www.ssoar.info Regulated prostitution in Brussels, 1844

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Regulated prostitution in Brussels, 1844-1877 : a
policy and its implementation
Schaepdrijver, Sophie de
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Schaepdrijver, Sophie de: Regulated prostitution in Brussels, 1844-1877 : a policy and its implementation. In: Historical
Social Research 11 (1986), 1, pp. 89-108. URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-34681
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- 89 R E G U L A T E D P R O S T I T U T I O N I N B R U S S E L S , 1844 - 1 8 7 7 .
A P O L I C Y A N D ITS I M P L E M E N T A T I O N
S o p h i e d e S c h a e p d r i j v e r (+)
Abstract:
T h e 19th c e n t u r y r e g u l a t i o n o f c o m m e r c i a l s e x
w a s a n e a r l y all E u r o p e a n m u n i c i p a l i n i t i a t i v e . T h e c i t y
of Brussels offers a classic e x a m p l e as well as e x t e n sive source m a t e r i a l , which has m a d e it possible to
trace the history of the closed "system" of prostitution
i n s t a l l e d b y r e g u l a t i o n , f r o m i t s b e g i n n i n g s i n 1844 t o
its de f a c t o d o w n f a l l in 1877. A c o m p r e h e n s i v e v i e w is
given
of its daily r e a l i t y a n d of t h e i d e n t i t y of t h e
people involved (prostitutes and brothel-keepers). The
conclusion is t h a t the implementation of this policy has
n e v e r lived u p t o its high s t a n d a r d s .
Regulation of p r o s t i t u t i o n in its "orthodox" form first c a m e into e x i s t e n c e
in Paris and was therefore called the "French system".
After a few a t t e m p t s
u n d e r t a k e n d u r i n g t h e 1760s a n d 1770s,
it began to take shape during the
Convention, and from then on g r e w p i e c e m e a l during t h e first four d e c a d e s of
the
19th c e n t u r y .
With t h e Napoleonic Wars t h e idea had been introduced in
other European cities; Brussels closely mirrored the Parisian evolution of
progressive extension of the police's arbitrary powers in the matter, before
a r r i v i n g a t a c o m p r e h e n s i v e r e g u l a t o r y c o d e i n 1844, o n e y e a r a f t e r t h e
French capital.
The Brussels s y s t e m was regarded by t h e British regulationist Dr.
Acton as
"very stringent"(1), very analogous to t h e one in Paris, and highly r e p r e sentative of continental regulation in general. Other contemporaries praised
its d e g r e e of d e t a i l , a n d it inspired a l a r g e n u m b e r of municipal r e g u l a t i n g
efforts in other countries.
The general idea behind regulation,
most forcibly put forward by the French
social hygienist Dr. P a r e n t Duchâtelet(2) - whom Acton called the "Newton
of Harlotry"
is t h a t , p r o s t i t u t i o n b e i n g i n e v i t a b l e a n d its p r o h i b i t i o n
impossible if not a c t u a l l y d a n g e r o u s ,
it should be d e a l t with by m e a n s of a
policy of controlled toleration. Indeed, if kept under continuous control by
the police, prostitution would c e a s e to carry both moral and sanitary danger
and b e c o m e instead an organized, clean public utility not unlike a well-kept
sewer.(3)
This control was arrived at by confining t h e " c o m m e r c e " to a closed circuit:
all p r o s t i t u t e s h a d t o r e g i s t e r o n t h e list o f p u b l i c w o m e n , w h e r e a p e r s o n a l file was o p e n e d c o n t a i n i n g n a m e , a g e , birth c e r t i f i c a t e , a n t e c e d e n t s ,
social status of parents and sanitary condition together with subsequent
observations on their behaviour, changes of address, and health. They had to
submit to a medical e x a m i n a t i o n by municipally appointed doctors t w i c e a
week;
if found n o n - c o n t a m i n a t e d by venereal disease, they w e r e given a c a r d
w h i c h t h e y h a d to show to a n y p o l i c e m a n , d o c t o r , or c l i e n t a s k i n g for it. In
the opposite c a s e , they w e r e forced to undergo t r e a t m e n t in a special hospital and were only discharged when considered recovered.
Any infringement of
t h e host of rules regulating their behaviour, such as "indecent" dress,
drunkenness, staying away from sanitary control, and so on,
was punished
(+) A d d r e s s a l l c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t o : S o p h i e d e S c h a e p d r i j v e r , I s t i t u t o E u r o p e o ,
V i a d e i R o c c e t t i n i 9 , I - 50016 S . D o m e n i c o d i F i e s o l e , F i r e n z e , o r
G. S t o c q s t r a a t 3, B - 1050 B r u s s e l
- 90 with
s h o r t b u t e x c e e d i n g l y f r e q u e n t s t a y s in,
prison.
again,
a specially designed
Ideally t h e t r a d e itself had only to t a k e p l a c e in special b r o t h e l s , t o l e r a t e d by t h e municipal a u t h o r i t i e s and a l w a y s within r e a c h of t h e police.(4)
The keepers of these houses had to have a permit or "tolérance"
hence the
term
"maison de tolérance"
conferred on t h e m by mayor and police.
The
permit
was only given after a scrupulous examination of the location of the
premises
(they had to be situated at a certain distance from
churches or
schools, preferentially in quiet, peripheral s i d e s t r e e t s in neighbourhoods
which
w e r e n e i t h e r t o o w e l l - t o - d o nor t o o working class),
their
internal
disposition,
the morality and judiciary record of the candidate keeper, and
so on. It could be revoked at any moment, which resulted in c o m p l e t e obedience
from t h e part of t h e keeper,
whom this m e a s u r e could ruin.
Obedience
implied k e e p i n g t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t a n d its i n m a t e s q u i e t and c l e a n ,
banning
non r e g i s t e r e d p r o s t i t u t e s as well as minors of both sexes from
the premises,
and punctually paying the sanitary tax. The latter was calculated on
the number of inmates and the "category" of the business.
Indeed, the tolerated brothels were divided in three categories according to clientele,
n e i g h b o u r h o o d , a n d t y p e of building; a m a x i m u m p r i c e w a s s t i p u l a t e d for e a c h
category.
In Brussels as e v e r y w h e r e , t h e lobby drafting t h e regulation
composed of
doctors from t h e garrison and t h e "Conseil de salubrité", and police authorities
recognized t h a t it would be quite impossible to immediately
force
all
p r o s t i t u t e s to live and work in closed b r o t h e l s .
Although keeping the
t r a d e o u t of t h e public's and in t h e police's view was t h e main idea
behind
r e g u l a t i n g it(5), a t o o s t r i c t a n d o v e r - h a s t y r e p r e s s i o n of s t r e e t p r o s t i t u t i o n would h a v e t h e i n v e r s e e f f e c t o f d r i v i n g all public w o m e n
into
complete
cladestinity;
mindful of P a r e n t s ' s m a x i m " t o l e r a t e at first
what
you c a n n o t r e p r e s s " , t h e r e g u l a t i o n i s t s in Brüssel a l l o w e d for a
special
category of independent registered prostitutes.
H e n c e t h e lists
comprised
t w o kinds o f public w o m e n : t h e b r o t h e l i n m a t e s a n d t h e "filles insolées".
T h e l a t t e r did n o t h a v e an e a s y life under r e g u l a t i o n ,
a s t h e p o l i c e b y all
means
t r i e d t o d i m i n i s h t h e i r n u m b e r s i n o r d e r t o e v e n t u a l l y c o n f i n e all
prostitutes
to the panoptical brothel world.
They were alleged to be
more
dangerous
from both a moral and a sanitary point of view, and served m u c h
m o r e frequent a n d l o n g e r p r i s o n s e n t e n c e s t h a n d i d t h e b r o t h e l w o m e n .
As the
police
had g r a n t e d t h e m s e l v e s a right to e n t e r their lodgings at any
time,
they
w e r e soon known to be p r o s t i t u t e s and could no longer live w h e r e
they
pleased.
They
w e r e not allowed to walk or solicit in t h e wealthier s t r e e t s
and squares;
the houses w h e r e they usually took their clients to,
the socalled "maisons de passe", had to have a " t o l é r a n c e " as well and their
keepers
had
to pay tax according to the category they had been
allocated.
Again, there were three categories, each with different maximum prices. Just
like
the
independent prostitutes,
these keepers were treated much
more
severely than their counterparts in the closed circuit: the criteria
for
location
were
distinctly m o r e rigid and seizures of p e r m i t m o r e
frequent.
The police never stopped complaining about the "incessant" comings and
goings of p r o s t i t u t e s and clients this kind of house occasioned in t h e
neighbourhood.
In short, t h e regulation left nothing to c h a n c e . One i m m e d i a t e l y senses t h a t
this complex system of brothels,
"maisons de passe", categories, permits,
taxes,
brothel women and independent prostitutes, sanitary control and hunt
for
clandestine prostitution must have necessitated immense
administrative
- 91 and financial efforts.
The question should be not so much why, at a c e r t a i n
point, it has c e a s e d to function, as why it has ever functioned - if at all.
i . E V O L U T I O N O F T H E S Y S T E M , 1844
1877*
I n J u l y 1844, a n o r d e r w a s g i v e n t o all b r o t h e l - a n d ' m a i s o n d e p a s s e '
k e e p e r s to h a n d in a r e q u e s t for a ' t o l e r a n c e ' ; in s p i t e of all r h e t o r i c ,
this did not result in any g r a n d r e a r r a n g e m e n t of t h e c i t y ' s houses of
ill
fame.
Most establishments simply received t h e permit and continued to exist
as they had before regulation, albeit now officially placed in some c a t e g o r y
or o t h e r . A few houses w e r e closed b e c a u s e of their location on a
too
commercial thoroughfare; throughout the period under examination, clandestine brothels
disguised as hotels, r e s t a u r a n t s , t o b a c c o or liquor shops continued to pop up on that spot,
attesting to the inherent immovability of
prostitutional offer and demand.
The underlying desire of the police to limit the number of "maisons de
passe" is clear from t h e way in which requests w e r e handled. Most houses
were automatically categorized as closed brothels, even if the candidate had
expressly stated otherwise;
the latter then had to choose between a brothel
' t o l e r a n c e ' or none at all. Since, as a rule, t h e brothel manager kept
a l m o s t all o f t h e m o n e y e a r n e d b y t h e i n m a t e s ,
huge profits could be
made
with such houses; but they also necessitated a more considerable starting
capital
and continuous financial and other efforts,
as the women had to be
fed, clothed, and lodged, and a large number of clients was not always to be
reckoned upon.
