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RI
ISSN: 1886-8576
EVISTA
BEROAMERICANA
SICOLOGÍA
DEL
EPORTE
Y EL
DE
Pe D
JERCICIO
REVISTA IBEROAMERICANA DE
PSICOLOGÍA DEL EJERCICIO
Y EL DEPORTE
Vol. 6, nº 2
2011
REVISTA IBEROAMERICANA DE
PSICOLOGÍA DEL EJERCICIO Y EL DEPORTE
Revista semestral de Psicología
Vol. 6, nº 2
ISSN: 1886-8576
D.L.: GC 547-2006 (Unión Europea)
© de esta edición:
WANCEULEN. Editorial Deportiva, S.L.
Impresión: PUBLIDISA
Impreso en España
CONSEJO EDITORIAL
Editor Jefe:
Félix Guillén García. Departamento de Psicología
y Sociología, Facultad de Formación del Profesorado y
Facultad de Ciencias de la Actividad Física y el
Deporte, Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran
Canaria. C/. Santa Juana de Arco, 1, 35004 Las
Palmas de Gran Canaria, España
Fax: +34 (0) 928452880;
correo-e.: [email protected]
EDITORES ASOCIADOS:
Portugal:
António Manuel Fonseca. Centro de
Investigação, Formação, Inovação e Intervenção em
Desporto (CIFI2D). Faculdade de Desporto,
Universidade do Porto. Rua Dr. Plácido Costa, 91
4200-450 Porto, Portugal
Correo-e.: [email protected]
España:
Juan Antonio Moreno Murcia. Universidad
Miguel Hernández de Elche. Avda. de la
Universidad, s/n. 03202 Elche, Alicante, España.
América del Norte:
Robert J. Brustad. University of Nothern
Colorado. College of Natural and Health Sciences
School of Sport and Exercise Science. 501 20th
Street, Campus Box 39 Greeley, Colorado 806390086. USA
Correo-e: [email protected]
América del Sur:
Benno Becker Júnior. Centro de Ciências da
Saúde - Curso Ed. Física. Universidade Luterana do
Brasil - Campus Canoas. Av. Farroupilha 8001 Predio 55 - Cep 92425900. Canoas, RS, Brasil.
Correo-e.:[email protected]
América Central y Caribe:
Francisco García Ucha. Universidad de Ciencias
de la Cultura Física y el Deporte, "Manuel
Fajardo"de Cuba. C/ Santa Catalina, 12453 Cerro.
Ciudad de La Habana, Cuba.
Correo-e: [email protected] ; [email protected]
ASISTENTE EDITORIAL:
Patricia Arnaiz Castro. Universidad de Las Palmas de
Gran Canaria
MIEMBROS DEL CONSEJO ASESOR:
Enrique Aguayo Chaves. Centro de Alto
Rendimiento, Chile.
Itziar Alonso Arbiol. Universidad del País Vasco,
España.
Jose Alves. Escuela Superior de Deportes de Rio Mayor,
Portugal.
Alexandro Andrade. Universidade do Estado de Santa
Catarina, Brasil.
Rosa Mª Angulo Barroso. Michigan University,
EE.UU.
Duarte Araujo. Universidade Técnica de Lisboa,
Portugal.
Gerardo Alonso Araya Vargas. Universidad de Costa
Rica, Costa Rica.
Félix Arbinaga Ibarzábal. Universidad de Huelva,
España.
Constantino Arce Fernández. Universidad de
Santiago de Compostela, España.
José Antonio Arruza Gabilondo. Universidad País
Vasco, España.
Isabel Balaguer Sola. Universidad de Valencia.
Mauricio Bara. Universidade de Juiz de Fora, Brasil.
Ángel Blanco Villaseñor. Universidad de Barcelona
María Regina Brandão. Universidade de Sao Judas Tadeo,
São Paulo, Brasil.
José Carlos Caracuel Tubío. Universidad de Sevilla,
España.
Abdón Calleja. Universidad Pública de El Alto y U.
Mayor de San Andrés, Bolivia.
Isabel Castillo Fernández. Universidad de Valencia.
José Antonio Cecchini Estrada. Universidad de
Oviedo, España.
Eduardo Cervelló Gimeno. Universidad Miguel
Hernández de Elche.
Alberto Cordova. University of Texas San Antonio,
EE.UU.
Jesús Chalela Suárez. Universidad de la República,
Uruguay.
Robelius de Bortoli. Universidade Presidente Antônio
Carlos de Aimóres, Brasil.
Ricardo de la Vega Marcos. Universidad
Autónoma de Madrid, España.
Dante de Rose Jr. Universidade de São Paulo, Brasil.
Fernando del Villar Álvarez. Universidad de
Extremadura, España.
Amparo Escartí Carbonell. Universidad de
Valencia, España.
Milagros Ezquerro García-Noblejas.
Universidad de A Coruña, España.
Deborah Feltz. Michigan State University
Mª Dolores Ferreira Monteiro. Universidade Trasos-Montes e Alto Douro, Portugal.
Beatriz Galilea Ballarini. Consejo Catalán del
Deporte (CEARE), España.
Enrique Garcés de los Fayos Ruíz. Universidad de
Murcia, España.
Clersida García. Northern Illinois University,
EE.UU.
Luis García. Northern Illinois University, EE.UU.
Tomás García Calvo. Universidad de Extremadura.
Sandra Yubelly García Marchena. Universidad de
Santo Tomás, Colombia.
Alejo García Naviera. Club Atlético de Madrid,
España.
David González-Cutre. Universidad de Almería.
Luis Gustavo González Carballido. Instituto de
Medicina del Deporte, Cuba.
Mª Dolores González Fernández. Universidade
Lusíada Porto, Portugal.
Ángel González Suárez. Universidad del País
Vasco, España.
Daniel Gould. Michigan State University, EE.UU.
José Manuel Hernández López. Universidad
Autónoma de Madrid, España.
José Carlos Jaenes Sánchez. Universidad Pablo de
Olavide de Sevilla, España.
Pedro Jara Vera. Universidad de Murcia, España.
Ruth Jiménez Castuera. Universidad de Extremadura,
España.
Sara Márquez Rosa. Universidad de León, España.
Jaume Martí Mora. Psicosport, España.
Oliver Martínez Morales. Colegio Oficial de
Psicólogos de Cataluña.
José Martín-Albo Lucas. Universidad de Zaragoza,
España.
Juan Antonio Mora Mérida. Universidad de Málaga,
España.
Luiz Carlos Moraes. Universidade Federal de Minas
Gerais, Brasil.
Miguel Morilla Cabezas. Universidad Pablo de
Olavide de Sevilla, España.
Franco Noce. Universidade Federal de Ouro Preto,
Brasil
Juan Luis Nuñez Alonso. Universidad de Las
Palmas de Gran Canaria, España.
Aurelio Olmedilla Zafra. Universidad de Murcia,
España.
Joan Palmi Guerrero. INEFC de Lleida, España.
Sandra Peláez. McGuill University, Canadá
Eugenio Pérez Córdoba. Universidad de Sevilla,
España.
Jordi Renom Pinsach. Universidad de Barcelona,
España.
Eduardo Remor. Universidad Autónoma de Madrid,
España
Josep Roca i Balasch. INEF de Cataluña, España.
Carlos Ríos Bedoya. Michigan State University,
EE.UU.
Antonio Roberto Rocha. Universidade Federal de
Pernambuco, Brasil
Marcelo Roffe. Universidad de Buenos Aires,
Argentina.
Mª Clara Rodríguez Salazar. Universidad del
Bosque, Colombia.
Roberto Ruiz Barquín. Universidad Autónoma de
Madrid, España
Luis Miguel Ruíz Pérez. Universidad de Castilla
La Mancha, España.
Walter Salazar. Universidad de Costa Rica, Costa
Rica.
Dietmar Samulski. Universidade Federal de Minas
Gerais, Brasil.
Xavier Sánchez. University of Groningen, Holanda.
Mª Carmen Sánchez Gombáu. Universitat Illes
Balears, España.
Tara Scanlan. University of California Los Angeles
(UCLA), EE.UU.
Jordi Segura Bernal. Universitat Ramón Llull,
España.
Luis Humberto Serrato. Par Ltda., Colombia.
Sidonio Serpa. Universidad Técnica de Lisboa,
Portugal.
Catarina Souza. Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona,
España.
Ferran Suay i Lerma. Universidad de Valencia,
España.
Priscila Carneiro Valim-Rogatto. Universidade
Federal de Mato Grosso, Brasil.
Lenamar Fiorese Vieira. Universidade Estadual de
Maringá, Brasil.
Marta Zubiaur González. Universidad de León,
España.
RIPED se encuentra incluida en los portales de difusión
de producción científica hispana DIALNET, CREDI
de la Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos y
REBIUN (de la CRUE), además de los Catálogos y
Bases de Datos SCOPUS, LATINDEX, ISOCPsicología y los Índices de calidad IN-RECS (Índice de
impacto de Revistas Españolas de Ciencias Sociales),
QUALIS (Capes, Brasil), DICE (Difusión y Calidad
Editorial de las Revistas Españolas de Humanidades y
Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas del Instituto de Estudios
Documentales sobre Ciencia y Tecnología)
REVISTA IBEROAMERICANA DE PSICOLOGÍA DEL EJERCICIO Y EL DEPORTE
Vol. 6, nº 2
ISSN: 1886-8576
SUMARIO
EDITORIAL.............................................................................................................175
ARTÍCULOS.............................................................................................................179
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN SELF-EFFICACY RESEARCH IN
SPORT ......................................................................................................................181
Alison Ede, Seunghyun Hwang, & Deborah L. Feltz
Michigan State University, USA
CURRENT ISSUES IN NORTH AMERICAN SPORT PSYCHOLOGY:
IDENTIFICATION AND PREVENTION OF WEIGHT PRESSURES
AND BODY IMAGE CONCERNS AMONG ATHLETES.........................203
Justine J. Reel
University of Utah, USA
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN COACHING RESEARCH.......................... 217
Wade Gilbert1, & Sandrine Rangeon2
1California State University, Fresno, USA and 2University of Ottawa, Canada
CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN NORTH AMERICAN SPORT AND
EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY: TEAM BUILDING IN SPORT..............................237
Gordon A. Bloom1, & Todd M. Loughead2,
1McGill University, Montreal, Quebec and 2University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario,
Canada
173
Índice
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN SOCIAL INFLUENCE: PARENTS AND
PEERS........................................................................................................................251
Julie A. Partridge
Southern Illinois University Carbondale, USA
TRENDS IN GENDER-RELATED RESEARCH IN SPORT AND
EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY ................................................................................269
Nicole M. LaVoi,
University of Minnesota, USA
FROM ATHEORETICAL TO MOTIVATION THEORY-BASED YOUTH
DISCRETIONARY-TIME PHYSICAL ACTIVITY PROMOTION:
CURRENT AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS .....................................................283
Megan Babkes Stellino, & Christina D. Sinclair
University of Northern Colorado, USA
POSITIVE YOUTH DEVELOPMENT THROUGH SPORT:
A REVIEW ...............................................................................................................299
Nicholas L. Holt, & Kacey C. Neely
University of Alberta, Canada
RECENSIONES ......................................................................................................317
EVENTOS ................................................................................................................327
ÍNDICE DE AUTORES........................................................................................331
ÍNDICE DE AUTORES Y REVISORES 2011................................................335
NORMAS DE PRESENTACIÓN .......................................................................343
BOLETÍN DE SUSCRIPCIÓN ...........................................................................355
174
Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte. Vol. 6, nº 2 (2011)
Vol. 6, nº 2
ISSN: 1886-8576
EDITORIAL
This special issue of Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología de Ejercicio y el Deporte
(RIPED) contains a collection of articles dedicated to exploring current and future
directions in North American sport and exercise psychology research. The fundamental underlying purpose for providing such a focus to this issue is to attempt to strengthen the bonds that link individuals who share common research interests but who may
be separated by distance and language. The intent of publishing these papers in this
issue of RIPED is to provide a forum for discussion of current topics of interest here
in North America with the Spanish speaking audience of RIPED that represents
Europe and South America.
This issue of the journal contains papers covering eight separate topic areas of
current importance. The authors who have been invited to contribute papers are all
widely recognized for their expertise on the topic areas that they discuss. In a departure from the traditional journal format of publishing separate empirical studies, these authors have each been asked to provide papers that address the state of current knowledge on the research area and to provide their insights on how this line of study will continue to evolve in the North American context. Each paper focuses considerable attention on the theoretical and measurement issues that currently impact research and the
application of the knowledge in sport and exercise settings.
There has been an explosion of knowledge in sport and exercise psychology over
the past three decades and RIPED plays an important role in the continued growth of
this knowledge. Prior to the mid-1980’s, virtually all sport psychology knowledge was
disseminated through two research journals (International Journal of Sport Psychology
and Journal of Sport Psychology). During this previous time, the study of exercise psychology was not yet even recognized as a worthwhile area of study. Over the last two
and a half decades, numerous new journals have emerged that focus solely on sport and
exercise psychology and innumerable additional research articles in our field are published by mainstream psychology, sport and exercise science, health, and education journals and in various languages. Although it has been a blessing to have so many publication outlets, it has also made it difficult for readers to follow all of the important deve175
Editorial
lopments and advancements since research is dispersed so widely and across so many
outlets and in so many languages. Thus, the intent of this special issue is to provide an
overview of current knowledge on selected topics from a North American perspective.
Although language issues have not completely been eliminated since these papers are
published in English, the general focus of each article should be more understandable
for the native Spanish-speaker than would be a comparable empirical research study that
contains more specific terminology.
The first paper addresses the timeless topic of self-efficacy in sport. As Ede,
Hwang, and Feltz have mentioned, over 300 published research papers have been dedicated to self- and collective efficacy in sport and motor performance. Despite the extensive attention devoted to the topic, a great deal remains to be known and these authors
address important new areas of research. Some of the important and promising future directions identified by these authors include research on decision-making efficacy,
preparatory efficacy, and relational and emotional influences upon efficacy beliefs.
These authors provide important insights on current developments in the measurement
of efficacy constructs. The comprehensive and contemporary examination provided by
these authors constitutes an ideal starting point for this special issue.
Sport behavior invariably takes place within a social context that shapes the psychological dimensions of participation and provides meaning to the experience. Justine
Reel’s paper directly addresses the social and cultural forces that impact body image and
weight concerns among athletes. As is evident from her review of research, there has
been a rapid growth in research attention devoted to these topics, primarily over the
most recent decade and there is no reason to believe that interest will diminish. Reel
addresses current knowledge on these topics and identifies important new areas for consideration including the relationship between athletes’ weight-related concerns and their
performance outcomes and weight pressures for male athletes, as well as current assessment and measurement issues in the sport context.
In the third paper, Gilbert and Rangeon address the evolution of the knowledge
base on the psychological effects of coach influence. As these authors have noted, at
least 70 research papers per year are currently devoted to coach influence but this knowledge is widely dispersed across various publication outlets. These authors have organized their review around two dominant themes which reflect grounding in coach effectiveness research and in coach development research. Gilbert and Rangeon’s paper provides an excellent framework from which understand the current status of knowledge
on the psychological impact of coach behavior on athletes and provides us with a clear
vision for how research will continue to evolve in this important area of study.
