candidate in the
Language, Literacy and Culture program through the
School of Education at the University of Massachusetts in
Amherst. He is also a photographer, DJ, and Media
Maker. His research interests include Hip Hop culture,
Critical Pedagogy, Social Justice in Education, multimodal
approaches to alternative schooling, media justice, New
RADICAL TEACHER
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Literacy Studies, the Prison Industrial Complex, and Ethnic
Studies. Mr. McBride is a lecturer at Smith College in
Northampton, Massachusetts, through the Latin American
& Latin@ Studies program. Mr. McBride is also co-founder
of TRGGR Media Collective and is a co-host of TRGGR
RADIO (trggradio.org) on 91.1 FM WMUA, at the University
of Massachusetts in Amherst.
Steve Netcoh is currently the Chief Content
Officer for NuSkool and a teacher in the CUNY Start
program at LaGuardia Community College. Prior to
his work at LAGCC, he taught classes at St. John’s
University (Jamaica, NY), Mercy College (Bronx, NY),
and CUNY Prep (Bronx, NY) that used popular culture
to teach information literacy, first-year writing,
critical analysis, and media literacy. Twitter Handles:
@HipHopPedagogy @NuSkoolOfficial
of
coordinates the planned Certificate program in Multicultural
Theater Practice. Page has served as instructor at
Hampshire College in the School of Interdisciplinary Arts
and as a dramaturg with a number of companies, including
The Performance Project, Northampton, Mass.; the 24Hour Theater Project, Northampton; and the Play-in-a-Day
Festival at UMass. She is a member of the Association for
Theater in Higher Education and Women Playwrights
International, a core faculty member in the Women of
Color Leadership Network, a faculty member of the Five
College Puerto Rican Studies Seminar and a member of the
Five College Multicultural Theater Committee.
Christopher Tinson is an Assistant Professor of
Africana Studies at Hampshire College.
Priscilla Page specializes in the work of playwrights
color, multicultural theater and feminism, and
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution‐Noncommercial‐No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. This journal is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D‐Scribe Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. RADICAL TEACHER
81
No. 97 (Fall 2013)
DOI 10.5195/rt.2013.62

Volume 98 (2014) Radical Teaching and the

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