As a result, many brothel keepers continuously e n t r e a t e d the
municipal authorities to place t h e m in t h e 'maison de passe' type; only o n c e
in all 34 y e a r s w a s a p o s i t i v e r e p l y g i v e n to s u c h a r e q u e s t .
A similar phenomenon is to be withnessed within both types of houses: the
police o f t e n p u t t h i r d - c l a s s c a n d i d a t e s o n e c a t e g o r y higher(6) - p r e s u m a b l y
because of the higher taxes to be paid
and very r e l u c t a n t l y , if at all,
c h a n g e d t h e i r minds.(7)
O n e o f t h e r e a s o n s w h y life h a d b e c o m e h a r d e r for t h e ' m a i s o n s d e p a s s e '
w a s , t h a t t h e n e w r e g u l a t i o n f o r b a d e t h e m t o a c c o m o d a t e "civil" couples, w h o
h a d c o n s t i t u t e d t h e b u l k o f t h e i r c l i e n t e l e b e f o r e 1844 - a n a t t e m p t ,
pres u m a b l y , t o r e g u l a t e all e x t r a m a r i t a l s e x . I n J u n e 1851, a f t e r t h e nth
petition from the keepers, who pleaded that this measure was especially
ruinous because
many prostitutes took their clients home with t h e m , the
administration officially interdicted this habit;
the number of 'maisons de
p a s s e ' t h e n i n c r e a s e d (graph 1). Most of t h e n e w o n e s , h o w e v e r , did not
really s e r v e as "hourly h o t e l s " but r a t h e r as lodging-houses for p r o s t i t u t e s ;
to allow these women to continue to work t h e r e , the keepers gave in and
requested the official permit, which m e a n t police control, taxes, and a
landlord raising the rent - but t h a t could easily be passed on to the sublodgers, t h e public women.(8)
As Graph 1 shows, both types of tolerated houses tended to be c o n c e n t r a t e d
in the second and third categories, catering, as qualitative sources attest,
the former to artisans,
shopkeepers, and clerks, and the latter to casual
labourers, street peddlars, and soldiers. Labourers, domestic, casual and
other,
a c c o u n t e d for o v e r half of B r u s s e l s ' a c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n in
1846(9);
the rural crisis in Flanders drove masses of impoverished migrants to the
capital.(10) The housing conditions in Brussels being worse, at the t i m e of
t h e 1846 c e n s u s ,
than in other Belgian c i t i e s ( n ) , the hard-pressed working
population often could not afford to raise or expand a family. As far as t h e
demand is concerned,
then,
the first decades certainly favoured the growth
of
lower and lower middle class regulated prostitution. The female labour
- 92 m a r k e t t y p i c a l l y o f f e r i n g for t h e m o s t p a r t low paid a n d highly
insecure
jobs such as domestic service and the needle trades(12), the offer was not
lacking either.
The size of the group of independent p r o s t i t u t e s (graph 2) and 'maisons de
p a s s e ' (supra), coupled with a decline in t h e n u m b e r s of third class
b r o t h e l s f r o m 1853 o n w a r d s , a l a r m e d t h e p o l i c e . A r o y a l a r r e s t o f J a n u a r y
1854, s t a t i n g t h a t f o r c e d t r e a t m e n t for v e n e r e a l d i s e a s e , u n l i k e o t h e r
medical a s s i s t a n c e , had to be paid by t h e c o m m u n i t y w h e r e t h e illness had
been caught and not by the birth community of the diseased person,
carried
police hostility towards the independents to extremes.(13) In
1855, t h e y
were
forbidden to walk t h e s t r e e t s a f t e r sunset and to live in a ' m a i s o n de
passe'. Soliciting and taking lodgings in such houses having been the only
ways in which prostitutes could make themselves known as such, the t r a d e was
now
r e n d e r e d v e r y d i f f i c u l t for t h e m ;
the same applied to the 'maisons de
passe', who had to expel t h e lodgers who w e r e their only source of
income
(supra). Some closed down, others b e c a m e brothels. Hence, the latter's
n u m b e r a t t a i n s a m a x i m u m in 1856, b e f o r e s t a r t i n g a c o n t i n u o u s d e c l i n e . A
short lived and artificial success as was the one o b t a i n e d with t h e
prosti
t u t e s : t h e n u m b e r s of t h e i n d e p e n d e n t g r o u p did d e c l i n e , but so did t h o s e of
the overall population. The 'isolées' had obviously chosen to exercise
their trade clandestinely rather than resort to brothels;
most of them went
to live e x t r a m u r o s , w h e r e t h e r e was no regulation.(14) This is o n e of t h e
factors contributing to the system's growing obsolescence: as the actual
t o w n , i n 1 8 5 6 , d i d n o t r e p r e s e n t m o r e t h a n 65% o f t h e B r u s s e l s c o n u r b a t i o n ,
a strictly intra muros control (the suburbs stubbornly refused to
introduce
regulation, on financial grounds) could not hope to archieve much.
Obviously, other factors were at work which the regulationists had not
f o r e s e e n : a slight i n c r e a s e in living s t a n d a r d s , w h a t with t h e i m m i g r a n t s
gradually integrating into t h e urban structures, was modifying the n a t u r e of
d e m a n d . The assembly line sex o f f e r e d by t h e t o o well known official
brothels no longer satisfied the customers who were becoming
increasingly
a t t r a c t e d by t h e "illusion of s e d u c t i o n " o f f e r e d by c l a n d e s t i n e p r o s t i t u t e s
passing as "honest girls".(15) In t h e c a s e of Brussels, t h e decline of t h e
c l o s e d b r o t h e l s t a r t s i n 1856.(16)
I n i860, e l e v e n t o l e r a t e d h o u s e s o f t h e s e c o n d c a t e g o r y h a d t h e i r b u s i n e s s e s
placed in the highest. The reason c i t e d in their requests is t h a t first
class brothels can have their prostitues inspected at home; the sanitary
s e r v i c e h a v i n g m o v e d t o a m u c h f u r t h e r off l o c a t i o n e a r l i e r t h a t y e a r ,
raising t h e c a t e g o r y would s p a r e both k e e p e r s and i n m a t e s a long and
embarrassing bi weekly walk. Another reason might have been, that more
c u s t o m e r s w e r e able to afford t h e prices of first c a t e g o r y houses; anyway,
a l t h o u g h m a x i m u m p r i c e s w e r e laid down, t h e r e is no r e c o r d of t h e police's
a c t u a l l y c o n t r o l l i n g this a s p e c t of b r o t h e l life or of k e e p e r s b e i n g c h a r g e d
w i t h t r a n s g r e s s i o n o f t h i s r u l e . All b u t t w o o f t h e " u p w a r d l y m o b i l e "
brothels were situated in the s a m e street, hence probably a "domino-effect".
There nevertheless remained a huge distinction between the 'parvenus' and the
other first class businesses,
in t e r m s of staff, furnishing, naturally t y p e
of neighbourhood, and possibly clientele.
As the uselessness of the brothel system dawned on them, the police's enthusiasm began to wear thin; Parent had noted as early as the 'thirties that
t h e s u p e r i n t e n d e n t s of t h e different q u a r t e r s w e r e likely to abhor a c o n c e n tration of tolerated brothels in their precinct, as they always d e e m e d the
charge unequally divided over the different parts of town.(17) Two specific
police
sections,
t h e 1st a n d t h e 6th,
h o u s e d 70% o f t h e o f f i c i a l b r o t h e l s
- 93 b e t w e e n them.(18) Both c o n t a i n e d o n e notorious s t r e e t w h e r e t h e bulk of
t h e i r h o u s e s o f ill f a m e h a d b e e n c o n c e n t r a t i n g " s i n c e t i m e i m m e m o r i a l " ; a l l
of t h e buildings in t h e s e s t r e e t s served t h e purpose of prostitution uninterruptedly, with only the k e e p e r s and t h e public w o m e n shifting.
Complaints were as frequent as they were unheeded,
u n t i l 1865 a n d 1866 w h e n
t h e s u p e r i n t e n d e n t s o f t h e 1 s t a n d t h e 6th p r e c i n c t r e s p e c t i v e l y , d e c i d e d t o
close down both concentrations of houses, as indeed happened.
Surprisingly
enough, t h e b r o t h e l - k e e p e r s did not r e a c t at all. It could be t h a t both redlight a r e a s w e r e a l r e a d y f u n c t i o n i n g a t a loss b e f o r e t h a t t i m e ;
maybe this
is why one of t h e m had almost completely moved to a higher c a t e g o r y (supra),
as a
keepers' last a t t e m p t to m a k e their pile before t h e r e would be no
c u s t o m e r s left at all.
These
closures meant the definitive end of second-and third class brothels.
T h e d o w n w a r d t r e n d o f t h e c l o s e d s y s t e m r e v e a l e d itself t o b e
irreversible.
D e m a n d had shifted in favour of t h a t c o m m e r c i a l sex which was moving and on
display, as was the entire city(19), and was not confined to official houses
in
peripheral streets.(20) The offer may have a d a p t e d gladly to this
less
constraining and marginalizing pattern.
At the end of the period,
t h e only
tolerated houses remaining were the sumptuous high-class brothels on the one
extreme, a
noisy a n d all t o o visible c l u s t e r of low ' m a i s o n s de p a s s e ' (to
be closed down
i n 1886 a f t e r r e p e a t e d c o m p l a i n t s f r o m
the
'Societ' de
moralite publique') on the other.
As regulated prostitution was
initially
designed to canalise the demands of the labouring class by way of orderly,
controlled establishments,
and c e r t a i n l y did not m e a n t o c a t e r t o luxury
t a s t e s , it is obvious t h a t t h e s y s t e m had c o m p l e t e l y failed in its p u r p o s e .
Indeed, t h e s e upper-class businesses had by now specialized in t h e hightechnology, "perverse" sex which was an abomination to t h e regulations(21);
instead of canalizing needs, they enlarged t h e m . The "'maisons de passe', by
their open c h a r a c t e r and lack of discretion(22), also stimulated
"vice"
rather than merely holding it within bounds.