In the complementary paper, Bloom and Loughead discuss research on team
building in sport. This paper shines a light on an important, but still poorly-understood topic. As these authors note, the importance of team building for enhancing group
cohesion and performance has long been recognized but relatively little systematic research has been focused on the specific process of how we should facilitate team building
in the sport setting. This topic has great relevance for individuals interested in both
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Editorial
research and practice and this paper should spark much new research attention to a
neglected area of study within sport.
The role of parents and peers in influencing the psychological dimensions of
sport and physical activity involvement is addressed by Julie Partridge. This topic is
more timely than ever given that parents are more extensively involved in their sons’ and
daughters’ sport involvement than ever before and since youth physical activity and physical inactivity is such an important current area for concern. To date, the influence of
peers in sport and physical activity has been very much understudied and Partridge’s
paper provides a more developed framework and depth of understanding to this topic
than is commonly found.
Nicole Lavoi’s paper takes a contemporary look at gender-related research in
sport. The paper makes an important contribution because it addresses the most common limitations that have handicapped previous approaches to studying gender. In particular, Lavoi identifies the way in which gender research has customarily been narrow
and limited due to the tendency to focus on considerations that affect females, but not
necessarily males, in sport. The author argues that approaches guided by Cultural
Studies and Ecological Systems perspectives can greatly advance our knowledge of this
important topic by broadening our perspectives.
A topic area that has considerable current and future relevance for researchers
throughout the world pertains to the psychological bases for physical activity promotion
efforts in children and youth. Megan Babkes Stellino and Christina Sinclair address this
important topic by reviewing the evolution of knowledge in this area. As the authors
note, much of research that has been conducted on children’s physical activity behavior
has focused on structured (adult-controlled) forms of physical activity as opposed to
children’s own self-initiated physical activity. Furthermore, much of the previous research has lacked a guiding theoretical foundation. The authors identify three appropriate theoretically-based approaches (Self-Determination Theory, Expectancy-Value
Theory and Competence Motivation Theory) and explain how each can be applied for
the purpose of fostering physical activity in youth.
The final paper by Nick Holt and Kacey Neely addresses positive youth development through sport. As the authors mention, positive youth development has been a
“hot topic” in developmental and sport psychology in the recent past and is a topic that
is ripe for study given worldwide interest in the Positive Psychology movement over the
past decade. These authors address theoretical and developmental considerations that
are fundamental to the design and implementation of positive youth development programs in sport and physical activity and the means by which significant others (coaches,
parents and peers) can contribute to these desired outcomes. This paper makes an
important contribution in providing a framework grounded in the concepts integral to
the Positive Psychology movement.
A fundamental purpose in publishing this collection of papers is to provide a
vision for where research is headed in the North American setting. Certainly, important
cultural differences exist that can impact research and its interpretation according to
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Editorial
whether it is conducted in a European, South American or North American context. In
providing this overview of North American research directions, the intent is not to disregard the importance of these cultural difference factors but rather to use the knowledge provided here as a starting point for identifying both similarities and differences
that may exist across cultural contexts. In this sense, the articles provided in this special
issue are intended to spark interest in cultural difference factors as opposed to ignoring
cultural difference factors. In so doing, we hope to stimulate collaboration and dialogue among researchers who may be currently separated by distance and language.
Robert Brustad, PhD
Associate Editor
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RI
EVISTA
BEROAMERICANA
SICOLOGÍA
DEL
EPORTE
Y EL
DE
Pe D
JERCICIO
ARTÍCULOS
ISSN: 1886-8576
REVISTA DE IBEROAMERICANA DE PSICOLOGÍA DEL EJERCICIO Y EL DEPORTE
Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 181-201
ISSN: 1886-8576
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN SELF-EFFICACY RESEARCH
IN SPORT
Michigan State University
ABSTRACT: Self-efficacy and collective efficacy have been well studied in sport contexts. Since
Bandura’s first publication (1977), of the self-efficacy construct, there have been over 300 research articles published on self- and collective efficacy related to sport and motor performance.
This research has continued to grow in North America and elsewhere around the world. In this
paper, we describe new areas of research in sport self-efficacy: decision-making efficacy, preparatory efficacy, relational concepts of efficacy beliefs (i.e., tripartite efficacy), emotional intelligence as a source of coaching efficacy, efficacy dispersion, referee self-efficacy, and new measurement advances. We describe examples of research in these areas and suggest where more research is needed.
KEYWORDS: self-efficacy; collective efficacy; coaching efficacy
TENDENCIAS ACTUALES EN LA INVESTIGACIÓN SOBRE LA AUTOEFICACIA
EN EL DEPORTE
RESUMEN: La autoeficacia y la eficacia colectiva han sido ampliamente estudiadas en el ámbito del deporte. Desde la primera publicación de Bandura (1977) sobre el constructo de la autoeficacia, se han publicado más de 300 artículos sobre la autoeficacia y la eficacia colectiva relacionada con el deporte y la ejecución motora. Esta investigación ha continuado creciendo en
Norteamérica y en el mundo entero. En este trabajo, se describen nuevas áreas de investigación
181
relacionadas con la autoeficacia en el deporte: eficacia en la toma de decisiones, eficacia preparatoria, conceptos relacionados con las creencias de eficacia (es decir, eficacia tripartita), inteligencia emocional como una fuente de eficacia para el entrenamiento, dispersión en la eficacia,
autoeficacia del árbitro y nuevos progresos en las medidas. Se describen ejemplos de investigaciones en estas áreas y se sugieren otras nuevas.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Autoeficacia; Eficacia colectiva; Eficacia del entrenamiento.
TENDÊNCIAS ACTUAIS NA INVESTIGAÇÃO SOBRE A AUTOEFICÁCIA NO
DESPORTO
RESUMO: A autoeficácia e a eficácia coletiva têm vindo a ser bem estudadas em contextos desportivos. Desde a primeira publicação de Bandura (1977) sobre o constructo da autoeficácia,
foram publicados mais de 300 artigos de investigação sobre autoeficácia e eficácia coletiva relacionadas com o desporto e a performance motora. Esta investigação tem continuado a crescer
na América do Norte, bem como noutros lugares do mundo. Neste artigo, descrevemos novas
áreas de investigação na autoeficácia desportiva: a eficácia na tomada de decisões, a eficácia na
preparação, conceitos relacionados com ascrenças de eficácia (i.e., a eficácia tripartida), inteligência emocional como fonte de eficácia do treinamento, a dispersão da eficácia, autoeficácia dos
árbitros e novos avanços na sua avaliação. Descrevemos exemplos de investigações nessas áreas
e sugerimos onde é necessária mais investigação.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Auto-eficácia; Eficacia coletiva; Eficácia de treinamento.
Within sport contexts, Bandura’s (1977,
1997) theory of self-efficacy (and its collective efficacy extension) has been well
studied as a cognitive explanation for
differences in achievement strivings
(Feltz, Short, & Sullivan (2008). Since
Bandura’s first publication (1977), of the
self-efficacy construct, there have been
over 300 research articles published on
self- and collective efficacy related to
sport and motor performance
(Dithurbide & Feltz, in press). Feltz et al.
summarized much of this research and
its applications for athletes, teams, and
coaches. Since the Feltz et al. book was
published, the field has continued to
182
grow in North America and elsewhere
around the world. New areas of research
in sport self-efficacy in have been investigated, including decision-making efficacy, preparatory efficacy, relational concepts of efficacy beliefs (i.e., tripartite
efficacy), emotional intelligence as a
source of coaching efficacy, efficacy dispersion, referee self-efficacy, and new
measurement advances. This paper provides a brief overview of self-efficacy
theory, and then describes these new
areas of research on self-efficacy within
the athletic realm. We describe this
research in five major sections: individual self-efficacy, coaching efficacy, col-
Current directions in self-efficacy research in sport
lective efficacy, referee self-efficacy, and
measurement issues.
OVERVIEW OF SELF-EFFICACY
THEORY
Bandura (1997) defined self-efficacy as
the “beliefs in one’s capabilities to
organize and execute the courses of
action required to produce given attainments” (p. 3). The theory of self-efficacy was developed within the framework
of social cognitive theory, which views
individuals as proactive agents in the
regulation of their cognition, motivation, actions, and emotions (Bandura).
According to Bandura, within this social
cognitive framework of human functioning, self-efficacy addresses the role
of self-referent beliefs as the core agentic factor that determines people’s goaldirected behavior. Thus, people’s efficacy judgments are hypothesized to determine the challenges they undertake, the
effort they expend in the activity, and
their perseverance in the face of difficulties. People's self-efficacy judgments are
also hypothesized to influence certain
thought patterns and emotional reactions (e.g., pride, shame, happiness, sadness) that also influence motivation
(Bandura). However, researchers in
sport psychology typically examine the
predictive strength of efficacy beliefs on
performance because improving performance is of utmost importance to
athletes and coaches alike (Feltz et al.,
2008). Sport performance is a combination of choice of challenges undertaken,
effort expended, and persistence.
In turn, one’s efficacy judgments are
based on a complex process of self-persuasion that relies on cognitive processing of diverse sources of confidence
information (Bandura, 1997). Bandura
categorized these sources as past performance accomplishments, vicarious
experiences, verbal persuasion, and
physiological states.
Performance
accomplishments provide the most
dependable
efficacy
information
because they are based on one's own
mastery experiences. Vicarious sources
of efficacy information are based on
gaining efficacy information from
observing others and comparing ones
own capabilities to those observed.
Persuasive information includes verbal
persuasion, evaluative feedback, expectations by others, self-talk, positive
imagery, and other cognitive strategies.
Physiological information includes autonomic arousal that is associated with fear
and self-doubt or with being psyched-up
and ready for performance, as well as
one's level of fitness, fatigue, and pain
(Feltz & Chase, 1998). Various interventions, based on one or more sources of
efficacy information and experiences
(e.g., success or failure), can alter selfefficacy beliefs.
The theory of self-efficacy extends
to the concept of collective efficacy and
coaching efficacy. For instance, whereas
self-efficacy refers to people's judgments
of individual capabilities and effort, collective efficacy is defined as a group's
judgment of their conjoint capabilities
to organize and execute the courses of
action required to produce specified levels of performance (Bandura, 1997).
183
These concepts are described in subsequent sections along with current
research.
Individual Self-Efficacy
Much of the research on self-efficacy in
sport continues to focus on individual
athletes, primarily examining the relationship between self-efficacy and performance (e.g., Beattie, Adamoulas, &
Oliver, 2011; Coffee, Rees, & Haslam,
2009; Heazlewood & Burke, 2011).
However, current research also has
expanded to examine the role of selfefficacy in contexts other than physical
performance. The work discussed in this
section includes the relationships
between self-efficacy and decision-making, the role of self-doubt in preparation
stages (i.e., preparatory efficacy), and the
role of self-efficacy in relationships
between dyads of coaches and athletes,
and athlete pairs.
Self-Efficacy and Decision-Making
According to Bandura (1997), self-efficacy influences cognitive as well as physical aspects of performance. One type
of cognitive performance important in a
sport context is the ability to make decisions quickly and accurately, and current
research has begun to examine the relationship between self-efficacy and decision-making in tasks specific to sport. In
a study by Hepler and Feltz (in press),
undergraduate college students watched
video clips of baseball scenarios and
made decisions about what players
should do next in each given situation.
Controlling for residualized past per184
formance, self-efficacy predicted decision-making speed; individuals higher in
decision-making self-efficacy made decisions faster than those with lower selfefficacy. Hepler and Feltz (in press) suggested that individuals who are confident in their abilities to make a decision
have less hesitation and doubt about the
options they generate, which allows
them to make decisions quickly. It is
possible that those with lower efficacy
had to exclude more options before settling on their final choice, increasing
time needed to make their decision.
The relationship between self-efficacy and decision-making was also supported in Hepler and Feltz’s (2011)
research on self-efficacy, decision-making, and use of the take-the-first (TTF)
heuristic in basketball tasks. The basis of
TTF is that individuals generate options
in a meaningful order, and early decisions are often better choices than those
generated later. In Hepler and Feltz’s
(2011) study, undergraduate students
created a list of decisions based on basketball video clips in a specified amount
of time. Decision-making self-efficacy
positively predicted TTF, as individuals
with higher levels of self-efficacy used
TTF more often, generated fewer choices, and made decisions faster than those
with lower levels of self-efficacy. These
findings highlight the importance of
self-efficacy in athletes’ cognitive performance. Improving levels of athlete’s
decision-making self-efficacy would be
beneficial in allowing athletes to make
quicker and better decisions in a sport
context where speed and accuracy are
necessary for high levels of performance.
Preparatory Efficacy
Bandura (1997) noted that self-efficacy
plays different roles during the preparation and performance phases of a task,
or more specific to the sport context, an
athlete’s season. The term, “preparatory
efficacy,” as used by Bandura (1997), has
the same definition as performance efficacy (i.e., beliefs in one's capabilities to
be successful at an upcoming task), but
is measured during the preparatory period instead of just prior to performance
(Wood & Feltz, 2009). In the preparation phase, while skilled athletes are
preparing and training for a competition,
Bandura (1997) suggested that the existence of some self-doubt may help an
athlete exert the required effort to fully
prepare for his or her upcoming performance. Thus, although doubt is detrimental during the performance phase of
sport competition (Bandura, 1997; Feltz
et al., 2008), it may be beneficial to
effortful practice during the preparation
phase of competition as long as it is not
overwhelming doubt. When athletes
believe a competition will be too easy, or
have overly high beliefs in their abilities,
they may become complacent and put
forth less preparatory effort than when
they know they will be faced with a
tougher challenge (Feltz et al., 2008).
Instead of a linear, positive relationship
between self-efficacy and effort during
preparatory practice, it is likely that the
relationship between preparatory efficacy and effort is curvilinear, and better
described by an inverted-U (Feltz et al.,
2008). Self-efficacy levels that are too
high or too low can result in low levels
of effort, whereas moderate levels of
self-efficacy should result in the highest
amount of preparatory effort (Feltz et
al., 2008).
Research examining preparatory efficacy in sport is just beginning to emerge.
As noted by Feltz and Wood (2009), the
majority of research supporting the concept of preparatory efficacy has focused
on learning or decision-making tasks
outside of the sport domain. However,
some research has started to focus on
sport, as Feltz and Wood (in press) provided preliminary results of a preparatory efficacy experiment using a golf-putting task. Individuals were given 30 practice putts to distribute how they wished
across targets of three difficulty levels:
(a) low difficulty (high-efficacy condition), (b) moderate difficulty (mediumefficacy condition), and (c) high difficulty (low-efficacy condition), and were
then asked to take five putts at each target during the performance phase of the
experiment. Participants chose to use
more of their practice putts at the targets in the low- and medium-efficacy
conditions, and their lower levels of
preparatory effort at the high-efficacy
condition resulted in lower than expected performance. While this provides
some initial support for the concept of
preparatory efficacy, Feltz and Wood (in
press) also proposed that more research
is needed in this area.
Bandura (1997) suggested that
coaches already use the concept of
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preparatory efficacy to motivate their
athletes to adequately prepare for
upcoming performances. Coaches talk
up the strength of their opponents, or
focus on their own teams’ weaknesses,
in order to introduce a level of doubt to
keep their athletes from becoming complacent in the face of a competitor or
performance that is thought to be less
challenging (Bandura, 1997). Based on
these examples, more research on
preparatory efficacy in sport is needed
to fully understand how athletes are
motivated to prepare for performance
situations, and find ways for coaches and
athletes to put preparatory efficacy concepts into practice.
Tripartite Efficacy
Relationships among dyads of athletes
and coaches, or athletes and their teammates are also an important consideration in the development of an athlete’s
self-efficacy. Feltz and colleagues (2008)
identified the tripartite model of efficacy as an emerging area of research in
self-efficacy in sport. Since then, a few
studies have been published examining
this concept through quantitative and
qualitative methodologies (Jackson &
Beauchamp, 2010; Jackson, Beauchamp,
& Knapp, 2007; Jackson, Grove, &
Beauchamp, 2010; Jackson, Gucciardi, &
Dimmick, 2011; Jackson, Knapp, &
Beauchamp, 2009). Originally proposed
by Lent and Lopez (2002), the tripartite
model includes self-efficacy, other-efficacy, and relation-inferred self-efficacy
(RISE). Other-efficacy includes an individual’s beliefs about a part186
ner’s/teammate’s abilities, and RISE
beliefs are an athlete’s perceptions of the
partner’s/teammate’s beliefs about the
athlete’s capabilities (Lent & Lopez,
2002). Lent and Lopez (2002) suggested
that these three components are related,
but each one can independently predict
different outcomes (e.g., relationship satisfaction, relationship commitment, performance, and effort).
Research is beginning to support the
tripartite model. Among junior doubles
tennis players, Jackson et al. (2007)
determined that athletes’ individual levels of self-efficacy were related to both
other-efficacy and RISE beliefs, self-efficacy was related to athletes’ commitment to keep playing with their partners,
and other-efficacy was related to satisfaction with their partner relationships.
However, the tripartite efficacy
model may work differently in coachathlete dyads than in paired-athlete
dyads. Again with junior tennis players,
Jackson et al. (2010) found interaction
effects, in that the relationships between
other-efficacy and outcomes varied
between the coach and the athlete. They
suggested that among coach-athlete
dyads, in which the coach has more
knowledge and power than the athlete,
other-efficacy has more of an impact on
the athlete than the coach on outcomes
such as relationship closeness (e.g.,
affection, respect, and trust) and complementarity (e.g., reciprocal behaviors,
feeling prepared to do their best). The
effects of RISE beliefs also varied for
coaches and athletes. When coaches perceived that their athletes had high beliefs
in their coaching abilities, it corresponded to high levels of commitment for the
coaches. Conversely, when athletes perceived that their coaches had high beliefs
in an athlete’s abilities, it corresponded
to low levels of commitment for the
athletes, possibly allowing athletes to
feel complacent. Thus, the type of relationship is extremely important when
examining tripartite efficacy in dyads in
sport contexts.
One issue that Feltz et al. (2008)
raised about the tripartite efficacy model
is that while other-efficacy is a perception of an individual about his or her
partner’s abilities, it does not include
perceptions about the partner’s levels of
self-efficacy, which they described as
confidence-focused other efficacy.
Jackson and Beauchamp (2010) termed
this concept “Estimations of the Other
Person’s Self-Efficacy” (EOSE), which
represents how confident individuals
think their partners are in themselves,
potentially providing an additional component to the original tripartite efficacy
model. Qualitatively examining EOSE
beliefs among coach-athlete and athleteathlete dyads, Jackson and Beauchamp
(2010) found that EOSE was influenced
by verbal and non-verbal communication, past performance, physiological
and affective states, and success as a
dyad. EOSE beliefs also influenced individual self-efficacy, relationship satisfaction, other-efficacy, and relationship persistence.
While there has been a growing body
of recent research on the role of selfefficacy in relationships between mem-
bers of coach-athlete and athlete-athlete
dyads, much more is needed to further
examine these relationships. As results
have shown that the different efficacy
beliefs in the tripartite model influence
relationship satisfaction, persistence,
and commitment between partners, it is
important to understand how those efficacy beliefs are shaped in order to help
athletes and coaches maintain positive
long-term relationships in different team
and individual sport environments.
Coaching Efficacy
Besides athletes, coaches are another
population receiving attention in selfefficacy research. Originally proposed by
Feltz, Chase, Moritz, and Sullivan
(1999), the concept of coaching efficacy
represents a coach’s belief in his or her
ability to effectively teach and enhance
the performance of their athletes. While
the concept is similar to self-efficacy
among athletes, coaching efficacy is less
situation specific and includes beliefs
about one’s ability to influence athletes
in the areas of motivation, game strategy, technique, and character building.
These efficacy beliefs are influenced by a
number of factors, including previous
coaching experience, coaching preparation, prior wins and losses, coaches’ perceived skill of athletes, and support
from schools, parents, community, and
administrators. Efficacy beliefs then
influence coaching behaviors and athlete
satisfaction and performance. Newer
research is focusing on other relationships to this model, including (a) sources
of coaching efficacy at the high school
187
level, (b) coaching efficacy and aggression in youth sports, (c) emotional intelligence, and (d) leadership efficacy,
which we discuss in this section.
Head Coaches of High School
Teams
Many studies have focused on examining the four dimensions of coaching
efficacy, guided by Feltz et al.’s (1999)
Coaching Efficacy Scale (CES).
Recently, however, Myers, Feltz, Chase,
Reckase, and Hancock (2008) developed
the CES-II for High School Teams
(CES-II HST), a coaching efficacy scale
specifically designed for use with head
coaches of high school team sports, noting that sources and dimensions of
coaching efficacy may vary depending
on the level of the athletes coached.
Myers et al. (2008) also added physical
conditioning as a fifth dimension of
coaching efficacy to the model, and
refined the definitions of the character
building and technique efficacy dimensions. Myers, Feltz, and Chase (2011)
used the new scale to examine sources
of coaching efficacy among male and
female head coaches of high school
team sports. They found support for 35
sources of coaching efficacy (see Myers
et al., 2011 for a complete list). However,
gender moderated the relationship for
some of the sources, as a few sources
were related to specific dimensions for
female coaches only (i.e., sources of
career winning percentage, team’s record
from the previous year, and perceptions
of team ability). Future research is needed to further examine the model of
188
coaching efficacy at different competitive levels in sport, and to investigate
potential reasons for gender differences
in sources of coaching efficacy.
Coaching Efficacy and Aggression
Research has examined the influence of
coaching efficacy on the attitudes and
behaviors of athletes. One area that has
recently received attention is the issue of
aggression in youth sports. Chow,
Murray, and Feltz (2009) examined the
relationship between specific dimensions of coaching efficacy and youth
soccer players’ likelihood to commit
aggressive acts in a given scenario. In
that study, game strategy efficacy significantly predicted likelihood to aggress, as
players of coaches with high levels of
game strategy efficacy were more likely
to report that they would trip an opponent in a given situation than players of
coaches with lower level of game strategy efficacy (Chow et al., 2009). Chow et
al. (2009) suggested that the link
between game strategy efficacy and
aggression may potentially be explained
by athletes’ perceptions that aggression
is a method to achieve the overall goal of
winning, and athletes may view aggressive acts as strategic instead of unsportsmanlike behavior. Surprisingly, however,
character-building efficacy was not related to players’ likelihood to aggress in the
study (Chow et al., 2009). The authors
explained that this finding may be due to
the fact that aggressive tendencies
reflect a negative aspect of morality;
whereas, character building efficacy
focuses on instilling an attitude of good
moral character, fair play among athletes,
respect for others, and promoting good
sportsmanship, which reflect positive
aspects of morality. The authors suggest
that character building efficacy better
predicts the positive aspects of morality
that emphasize sportsmanship and fair
play than the negative aspects of morality such as aggression. In a related study
on youth soccer players in Botswana,
Malete, Chow, and Feltz (2011) discovered that players’ perceptions of their
coaches’ game strategy competency and
their perceptions of coaches’ endorsement of cheating and aggressive behaviors predicted players’ likelihood to
aggress. However, unlike the study by
Chow et al. (2009), game strategy efficacy was not related to players’ likelihood
to aggress. Both studies noted that actual coaching behaviors were not assessed.
Thus, researchers do not know if coaches who have high game strategy efficacy
outright teach unfair tactics, positively
reinforce athletes who use them, and/or
ignore aggressive behavior when it
occurs. The influence of those behaviors as part of the coaching efficacy
model requires further attention in
future research.
Emotional Intelligence
Recently, there has been an interest in
examining emotional intelligence and
coaching efficacy. Emotional intelligence
plays an important role in coaching, as it
refers to the ability of coaches to be able
to monitor and manage the emotions of
their athletes and themselves. Thelwell,
Lane, Weston, and Greenlees (2008)
provided support for the relationship
between components of emotional
intelligence and the coaching efficacy
dimensions among coaches of multiple
sports. They determined that specific
components of emotional intelligence
acted as sources of different dimensions
of coaching efficacy. Motivation efficacy
was predicted by regulation of emotions, character-building efficacy was
predicted by optimism, and technique
efficacy was predicted by emotional
appraisal (Thelwell et al., 2008). Hwang,
Feltz, and Lee (in press) built upon the
work by Thelwell et al. (2008) and examined leadership style (e.g., autocratic or
democratic decision-making, providing
social support and feedback) along with
coaching efficacy and emotional intelligence among high school basketball
coaches. Hwang et al. (in press) found
that emotional intelligence predicted
both coaching efficacy and leadership
style, and coaching efficacy also mediated the relationship between emotional
intelligence and leadership style. Thus,
coaches’ beliefs in their ability to regulate their own emotions may influence
their perceptions of their abilities to
coach their athletes, and the ability to
understand the emotions of their athletes may be beneficial in developing
their leadership styles (e.g., providing
positive feedback, evaluating athletes,
and planning appropriate training schedules). This result implies that emotional
intelligence is a source of self-efficacy
information because trait emotional
intelligence includes dispositions as well
as self-perceptions related to emotional
189
functioning (Petrides & Furnham,
2003). Also, regarding its relationship,
Bandura (1997) noted that one way of
altering efficacy belief is by reducing
“negative emotional proclivities” (p.
106). This also includes mood states,
such as anger, fear, anxiety, and joy.
Bandura explains that moods provide
sources of efficacy information
“because they often accompany changes
in quality of functioning” (p. 111).
Leadership Efficacy
Besides coaching efficacy, the role of
efficacy and leadership development is
beginning to emerge. Although they did
not focus specifically on sport, Machida
and Schaubroeck (in press) reviewed the
existing literature on self-efficacy and
leadership, and proposed that self-efficacy has a multifaceted role in the development of individual leaders. The first role
involves the concept of preparatory efficacy discussed previously in this paper.
Individuals preparing for a leadership
role, with efficacy levels that are too high
or low, may not put in the effort needed
to develop leadership skills. Second, a
baseline level of moderate self-efficacy
is needed for self-correcting cycles to
occur. After experiencing improvements
or decreases in efficacy and performance, leaders need to be able to readjust
and make corrections to return to the
moderate level of self-efficacy, instead
of continuing in an upward or downward cycle. Learning self-efficacy also
plays an important role in leadership
development. If individuals do not
believe they have the ability to learn the
190
skills needed to become effective leaders, they may not make attempts to learn
those skills. Lastly, learning self-efficacy
must also be resilient and stable in order
for leaders to face and overcome challenges, which provide opportunities for
further learning.
Machida and Schaubroeck (in press)
also identified potential sources of leadership efficacy. These include learning
orientation and development experiences in the form of challenges, support, and feedback. In a sport context,
Machida, Schaubroeck, and Feltz (2011)
conducted preliminary work examining
these sources of leadership efficacy to
better understand why women are
underrepresented in athletic administration positions. They examined the roles
of challenges, support, feedback, and
resiliency on NCAA female athletic
administrators’ feelings of leader selfefficacy and their motivation to lead.
Machida et al. (2011) determined that
leader self-efficacy is positively influenced by all four constructs, and leader
self-efficacy is also related to motivation
to lead. Their findings suggest that in
order to help more women develop as
leaders in sport, it is critical to create
environments for women to experience
challenges that push and expand their
comfort zones, foster resiliency for
women to overcome future challenges,
and it is also necessary for women to
receive proper feedback and social support from supervisors or peers.
Besides leadership efficacy, coaching
efficacy has been shown to influence
interest in a coaching career. Moran-
Miller and Flores (2011) examined the
relationship between coaching efficacy
and interest in a coaching career among
female collegiate student-athletes. They
found that the quality of female coaches
as role models (but not quantity) was
positively related to coaching efficacy,
and coaching efficacy was related to
interest in coaching. However, long
working hours was perceived as a barrier, and was negatively related to both
coaching efficacy and coaching interest.
Although the roles of athletic administrators and coaches differ in terms of
training and development, both are leadership positions, and the findings from
these studies that self-efficacy influences
the interest and development of women
as leaders in sport can help address ways
to promote women into these positions.
Future research needs to continue to
examine the reasons that women are
underrepresented in leadership positions
in sport, and determine if there are
other factors that influence the role of
self-efficacy in leadership and coach
development among women.
Collective Efficacy
As with individual athletes and coaches,
efficacy beliefs also influence behaviors
among teams. Bandura (1997) defined
collective efficacy as “a group’s shared
belief in its conjoint capabilities to
organize and execute the courses of
action required to produce given levels
of attainment” (p. 477). Although other
definitions of collective efficacy exist,
Feltz et al. (2008) noted that the other
definitions do share common themes.
Collective efficacy is a shared belief
among members of team, it is specific to
tasks and situations, and it is not solely
the sum of the individual levels of team
members’ self-efficacy, as long as there is
interdependence among members (Feltz
et al., 2008). Sources of collective efficacy include those that are similar to selfefficacy (e.g., previous performances,
vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion,
and physiological states), but Feltz et al.
(2008) discussed other factors that may
also influence collective efficacy (e.g.,
team size, amount of time members of a
team have been together, and stage of
team development).
Although there have been fewer
studies examining collective efficacy
than individual self-efficacy (Feltz et al.,
2008), research on collective efficacy has
begun attracting more attention. A number of recent book chapters and
research studies have focused on the
topic (Chow & Feltz, 2007; Damato,
Grove, Eklund, & Cresswell, 2008;
Dithurbide & Feltz, in press; Edmonds,
Tenenbaum, Kamata, & Johnson, 2009).
Some of the current topics that we discuss in this section include: (a) use of
collective motivational self-talk statements, (b) team efficacy and attributions,
and (c) dispersion of efficacy among
team members.