The
size of t h e g r o u p of r e g i s t e r e d public w o m e n had dropped to its
lowest
i n 1 8 6 6 , b o t h a b s o l u t e l y a n d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n ( g r a p h 2);
the
i n c r e a s e t h e n slowly r e s t a r t e d a n d g a i n e d m o m e n t u m f r o m 1874 on,
which
is also the point at which the number of luxury brothels began to expand.(23) H o w e v e r ,
the proportion of brothel i n m a t e s was lower,
in
1880,
than it had ever been; t h e reason for t h e increase in independent r e g i s t e r e d
w o m e n has to be found in t h e r e g u l a t i o n of 1877, which was a p u r e police
i n i t i a t i v e (as o p p o s e d t o t h e m e d i c a l - m i l i t a r y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n s e n s u s o f
1844), a n d d e f a c t o m a r k e d t h e e n d o f t h e c l o s e d s y s t e m , a s h a d a l s o
happened in Paris t h r e e years earlier. The principle of confinement of
c o m m e r c i a l sex was completely dropped in t h a t nothing was put in t h e way of
the
independent prostitutes any more: they could take their clients home,
c i r c u l a t e i n all p a r t s o f t o w n a t all t i m e s , a n d s o on. W e m a y p r e s u m e t h a t
control considerably slackened, if we t a k e as an indicator that in the
p o l i c e p a p e r s , hardly a r e p o r t or list e x i s t s for t h e period a f t e r 1877.
T h e w h i t e s l a v e r y s c a n d a l o f t h e e a r l y 1880s,
when a traffic in young
English girls to Brussels brothels was discovered by British Contagous
Diseases
Acts
repealers,
soon b e c a m e an
antiregulationist
'cause
celebre'(24) and may have contributed to t h e repeal of the Acts.
For
Brussels,
t h e a f f a i r s u c c e e d e d i n e x p o s i n g t h e all t o o c l o s e links b e t w e e n
the administration and the brothel-keepers,
which resulted in the removal
from office of the chief constable and the forced resignation of the mayor but t h e k e e p e r s t h e m s e l v e s w e r e left to run their businesses in p e a c e , and
s o m e e s t a b l i s h m e n t s continued to exist until t h e interwar period;
the regul a t i o n , or w h a t w a s left of it,
was not abolished until after the Second
- 94 World War.
Obviously,
the chronology of discourse and that of the
actual
situation took different paths. The de facto downfall of the control system,
m e a n w h i l e , c o n t i n u e d its w a y a n d at t h e e v e of t h e F i r s t World War, Brussels
h a d a t o t a l of six b r o t h e l s w i t h 37 i n m a t e s ,
a n d 145 i n d e p e n d e n t r e g i s t e r e d
women.(25)
2.
WHERE, WHO, AND WHY: LOCATION AN RECRUITMENT PATTERNS
OF REGULATED PROSTITUTION
As officialized c o m m e r c i a l sex brought with it a considerable administra
tion, q u i t e a few s o u r c e s h a v e survived, be it in a c h a o t i c s t a t e . The
registers of public women, alas, have been burned,
which can be called a
disaster
if one knows w h a t they c o n t a i n e d (supra). What is left a r e t h e
' t o l é r a n c e ' papers, by means of which it has proved feasible if t i m e
c o n s u m i n g to build up a file on e a c h of t h e d i f f e r e n t p e r m i t holders identified
in t h e 1844
1877 p e r i o d .
I n a l l , 254 p e o p l e r e c e i v e d a p e r m i t a t
least o n c e (different lists a t t e s t e d to t h e exhaustiveness of this
number).
The
archives also contain police records on the way their houses were kept.
Research into r a t e books and "population registers" (updated censuses)
made
it possible to d e t e r m i n e , among other information,
the length of t i m e a
t o l e r a t e d house functioned. The latter source also m a d e possible the identif i c a t i o n of t h e b r o t h e l i n m a t e s . As a r e s u l t , all d a t a c o u l d be a s s e m b l e d on
t w o c o m p u t e r files, o n e c o n t a i n i n g individual i n f o r m a t i o n on all of
the
keepers, the other, data on a sample of brothel prostitutes.(26)
We a r e thus fairly well equipped to answer t h e question w h e t h e r t h e p r a c t i c e
of
r e g u l a t e d prostitution ever lived up to t h e ideal of an
invisible and
orderly closed system, and what it may have m e a n t to the people involved.
Throughout
the regulationist opinion and especially in the work of
Parent,
who was more closely connected to and familiar with police practice than any
of
the other medical writers,
w e find t h e firm c o n v i c t i o n t h a t t h e
very
p r e s e n c e of t o l e r a t e d houses of p r o s t i t u t i o n would e x e r t a beneficial
influence on their immediate environment.
As t h e police had a right to enter
brothels and 'maisons de passe' at any t i m e ,
these could easily serve as an
o b s e r v a t i o n - p o s t f r o m w h i c h t o k e e p a n e y e o n t h e w h o l e (as a r u l e
workingclass)
neigbourhood.(27) The brothel-keeper could even be employed as
an
a g e n t of police control:
"... p a r la s u r v e i l l a n c e qu'il e x e r c e sur t o u s les
habitants;
(...) i l s ' e m p r e s s e d ' a l l e r a u - d e v a n t d e s d é s o r d r e s , e t f a i t
p l u s à lui s e u l q u ' u n g r a n d n o m b r e d ' i n s p e c t e u r s . " ( 2 8 )
If we t a k e t h e proportion of assisted (i.e.
receiving poor relief) families
per
s t r e e t as an indicator(2o),
tolerated houses of the second and
third
categories,
brothels as well as 'maisons de passe', w e r e located in s t r e e t s
w h i c h w e r e p o o r e r t h a n t h e s u r r o u n d i n g neighbourhood, t h o u g h n o t a l w a y s w o r s e
off
t h a n t h e t o w n in general.(30) Many of t h e m had always been known
for
this t r a d e , some having been subject, during the 'Ancien Régime', to enclosure regulations. None of t h e m bore a c o m m e rc i a l c h a r a c t e r , as 'toléranees'
w e r e never given to houses on busy s t r e e t s ; the administration's
obsession with invisibility was so pronounced t h a t corner houses and
dwellings
situated on squares were declared unsuited.
Much a t t e n t i o n
was
given to the distance between them and historical monuments of other
places
of touristic interest, churches,
and schools; many permits were refused
b e c a u s e of this,
although from a "trade" point of view some locations must
have been very interesting, as the constant flourishing of clandestine
prostitution demonstrates. The police too often forgot that prostitution was
a commercial activity.
Indeed, the inflexibility of t h e official branch was
t o lead t o its d e a t h .
As the late 'sixties saw the ploughing-up of
large
parts of the urban structure,
t o m a k e way for bustling b o u l e v a r d s flaunting
wealth,
r e g u l a t e d p r o s t i t u t i o n did not follow t h e d e m a n d :
none of the new,
- 95 opulent buildings ever housed an official brothel.
2.1
THE BROTHEL-KEEPERS
The Brussels reality yields a completely different picture than t h a t usually
g i v e n i n l i t e r a t u r e : t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e " m a d a m s " a r e m e n - 140 k e e p e r s o r
55%.
Regulationist opinion distinctly prefered according the 'tolerance'
to women; in the main French cities, men were forbidden to keep a
brothel.(31) This p r e f e r e n c e c a n well be explained in t e r m s of t h e regulation principles: as t h e m a i n idea was t h e c r e a t i o n of a closed h i e r a r c h i c a l
world of women, controlled by men (the medical and police authorities) and
m e a n t for m e n (the c l i e n t s ) , having a m a n at t h e h e a d of a b r o t h e l should
c a u s e a blurring of roles. P a r e n t ' s e m p i r i c a l study led him to c o n c l u d e t h a t
the m a n a g e m e n t and exploitation of houses of prostitution had always been an
exclusively female activity anyway, and that men played no more than a
s e c o n d a r y r o l e - if a n y - in t h e trade.(32) C o r b i n ( 3 3 ) a n d Best(34) f o u n d
only m a d a m s ; but it should be said t h a t t h e ones in the former study exerc i s e d d u r i n g a m u c h l a t e r p e r i o d (1908
1913),
in t h e city of
Marseille
where permits were not given to men,
and t h a t t h e r e w e r e only s e v e n t e e n of
t h e m ; in St. Paul (Minnesota), no m o r e than 40 b r o t h e l - k e e p e r s plied their
t r a d e b e t w e e n 1861 a n d 1883. I n t o w n s w i t h o u t a ' t o l e r a n c e ' s y s t e m , s u c h a s
t h e British o n e s - b o t h t h o s e which fell under t h e C o n t a g i o u s D i s e a s e s A c t s
and t h o s e which did not
it is of c o u r s e very difficult to d r a w a p i c t u r e
of the brothel-keeper with any certainty.(35)
Thus, we cannot conclude t h a t Brussels was necessarily atypical in this
respect; the police who,
i f w e m a y j u d g e f r o m t h e f r e q u e n t q u o t a t i o n s , all
seem
to have kept P a r e n t ' s book on their bedside cabinet, do not appear to
have been a w a r e of any discrepancy.
Gender constitutes an important difference with regard to the category of
the establishment: one-quarter of the women had a house (brothel or 'maisons
de passe') of the first class,
a s o p p o s e d t o o n e - t e n t h o f t h e m e n ; 46% o f
t h e w o m e n m a n a g e a s e c o n d - a n d 29% a t h i r d c a t e g o r y h o u s e ; t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g
p r o p o r t i o n s i n t h e m a l e s u b g r o u p a r e 3 2 a n d 58%. T h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n t h e
upper stratum does not derive from the f e m a l e keepers' forming a more "rec e n t " p a r t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n : i n b o t h g r o u p s , 70% r e c e i v e a p e r m i t b e f o r e
1856.(36)
Lower c a t e g o r y brothels usually had a beer shop open to t h e public,
so we
may
assume that a sizeable proportion of the male permit-holders
conformed
to t h e i m a g e of public-house licensee with w a i t r e s s e s living in and offering
special services on the side, rather than to the better-known one of closedhouse
m a d a m . This hypothesis is confirmed by t h e fact t h a t 'maisons de
passe', which were not p e r m i t t e d to have a pub,
were more often kept by
w o m e n (58%).
Moreover, second-class brothels sometimes had a pub, sometimes
n o t , d e p e n d i n g o n t h e l o c a t i o n (all o f t h e h o u s e s i n o n e s t r e e t u l t i m a t e l y
tending to resemble one another);
within this subdivision, men c o n c e n t r a t e d
in
t h e f o r m e r kind. P a r e n t n o t e d t h a t ' e s t a m i n e t ' and liquor shop k e e p e r s
liked to have p r o s t i t u t e s around,
as they a t t r a c t e d customers and
incited
t h e m to drink(37); he s e r v e r e l y d i s a p p r o v e d of this sort of e s t a b l i s h m e n t s ,
as t h e women w e r e much m o r e "disorderly" than in any closed brothel. Since
rooting out these houses was hardly feasible,
however, the administration
had to resign itself to g r a n t i n g t h e m an official p e r m i t ,
by means of which
control and order could be introduced. Thus c r e a t e d official brothels
existed,
and had to exist, only in t h e very shabby neighbourhoods.(38) It
is not difficult to see why regularist opinion disapproved of t a v e r n s
in
tolerated houses: they w e r e visible, kept their doors open, and by not
serving exclusively t h e purpose of prostitution,
in a sense d e m a r g i n a l i z e d
that trade,
creating socializing p a t t e r n s what with people "hanging around"
- 96 i n s t e a d o f g e t t i n g t h e m a t t e r s w i f t l y o v e r and d o n e w i t h .