Motivational Self-Talk Statements
Son, Jackson, Grove, and Feltz (2011)
recently examined the effects of using
individually-oriented, group-oriented, or
neutral self-talk motivational statements
on a dart-throwing task. Individuals who
191
used “we” statements regarding the
group’s capabilities showed more
improvement from their practice to performance throws and demonstrated
higher levels of self-efficacy and collective efficacy than those in the individual
or neutral conditions. This indicates that
the feeling of being part of a team, even
an imagined one, can positively impact
individual performance. Son et al. (2011)
suggested that group-oriented self-talk
statements could be beneficial when
new or inexperienced teams are formed,
to foster a sense of unity among the
team members, and they also suggested
that athletes can use pre-recorded selftalk statements during training or before
competing to help improve self-efficacy
and performance.
Attributions
After experiencing a team success or a
failure, self-efficacy can influence how
athletes view their previous performance. Athletes make attributions regarding the perceived causes, or reasons, that
their team won or lost, and recent
research has focused on the relationship
between collective efficacy and athletes’
attributions on sports teams (Chow &
Feltz, 2008; Hepler, Chow, & Feltz,
2008). Chow and Feltz (2008) examined
the relationships between pre-performance collective efficacy and post-performance attributions among high
school girls and boys track relay teams.
Using multi-level analysis, they determined that individual perceptions of
collective efficacy were related to controllable attributions, and this relation192
ship was stronger for girls than for boys.
Individual athletes, especially girls, with
high perceptions of their team’s collective efficacy believed that their team had
control over their performance.
Hepler, Chow, and Feltz (2008) also
examined collective efficacy and attributions among golf, baseball, basketball,
and softball teams. Similar to Chow and
Feltz’s (2008) results, they determined
that collective efficacy was related to
controllable attributions, as well as internal attributions. Additionally, Hepler et
al. (2008) included the influence of
coaching efficacy on team attributions.
Athletes whose coaches had high levels
of coaching efficacy made internal and
controllable team attributions. The findings of both of these studies suggest
that both collective efficacy and the efficacy of coaches are important factors to
consider as athletes create perceptions
about the causes of their successes or
failures.
Collective Efficacy Dispersion
Research on collective efficacy has primarily examined the construct as a
shared belief and focused on commonalities between team members. However,
individuals vary in their perceptions of
their team’s abilities, and DeRue,
Hollenbeck, Ilgen, and Feltz (2010) proposed that the variation of efficacy
beliefs within a team, or the dispersion
of efficacy beliefs among team members, is an important consideration in
the relationship between collective efficacy and team functioning. They suggested that dispersion can take several
different forms within a team: (a) shared
efficacy (consensus among team members), (b) minority belief (one team
member will either have higher or lower
perceptions of team efficacy than the
rest of the group), (c) bimodal (subgroups will form with different efficacy
levels), and (d) fragmented (all members
have different team efficacy beliefs;
DeRue et al., 2010). Each of the different forms can result in their own potential benefits or negative consequences in
the development of team functioning
(DeRue et al., 2010).
Researchers are just beginning to
examine collective efficacy dispersion in
a sport context. In a recent experiment,
rugby players participated in a task using
a scrum sled that measured the group’s
levels of exerted force (Dithurbide,
Sullivan, Feltz, & Chow, 2010). For each
group, collective efficacy dispersion was
manipulated into either a shared efficacy
belief condition or a bimodal efficacy
belief condition. By design, the bimodal
teams demonstrated more efficacy dispersion than the shared condition teams,
while having similar aggregated collective efficacy scores, yet there was no significant relationship between form of
dispersion and performance (Dithurbide
et al., 2010). Similar results were found
in a group tug-of-war performance task,
as manipulated efficacy dispersion conditions did not predict performance, but
overall
collective
efficacy
did
(Dithurbide, Chow, Feltz, & Sullivan,
2011). The findings of both of these
studies suggest that in terms of performance, the overall magnitude of a
team’s collective efficacy may be more
important than the amount of dispersion, but more research is needed to
understand the relationship between collective efficacy dispersion and team
functioning. DeRue et al. (2010) also
proposed that efficacy dispersion plays
an important role in the preparatory
phases of team development, and future
research should examine the influence
of collective efficacy dispersion during
training and preparation phases of
sports teams.
Referee Efficacy
Research in self-efficacy in sport is now
beginning to include new populations
outside of the realm of athletes and
coaches. An example of a group of individuals who perform in a sport setting,
but do not compete, are referees.
Guillen and Feltz (2011) have proposed
the concept of referee efficacy, or refficacy, as a framework to examine unique
factors influencing referees’ perceptions
of their abilities and the resulting consequences. Using a focus group of male
soccer referees, Guillen and Feltz (2011)
developed an initial model of refficacy.
Similar to Bandura’s (1997) theory of
self-efficacy, potential sources of refficacy information include (a) mastery experiences (e.g., years of experience, previous performances, knowledge of game
rules, and mentored experiences), (b)
perceived levels of social support (e.g.,
feedback from players, coaches, peers,
and evaluators), (c) physical and mental
preparation (e.g., goal-setting, visualizations, and regulating arousal), and (d)
193
partner qualifications (e.g., partner’s abilities, feeling qualified for game assignments, and favorable environmental
conditions). Guillen and Feltz (2011)
hypothesized that those sources influence efficacy beliefs, which then influence the following constructs: (a) decision-making abilities, (b) rule violations
by athletes, (c) satisfaction with other
referees, (d) behaviors of coaches, (e)
stress, and (f) satisfaction levels of athletes and co-referees. As these constructs have the potential to greatly
influence athletes’ behaviors as well as
the outcome of a game or competition,
it is necessary to understand the factors
that impact referee efficacy. A measure
to examine referee efficacy, the Refficacy
Scale, is currently under development,
and future research is needed to support
or change the hypothesized model, as
Guillen and Feltz (2011) noted that there
are likely more constructs that will
emerge as more work is conducted in
this area.
Measurement Issues
Feltz et al. (2008) recommended the use
of Bandura’s (2006) guidelines for constructing efficacy measures. These
guidelines include: (a) domain specification, (b) gradations of challenge, (c)
content relevance, (d) response scale, (e)
validity, and (f) minimizing social evaluative concerns. For domain specification,
measures that assess efficacy beliefs
should be specific to the context.
Bandura advocates the use of efficacy
belief measures specific to particular
domains of functioning rather than
194
those assessing global expectations of
performance, devoid of context.
Content relevance reflects that efficacy
belief is about one’s judgment of capacity (i.e., “I can do”), not intention,
potential, or future. Response scales are
generally constructed using an 11-point
rating scale, ranging from 0 to 10 with
1–unit increments, or from 0 to 100 with
10-unit increments to obtain efficacy
strength. The 0 indicates ‘complete
uncertainty’ while the 10 or 100 indicates ‘complete certainty’. For validity
issues of efficacy measures, Bandura
recommends a factor analysis to verify
the homogeneity of items for a construct. If the construct has multiple
dimensions supported by a factor analysis, the efficacy measures should be analyzed with a multi-dimensional structure
in order to prevent all items from collapsing into a composite score (Myers &
Feltz, 2007). To minimize social evaluative concerns, Bandura suggests conducting a pilot study with a sample
demographically similar to those that
will participate in the study, and using a
nondescript
title
(e.g.,
Skating
Appraisal). Current measurement issues
in efficacy beliefs in sport have focused
on optimal categorization, and in team
contexts, multilevel confirmatory factor
analysis (MCFA) and multi-level modeling (MLM) in collective efficacy.
Optimal Categorization
Despite a general consensus among
Bandura’s (2006) guidelines, an optimal
categorization (i.e., rating scale) has been
an issue for psychometric investigation.
Determination of an optimal categorization is important because it increases the
likelihood of measure stability, measure
accuracy, and related inference for future
samples (Linacre, 2002). Regarding the
11 categories that Bandura advocated,
he warned, “scales that use only a few
steps should be avoided because they are
less sensitive and less reliable. People
usually avoid the extreme positions so a
scale with only a few steps may, in actual use, shrink to one or two points (p.
312).” Pajares, Hartley, and Valiante
(2001) supported his intention on the
categories by comparing the 11-point
scale to a 6-point Likert scale, and concluded that writing self-efficacy measures with 11 categories produced greater
prediction of theoretically relevant
external variables, along with greater
sensitivity. However, Smith, Wakely,
Kruif, and Swartz (2003) argued that
Pajares et al.’s (2001) study had a limitation in their data analysis. Pajares et al.
used ordinal data and methods (e.g., factor analysis, internal consistency, and
regression) that assumed interval level
data. Due to unequal distances between
ratings, the ordinal data do not support
valid mathematical operations (i.e., multiplying scores), and analysis of such
data may mask ineffective treatments
and hide effective methods (Merbitz,
Morriz, & Grip, 1989).
Smith et al. (2003) advocate Rasch
models as a specific method to optimize
the number of rating points for each
application of a self-efficacy measure in
a given research context. Rasch models
are mathematical models that require
unidimensionality and result in additivity. A single latent construct (e.g., a specific efficacy belief) is measured under
unidimensionality, and same sized units,
called logits (logarithm of odds), are
obtained under additivity if the data fit
the model. These models provide a nonlinear function of the probability of
obtaining a certain score or rating for a
person of a given ability over the entire
continuum of a single construct. Smith
et al. (2003) demonstrated disordered
thresholds (i.e., levels of a latent construct to change to a next rating) of a
10-point scale. It implies that as one
moves up the self-efficacy continuum,
these ordered categories from 10 to 100
are never the most likely response to be
observed. Based on disordered threshold, they combined disordered categories with a 5-point and 4-point scale.
After unfitted items were removed, the
4-point scale was more parsimonious
with an inspection of category count,
average measures, threshold, and outfit
mean-square statistics based on Linacre
(2002)’s guideline for optimizing rating
scale category effectiveness by the Rasch
rating scale model.
In sport, there is evidence that fewer
response categories produce better psychometric properties of self-efficacy
scales (Myers, Feltz, & Wolfe, 2008;
Myers, Wolfe, & Feltz, 2005; Zhu &
Kang, 1998; Zhu, Updyke, &
Lewandowski 1997). For instance, Myers
et al. (2005) reported that the functioning of a 10-point coaching efficacy scale
could be improved if the structure was
collapsed to four categories, and Myers
195
et al. (2008) confirmed this four-category structure after comparing the original
five-category structure (category-1, 2, 3,
4, 5) to post-hoc four-category structure
(category-2, 2, 3, 4, 5) because of the
infrequent use of category-1 in the fivecategory structure (i.e., ‘no confidence’).
Also Myers et al. noted that because
coaches rarely endorse categories representing less than moderate confidence,
there is unlikely a need for many categories representing degrees for less than
moderate confidence within coaching
efficacy. This recommendation does
not mean, however, that representatives
of other populations (e.g., novice athletes or parents who never coached
before) would not endorse ‘no confidence’ or ‘little confidence’ categories.
Multilevel Confirmatory Factor
Analysis
There are a number of instances in sport
where individual efficacy beliefs are
reported within teams, such as in collective efficacy beliefs. Multilevel confirmatory factor analysis (MCFA) is an appropriate methodology when data, such as
these, are meaningfully nested and evaluation of the factor structure of a set of
indicators is desired (Muthén, 1989,
1994). Myers, Feltz, Maier, Wolfe, &
Reckase (2006) used this method to
develop a coaching competency scale for
athletes to evaluate their coaches’ competency. Using a detailed four step
process in MCFA (Muthén , 1994),
Myers et al. tested a unidimensional and
mutidimensional model of the scale
within teams, and compared model-data
196
fit indexes (e.g., comparative fit index,
Tucker-Lewis index, and root mean
square error of approximation).
Imposing the internal model on the
within-group covariance matrix fit the
data better than imposing the model on
the total covariance matrix, which
ignored the nesting of the data. Thus,
instruments that are developed using
athletes within teams must account for
the nesting of athletes within those
teams when determining a factor structure at the athlete-level even if the factor
structure at the team level is not investigated.
Multilevel Modeling (MLM) in
Collective Efficacy
As Myers and Feltz (2007) noted, specifying a single level of analysis in collective efficacy research either ignores the
groupings of teams or ignores the within team variability by analyzing aggregated data at the team level only. They suggested using MLM for studies in collective efficacy because of the nesting of
athletes within teams. This type of
analysis allows one to model variances of
efficacy beliefs at the individual and
group levels, as well as the associations
across levels. Using this methodology,
the relationship between collective efficacy and performance (e.g., Myers, Feltz,
& Short, 2004; Myers, Payment, & Feltz,
2004), and dispersion of collective efficacy (e.g., Chow, et al., 2009; Dithurbide,
et al., 2011; Dithurbide, et al., 2010) have
been studied to examine the variability
and predictors of collective efficacy at
both individual and group levels. The
degree of dependency of the aggregated
collective efficacy was determined by the
intraclass correlation coefficient, which
indicates the proportion of variance due
to both within- group and betweengroup. In addition to this, DeRue, et al.
(2010) advocated the use of all four
components of the distributions (mean,
variance, skewness, and kurtosis) to
measure dispersion. The mean provides
information of the magnitude of collective efficacy, and variance provides how
much dispersion is present in the team.
Kurtosis and skewness provide information regarding the form of this dispersion. For example, a kurtosis value of -2
indicates bimodal dispersion, whereas a
kurtosis value of -1.2 indicates a fragmented form (see details in DeRue et al.,
2010).
CONCLUSIONS
Self-efficacy research has continued to
grow in the past several years, expanding
beyond individual athlete’s motivation
and performance, to that of coaches,
teams, and referees. We have provided
an overview of some of the recent
directions in self-efficacy research in
sport, along with measurement recommendations to consider when conducting research on this topic.
One area that may provide potential
for future research is that of proxy efficacy. Proxy efficacy refers to an individual’s belief in the capabilities of another
person or group (i.e., a proxy) to provide
help or function on behalf of that individual (Bray et al., 2001). While work in
this area has focused solely on physical
activity and exercise, Bray and Shields
(2007) suggest that it may apply to coach
and athlete relationships in a sport setting as well. Thus, there are areas in selfefficacy and sport that need to be
explored, along with the continuation of
research in the areas outlined in this
paper.
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201
Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 203-216
ISSN: 1886-8576
CURRENT ISSUES IN NORTH AMERICAN SPORT
PSYCHOLOGY: IDENTIFICATION AND PREVENTION OF
WEIGHT PRESSURES AND BODY IMAGE CONCERNS AMONG
ATHLETES
Justine J. Reel
University of Utah
ABSTRACT: Athletes have faced extreme physical and psychological demands associated with
reaching peak performance. Some athletes have been “at risk” for developing unhealthy eating
practices to lose or gain weight in attempts to become more competitive. Weight pressures associated with sport participation have included having a perceived performance advantage with
weight changes, weight requirements, revealing team uniforms, teammates and coaching comments. Additionally, success for certain sports (i.e.,“aesthetic” sports), such as gymnastics and
diving, may be closely tied to the appearance of the body shape or lines while performing stunts.
This paper will provide an overview of research about weight pressures and body image concerns among athletes and will recommend assessment and prevention strategies to sport researchers and practitioners from across the globe.
KEYWORDS: Disordered eating, weight pressures, body image.
TENDENCIAS ACTUALES EN PSICOLOGÍA DEL DEPORTE EN
NORTEAMÉRICA: IDENTIFICACIÓN Y PREVENCIÓN DE LAS PRESIONES
RELATIVAS AL PESO Y A LAS PREOCUPACIONES SOBRE LA IMAGEN CORPORAL ENTRE ATLETAS
RESUMEN: Los deportistas se han enfrentado a duras exigencias de carácter físico y psicológico asociadas con el logro de un máximo rendimiento. Algunos deportistas han estado “en ries-
203
Justine J. Reel
go” por haber desarrollado prácticas alimentarias no saludables para perder o ganar peso con el
fin de ser más competitivos. De entre las presiones relacionadas con el peso en la competición
deportiva, se encuentran el tener una ventaja en el rendimiento percibido como consecuencia de
cambios en el peso, requisitos sobre el peso, el uniforme del equipo que resulta revelador y
comentarios de los compañeros de equipo y de los entrenadores sobre el cuerpo de la deportista. Además, el éxito en ciertos deportes (deportes ‘estéticos’), tales como la gimnasia y el salto de
trampolín, puede estar estrechamente relacionado con la forma del cuerpo o las curvas mientras
realizan acrobacias. Este artículo proporciona una visión general sobre la investigación centrada
en las presiones relacionadas con el peso y las preocupaciones sobre la imagen corporal entre
deportistas e incluye algunas estrategias de seguimiento y prevención para los investigadores y
los deportistas de todo el mundo.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Trastornos alimentarios; Presiones relacionadas con el peso; Imagen corporal.
QUESTÕES ATUAIS NA PSICOLOGIA DO DESPORTO NORTE-AMERICANA:
IDENTIFICAÇÃO E PREVENÇÃO DAS PRESSÕES SOBRE O PESO E DAS
PREOCUPAÇÕES COM A IMAGEM CORPORAL ENTRE ATLETAS
RESUMO: Os atletas são confrontados com extremas exigências físicas e psicológicas quando
procuramalcançar o seu máximo desempenho. Alguns atletas correm o "risco" de desenvolver
práticas de alimentação pouco saudáveis para perder ou ganhar peso na tentativa de se tornarem
mais competitivos. Pressões sobre o peso associadas à participação desportiva incluem ter uma
vantagem percebida de desempenho com alterações de peso, requisitos de peso, uniformes da
equipe reveladores e comentários de companheiros e treinadores. Adicionalmente, o sucesso em
certos desportos (i.e., desportos "estéticos"), como a ginástica e o mergulho, pode estar intimamente ligado à aparência e forma do corpo ou das suas linhas durante a execução dos movimentos. Este artigo irá fornecer uma visão geral da investigação acerca das pressões sobre o peso e
das preocupações com a imagem corporal entre os atletas e irá recomendar estratégias de avaliação e de prevenção para investigadores e praticantes desportivos de todo o mundo.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Desordens alimentares; Pressões sobre o peso; Imagem corporal.
For centuries athletes have represented
role models of physical fitness, muscularity, and health. Early male athletes in
the Greek Olympics ran foot races in the
nude and were admired for their chiseled
physiques. Fast forward to the 2010
Summer Olympics and female beach
volleyball players wore bikinis during
204
fierce competitions while striking a ball
across the net. This display of athletic
bodies for spectators’ observation coupled with a focus on beauty and appearance of athletes has led to modeling
careers and photo spreads beyond the
competitive playing field for some wellknown sport figures (e.g., Anna
Current issues in north american sport psychology
Kournikova, Gabrielle Reece, and
Brandi Chastain). Other athletes, who
have experienced sport-specific pressures associated with achieving a particular weight, shape or appearance standard for sport and the media, have
developed unhealthy ways to control
their weight including disordered eating
and clinical eating disorders. At the
extreme, Christy Henrich, an Olympic
gymnast and Bahne Rabe, a German
gold medalist Olympic rower from the
1988 Seoul Olympics both died from
battles with eating disorders developed
during their time as athletes in this pursuit for perfection.
History of Body Image among
Athlete Research
In the 1970s, following an explosion of
female sport participation, researchers
began to study female athletes and body
image. For example, Snyder and Kivlin
(1975) measured the psychological wellbeing and body image of 328 female
athletes and 275 female non-athletes.
Contrary to the prevailing stereotype of
female athletes being labeled as “girl
jocks” or “amazons” and in conflict
with the study hypothesis, researchers
discovered that female athletes displayed
more positive attitudes toward themselves than their non-athlete counterparts. It was evident even in the 1970s
with changing sex roles that athletics
could be a positive source of selfesteem. Throughout the 1980s athletes
were often compared to the general
population for eating disorder prevalence studies, but it was not until the
1990s that researchers began to investigate the sport-related differences as well
as sport-specific weight pressures that
could potentially contribute to unhealthy
eating behaviors and negative body
image. In the 21st century the focus has
slowly evolved into developing strategies
to prevent unhealthy weight control
methods and to address weight pressures in sport.
Prevalence of Eating Disorders
among Athletes
As mentioned, the pressure to perform
or to meet body specifications (e.g.,
amount of muscle mass, size, weight)
for one’s sport can lead to dieting behaviors, disordered eating behaviors, and
clinical eating disorders such as anorexia
nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and eating disorder not otherwise specified (American
Psychiatric Association, 2000). Lifetime
prevalence rates for anorexia nervosa,
bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder are 0.9%, 1.5%, and 3.5%, respectively, among females in the general population as compared to 0.3%, 0.5% and
2.0% among males (Hudson, Hiripi,
Pope, & Kessler, 2007). In contrast,
prevalence rates for eating disorders
among the athletic population range
from 1-62% depending on the competitive level and type of sports represented
(aesthetic versus ball sports), sensitivity
of eating disorder measures used, and
the way eating disorders were defined
(Beals, 2004; Thompson & Sherman,
2010). Estimates for female athletes who
engage in disordered eating (i.e., engaging in unhealthy weight control methods
205
Justine J. Reel
that do not fit full clinical criteria for eating disorders) have been between 1525% compared to 0 to 3% of female
athletes who have full-blown eating disorders (Beals & Manore, 2002; Beals &
Hill, 2006; Reel, SooHoo, Doetsch,
Carter, & Petrie, 2007; Sanford-Martens,
Davidson, Yakushko, Martens, Hionton,
& Beck, 2005). For male athletes, Petrie,
Greenleaf, Reel and Carter (2008) found
that 19% of college male athletes
reported eating disorder symptoms (e.g.,
excessive exercise, restricting) and 14%
admitted to fasting and dieting with the
intention to lose weight. Nordin-Bates
and colleagues (2011) found that 7% of
female dancers and 8% of male dancers
exhibited eating disordered behaviors
(Nordin-Bates, Walker, & Redding,
2011).
Sport has been shown to have both
positive and negative influences on body
image and disordered eating (Sherman
& Thompson, 2009). On the one hand,
earlier studies (e.g., Snyder & Kivlin,
1975) have been replicated to show that
athletes deride positive self-esteem and
body image from strength development
and improvement in a sport (SooHoo,
2008) and may be less likely to harm
their bodies by engaging in self-destructive eating patterns. However, the pressure to lose weight, gain weight or
change weight might lead an athlete to
believe that dieting behavior is necessary
to facilitate performance achievements.
For example, Pritchard and colleagues
(2007) found that female athletes were
less likely to smoke than the general college population; however, 36% of
206
female athletes engaged in disordered
eating compared to only 13% of their
non-athlete counterparts (Pritchard,
Milligan, Elgin, Rush & Shea, 2007).
Sundgot-Borgen and Torstveit (2004,
2010) reported that elite athletes
engaged in more disordered eating than
non-athletes and that up to 70% of elite
athletes were dieting and using abnormal
eating behaviors to reduce weight prior
to competition.
Although each sport represents a
unique set of demands, certain sports
may present a higher risk for disordered
eating and body image disturbances due
to being inherently more focused on
appearance or body weight (Thompson
& Sherman, 2010). Athletes in lean or
aesthetic sports (e.g., figure skating) have
reported more disordered eating than
either non-athletes (Smolak, Murnen, &
Ruble, 2000), or athletes participating in
endurance or ball-game sports
(Hausenblas & Carron, 1999). For
example, competitive synchronized
swimmers reported greater body dissatisfaction than athletes in non-leanness
demand sports or non-athlete controls
(Ferrand, Magnan, Rouveix, & Filaire,
2007). Similarly, Torstveit and colleagues
(2008) reported that a higher number of
female elite athletes in leanness sports
(46.7%) met the criteria for clinical eating disorders than athletes in non-leanness sports (19.8%) or controls (21.4%)
(Torstveit, Rosenvinge, & SundgotBorgen, 2008). This vulnerability of
females participating in aesthetic sports
was underscored by a finding that 61.3%
of college female gymnasts displayed
disordered eating characteristics (Petrie,
1993).
Although studies have compared athletes to non-athletes and athletes in leanness sports with athletes in non-leanness
build sports, it has been necessary to
understand the contextual factors leading to the tendency of an athlete to lose
weight, gain weight or maintain an
unhealthy weight for his or her frame
and height. Therefore, more recent
research has examined sport-related
weight pressures that are often reinforced by coaches, parents, teammates,
and judges (Reel, SooHoo, Petrie,
Greenleaf, & Carter, 2010). These pressures can include the revealing nature of
the team uniform, weight standards and
weigh-ins as well as comments from
coaches and other players. The purpose
of this paper is to provide a review and
update of the work to date about weight
pressures for athletes. Based upon existing weight pressures, recommendations
for the prevention of disordered eating
and body image disturbances will be
provided.
Identification of Weight Pressures
Studies over the past two decades have
determined that weight pressures may
come from internal psychological factors (e.g., perfectionism, being achievement-oriented) as well as external factors related to sport environment. Sportspecific factors could include having tryout weight requirements or weight classes for competitions, weigh-ins to monitor weight changes throughout the season, and uniforms required for competi-
tion and training. Certain individuals
(e.g., coaches, teammates, and judges)
may play an influential role in enforcing
expectations about size, weight and
appearance in sport.
An earlier study with high school and
college cheerleaders (Reel & Gill, 1996)
revealed that 84% of cheerleaders felt
pressure to lose weight or to maintain an
unhealthy weight to remain competitive.
For these cheerleaders, uniform, coach,
weight requirements and stunt partner
were frequently cited pressures across
the squads.
Uniform. Over half of high school
cheerleaders (61%), 54% of college
female cheerleaders and 41% of male
cheerleaders felt that the revealing team
uniform created feelings of greater selfconsciousness. Torres-McGehee (in
press) further explored the uniform
pressure among cheerleaders and discovered that cheerleaders who wore
more revealing uniforms that displayed
midriffs were more likely to experience
body image dissatisfaction than cheerleaders with more modest uniforms.
This uniform pressure was also identified by 45% of college female swimmers
in a separate study (Reel & Gill, 2001).
Almost all (99%) of college dancers
experienced negative body image and
feelings of self-consciousness from their
uniform and reported that the costume
could serve as a performance distraction
(Reel, SooHoo, Gill & Jamieson, 2005).
Teammates/Coach/Judge. Reel and colleagues (2010) investigated a diverse
sample of college male and female athletes and found that female athletes
207
Justine J. Reel
reported that teammates noticing
weight-gain represented the most frequently reported weight pressure (37%)
followed by the importance of body
weight and appearance from friends outside of sport (36%). When separated by
sport, cheerleaders (100%), cross country runners (100%), divers (100%) and
gymnasts (80%) reported teammates as
a weight pressure. Teammate pressure
was also reported by 42% of high
school, 30% of college female and 24%
of college male cheerleaders who
expressed concern about having a stunt
partner notice weight changes which
could undermine the execution of difficult tricks (Reel & Gill, 1996; 1998).
Female (70%) and male (88%) college
cheerleaders identified the coach as the
most salient weight pressure. This
coaching pressure was reinforced by
Kerr and colleagues’ (2006) finding that
44% of current gymnasts reported
receiving negative comments about their
bodies from coaches and 71% of those
gymnasts were more likely to feel they
should lose weight than those who had
not received a negative body comment
(Kerr, Berman, De Souza, 2006). Similar
to coaching pressure, over half (57%) of
college dancers reported that their choreographer noticed weight gain or loss
and selected the thinnest dancers for the
most important performance roles
(Reel, SooHoo, Gill & Jamieson, 2005).
Greenleaf (2004) investigated synchronized skaters and found that in addition
to coaches (57%), over half of college
synchronized skaters felt that appearance and weight was important to judges
208
(64%) and teammates (54.7%).
Perceived
Performance Advantage.
Competitive college female swimmers
(42%) reported that they would expect a
perceived performance advantage if
they lost weight despite the evidence
showing that Olympic swimmers have
won races at higher percent body fat
percentages (Reel & Gill, 2001). Reel
and colleagues (2005) investigated
weight pressures among college dancers
who indicated that the pressures were
less about body weight and more related
to striving for an appearance of long
and thin bodily lines during performance. Interestingly, 100% of dancers
reported mirrors during practices as a
weight pressure during training. Almost
all (97%) dancers stated that being
lighter was a performance advantage and
it was easier for partners to lift them
during routines. A similar trend was
noted among cheerleaders who associated the flyer position (i.e., cheerleader
who is thrown in the air by a base) as
more prestigious than being a base. In
fact, gaining weight could jeopardize a
cheerleader’s flyer status (SooHoo, 2008;
Torres-McGehee, in press). Ski jumpers,
rowers and equestrian athletes have also
reported the need to keep weight low to
excel in their sports (e.g., Sherman &
Thompson, 2009; Torres-McGehee,
Monsma, Gay, Minton, & Mady-Foster,
2011).
Weight Requirements. College cheerleaders reported having weight limits to
try-out for a cheerleading squad. Female
cheerleaders (54%) faced a maximum
weight limit (e.g., 115 pounds or less)
that was usually not based on height or
frame, whereas male cheerleaders (41%)
were required to meet a minimum
weight limit (e.g., 150 pounds or more)
to try-out. Cheerleaders (40%) at the
college level were subjected to weekly
weigh-ins to monitor weight loss and
weight gain, as cheerleaders were expected to gain (males) or lose (females) additional weight throughout the competitive season (Reel & Gill, 1996; 1998).
Weight class sports (e.g., boxing,
wrestling) have also been associated with
weigh-ins and an athlete’s ability to
“make weight” to remain competitive.
Several wrestlers in the 1990s had
reportedly engaged in excessive workouts and restricted dietary intake leading
to dehydration and death. As a result,
the wrestling federation took action and
rules have been changed to prevent
wrestlers from drastically dropping
weight classes during the season
(Sherman & Thompson, 2009).
Wrestling has brought attention to male
athletes who may face weight pressures
and be “at risk” for disordered eating
and eating disorders.