M o r e g e n e r a l l y , P a r e n t did r e c o g n i z e
with regret
that in the c a s e of
poor,
" i m m o r a l " n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , t h e c r i t e r i a for g r a n t i n g b r o t h e l k e e p e r s a
p e r m i t w e r e t o b e l o o s e r t h a n u s u a l , a s t h e s e h o u s e s had a b e n e f i c i a l
i n f l u e n c e (supra) and a s t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w a s o b l i g e d t o c o n t e n t i t s e l f
w i t h a n y r e q u e s t for a ' t o l e r a n c e ' it c o u l d g e t in t h e s e q u a r t e r s . This
a p p l i e d to m a r r i e d b r o t h e l k e e p e r s . T h e p r i n c i p l e of a man in t h e h o u s e ran
c o u n t e r t o r e g u l a t i o n , a s n o t e d b e f o r e , a l s o b e c a u s e t h e b r o t h e l k e e p e r had
t o h a v e but o n e a u t h o r i t y a b o v e her and n o husband i n a d d i t i o n t o t h a t ;
m o r e o v e r , men c o u l d e x e r c i s e a u t h o r i t y b y s h e e r f o r c e , and P a r e n t l o a t h e d
t h e idea of d i r e c t p h y s i c a l r e p r e s s i o n . ( 3 9 ) He found t h a t , in 1830, 22% of
t h e P a r i s i a n ' d a m e s d e m a i s o n ' w e r e m a r r i e d ; n e a r l y all o f t h o s e e x p l o i t e d
t h e l o w l i e s t and d i r t i e s t h o u s e s . T h e husband u s u a l l y k e p t a n ' e s t a m i n e t ' a t
l i t t l e d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e b r o t h e l , t h e r b y i n d i r e c t l y p r o f i t i n g from it; " m o s t
o f t h e m " , P a r e n t n o t e d w i t h u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c l a c k o f p r e c i s i o n , "are
d r u n k a r d s and t h i e v e s " . ( 4 0 ) N i n e o u t o f t h e s e v e n t e e n m a d a m s C o r b i n has
i d e n t i f i e d , had a h u s b a n d . ( 4 1 ) 1 9 % o f S t . P a u l ' s b r o t h e l k e e p e r s c l a i m e d t o
be m a r r i e d ; at l e a s t t w o of t h e s e m e n l i v e d in t h e b r o t h e l . ( 4 2 ) In s h o r t ,
the brothel as a f a m i l y business s e e m s to be the e x c e p t i o n
i n t h e upper
s t r a t a : i n t h e c a s e o f P l y m o u t h and S o u t h a m p t o n ' s w o r k i n g - c l a s s q u a r t e r s ,
this w a s the prevailing pattern.(43)
In B r u s s e l s , t h e c i v i l s t a t u s at t h e m o m e n t of r e c e i v i n g t h e p e r m i t ( 4 4 ) is
v e r y d i f f e r e n t for w o m e n and m e n :
women
single
married
divorced
cohabiting
widow(er)
(missing
observation)
men
35
(31%)
47
(42%)
4
(3%)
6
(5%)
21
(19%)
12
(9%)
113
(84%)
i
(1%)
7
(5%)
2
(1%)
113
(100%)
1
135
(100%)
5
T h u s , 53% o f t h e w o m e n h a v e n o p a r t n e r upon e n t e r i n g t h e t r a d e , a s o p p o s e d
t o a m e r e 1 1 % o f t h e m e n . O f t h e s i n g l e , d i v o r c e d , c o h a b i t i n g and w i d o w e d
m a l e s , 64% g e t m a r r i e d a f t e r w a r d s ; t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g f i g u r e for t h e
' t e n a n c i è r e s ' i s 26% - a l t h o u g h t h e a g e s t r u c t u r e d o e s not d i f f e r m a r k e d l y ,
t h e m e a n b e i n g 3 6 for t h e m e n and 36.9 for t h e w o m e n . W e m a y n o w g o o n
m e a s u r e t h e i n f l u e n c e c i v i l s t a t u s has o n c l a s s o f t h e h o u s e d ) , t h e h y p o thesis being that married couples tended to k e e p the lower c a t e g o r y business e s . Y e t , t h e y did n o t . F o r t h e e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n , " c i v i l s t a t u s a t p e r m i t "
and " c a t e g o r y " a r e d i s t r i b u t e d i n m u c h t h e s a m e w a y . 1 6 % o f t h e m a r r i e d
p e o p l e h a v e a f i r s t - c l a s s h o u s e , a s c o m p a r e d t o 1 7 % o f t h e group(46) i n
g e n e r a l ; 42% e x p l o i t a l o w e s t - c l a s s b u s i n e s s , w h i c h is t r u e for 44% of t h e
o v e r a l l population. The distribution of the other subgroups is more marked:
t h e w i d o w ( e r ) s s t a y a w a y f r o m t h e 1 s t c a t e g o r y (only 13%) and c o n c e n t r a t e i n
t h e s e c o n d and t h i r d ; d i v o r c e d and e s p e c i a l l y c o h a b i t i n g p e o p l e a r e m o r e
- 97 often
f o u n d k e e p i n g t h e l o w e s t b r o t h e l s a n d ' m a i s o n s d e p a s s e ' (60 a n d
77%
respectively). In the male subgroup, differences are more outspoken, but
point in a direction opposed to t h e one e x p e c t e d :
83% o f t h e u n m a r r i e d
men
a s c o m p a r e d t o 56% o f a l l m e n m a n a g e t h e l o w e r h o u s e s .
We
m o r e or less a s s u m e d t h a t k e e p i n g a closed b r o t h e l ,
in t h e case of men,
would be a monopoly of t h o s e having a p a r t n e r ,
as this probably f a c i l i t a t e d
t h e t a s k of r u n n i n g a h o u s e w i t h living-in w o m e n . 77% of all t h e m a l e s , a n d
78% o f a l l t h e m a r r i e d a n d c o h a b i t i n g o n e s h a v e a b r o t h e l - n o t m u c h o f a n
evidence.
This, of course, enhances the value of the gender factor, as it is proven to
influence on class of t h e b r o t h e l independently of civil s t a t u s .
Married
couples are not concentrated in the lowest strata,
as Parent would predict;
but women,
whom he prefered as brothel-keepers, were more succesful
all
of t h e m except the widows, whose proportion of lowest-class exploitants is
ten percentage-points higher than the general one.
The
h e a v y e m p h a s i s o n f e m a l b r o t h e l - k e e p e r s has led t o t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t
all o f t h e m w e r e u p w a r d l y m o b i l e e x p r o s t i t u t e s . W e h a v e b e e n a b l e t o d i s t i n g u i s h 4 1 % o f t h e w o m e n a s e x - p r o s t i t u t e s w i t h a b s o l u t e c e r t a i n t y ; 26%
y i e l d e d e n o u g h i n f o r m a t i o n t o d r a w t h e o p p o s i t e c o n c l u s i o n , a n d i n 33% o f
t h e c a s e s we simply did not know.
T h e g r o u p o f w o m e n w h o h a d b e e n "in t h
trade",
showed a higher incidence of upper-level tax scales; P a r e n t already
noted that ex prostitutes,
h a v i n g all t h e r e q u i r e d e x p e r i e n c e a n d k n o w l e d g e
of the c o m m e r c e ,
w e r e t h e m o r e succesful 'maftresses de maison'.(47) As
for t h e m e n with p a r t n e r s , 17% of t h e l a t t e r had c e r t a i n l y b e e n p r o s t i t u t e s .
The pattern of the occupations exercised immediately before obtaining the
permit, can be seen in table 1 at the end of the paper. Clearly, the purely
familial background
which could m e a n anything - d o m i n a t e s in t h e c a s e of
the women;
t h e second largest c a t e g o r y is prostitution (both directly(48)
and indirectly). The p e r c e n t a g e of women in the needle trades is surprisingly low if we c o n s i d e r t h e i m p o r t a n c e of this b a c k g r o u n d for t h e r e c r u i t m e n t of a c t u a l p r o s t i t u t e s (infra).
Inversely,
the men overwhelmingly come
from a labouring occupation,
t h e majority of t h o s e from m o r e or less a r t i sanlike jobs t h r e a t e n e d with pauperisation: weavers, tanners and, very often,
s h o e m a k e r s (23% o f a l l t h e o c c u p a t i o n s c l a s s i f i e d u n d e r n u m b e r "2" i n t a b l e 1 ) .
C o m m e r c e has b e e n a d d e d u p with o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n s , divided into its low,
middle and high c o m p o n e n t . If we m e a s u r e it s e p a r a t e l y , it a c c o u n t s for 15%
of all k n o w n o c c u p a t i o n s ; t h e bulk lies in t h e m i d d l e (food a n d drink
retailers
m o s t l y ) . C o m m e r c i a l a c t i v i t i e s for w o m e n d o n o t c o n s t i t u t e
more
t h a n 4 % o f all t h e b a c k g r o u n d s ,
although we had presumed that many of them
in order to feed their families,
shifted from one "supplementary"
resource
to another (e.g. vegetable-selling to 'maison de passe'-keeping).
Many of
the w o m e n argue t h a t they should receive a p e r m i t because of
the children
"quil
faut e l e v e r h o n n a i t e m e n t " (sic),
a s o n e d e m a n d p u t it.(49) T h e m e n
invoke impossibility of "honest" labour due to deficient health, crisis, or,
as in t h e c a s e of t h e soldiers "not having learnt any skill". Soldiers and
prostitutes being the t w o population groups regulationists devoted most of
their attention to,
both f o r m i n g as t h e y did a m a r g i n a l i z e d or to be m a r g i nalized set of social outcasts recruited from the lower labouring classes,
it is not surprising t h a t t h e y a r e p r e s e n t in such relatively high n u m b e r s .