Male Athletes and Weight Pressures. Male
athletes have not been immune from
weight pressures in sport and have
reported experiencing pressures related
to the type of sport and whether the
sport was a power sport (e.g., power lifting), endurance sport (e.g., cross country
running), or ball sport (e.g., basketball)
(Galli, Reel, Petrie, Greenleaf, & Carter,
2011). Compared to female athletes who
have reported being encouraged to lose
weight or slim down, many male athletes
(e.g., cheerleaders, football players) have
been expected to gain weight or become
more muscular for their sport. Male athletes in fencing (50%), wrestling (50%)
and football (33%) reported facing
weight requirements for their sport
(Galli & Reel, 2011). In a qualitative
study examining the body image among
male athletes, Galli and Reel (2009)
found that the majority of high-level
male athletes felt pressure from friends,
family, teammates, and coaches to
achieve a specific body type and 80% of
male athletes expressed body dissatisfaction. Uniforms were also identified as a
pressure for male athletes in several
studies (e.g., Reel & Gill, 1998; Galli &
Reel, 2009; Galli et al., 2011) and 47% of
Division I collegiate male athletes
reported often, usually or always that
“the uniform makes me aware of my
build.” A male diver explained the influence of having a tight-fitting swim suit
on his sport competition. “I just get selfconscious…basically it comes down to
that you’re just wearing a Speedo and
they [the fans] are in the stands fully
dressed…” (Galli & Reel, 2009, p. 101).
In another study that directly tested
the influence of different sources of
potential weight pressure (e.g., coaches,
media), Petrie, Greenleaf, Carter and
Reel (2007) found that, although the
male athletes reported experiencing generally low levels of pressure across the
eight sources, higher levels were related
to more bulimic symptomatology,
stronger feelings of sadness and anxiety,
higher drive for muscularity, and a
greater fear of becoming fat. Petrie et al.
209
Justine J. Reel
acknowledged that the assessment tool
used for this study was unable to capture
the depth and variety of pressures that
male athletes experience, and that a reliable and valid sport-specific measure of
weight and appearance pressures for
male athletes was needed.
Assessment of Weight Pressures in
Sport
Earlier body image questionnaires were
traditionally geared toward the general
population and neglected to consider the
unique physical and appearance
demands of athletes. Therefore, it was
important to develop a measure
designed for athletes to assess weightrelated pressures within the sport environment. The Weight Pressures in Sport
instrument for Females and Males
(WPS-F and WPS-M)* have been constructed to use across all sports and
competitive levels with athletes as young
as 12 years old (Reel, et al., 2010; Galli et
al., 2011).
Females Athletes. In the 1990s the first
weight pressures instrument, CHEER,
was developed to measure weight-related pressures among high school and college cheerleaders (Reel & Gill, 1996).
Cheerleading-specific items were developed to measure pressures such as
coaching comments, revealing team uniform, and weight limits to try-out.
Although the focus was weight pressures, the intent of this original instrument was to better understand factors
within the sport context that might contribute to negative body image and the
development of disordered eating (Reel
210
et al., 2010). It was later modified for
college swimmers (Weight Pressures in
Swimming; Reel & Gill, 2001), college
synchronized
skaters
(SYNCHROSKATE; Greenleaf, 2004), and
college dancers (Weight Pressures in
Dance; Reel, SooHoo, Gill, & Jamieson,
2005).
The most recently validated weight
pressures measure, the Weight Pressures
in Sport for Females (WPS-F), a 16-item
weight pressures scale for female athletes, was created by modifying the existing weight pressures measures (i.e.,
CHEER and Weight Pressures in
Dance).The main purpose for developing WPS-F was to allow for the flexibility to assess weight-related pressures of
female athletes across all sports in
applied and research settings (Reel et al.,
2010). Items represent specific sportrelated weight pressures that a female
athlete might experience in her sport
based on categories identified in the literature (e.g., uniform, coach and weight
policies) and item modifications from
the
original
CHEER,
SYNCHROSKATE, Weight Pressures in
Swimming (WPS), and Weight Pressures
in Dance (WPD) instruments. For
example, one item states, “My coach
encourages female team members to
maintain a below average weight.”
Patterned after the response format
used for the Weight Pressures in Dance
instrument, the WPS-F scale uses a 6point Likert-type response format with
the following anchors: Never, Rarely,
Sometimes, Often, Usually, and Always.
An open-ended item asked female ath-
letes to list weight pressures in their
sport, allowing for more in-depth and
unique responses.
The final WPS-F 16-item scale has
yielded an overall internal consistency of
alpha = .90. The four factors were as follows: 1) Weight Pressures from
Coach/Teammates/Sport (e.g., “My
coach encourages athletes to drop
pounds”); 2) Self-consciousness of
Weight and Appearance (e.g., My team
uniform makes me conscious of my
bodily appearance”); 3) Importance of
Weight and Appearance (e.g., “Body
weight and appearance are important to
my family”); and 4) Weight Limit (e.g.,
“My team/sport should have weight
limit”). The Cronbach’s alphas for the
four emerging factors were .88 (Weight
Pressures from Coach/Teammates/
Sport), .81 (Self-consciousness of
Weight
and
Appearance),
.79
(Importance
of
Weight
and
Appearance), and .59 (Weight Limit).
The full WPS-F has been published in a
previous paper (see Reel et al., 2010).
Weight Pressures for Male Athletes.
Weight pressures were studied among
male cheerleaders using the original
CHEER instrument. An 18-item weight
pressures scale for male athletes (WPSM) was developed by modifying the
existing CHEER weight pressures measure (Reel & Gill, 1996) as well as from a
comprehensive review of extant male
body image literature. The items were
written to represent unique pressures
that male athletes might experience
related to gaining muscle (e.g., “My team
performances would improve if I gained
at least five pounds of muscle”), being
lean (e.g., “The leanest team members
are at a distinct performance advantage”), and being an athlete (e.g., “Body
weight and appearance are important to
my coach”). For each item, participants
responded using a 6-point Likert-type
scale that ranged from 1, never, to 6,
always (Galli et al., 2011).
The WPS-M is the first instrument
that was designed specifically to measure
weight pressures among male athletes.
Following the development and initial
review of the sport pressure items, the
18-items were completed by a large sample of male collegiate athletes that was
diverse in terms of race/ethnicity, year
in school, sport played, BMI, and region
of the U.S. from which they were drawn.
Factor analysis revealed that male athletes experience two major types of
pressure: (a) pressure to maintain a
weight seen as desirable by coaches and
teammates
(Coach/Teammate
Pressures), and (b) pressure to maintain
a desirable weight and appearance for
individuals outside of sport such as
friends, family, and spectators
(Appearance Pressures) (Galli et al.,
2011). The remaining 14-items (provided in the appendix) are scored as a total
score and the two subscale scores (i.e.,
coach/teammate pressures and appearance pressures).
Recommendations to Eliminate or
Reduce Weight Pressures in Sport
Researchers and practitioners should
address weight pressures in sport to prevent disordered eating and body image
211
Justine J. Reel
disturbances. The first step is helping
sport professionals to become more
aware of the weight pressures identified
most frequently by male and female athletes. Educational programs to promote
healthy habits for athletes can be provided and prevention strategies are outlined
in the next paragraph.
1. Uniforms. Whenever possible athletes
should choose team uniforms that
are comfortable and do not hinder
performance. Athletes should select
an appropriate size and should not
be expected to lose weight to “fit”
into a previous player’s uniform or
smaller size. The need to wear
extremely revealing uniforms should
be evaluated for sports such as beach
volleyball, cheerleading and figure
skating (Reel, SooHoo, Gill &
Jamieson, 2005).
2. Teammates. Athletes should be discouraged from making weight-related or appearance-oriented comments
about themselves or other athletes.
Stunt partners should avoid criticizing partner for weight changes (Selby
& Reel, 2011).
3. Weight Requirements. Weight requirements to try-out should be eliminated. It is important to consider how
weight limits may “set up” athletes
for unhealthy dieting practices.
Weight-related goal setting should be
monitored by a registered dietician or
discouraged entirely (Reel & Gill,
2001).
4. Weigh-ins. Weigh-ins for any reason
should be avoided to discourage an
over-emphasis on weight. If medical
212
weighing is required, the weigh-in
should be conducted in a private setting and the athlete should be shielded from the number. Alternatives to
weight, such as body composition or
Body Mass Index, should also be discouraged as a way to monitor athletic progress (Selby & Reel, 2011;
Sundgot-Borgen & Torstveit, 2010).
5. Coaches. Coaches should receive education regarding performance and
nutritional requirements especially as
they relate to matching food intake
requirements to energy expenditure.
Coaches and support staff should
have a referral network of professionals who specialize in eating disorders, substance abuse and mental
health treatment in case a problem
arises (Whisenhunt, Williamson,
Drab-Hudson, & Walden, 2008).
6. Educational programs. Education
should be provided to athletes about
healthy nutrition and hydration.
Intervention programs, such as the
ATHENA (Athletes Targeting
Health Exercise and Nutrition
Alternatives) program, are designed
to prevent disordered eating among
athletes (Elliot, Goldberg, Moe,
DeFrancesco, Durham, & Hix-Small,
2004). Efficacious prevention programs have occurred in a team setting and were interactive and peer-led
by a trained member of the competitive team (Stice, Shaw, & Marti,
2007; Torres-Mchee, Green, LeaverDunn,
Leeper,
Bishop,
&
Richardson, 2011).
CONCLUSIONS
Weight pressures have been studied in a
variety of male and female athletic populations. Team uniform, teammates,
coaches, weight requirements and perceived performance advantages have
emerged as the most commonly reported pressure; however, certain athletes
identified unique sport demands.
Further work is needed to modify and
validate weight pressures assessment
tools for use with global athletic populations. Prevention efforts are important
to address frequently cited weight pressures which serve to contribute to negative body image, disordered eating, and
clinical eating disorders.
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216
Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 217-236
ISSN: 1886-8576
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN COACHING RESEARCH
1California
Wade Gilbert1, & Sandrine Rangeon2
State University, Fresno, USA & 2University of Ottawa,
Canada
ABSTRACT: The purpose of this article is to provide a brief overview of some current directions in North American coaching research. Based on our review of the literature and awareness
of the field, we selected coaching effectiveness and coach development as two dominant research themes for review. Although focused on North American research, evidence suggests that
these trends are not exclusive to the North American context. The conceptual frameworks and
research designs being used to conduct North American research on coaching effectiveness and
coach development also appear to be widely adopted in coaching research around the world
(Rangeon, Gilbert, & Bruner, 2011). This is not surprising given the increased global interest in
the professionalization of sport coaching (Duffy et al., 2011).
KEYWORDS: Coaching behaviour; Coaching effectiveness; Coaching efficacy.
TENDENCIAS ACTUALES EN LA INVESTIGACIÓN SOBRE EL ENTRENAMIENTO
RESUMEN: El objetivo de este artículo es proporcionar una breve revisión de algunas corrientes actuales en la investigación sobre entrenamiento en Norteamérica. Basándonos en nuestra
revisión de la literatura y nuestro conocimiento del área, hemos seleccionado la afectividad en el
entrenamiento y el desarrollo del entrenamiento como las dos áreas principales. Aunque la atención ha estado centrada en la investigación en Norteamérica, existe evidencia que indica que estas
217
Wade Gilbert & Sandrine Rangeon
tendencias no son exclusivas del contexto Norteamericano. Los marcos conceptuales y los diseños de investigación que se utilizan en la investigación Norteamericana sobre la efectividad del
entrenamiento también se emplean en todo el mundo (Rangeon, Gilbert, & Bruner, 2011). Esto
no resulta sorprendente dado el creciente interés global en la profesionalización del entrenamiento en el deporte (Duffy et al., 2011).
PALABRAS CLAVE: Conducta del entrenamiento; Efectividad del entrenamiento; Eficacia del
entrenamiento.
TENDÊNCIAS ACTUAIS NA INVESTIGAÇÃO SOBRE O COACHING
RESUMO: O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar uma breve panorâmica sobre algumas tendências atuais na investigação norte-americana sobre o coaching. Com base na nossa revisão da literatura e conhecimento do campo, selecionámos para revisão a eficácia do coaching e o desenvolvimento do treinador como dois dos temas dominantes na investigação. Embora centradas na
investigação norte-americana, as evidências sugerem que essas tendências não são exclusivas do
contexto norte-americano. Os enquadramentos conceptuais e os desenhos metodológicos utilizados para realizar a investigação norte-americana sobre a eficácia do coaching e o desenvolvimento do treinador também parecem ser amplamente adotados na investigação sobre o coaching
noutros locais do mundo (Rangeon, Gilbert & Bruner, 2011). Isto não é surpreendente dado o
crescente interesse mundial na profissionalização do coaching desportivo (Duffy et al., 2011).
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Comportamento do treinamento; Eficácia do treinamento; Eficácia do
treinamento.
The increased globalization of sport,
and in turn sport coaching, has resulted
in an associated increase in research on
sport coaching. This research is now disseminated across dozens of academic
journals and books. In their review of
coaching research published in Englishlanguage journals between 1970 and
2001, Gilbert and Trudel (2004) found
over 600 scientific articles published in
161 different journals. In the most
recent 4-year period of that review
(1998-2001) it was found that 33 coaching research papers were being pub218
lished annually. This yearly mean has
now grown to at least 70 research papers
based on a review of coaching science
published in 2007 and 2008 (Rangeon,
Gilbert, & Bruner, 2011). In the past few
years new scientific journals have been
created to accommodate and disseminate this expanding body of knowledge,
including the International Journal of
Sports
Science
&
Coaching,
International Journal of Coaching
Science, Journal of Coaching Education
and the forthcoming Sports Coaching
Review. Furthermore, overviews of this
Current directions in coaching research
coaching research are increasingly being
provided in coaching books (e.g.,
Cassidy, Jones, & Potrac, 2009; Lyle &
Cushion, 2010) and a handbook of
coaching research is scheduled to be
released in 2012 (Potrac, Gilbert, &
Dennison, 2012).
The purpose of the current article is
to provide a brief overview of current
directions in coaching research, with an
emphasis on coaching research emanating from North America. A review of
sport science databases and proceedings
from scientific conferences reveals
countless topics related to sport coaching that are currently under investigation
in North America. For the purpose of
the current review we have decided to
organize the paper around what we
believe are two dominant themes in
coaching research today: coaching effectiveness and coach development. As
opposed to summarizing individual
studies in these areas, we instead provide
a general overview of research trends
specific to these two themes.
Overview of Research Trends in
Coaching Effectiveness
Defining and recognizing coaching
effectiveness has been a question underlying much of the research done on
sport coaching. One of the earliest
examples of research on coaching effectiveness was the pioneering behavior
observation study on legendary
American college basketball coach John
Wooden (Gallimore & Tharp, 2004;
Tharp & Gallimore, 1976). Many
researchers have since observed, interviewed, and dissected the work of sport
coaches across all kinds of coaching
contexts (Gilbert & Trudel, 2004; Trudel
& Gilbert, 2006). Along the way there
have been numerous attempts based on
research in North America to organize
what we’ve learned about coaching
effectiveness into conceptual frameworks and models. Two of the most
influential and often cited models are
the Multidimensional Model of Coach
Leadership
(Chelladurai,
2007;
Chelladurai & Saleh, 1980) and the
Mediational Model of Coaching
Behaviors (Smith & Smoll, 2007; Smoll,
Smith, Curtis, & Hunt, 1978). Both
models are firmly grounded in decades
of research, although Chelladurai’s work
is based mostly on elite level coaching
and Smith and Smoll’s model has
evolved from their line of research in
youth sport coaching. Although both
models continue to evolve and inform
coaching research (e.g., Riemer, 2007), a
recent analysis of coaching research
shows that a third model may in fact be
more influential in shaping current
research. Based on their analysis of
English-language coaching research
published in 2007 and 2008, Rangeon
and colleagues (2011) found that the
Coaching Model (Côté, Salmela, Trudel,
Baria, & Russell, 1995) was the most
cited research paper during that 2-year
timeframe. The Coaching Model presents a mental model of how elite gymnastics coaches organize their coaching
knowledge and their work, and has since
been validated in an elite team sport set-
219
ting (Gilbert & Trudel, 2000). Given the
complexity of sport coaching and the
need for research on coaching effectiveness we recommend careful review and
analysis of all three models prior to initiating any study on coaching effectiveness. Regardless of which model is
adopted, several themes are common
across all of them: (a) a focus on athlete
development as the primary goal – or
outcome – of coaching effectiveness, (b)
coaching effectiveness is demonstrated
through overt coaching behaviors that
are directly influenced by a range of
antecedents, namely coaching values and
beliefs, and (c) coaching effectiveness
context-dependent - that is, coaching
behaviors must be adapted to meet the
specific needs of athletes in specific
coaching contexts.
These three themes are succinctly
captured in Horn’s (2008) recent attempt
to bring coherence to the coaching
effectiveness and related literature.
Using previous coaching models as a
foundation, Horn created a comprehensive organizing framework referred to as
the Working Model of Coaching
Effectiveness. Horn identifies 10 areas
of research and literature that have
informed our collective understanding
of coaching effectiveness. The cornerstone of the model is coaches’ behavior
because it “can have a significant effect
on athletes’ performance as well as their
psychological or emotional well-being”
(Horn, p. 245). Because of its significance in understanding coaching effectiveness, we now provide a brief
overview of current trends in research
220
on coaches’ behaviors.
Research on Coaches’ Behaviors
Coach behavior has historically been the
most researched topic in sport coaching
(Gilbert & Trudel, 2004). Research on
coaches’ behaviors in North America
can be traced back to the early 1970s,
resulting in hundreds of published and
unpublished studies (Trudel & Gilbert,
1995). Perhaps the most recent attempt
to summarize the lessons from this large
body of research in North America is
Becker’s (2012) analysis of over 300
research papers on coaches’ behaviors.
Becker found seven qualities repeatedly
associated with effective coaching
behaviours: positive, supportive, individualized, fair, appropriate, clear, and consistent. Taking a genuine interest in your
athletes and creating meaningful interpersonal connections appears to be a key
theme in the effective coaching behavior
literature, and has in fact been demonstrated repeatedly in recent North
American coaching research (e.g.,
Cumming, Smoll, Smith, & Grossbard,
2007; Fry & Gano-Overway, 2010;
Vallée & Bloom, 2005). Although not
focused exclusively on North American
research, readers interested in learning
more about research on coaches’ behaviors will also find Cushion’s 2010 book
chapter on this topic to be extremely
helpful.
Most of the research on coaches’
behaviors has focused on coaches in the
youth sport context, and this appears to
be a continuing trend in North
American coaching behaviour research.
Erickson and Gilbert (in press) recently
reviewed this specific body of research
on youth sport coaching behaviors. In
their review they found that the vast
majority of coaching behaviors can be
classified as instructional in nature. They
also found that there are no clear trends
for the influence of coach gender on
coaching behaviors. However, other
variables such as type of sport, athletes’
abilities coaching knowledge, coach’s
observations, and time of the season do
appear to strongly influence coaching
behaviors. It is clear from this body of
research that any study on coaches’
behaviors must be interpreted in the particular context in which the data are collected.
Coaching researchers for the most
part appear to have retreated from the
quest for a set of ‘optimal’ coaching
behaviors and instead have accepted –
and embraced – the idiosyncrasy and
complexity of coaches’ behaviors.
Current trends point toward a focus on
moving beyond simple descriptive
accounts of coaches’ behaviors to indepth case studies that explain not only
the profile of coaches’ behaviors (what
they do), but also the ‘how’, ‘why’ and
‘when’ of the behaviors. Research on
coaches’ behaviors has thus evolved
from a reliance on unidimensional systematic observation methods (e.g.,
Coaching Behavior Assessment System:
Smith, Smoll, & Hunt 1977; Arizona
State
University
Observation
Instrument: Lacy & Darst 1984) to multidimensional observation systems that
better capture the complex and contex-
tualized nature of coaches’ behaviors.
That is, research on coaches’ behaviors
now is trending toward a focus on
understanding dynamic coach-athlete
interactions in context and over time as
opposed to static coaching behaviour
summaries.
One such method that has been proposed for examining coaches’ behaviors
from this dynamic perspective is the
state space grid methodology (SSG’s:
Lewis, Lamey, & Douglas, 1999). To our
knowledge this method has been used in
at least two recent North American
studies on coach-athlete interactions in
youth
sports
(Erickson,
Côté,
Hollenstein, & Deakin 2011; MurphyMills, Vierimaa, Côté, & Deakin 2010).
Erickson and colleagues (2011) found
that highly patterned interactions targeted to the individual were typical of successful synchronized swimming teams.
Murphy-Mills and colleagues’ (2010)
study also revealed patterned and predictable coach-athlete interactions in a
successful disability swimming program.
More research is needed in this area, in
order to evaluate the consistency of
these results across time and coaching
contexts. The SSG method is showing
promise as an innovative method for
investigating the effectiveness of coaches’ behaviors. This method also allows
the drawing of individual profiles of
coaches – or what has been referred to
as ‘behavioral signatures’ (Smith, 2006;
Smith & Smoll, 2007) – instead of collapsing results across coaches, as has historically been done in research on
coaches’ behaviors using traditional sys-
221
tematic observation systems (Erickson
& Gilbert, in press).
We now turn our attention to what
are often considered the primary
antecedents to coaches’ behaviors –
their expectancies, values, beliefs and
goals (Horn, 2008). Increasingly
researchers are studying the factors that
directly influence coaches’ behaviors,
with a particular emphasis on coaches’
expectancies and coaching efficacy.
Research on Coaches’ Expectancies
and Coaching Efficacy
A four-step cycle is typically used to
explain coach expectancies and how
they influence coach behaviors and athlete outcomes (Horn, Lox, Labrador,
2010; Solomon, 2001a). First, the coach
starts by assessing the athlete’s ability
based on various expectancy sources.
Second, this initial assessment impacts
the coach’s behavior. Third, the athlete’s
behavior and performance reflects the
coach’s expectancies. Fourth, the coach’s
original expectancies are reinforced by
witnessing the conformity between their
initial assessment and the athlete’s performance. Historically, research in this
area started by focusing on the feedback
patterns of coaches (Solomon &
Buscombe, 2012). At the youth sport
level, research yielded inconsistent
results, with expectancy levels impacting
feedback patterns in an inconsistent
manner (Horn, 1984; Rejeski, Darracott,
& Hutslar, 1979; Solomon, 2008a). At
elite levels of sport, more precise
research findings were found, with
starters (more skilled athletes) receiving
222
more feedback than non-starters (less
skilled athletes), thus potentially reinforcing their superior performance
(Markland & Martinek, 1988, Solomon,
2008a; Solomon, Striegel, Eliot, Heon,
Maas, & Wayda, 1996; Solomon,
Wiegardt, Yusuf, Kosmitzki, Williams, &
Stevens, 1996). Despite revealing interesting differential feedback patterns
depending on expectancy level, the
sources of expectancy had yet to be
investigated. Therefore, researchers have
more recently turned to the very first
step of the expectancy cycle: the impression cues that influence the coaches’
perceptions of athletes’ ability levels.
The Solomon Expectancy Sources
Scale (SESS; Solomon 2008b) was created based on an initial investigation of
expectancy sources of college coaches.
The questionnaire comprises 30 items
divided into four factors: coachability,
team player, physical ability, and maturity. Subsequent research using this instrument showed that the coachability factor
is of prime importance, and that coaches with a higher win-loss ratio seem to
communicate their expectations more
effectively to their athletes (Becker &
Solomon, 2005). North American
research on coach expectancies has also
examined the last two steps of the
expectancy cycle: perceptual flexibility
and performance predictors. Perceptual
flexibility refers to the adaptability of
expectations over time (Solomon &
Kosmitzki, 1996). Overall, coaches seem
relatively inflexible in their expectancies,
which underlines the importance of first
impressions (Sinclair & Vealey, 1989;
Solomon, Golden, Ciaponni, & Martin,
1998; Solomon & Kosmitzki, 1996).
Researchers have also started to
investigate how expectancies from the
coach impact athletes’ performance
(Solomon, 2001a; 2002a). The few studies on this part of the expectancy cycle
seem to suggest differing expectancy
sources between head coaches and assistant coaches. More research is needed to
accurately identify the performance predictors used by coaches according to
their role (i.e., head coach or assistant
coach). In addition, coach feedback patterns have been shown to be different
depending on expectancy levels in some
contexts, but the exact effect of these
feedback patterns on athlete performance is still not well understood.
In the same way coach expectancies
correspond to coaches’ perceptions of
their athletes, coaching efficacy refers to
coaches’ perceptions of themselves.
Coaching efficacy is defined as “the
extent to which coaches believe they
have the capacity to affect the learning
and performance of their athletes”
(Feltz, Chase, Moritz, & Sullivan, 1999,
p. 765). Coaching efficacy can thus be
seen as confidence in a particular situation. High levels of coaching efficacy
appear to lead to greater effectiveness in
teaching various sport skills, motivating
athletes, using appropriate feedback and
a higher commitment to coaching (Feltz,
Short, & Sullivan 2008). This, in turn,
may lead coaches to adopt a more holistic approach to athlete development
(Kidman, 2005). Research on coaching
efficacy has identified numerous sources
of coaching efficacy, including coaching
experience, coach education, prior success, perception of athletes’ skills, and
social support. Future research in this
area may focus on testing these sources
of coaching efficacy across different
coaching contexts (i.e., participation
coaching for children, participation
coaching for adolescents and adults, performance coaching for young adolescents, and performance coaching for
older adolescents and adults).
Research on coaching efficacy has
begun to investigate the effect of coaching efficacy on athletes’ outcomes. In
fact, coaching efficacy has been found to
strongly influence athletes’ efficacy, performance, and satisfaction (Feltz et al.,
1999). Because the instruments used to
measure coaching efficacy have been
designed for team sports, little is known
about coaching efficacy in individual
sports. Sources of coaching efficacy
should also be further investigated.
Research across contexts is needed to
better understand the impact of coaching efficacy on athlete outcomes (Chase
& Martin, 2012).
We close this section on current
trends in research on coaching effectiveness with a brief introduction to another recent influential development from
North American coaching researchers –
the integrated definition of coaching
effectiveness and expertise (Côté &
Gilbert, 2009). Coaching effectiveness is
defined as “the consistent application of
integrated professional, interpersonal,
and intrapersonal knowledge to improve
athletes’ competence, confidence, con-
223
nection, and character in specific coaching contexts” (p.316). This definition
connects the broad range of talent
development and expertise literature to
sport coaching and coach development
research. Several follow-up papers have
been written about specific components
of the definition (Côté, Bruner,
Erickson, Strachan, & Fraser-Thomas,
2010; Gilbert, & Côté, 2012) and the
definition is emerging as an important
conceptual framework in current coaching research around the world (e.g.,
Bennie & O’Connor, 2011; Gearity,
2011; Vella, Oades, & Crowe, 2011). It
appears, then, that the integrated definition of coaching effectiveness and
expertise, together with Horn’s (2008)
Working
Model
of
Coaching
Effectiveness, are two key frameworks
for designing and interpreting current
research on coaching effectiveness. We
now turn our attention in the remainder
of this review to current trends in
research on coach development.
Overview of Research Trends in
Coach Development
Research on coaching effectiveness,
within North America and across the
world, certainly is providing an increasingly complete and detailed portrait of
‘quality’ sport coaching. Alongside the
quest to better understand coaching
effectiveness, the second major trend in
North American coaching research that
we’ve noticed is an increased interest in
studying ‘how’ coaching effectiveness is
developed. We refer to this emerging
body of research as coach development
224
research, although it is sometimes also
referred to as coach learning or coach
education research. We suspect that this
trend is at least in part directly influenced by global efforts to situate sport
coaching as a legitimate and formal profession (Duffy et al., 2011). For example,
in May 2011 the International Council
for Coach Education (ICCE) announced
the formation of a project group, comprising representatives from around the
world, to develop a plan to guide the
development and recognition of coaching qualifications on a global basis
(ICCE, 2011). The plan, referred to as
the International Sport Coaching
Framework, specifically identifies a
‘robust model of coach development’ as
the foundation for accomplishing their
strategic plan. Arguably there is now a
sufficient body of research on coach
development to allow for the creation of
a ‘robust model’.
The focus of coach development
research is on understanding how coaches learn to coach. Coach learning has
often been separated into three types of
learning situations: formal, informal,
and nonformal (Nelson, Cushion, &
Potrac, 2006; Trudel & Gilbert, 2006;
Trudel, Gilbert, & Werthner, 2010;
Werthner & Trudel, 2006). Formal
learning through certification courses,
coaching clinics, and brief workshops
has long been the dominant approach to
coach development in North America.
As a result, there is a notable, albeit limited, body of research on coach development that occurs through these formal
learning situations. Several comprehen-
sive reviews of this research are now
available (McCullick, Schempp, Mason,
Foo, Vickers, & Connolly, 2009; Trudel
& Gilbert, 2006; Trudel, et al, 2010). The
line of research by Smith, Smoll and colleagues is by far the most comprehensive
example of research on coach development through formal learning situations
in North America.
Smith, Smoll and colleagues first
began examining the impact of participation in formal learning situations on
coach – and athlete – development in
the late 1970s (Smith, Smoll, & Curtis,
1979). Their coach development intervention has undergone several revisions
and is most recently referred to as the
Mastery Approach to Coaching, or
MAC, workshop (Smith & Smoll, 2007).
Numerous studies across a range of
youth sport settings have been conducted to measure the impact of their coaching workshop on coach development
(Barnett, Smoll, & Smith, 1992;
Coatsworth & Conroy 2006; Conroy &
Coatsworth, 2004; Smith, Smoll, &
Barnett, 1995; Smoll, Smith, Barnett, &
Everett, 1993). Results typically show
that athletes who play for trained coaches believe their coaches create a more
positive and mastery-oriented team climate than untrained coaches. Athletes of
coaches who complete the workshops
also report higher levels of enjoyment
and self-esteem and lower levels of anxiety. Their research has most certainly
had a strong influence on all other
North American coach development
research. As the demand for formal
coach education grows alongside the
professionalization of sport coaching
(Duffy et al., 2011), we fully anticipate
that the seminal work of Smoll, Smith
and colleagues will continue to inform
and shape research on coach development.