Unskilled l a b o u r e r ("1" in t a b l e 1),
m o r e w e l l - o f f p e o p l e ("3"), s o l d i e r s
("5") a n d s e r v a n t s ("9") a r e f a i r l y e q u a l l y d i v i d e d o v e r t h e c i v i l s t a t u s e s ;
s k i l l e d w o r k e r s a n d t h e m i d d l e c o m m e r c e ("2") a r e h e a v i l y c o n c e n t r a t e d
in
t h e c a t e g o r y " m a r r i e d " . 70% o f t h e p r o s t i t u t e s a r e s i n g l e . F i v e o f
these
a s k e d for t h e ' t o l e r a n c e ' b e c a u s e i t would p e r m i t t h e m t o s a v e enough m o n e y
to marry.
Seventeen out of forty-nine housewives are widows,
an additional
one has been left by her husband.
- 98 T h o s e b r o t h e l k e e p e r s w h o w e r e w e l l off f r o m t h e s t a r t , c l u s t e r i n t h e f i r s t
c a t e g o r y of houses. Since luxury brothels and 'maisons de passe' necessitated a tremendous starting capital,
as the furniture had to be bought from
the former owner(5o), this is hardly surprising. Both the unskilled A N D the
skilled
labourers are heavily drawn towards the lowest category,
which
is
more surprising.
As hinted at supra,
the prostitutes' presence tends to be
more outspoken in t h e second and first categories than their numbers
would
allow.
Ten out of fourteen soldiers have third class houses; the latter are
distinctly
u n d e r r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e " h o u s e w i f e " s u b d i v i s i o n (20 p e r c e n t a g e points less t h a n t h e g e n e r a l population). Finally, t h e people w h o had already been
m a k i n g a living o u t of t h e p r o s t i t u t i o n of t h i r d p a r t i e s
we
admit that it is a heterogeneous set
are equally divided over the c a t e g o ries. Four out of eight ex s e r v a n t s h a v e t h e less c a p i t a l intensive business
of " m a i s o n de p a s s e " , in c o m p a r i s o n with only 31% of t h e o v e r a l l p o p u l a t i o n .
After this lengthy elaboration,
one is justified to ask w h e t h e r or not
the
official
category
of an official house m e a n t something with regard to
the
s u b s e q u e n t f a t e of its e x p l o i t e r .
In other words,
what w e r e t h e possibilities
for u p w a r d social m o b i l i t y ? P a r e n t m a i n t a i n e d t h a t ,
irrespective of
c a t e g o r y , a well kept,
clean, and obedient business always prospered and
a l l o w e d its k e e p e r to r e t i r e , if not in w e a l t h , at least in comfort.(51) In
our c a s e , this is utterly untrue.
Once first class, always first class, it
s e e m s - 70% o f t h e u p p e r c l a s s k e e p e r s ( 5 2 ) r e t i r e a s r e n t i e r o r p r o p r i e t o r ;
they c o n s t i t u t e 16 out of the 38 p e r m i t holders who can do so.
Still,
this
latter
figure
r e p r e s e n t s m o r e t h a n o n e - t h i r d of all t h e c a s e s for w h i c h
a
value to this variable could be found.
A c l o s e r look i n t o t h e p o p u l a t i o n
r e g i s t e r s h o w e v e r soon r e v e a l e d t h a t t h e ex first class r e n t i e r s w e r e
m a r k e d l y b e t t e r off t h a n t h e o t h e r s ,
living as t h e y did in t h e
newly-built
boulevard houses, surrounded by servants;
rentiers and proprietors could
also be found in t h e m o r e modest neighbourhoods. As e x p e c t e d , a
larger
p e r c e n t a g e o f w o m e n (39) t h a n o f m e n (29),
independently of c a t e g o r y ,
can
live off t h e i r r e n t s .
The destinies of the managers of second class houses
a r e far less brilliant:
38% h a v e t o r e t u r n t o s u b d i v i s i o n s " 1 " a n d "2" o f
o c c u p a t i o n s , 14% a r e e v e n o b l i g e d t o t a k e o n a t o t a l l y u n s k i l l e d j o b s u c h a s
daily labourer or s t r e e t peddlar.
Still,
36% r e t i r e w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o w o r k
a n y m o r e ; b u t t h e a b o v e r e m a r k a b o u t r e n t i e r s h o l d s . A s for t h e t h i r d c l a s s ,
62.5% t a k e u p l a b o u r a g a i n ( f o r n e a r l y o n e t h i r d o f t h e s e ,
this m e a n s unskilled labour);
a m e r e 6% a r e listed as p r o p r i e t o r (four o u t of s e v e n of
t h e s e s w a s a b l e t o buy t h e h o v e l s t h e y h a d e x e r c i s e d t h e i r t r a d e in, a n d l e t
them to rag-pickers,
independent prostitutes,
s t r e e t musicians, and so on,
after the police had closed their brothels).
Two of the women actually have
to
t a k e to t h e s t r e e t s again (none of the f e m a l e permit-holders of t h e o t h e r
classes does), and one person ends up on t h e poor list.
The conclusion
must be t h a t exploiting a house of prostitution was only
beneficial
for
t h o s e w h o w e r e a l r e a d y b e t t e r off,
and for t h o s e
with
an
e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e t r a d e ( b o t h t h e p r o s t i t u t e s a n d t h e s u b d i v i s i o n "8").
The
Cramer's
V a s s o c i a t i o n m e a s u r e for t h e c r o s s t a b u l a t i o n " o c c u p a t i o n
before"
a n d " o c c u p a t i o n a f t e r k e e p i n g a h o u s e " yields .35. N e a r l y o n e q u a r t e r of t h e
known
cases goes back to the former profession.
The labourers and servants
r e m a i n s o , o r g e t w o r s e , t o a n e x t e n t o f 77%. Six o u t o f s e v e n s o l d i e r s t a k e
up labour. The prostitutes are more often upwardly mobile:
39% o f
them
finish living off t h e i r r e n t s .
T h i s i s t r u e f o r 36% o f t h e h o u s e w i v e s ,
for
five out of
t e n o f t h e p e o p l e w h o w e r e living off p r o s t i t u t i o n b e f o r e
holding the permit,
and for an equal p r o p o r t i o n of t h e a l r e a d y w e l l - t o do.(53)
Unfortunately,
the
sources
have not permitted us to draw an
equally
ex-
- 27 S t a t e in the reproduction of different fractions of classes,
and eventually
t h e struggles for alliances a m i d s t t h e social bloc t h a t has t h e p o w e r . Those
conflicts mix with harsh struggles a m o n g professional groups of penal p r a c t i c t i o n e r s t h a t in c o n s e q u e n c e b e c o m e particularly visible in t h e public
debate.
FOOTNOTES
1
On t h e p r e s e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p of F r e n c h history and sociology, s e e for
e x a m p l e M i c h a e l P o l l a c k (1983), w h i c h w e c a n n o t d i s c u s s h e r e .
ibis
B r a u d e l (1958, 727).
2 That
i s w h y B o u r d i e u (1980: 6 e s p e c i a l l y ) c a n a n a l y s e i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d
the habitus as t w o forms of reification of history.
3 L e v y a n d R o b e r t (1984).
4 F o r a n o v e r v i e w , s e e R o b e r t a n d L e v y (1985).
5 This s t a t e of thing is worsened by t h e fact t h a t t h e sociological investment of
t h e p r o b l e m has been mostly lethargic from t h e first World War
till t h e s i x t i e s .
6 We could say t h a t it r e a p p e a r s if we h a v e in mind t h e a n t e r i o r i t y of t h e
Roman Empire and the role it had as an ideological reference through
s u c c e s s i v e r e b i r t h s ( s e e A n d e r s o n 1978).
7 Synthetic
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , b u t v e r y c l e a r i n G e n e t (1984); s e e t o o f o r
i n s t a n c e Bois (1976 f.e.: p.
354), A n d e r s o n ( 1 9 7 8 :
1, 18,36 f.e.) w h o
describes a c e n t r a l i z e d feudalism; c o m p a r e in Bruce Mc F a r l a n e (quoted by
G e n e t 1984) t h e n o t i o n o f b a s t a r d e d f e u d a l i s m .
To this major redistribution
in favour of the nobility we have to add a minor one but more and
more important directed to a State bourgeoisie.
8 a b o u t t h e k i n g , s e e for i n s t a n c e B l o c h (1978 a n d
1983),
Duby (1973).
About
t h e m e t a p h o r i c r o l e o f t h e r o y a l f i g u r e s e e K a n t o r o w i c z (1957) a n d
S b r i c c o l i (1974, 79-82).
9 About t h e m u t a t i o n from suzerain-king to a
sovereign-king, see f.e.
L e m a r i g n i e r (1970, c h a p . 7).
10 S t r a y e r (1979,
23) f . e .
defines the modern State through the apparition
of geographical and political units,
development of permanent and impersonal instructions and through loyalism to t h e s u p r e m e authority.
1 1 T h e c l a s s i c r e f e r e n c e r e m a i n s E s m e i n (1969).
The apparition of penal
is
not necessarily a c c o m m p a n i e d by a passage to t h e inquisitorial procedure:
s e e E n g l a n d . A n d L a n g b e i n p r o v e s (1974) t h a t w e s h o u l d n o t o v e r e s t i m a t e t h e c o n c r e t e r e a c h of this procedural difference.
1 2 S e e f . e . L e m a r i g n i e r ( 1 9 7 0 , c h a p . 9), F a v i e r ( 1 9 7 8 , 7 9 - 1 0 0 ) .
1 3 S e e f . e . L e m a r i g n i e r ( 1 9 7 0 , 344).
1 4 S e e E s m e i n (1969) a n d L e v y ( 1 9 3 9 ) ,
Boulet-Sautel
(1965),
Lemarignier
( 1 9 7 0 , 2nd p a r t . c h a p . 9), S c h n a p p e r ( 1 9 7 4 ) , T a r d i f ( 1 9 7 4 ) .
15 See some works on judicial society and the functioning of
the justice:
G u é n é e (1963), A u t r a n d (1981), a n d s o m e e l e m e n t s i n w o r k s a b o u t h i s t o r y
of p o v e r t y and popular m o v e m e n t s f.e.
G e r e m e k (1970,
1 9 7 4 , 1 9 7 6 , 1980),
M i s r a k i ( 1 9 7 4 ) , C o h e n (1980), B o u r i n e t C h e v a l i e r ( 1 9 8 1 ) .
16 A
g o o d e x a m p l e b y H a m s c h e r (1976) a b o u t t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o t h e r o y a l
e d i c t o f 1670,
of the arrêts de règlements rendered during the grands
jours d'Auvergne.
A n o t h e r b y S o m a n (1980b), c o n c e r n i n g t h e j u d i c i a l
origin of the m a n d a t o r y appeal of j u d g m e n t s rendered by inferior courts.
17 Among history of law works about procedure: Laingui et Lebigre (undated),
Mousnier
(1980,
367-404),
L a n g b e i n (1974,
3rd p a r t ) ,
L a i n g u i (1980),
G o d d i n g (1978),
O l i v i e r - M a r t i n (1984) a b o u t t h e g e n e r a l a s p e c t s .
See
S c h n a p p e r (1974) a b o u t a r b i t r a r y p e n a l t i e s ,
L e v y (1939) a b o u t e v i d e n c e ,
Foviaux
(1970), a b o u t r e m i s s i o n ,
L a i n g u i (1970) a b o u t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ,
C h a r p e n t i e r (1967) a b o u t a b a n d o n e d c h i l d r e n ,
R o b e r t ( 1 9 6 9 , 6 6 s.) a b o u t
- 28 -
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
p e n a l r e g i m e o f y o u n g o f f e n d e r s , S c h n a p p e r (1977) o n p r e c e d u r e o f
Paris
P a r l i a m e n t , I m b e r t (1964) o n c r i m i n a l c a s e s .
Historiography has investigated in particular ordinary royal justices
(f.e.:
M o u s n i e r (1980,
2 4 9 - 2 7 2 ) , C a s t a n N . (1980a), L a i n g u i a n d L e b i g r e
(vol. 2 , u n d a t e d ) , Ellul (1969, 170-174), E i s m e i n (1969, f i r s t p a r t ,
c h a p . 2), e s p e c i a l l y p a r i s i a n ( A u b r y , 1 9 7 1 , 1 9 - 4 3 ; P e t r o v i t c h , 1 9 7 1 ;
Farge,
1 9 7 4 ; P i l l o r g e t , 1978); s p e c i a l i z e d r o y a l j u s t i c e s h a v e b e e n l e s s
studied (f.e.
M o u s n i e r (1980, 2 7 3 - 2 9 6 ) , L e b i g r e ( 1 9 7 6 ) , H a m s c h e r ( 1 9 7 6 ) ,
M a d d e n (1982) a n d e v e n l e s s n o n - r o y a l j u s t i c e s ( s o m e e l e m e n t s i n V i l l a r d
(1969), C a s t a n N . (1980 a a n d b ) , G u t t o n ( i 9 7 9 , 1 7 2 - 1 8 1 ) , C a s t a n Y .
(1974), B e r c é (1974a) for e x a m p l e ) . O t h e r w o r k s d e a l m o r e w i t h t h e
judicial society than with judicial institutions (f.e.
R o y e r (1979, 29164),
E g r e t (1942), B l u c h e ( i 9 6 0 ) , B i s s o n ( 1 9 6 1 ) , G r e s s e t ( 1 9 7 8 ) , R o s s e t
( 1 9 7 0 - 7 3 ) , D e w a l d (1980).
E x c e p t for galleys (see especially Z y s b e r g ,
1975,
1979,
1980a,
1984).
Imprisonment does not exist as a penalty, a p a r t from a few e x c e p t i o n s
(Deyon 1975); C a s t a n N .
(1984a).
Yet precedents are to be found in the
locking up of roadrunners, of childeren (Capul,
1983), l u n a t i c s ( F o u cault,
1 9 7 2 ) a n d t h e " o r d e r s o f t h e k i n g " ( F u n c k - B r e n t a n o (1903), Q u e t e l
( 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 8 1 a a n d b ) F a r g e e t F o u c a u l t (1982).
See for i n s t a n c e ,
F i j n a u t (1980), L e b i g r e ( 1 9 7 9 ) a n d W i l l i a m s ( 1 9 7 9 ) w h o
gives and enlightning view of the different meanings of the word "police"
a t t h i s t i m e ( p . 5 - 1 6 ) ; s e e a l s o o n t h a t p o i n t B o u l e t - S a u t e l (1980).
On parisian police during the Ancien Regime, see in particular: Fregier
(1850), G a y ( 1 9 5 6 - 1 9 6 1 ) , C h a s s a i g n e (1975)? P i l l o r g e t ( 1 9 7 8 ) , F a r g e
(1974, 1977, 1979a), W i l l i a m s (1979), K a p l a n (1979 a n d 1981).
A b o u t t h e M a r é c h a u s s é e , s e e C a m e r o n (1981), Sturgill (1981),
Hufton
(1974, 219-244), G u t t o n (1974,
1 7 4 s q . ) , M a r t i n (1980), C r é p i l l o n
(1967).
B e r c é (1974a,
108 s . ) . I t i s q u i t e i n t e r e s t i n g t o c o m p a r e t h e 2 0 o r
23.000 g u a r d s o f t h i s p r i v a t e a r m y ( C a m e r o n ,
1977,
50; C o r v i s i e r , 1 9 6 4 ,
936) w i t h t h e 4.000 h o r s e - m e n f r o m t h e M a r é c h a u s s é e .
G u t t o n ( 1 9 7 4 , 138 s . ) , F a r g e ( 1 9 7 9 b ) ; N i c o l a s ( 1 9 8 1 ) .
S t u r g i l l ( 1 9 7 5 ) , C a s t a n N . (1980a, e s p e c i a l l y 198).
S e e f o r i n s t a n c e C a s t a n N . (1980a, 1 9 5 - 2 1 1 ) , W i l l i a m s ( 1 9 7 9 , 9 2 - 9 4 ) .
On big d i s t u r b a n c e s :
M o l l a t a n d Wolf (1970), B e r c é ( 1 9 7 4 a e t b ) , P o r c h n e v (1972), L e R o y L a d u r i e (1979),
D e l u m e a u (1978), C o l l .
(1984). F o r
s o m e i n s t a n c e s o f s p o r a d i c r i o t s i n t h e 18th c e n t u r y s e e f o r P a r i s :
K a p l o w (1974), F a r g e a n d Z y s b e r g (1979), F a r g e (1979b), N i c o l a s (1981) a n d
for t h e P r o v i n c e : P i l l o r g e t (1975),
C a s t a n N . (1980b),
V o v e l l e (1980),
D e s p l a t (1980); i n g e n e r a l s e e B e r c é (1980); o n t h e w h o l e p r o b l e m o f
p o p u l a r m o v e m e n t s d u r i n g t h e m o d e r n p e r i o d s e e C o l l , (1984).
A m o n g t h e a b u n d a n t l i t e r a t u r e : L e f e b v r e (1970),
D e l u m e a u (1978, c h a p .
4), C a s t a n N . (1980b, c h a p . 3), D i n e t ( 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 , 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 ) .
S e e for i n s t a n c e C l a v e r i e e t L a m a i s o n (1982:
e s p e c i a l l y 22, 261), C a s t a n
N . (1980a e t b ,
1984b), C a s t a n N . & C a s t a n Y . ( 1 9 7 7 , 1 9 8 1 ) ; C a s t a n Y .
(1984), S o m a n (1980a), H u f t o n ( 1 9 8 3 ) .
During t h e d e b a t e s of t h e symposium on international history of prisons
( F o n t e v r a u d , 24-26/09.1982), Y . C a s t a n u n d e r l i n e d t h a t t h e A n c i e n R é g i m e
king was n o t t h e " a n i m a " of t h e n a t i o n b u t its " p r o t e c t o r sword".
S e e for i n s t a n c e , C l a v e r i e e t L a m a i s o n (1982, 176).
In practice the voluntary or compulsory removal of the one who escapes
the j u s t i c e or who is banned is satisfying. Usually this t e m p o r a r y or
permanent removing puts a stop to the trouble. To get this removal justifies t h e penal intervention.
The "cas prévôtal" draws theoretically a s u m m a r y rigourous justice
without a right of appeal. The monographs show t h a t it is quick and
without a possibility of appeal, but not more rigourous than t h e ordinary
- 101 and the
'estaminet' reality,
nor to t h e absurdity of forced inspection of
women at a time when venereal disease could not be cured anyway;
and no
thought was given to the fact that what was being regulated was,
after all,
a
c o m m e r c e and t h a t it would dwindle when commercially
impeded.
Lastly,
there was no doubt as to the justifiability of marginalizing and controlling
a group of people as though they were by n a t u r e different,
disorderly,
and
dangerous,
w h e n all e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e y w e r e ,
most often,
merely
hard-pressed by circumstances.
I n o n e o f his m o m e n t s o f g r e a t insight,
Parent noted that the prostitutes'
love of dress and finery was not to be wondered at,
in a society where
e v e r y t h i n g was j u d g e d a c c o r d i n g to apparel.(68) We m a y distinguish h e r e
a
s i t u a t i o n of a n o m i e in t h e M e r t o n i a n sense(6o):
certain cultural goals are
set for e v e r y m e m b e r of t h e s o c i e t y ,
but the emphasis on the institutional,
"right" way of a t t a i n i n g t h o s e , is less o u t s p o k e n . In t h e f a c e of a s t r u c t u r al
i m p o s s i b i l i t y , for t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s , t o a t t a i n t h o s e g o a l s i n t h e
standard,
accepted way,
the pressure towards deviation in attaining the
" t h i n g s w o r t h s t r i v i n g for" will b e i n t e n s e .
The goals have to be general,
h o w e v e r : if, a s w a s t h e c a s e i n A n c i e n R é g i m e s t r u c t u r e s , t h e r e i s a
consensus
that
certain groups are at any r a t e excluded
from
competition,
t h e r e will b e
less p r e s s u r e .
But in t h e plutocrat society of
mid-19thcentury Brussels,
pecuniary success gradually b e c a m e the universal goal. It
was
i n c r e a s i n g l y s e e n as t h e only p r e c o n d i t i o n for all o t h e r f o r m s of
s u c c e s s ; and t h u s we find five e x - b r o t h e l - k e e p e r s listed as
voters
for
parliament.
This approach s e e m s a m o r e interesting one than an explanation which
stresses t h e inherently larger t o l e r a n c e of t h e labouring classes t o w a r d s prostitution.
As Walkowitz argues(7o),
the poor neighbourhoods t o l e r a t e d public
women
because they knew what structural difficulties were;
but they
would
probably
not suffer a p e r s o n ' s o p t i n g for d e v i a n t b e h a v i o u r w h e n o t h e r possibilities were open, as in the case of Jean Charlier(7i), who was scorned by
his n e i g h b o u r s b e c a u s e "...
il e x e r c e la profession d'ébéniste et tout ce
qui s o r t d e c e s m a i n s e s t parfait."(72)
One final r e m a r k :
the reason why some m e m b e r s of the disadvantaged
classes
will a n d o t h e r s will n o t r e s o r t t o d e v i a n t b e h a v i o u r ,
is attributed by
Merton to differences in socialization and internalization of
values.(73)
But
in
many respects,
the people resorting to prostitution do not
differ
very markedly from t h e labouring classes in general - instance of illegitimacy,
divorce,
cohabitation, and so on, are not necessarily m o r e frequent,
as our data clearly show.
Hence,
we would r a t h e r not resort immediately to
pointing to t h e s e variables in o r d e r to explain why s o m e people did t a k e t h e
deviant option;
if more data were at our disposal,
we might considerably
narrow down the explanatory residuum of internalization by
accounting
for
factors such as the presence or otherwise of
family networks,
savings,
opportunities for r e n t i n g a c c o m m o d a t i o n , and so on.
FOOTNOTES
* s e e g r a p h 1 a n d 2 at t h e e n d of this a r t i c l e
1 A c t o n , W., P r o s t i t u t i o n c o n s i d e r e d i n its m o r a l , s o c i a l , a n d s a n i t a r y
aspects
in London and other large cities and garrison towns,
with proposals for t h e c o n t r o l a n d p r e v e n t i o n of its a t t e n d a n t evils.
London,
2nd.
e d . 1 8 7 0 , n e w l y e d i t e d 1 9 7 2 , p . 128
2 Parent-Duchâtelet,
A.J.B.,
De la p r o s t i t u t i o n dans la ville de P a r i s ,
c o n s i d é r é e sous le r a p p o r t de l'hygiène publique, de la m o r a l e et de
- 102 l ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . L o n d o n B r u s s e l s , 1838. F o r c o n v e n i e n c e , t h i s will b e t h e
only regulationist writing referred to in this paper, as it is t h e most
e x h a u s t i v e and t h e only empirically precise o n e .
It established a fixed
m o d e l o f t h o u g h t w h i c h a l l t h e o t h e r s f o l l o w e d e v e n u p t o t h e 1880s: t h e r e
is hardly such a thing as an i n t r a - r e g u l a t i o n i s t " d e b a t e " .
3 It is no coincidence t h a t P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t ' s f o r m e r studies bore on t h e
topics of s e w e r a g e and potentially noxious urban industries.
"Les prostit u é e s sont aussi inévitables, dans une a g g l o m é r a t i o n d ' h o m m e s , q u e les
é g o u t s , l e s v o i e r i e s e t l e s d é p ô o t s d ' i m m o n d i c e s . " O p . c i t . , p . 336.
4 This distinguishes t h e F r e n c h s y s t e m from t h e short lived British o n e
installed
in serveral ports and garrison towns by the Contagious Diseases
A c t s o f t h e 1860s: t h e s e A c t s d i d n o t a l l o w f o r t o l e r a t e d b r o t h e l s .
5 A close l e c t u r e of P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t ' s and o t h e r
regulationists'
writings reveals a much g r e a t e r p r e o c c u p a t i o n with "disorder" and "public
scandal" than with venereal contagion; as Corbin notes, the actual syphlo
p h o b i a w a s a p h e n o m e n o n o f t h e 1870s a n d b e y o n d .
Corbin, A., Les filles de
n o c e . M i s è r e s e x u e l l e e t p r o s t i t u t i o n ( 1 9 e s i è c l e ) . P a r i s , 2nd. e d . 1982
(1st e d .
1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 1 1 3 , 362 - 370, a n d p a s s i m . A l s o n o t e d i n C h a v a l i e r ,
L., Classes laborieuses et classes d a n g e r e u s e s à Paris p e n d a n t la p r e m i è r e m o i e t i é d u X I X e s i è c l e . P a r i s , 1 9 7 8 , p . 302.
6 T h e y h a r d l y e v e r "by m i s t a k e " p u t s e c o n d - c l a s s h o u s e s i n t h e u p p e r c a t e
gory,
the l a t t e r being t o o distinctively different; neither did they ever
put houses in a lower class t h a n was asked for. Even if t h e conditions
stated
in the request had been respected,
keepers often found t h e m s e l v e s
a f t e r w a r d s f o r c e d to ask for a lower c a t e g o r y , as t h e t r a d e was at an e b b .
It clearly e m e r g e s from those demands that upper-class brothels
presented
fewer such risks.
None of the keepers of first-class brothels ever re
quired to be put in a lower c a t e g o r y , but s o m e of t h e second class did. The
' m a i s o n s d e p a s s e ' w e r e e s p e c i a l l y h a r d - p r e s s e d : 24% o f i t s s e c o n d c l a s s keepers requested a lowering.
7 Jean Francois Charlier,
'maison de passe' keeper of the second category
s i n c e F e b r u a r y 1845, a s k e d for t h e b u s i n e s s t o b e l o w e r e d i n M a y , n o t
being able to pay t h e t a x e s , as t h e r e w e r e t o o few clients and he had four
children;
moreover,
he c l a i m e d to be an invalid. The police refused this
r e q u e s t a s well a s t h e o n e w h i c h f o l l o w e d , a n d w h i c h w a s w r i t t e n b y his
widow,
who p l e a d e d t h a t her husband's illness had c o m p l e t e d their ruin;
a f t e r a few m o r e a t t e m p t s she and t h e childrem left t h e house,
and Bruss e l s . B r u s s e l s C i t y A r c h i v e s , P o l i c e A r c h i v e , P o l . 265, a n d m a n u s c r i p t
p o p u l a t i o n r e g i s t e r s , 1842 a n d 1 8 4 6 .
8 P a r e n t n o t e d t h a t lodgers b y all m e a n s t r i e d t o bind p r o s t i t u t e s t o t h e i r
houses, as higher rents could be e x t r a c t e d from t h e m . P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t ,
o p . cit., p. 154.
9 De Belder, J., 'Socioprofessionele s t r u k t u r e n ' in S t e n g e r s , J. (ed.), Bruss e l s , g r o e i v a n e e n h o o f d s t a d . A n t w e r p , 1 9 7 9 , p . 230
0 As
municipal doctor Dugniolle dryly noted on t h e s p e c t a c u l a r increase
in
r e g i s t r a t i o n o f p r o s t i t u t e s i n 1846 a n d 1847 ( 1 2 9 a n d 1 5 2 % r e s p e c t i v e l y ;
100 = 1845): " c e l a d o i t ê t r e a t t r i b u é a u m a n q u e p r e s q u e c o m p l e t d e
p o m m e s d e t e r r e " . Brussels C i t y A r c h i v e s , P o l i c e P a p e r s , P o l . 183, r e p o r t
of J a n . 28, 1 8 5 0 .
1 Kruithof, J.,
'De samenstelling van de Brusselse bevolking. Proeve tot
opbouw der sociale stratificatie'. in Tijdschrift voor Sociale w e t e n s c h a p p e n 3 (1956), p p . 159
2 2 1 , p. 195
2 76% of all " a c t i v e " w o m e n in 1842. Q u e t e l e t , A., 'Sur le r e c e n s e m e n t de la
p o p u l a t i o n de B r u x e l l e s en 1842', in Bulletin de la C o m m i s s i o n c e n t r a l e de
s t a t i s t i q u e , I , 1 8 4 3 , p p . 2 7 - 1 4 6 . I n 1846 t h e s e , m o s t p a u p e r i s e d t r a d e s
w e r e 65% f e m a l e . D e B e l d e r , o p . c i t . , p . 2 3 2 .
3 In t h e c a s e of brothel inmates, hospital costs w e r e paid by t h e keeper, in
addition to t h e monthly tax. It should be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t regulation in
-
103 -
B r u s s e l s , as in all o t h e r c o n t i n e n t a l c i t i e s , w a s a m u n i c i p a l i n i t i a t i v e ;
at national level it was m e t with r a t h e r cooly.
14 M a r i n u s , Dr. J . R . , De la p r o s t i t u t i o n à B r u x e l l e s . P a r i s , 1857, p. 25
1 5 C o r b i n , o p . c i t . , p p . 278 - 2 8 5 . I n P a r e n t ' s d a y s , t h i s c o n s u m p t i o n p a t t e r n was held to be typical only for t h e very well-off.
Parent-Duchâtel e t , o p . c i t . , p . 148
16 The p h e n o m e n o n is an all-European o n e ; Brussels, in this r e s p e c t , défini
tely belongs to the avant-garde, as the chronological evolution is the
s a m e in P a r i s . C o r b i n , o p . c i t . , p p . 1 7 1 - 173
17 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , op. cit., p. 93
18 T y p i c a l l y , b o t h p r e c i n c t s w e r e "hybrid" ( n e i t h e r c o m p l e t e l y poor nor
completely
well-to-do) and located peripherally with regard to t h e
com
mercial and entertaining part of the city. See my 'Filles au fait du
l a n g a g e d u m o n d e : g e r e g l e m e n t e e r d e p r o s t i t u t i e i n B r u s s e l (1844 - 1 8 7 7 )
als indicator voor e e n sociolinguistische s e g r e g a t i e ? ' Taal en sociale
i n t e g r a t i e 7 (1984), p p . 3 - 5 1 .
19 Corbin points at the analogous evolution of city structure from
closed
squares
and rigid distinctions to broad new boulevards lined with
expen
s i v e s h o p s : C o r b i n , o p . c i t . , p p . 300 - 3 1 4 .
20 Guides of t h e city's men-only nighlife m e n t i o n e d a bevy of ' r e s t a u r a n t s de
nuit', dance houses,
taverns with back rooms, e t c . , but not one official
b r o t h e l ; e.g. A r i s , M., B r u x e l l e s , la n u i t . P h y s i o l o g i e d e s é t a b l i s s e m e n t s n o c t u r n e s . B r u s s e l s , 1868, u p d a t e d e d . 1871
21 Dugniolle,
in an a w a r d - w i n n i n g d e f e n s e of r e g u l a t i o n e d i t e d in 1836, did
not stop short of prescribing t h e manner in which sexual
intercourse
in
official b r o t h e l s would h a v e t o t a k e p l a c e , a s well a s its d u r a t i o n .
Dugniolle, Dr. J . F . , Exposé des c a u s e s le plus f r é q u e n t e s de la p r o p a g a tion de la m a l a d i e v é n é r i e n n e et des m o y e n s à y opposer. Brussels,
1 8 3 6 , p p . 26 - 2 7 .
22 T h e y w e r e all l o c a t e d in t h e s a m e s t r e e t , w h i c h in a d d i t i o n h o u s e d s o m e
six o r s e v e n t u m u l t u o u s ' e s t a m i n e t s ' .
23 First-class closed brothels always had a much larger a m o u n t of
inmates
than second- and especially third-class ones: a minimum of eight,
some
times fifteen at the same time,
most often ten to twelve,
as opposed to
four to eight (second c a t e g o r y ) and t w o ,
sometimes just one,
to three
(third).
24 See a.o. Pearson,
M., T h e a g e o f c o n s e n t : V i c t o r i a n p r o s t i t u t i o n a n d its
e n e m i e s . London, 1972; Pivar, D. P u r i t y c r u s a d e , sexual m o r a l i t y and
s o c i a l c o n t r o l 1 8 6 9 - 1900. W e s t p o r t ( C o n n . ) , 1 9 7 3 .
25 F l e x n e r , A b r a h a m , P r o s t i t u t i o n in E u r o p e . N e w York, 1914, p. 193.
26 A d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t of t h e m e t h o d s used is to be found in my B.A. disserta
tion De zonde in banen geleid: g e r e g l e m e n t e e r d e prostitutie in Brussel,
1844 - 1 8 7 7 . V r i j e U n i v e r s i t e i t B r u s s e l ,
1983 ( 3 v o l s . ) a n d ' F i l l e s a u
fait ...', o p . c i t .
2 7 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p . 89. W a l k o w i t z h a s e q u a l l y n o t e d h o w
official
intervention
into t h e lives of r e g i s t e r e d p r o s t i t u t e s offered
police an opportunity to control the entire labouring-class neighbourhood.
Walkowitz,
J.,
Prostitution and Victorian society. Women, Class, and the
S t a t e . C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 8 0 , 2nd e d . 1 9 8 2 , p . 1 9 2 .
28 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , op. cit., p. 96
2 9 A s g i v e n i n t h e p u b l i s h e d r e s u l t s o f t h e 1842 c e n s u s ; Q u e t e l e t ,
A., op.
cit.
30 T h e
most m i s e r a b l e q u a r t e r of all,
t h e 3rd s e c t i o n (35,3% o f i t s i n h a b i t a n t s w e r e o n t h e p o o r list i n 1842), d i d n o t c o n t a i n a s i n g l e o f f i c i a l
house during t h e period, nor b e f o r e ,
nor a f t e r ; neither was t h e r e ever
talk of clandestine houses.
31 Corbin, op. cit., p. 99
3 2 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p . 128
-
104 -
33 C o r b i n , o p . c i t . , pp. 99
100.
3 4 B e s t , J . , ' C a r e e r s i n b r o t h e l p r o s t i t u t i o n : S t . P a u l , 1865
1883', in
J o u r n a l o f I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y H i s t o r y X I I : 4 ( S p r i n g 1982), p p . 597
619
35 S e e , for i n s t a n c e , F i n n e g a n , F . , P o v e r t y a n d p r o s t i t u t i o n . A s t u d y of
V i c t o r i a n P r o s t i t u t e s in York. C a m b r i d g e , 1979, p. 74: t h e r e is not e v e n
any certainty about the gender distribution.
36 As this is m e a s u r e d from t h e first p e r m i t a person g e t s , this excludes t h e
"false" first-class houses (supra), because t h e upward mobility in t h a t
c a s e consists of asking for a n e w ,
m o d i f i e d p e r m i t for t h e s a m e h o u s e by
the same person.
3 7 P a r e n t D u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p . 160.
3 8 I d . , o p . c i t . , p . 89. T h e o n l y s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n B r u s s e l s p r o s t i t u t i o n
had been an a t t e m p t to prohibit brothels to have open beer shops; this
m e a s u r e was not enforced and soon repealed, following v e h e m e n t protest from
the police,
w h o c l a i m e d t h a t all p r o s t i t u t i o n w o u l d f l e e i n t o t h e c l a n d e s
tine circuit,
t h e t r a d e s of c o m m e r c i a l sex a n d of liquor b e i n g t o o inti
mately linked.
39 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p. 142. In F o u c a u l t ' s w o r d s , "... a d i s p a
ru,
le corps c o m m e cible majeur de l a r é p r e s s i o n . " S u r v e i l l e r et p u n i r :
n a i s s a n c e de la prison. P a r i s 1975, p. 14.
40 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , op. cit. loc. cit.
4 1 C o r b i n , o p . c i t . , p . 100.
4 2 B e s t , o p . c i t . , p . 603
4 3 W a l k o w i t z , o p . c i t . , p . 198
44 This information is t r u s t w o r t h y enough as it is derived from census r a t h e r
than police sources.
45 It could be objected t h a t taking "class" as an indicator might distort t h e
picture, as this is an official category, imposed by the municipal author
ities. A comparison with t h e r a t e books, however, has shown t h a t the
pattern of the trade tax
which had nothing to do with the sanitary
contribution
mentioned earlier
entirely mirrors that emerging from
the
" c l a s s " v a r i a b l e . D e z o n d e i n b a n e n g e l e i d . . . o p . c i t . , p . IV. 3 8 a n d
v o l . 2, p . 4
4 6 A c t u a l l y , t h a t p a r t o f t h e g r o u p f o r w h i c h c i v i l s t a t u s i s k n o w n (97.6%).
4 7 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p . 130
48 The results mentioned in the former paragraph were an answer to the
q u e s t i o n "... h a s b e e n a p r o s t i t u t e A T A L L " , w h e r e a s t h i s v a r i a b l e h e r e
refers to the occupation at the moment of requesting the permit.
4 9 B r u s s e l s C i t y A r c h i v e s , p o l i c e p a p e r s , P o l . 265, r e q u e s t f r o m t h e 5 5 - y e a r o l d w i d o w J e a n n e D o g n i e , A u g u s t 2 , 1844. T h e w o m e n w h o k e p t l o d g i n g h o u s e s
for p r o s t i t u t e s in P l y m o u t h and S o u t h a m p t o n f r e q u e n t l y c a m e up with t h e
same reason:
W a l k o w i t z , o p . c i t . , p . 200. 52% o f t h e m e n a n d 29% o f t h e
w o m e n h a v e l e g i t i m a t e children living in t h e b r o t h e l (which P a r e n t f o r b a d e
explicitly), at the m o m e n t of receiving the permit; 1 1 % of the men and 15%
of t h e w o m e n h a v e i l l e g i t i m a t e offspring living with t h e m .
50 As s t a t e d in t h e regulation; this was also the rule in Paris.
51 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p. 145.
52 Excluding, as always, t h e missing observations, as well as those who died
w h i l e k e e p i n g t h e h o u s e : o n e - f i f t h o f t h e w o m e n , 32% o f t h e m e n .
53 If we t a k e " c o m m e r c e " , divided in its t h r e e c o m p o n e n t s , a p a r t for b o t h
crosstabulated variables, the picture is in no way altered and the
C r a m e r ' s V c o r r e l a t i o n i s .34. I t will b e r e m e m b e r e d t h a t w e a r e n o t
dealing with a sample, which means that significance tests are un
necessary.
54 The investigations of Finnegan, op. cit., support this view; but it must
be said t h a t t h e n a t u r e of her sources may have introduced a
considerable
bias,
as she used archives of correction-houses and t h e like; better-off
prostitutes hardly ever ended up in these institutions.
-
105 -
5 5 A c t o n , o p . c i t . , p . 40.
56 " C o m m e , d a n s t o u t e s les c a r r i è r e s ,
les h o m m e s de g é n i e sont r a r e s , il
en
est de m ê m e dans le métier de prosituêe.
P o u r d e u x o u t r o i s qui
surgissent et arrivent au pinacle,
combien ne font que des
médiocres
affaires,
c o m b i e n c r o u p i s s e n t d a n s les d e r n i e r s r a n g s (...)!"
ParentD u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p . 40.
57 I b i d . , p p . 27 - 28.
58 Corbin, op cit., p. 72.
5 9 F i n n e g a n , o p . c i t . , p . 28.
6 0 W a l k o w i t z , o p . c i t . , p . 28.
6 1 I b i d . , p . 209.
62 N a t u r a l l y , we c o n t r o l l e d for t h e " p a r v e n u " first c l a s s a l r e a d y m e n t i o n e d .
63 Corbin, op. cit., p. 77.
64 This a s p e c t is dealt with extensively in 'Filles au fait', op. cit.
65 Of course,
t h e m i g r a t i o n d a t a h a v e b e e n c o n t r o l l e d for t h e length of t i m e
during which an individual was "visible".
66 P a r e n t - D u c h â t e l e t , o p . c i t . , p 137
67 Ibid., p. 55.
68 Ibid., p. 29.
6 9 M e r t o n , R o b e r t K., ' S o c i a l s t r u c t u r e a n d a n o m i e ' , i n id., S o c i a l t h e o r y a n d
s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , 1968 e d . , p p . 185 - 2 1 4 .
7 0 W a l k o w i t z , o p . c i t . , p . 197
71 A different person from t h e o n e c i t e d in n o t e 7.
72 Brussels City Archives,
Police papers,
P o l . 285, p e t i t i o n o f N o v e m b e r 2 ,
1850
7 3 M e r t o n , o p . c i t . , p . 203.
- 106 -
TABLE 1:
FORMER OCCUPATIONS OF PERMIT-HOLDERS
definition
unskilled labourers , low
commerce such as s t r e e t
t r a d i n g , domestic needle
trades
more or less skilled
l a b o u r e r s , middle commerce
such as food retailing
5
6
9
9%
16
16
5
44
43
5%
master a r t i s a n s , r e n t i e r s ,
well-off merchants
2
prostitutes
2%
soldiers
20
19 %
housewives, married
or widowed
unable to work, aged,
or otherwise unemployed
49
47 %
8
prostitution: governess,
male or female servant in
a brothel, clandestine brothelkeeper, subletting lodgings to
p r o s t i t u t e s as sole source of income, brothel-keeper in another
city
16
15 %
9
male and female s e r v a n t s ,
commiss ionaires
7
total
(missing observations)
14
14
7
7
14
14
4
4%
105
100 %
9
102
100
38
-
107
-
GRAPH 2: REGISTERED PROSTITUTES, BRUSSELS, 1844-1877.
proportion of
independent prostitutes
proportion of brothel
prostitutes
to 100,000 inhabitants of Brussels
extent to which
the total numbers
of registered women (I)
exceed those of the brothel
inmates (II), hence
size of the independent
group
-
108
-
GRAPH 1: BROTHELS AND 'MAISONS DE PASSE', BRUSSELS, 1844-1877.