Although there is clearly still an interest, and need, for conducting research
on coach development through formal
learning situations, a more recent trend
is an emphasis in North American
research on examining the coach development that occurs through informal
and nonformal learning situations. This
emerging body of research shows that
coaches learn through many different
informal and nonformal situations,
arguably starting first with coaches’ early
experiences in sport as athletes.
Research on Coach Developmental
Pathways
Initial research examining the impact of
coaches’ early experiences on their
development focused primarily on identifying distinct career development
stages. This body of research consistently showed that early experience as an
athlete in organized sport was a common feature among all sport coaches
(Bell, 1997; Schempp, McCullick, &
Mason, 2006; Schinke, Bloom, &
Salmela, 1995). Career development
stage models were created to explain
coach development, but these models
were soon brought into question as the
notion of context-specific coaching
effectiveness and expertise was increasingly proposed in the literature.
Consequently, some researchers in
225
North America began to examine coach
development from a life history perspective. Using a structured retrospective
quantitative interview protocol, a line of
research is now available demonstrating
both the type and quantity of developmental activities most common to sport
coaches across different coaching contexts (Erickson, Côté, & Fraser-Thomas,
2007; Gilbert, Côté, & Mallett, 2006;
Gilbert, Lichtenwaldt, Gilbert, Zelezny,
& Côté, 2009; Young, Jemczyk, Brophy,
& Côté, 2009).
The consistent findings across these
studies are that coaches accumulate
thousands of hours, or dozens of sport
seasons, as athletes; were above average
in ability and did not specialize in only
the sport they now coach; and invested
hundreds of hours annually in coachingrelated tasks such as training, competition, and administration but invested relatively little time in formal coach education. Another common trend across this
research is the high variability in the
quantity of specific developmental activities between coaches, even within the
same sport and coaching context. This
finding led some researchers to suggest
the idea of identifying a minimum
threshold experience (MTE) for each
developmental activity. For example,
Erikson et al. (2007) concluded that a
given amount of a developmental activity was considered a MTE if it was
reported by at least 75% of their sample
of elite sport coaches.
Researchers have most recently started to use the data from this line of
research to explore possible relation226
ships between amount of developmental activities and success as a coach. In
the youth developmental sport context
positive significant relationships were
found between time (seasons and hours)
spent as an athlete in the sport the participants now coach and measures of
coaching success such as playoff appearances and team championships (Gilbert
et al., 2009). In the elite sport context
being a former athlete at an elite or
moderate level for several years appears
to be a required experience to become
an elite level coach (Erikson et al., 2007;
Young et al., 2009). This athletic experience needs to be complemented with
extensive coaching experience, whether
as a head coach or as an assistant coach,
in an elite or developmental sport context. Having a mentor or being a mentor
was also found to be a key developmental requirement for becoming a coach at
the elite sport level. The role of mentors
in coach development has long been
acknowledged, but is also considered an
undeveloped area of research ripe with
possibilities for future research (Bloom,
2012).
The developmental profile structured interview method provides a novel
approach to studying coach development and has also been used in coaching
research outside of North America
(Australia: Lynch & Mallett, 2006;
Singapore: Koh, Mallett, & Wang, in
press). Most recently, Young (2012) prepared a comprehensive review of this
line of coach development research and
proposed eight considerations for future
research in this area. These recommen-
dations include the need to focus on
group discriminability rather than
description, the use of similar metrics
for quantifying coach learning across
studies, controlling for career length
when comparing differently skilled
coaching groups, employment of statistical approaches that use the full intraindividual data variability, and validation
of skill indices that distinguish between
expert and less-expert coaches.
In addition to the ongoing line of
quantitative research on coach developmental pathways, a more interpretive
qualitative approach to studying coach
development has also been quite active
in North America. The focus of this
body of research has been not only on
identifying the various types of coach
developmental learning activities, but on
examining the process of how coaches
learn through their informal and nonformal learning experiences.
Research on Coach Learning
Processes
Identification of the sources of coach
learning appears to be fairly well documented now. For example, common –
and preferred – sources of coach learning across multiple studies with coaches
in different coaching contexts shows
that coaches typically learn how to coach
through coaching experience itself,
attending coaching clinics, reviewing
print and electronic media, observing
other coaches – including mentors, and
interacting with others (Erickson,
Bruner, MacDonald, & Côté, 2008;
Gilbert & Trudel, 2001; Gould,
Giannini, Krane, & Hodge, 1990;
Lemyre, Trudel, & Durand-Bush, 2007;
Wright, Trudel, & Culver, 2007).
Coaching researchers have now shifted
their focus to examining ‘how’ coaches
learn through these various experiences,
with a particular emphasis on the learning that occurs in context.
Perhaps one of the earliest attempts
to study how coaches learn through in
the field was Sage’s (1989) case study of
a high school coach’s socialization into
the coaching profession. Results of that
study clearly showed the situated and
socially networked nature of coaching
learning. North American researchers
have since conducted multiple studies
designed to explore how coaches learn
to coach through social learning networks. At least three different types of
social learning networks have been identified: (a) Networks of Practice (NoP),
(b) Informal Knowledge Networks
(IKN), and (c) Communities of Practice
(CoP) (Culver & Trudel, 2008). NoP’s
are platforms where coaches regularly
exchange information but have limited
or no direct personal contact with other
members of the network. The everincreasing range of social networking
tools are prime examples of NoP’s used
by sport coaches to facilitate ongoing
learning. IKN’s, on the other hand, are
less formal and provide less consistent
opportunities for knowledge sharing
(e.g., random exchange with a peer). A
CoP is typically described as a group of
people who develop their knowledge
through regular and ongoing interactions focused around a common and
227
shared set of problems and practices. Of
the three types of social learning networks, the community of practice (CoP)
approach has been studied, and written
about, most often by coaching
researchers in North America.
Research on CoP’s and sport coach
learning is still very much in the early
stages of development. In 2004 Trudel
and Gilbert provided a comprehensive
essay on the possibility of applying the
CoP framework to coach learning,
which subsequently spawned a series of
exploratory field studies in Canada
(Culver & Trudel, 2006; Culver, Trudel,
& Werthner, 2009; Galipeau & Trudel ,
2005, 2006). The common finding
across all of these studies is that sport
stakeholders consistently report a need
for and a belief in the value of using the
CoP approach as a framework for ongoing learning in the field. However, no
study was able to document full or sustained adoption of the CoP approach. It
is clear from this research that the CoP
approach, although promising, will not
succeed unless there is a formal and sustained commitment of a dedicated peer
leader. In order for the CoP approach to
become a practical and widely-adopted
learning framework, youth sport settings
will require a change in everyday operating routines. Time must be allocated in
these settings on a regular basis for
structured, and guided, knowledge sharing.
Building off of these early studies,
and comparing results to social learning
research with teachers in non-sport settings, guidelines for creating and operat228
ing effective CoP’s were put forth by
Gilbert, Gallimore, and Trudel (2009).
The authors reframed CoP’s as ‘learning
communities’ and suggested five operating guidelines: (a) Stable settings dedicated to improving instruction and learning, (b) Job-alike teams, (c) Published
protocols that guide but do not prescribe, (d) Trained peer facilitators, and
(e) Working on athlete learning goals
until there are tangible gains in athlete
learning. At least one exploratory study
has now been conducted using these five
guidelines as a framework to design
coach learning communities (Bertram &
Gilbert, 2011). Participation in learning
communities appears to be important
for coach learning because it provides a
formal structured opportunity for
focused, and persistent, efforts to frame
and resolve everyday coaching problems.
These situated problems of practice
become the stimulus for reflection and
continuous improvement (Ermeling, in
press; Gallimore, Gilbert, & Nater, 2011;
Gilbert & Trudel, 2001). In sum, there
appears to be a growing recognition by
North American coaching researchers
that coach development requires the creation of social learning systems to support ongoing professional development
that is context-specific and meets the
learning needs of coaches (Barnson,
2010; Gilbert et al., 2009; VargasTonsing, 2007).
CONCLUSION
The purpose of the current article was
to provide a brief overview of some
current directions in North American
coaching research. Based on our review
of the literature and awareness of the
field, we selected coaching effectiveness
and coach development as two dominant research themes for review. There
most certainly are other important and
related research themes actively being
pursued by coaching researchers in
North America, not the least of which
includes a movement to connect the
positive youth development (PYD) literature to sport coaching contexts (e.g.,
Camiré, Forneris, Trudel, & Bernard,
2011; Côté, Bruner, Erickson, Strachan,
& Fraser-Thomas, 2010; Gould &
Carson, 2008; Jones, Dunn, Holt,
Sullivan, & Bloom, 2011). We should
also note that although the focus of the
current review was on North American
trends in coaching research, while
preparing this article we found evidence
that these trends are not exclusive to the
North American context. It appears as
though the conceptual frameworks and
research designs being used to conduct
North American research on coaching
effectiveness and coach development are
also widely adopted in coaching research
around the world (Rangeon, Gilbert, &
Bruner, 2011). This is not surprising
given the increased global interest in the
professionalization of sport coaching
(Duffy et al., 2011). We certainly expect
to see a continued expansion in coaching research and look forward to learning from the work that is conducted
from coaching contexts outside of
North America. We hope that this brief
review of current research trends has
served as a useful starting point for stim-
ulating new research studies that contribute to our collective understanding
of sport coaching.
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Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 237-249
ISSN: 1886-8576
CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN NORTH AMERICAN SPORT
AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY: TEAM BUILDING IN SPORT
Gordon A. Bloom1 & Todd M. Loughead2
McGill University, Montreal, Canada1 and University of Windsor,
Windsor, Canada2
ABSTRACT: Conceptualized as a process intervention, team building strategies have been used
in sport to enhance the cohesion or unity of a team through the development of task and social
aspects. To date, team building has been utilized in various settings such as physical education
classes, exercise settings, recreational sport, and elite sport. Team building interventions have
demonstrated improved performance, increased adherence levels, and enhanced interpersonal
relationships. This paper will provide an overview of research about team building in sport and
will recommend future strategies to sport researchers and practitioners from across the globe
who intend on implementing team building activities into their repertoire.
KEYWORDS: Team building; Team unity; cohesion; social; task; coach.
DESARROLLOS ACTUALES DE LA PSICOLOGÍA DEL DEPORTE Y EL EJERCICIO EN NORTEAMÉRICA: LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE UN EQUIPO EN DEPORTE
RESUMEN: Conceptualizado como un proceso de intervención, las estrategias de construcción
de equipos han sido utilizadas en el deporte para fortalecer la cohesión o unidad de un equipo a
través del desarrollo de tareas y aspectos sociales. Hasta ahora, la construcción de equipos ha sido
utilizada en varias situaciones, tales como las clases de educación física, situaciones de ejercicio,
deporte recreacional y deporte de élite. Se ha demostrado que las intervenciones en construcción
237
Gordon A. Bloom & Todd M. Loughead
de equipos han dado como resultado un aumento en el rendimiento y en los niveles de adherencia y unas mejores relaciones interpersonales. Este artículo ofrece una visión general de la investigación sobre la construcción de equipos en el deporte y recomienda estrategias para los investigadores en esta área y practicantes de todo el mundo que tratan de implementar actividades de
construcción de equipos en su repertorio.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Construcción de equipo; Unidad del equipo; Cohesión; Social; Tarea;
Entrenador.
DESENVOLVIMENTOS ATUAIS DA PSICOLOGIA DO DESPORTO E DO
EXERCÍCIO NORTE-AMERICANA: A CONSTRUÇÃO DE EQUIPAS NO DESPORTO
RESUMO: Conceptualizadas como um processo de intervenção, as estratégias de construção
de equipas têm sido utilizadas no desporto para melhorar a coesão ou unidade de uma equipa
através do desenvolvimento de aspectos sociais e relativos às tarefas. Até à data, a construção de
equipas tem sido utilizada em vários contextos, tais como o das aulas de educação física, o do
exercício e atividade física, o do desporto de lazer e do desporto de elite. Intervenções no sentido da construção de equipas permitiram melhoria da performance, aumento dos níveis de
aderência e melhoria das relações interpessoais. Este artigo irá fornecer uma visão geral da investigação sobre a construção de equipas no desporto e irá recomendar estratégias futuras para os
investigadores e praticantes de desporto de todo o mundo que tencionem implementar atividades orientadas para a construção de equipas no seu repertório.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Construção de equipas; Unidade da equipe; Coesão; Social; Tarefa;
Treinador.
Despite its intuitive appeal, many coaches and athletes are still unclear about the
definition and proper use of team building and related activities (Bloom,
Stevens, & Wickwire, 2003). It is far
more complex than going to dinner with
teammates, initiation practices with
rookies, or travelling on road trips.
Conceptualized as a process intervention, team building has been defined
from several different perspectives,
including as “a team intervention that
enhances team performance by positive238
ly effecting team processes or team synergy” (Hardy & Crace, 1997, p. 4). Along
the same line, Widmeyer and Ducharme
(1997) stated that the objectives of team
building are group maintenance (performance) and locomotion (cohesion).
Similarly, Stevens (2002) defined team
building as “the deliberate process of
facilitating the development of an effective and close group” (p. 307). Brawley
and Paskevich (1997) defined team
building as a method to help a group
achieve four objectives: a) satisfy the
Current developments in north american sport and exercise psychology: team building in sport
needs of team members; b) increase
team effectiveness; c) improve working
conditions; and d) enhance team cohesion. Another approach views team
building as a method of assisting a team
to promote an increased sense of unity
and cohesiveness and enable the team to
function more smoothly and effectively
(Newman, 1984). Although there have
been several definitions advanced by
numerous researchers, all these definitions have a common element. That is,
team building is defined within the context of sport as a method to facilitate
consistent and effectual teamwork
through the development of task (i.e.,
achieving the group’s goals) and social
(i.e., developing and maintaining social
relations) cohesion (Loughead & Hardy,
2006) that is intended to improve individual and/or team outcomes such as
performance or an athlete’s satisfaction.
In his book detailing the ups and
downs of the Los Angeles Lakers’ 200304 NBA basketball season, coach Phil
Jackson (2004) offered insight into the
factors he considered important in winning a championship:
I still sense a lack of cohesiveness, the
oneness every team requires to win a title.
There are always signs -- anticipating when
a teammate will be beat on defense, trusting
someone will be in a designated spot, displaying an unwillingness to lose. So far, I
haven't seen any of these, and time is running out. Achieving oneness does not guarantee success, but it greatly increases a
team's chances… The team closest to that
oneness is usually triumphant (pp. 169170).
Beyond this type of comment and
many other anecdotal accounts of
coaches discussing the importance and
value of team cohesion, several
researchers have also argued that team
unity or cohesion is one of the cornerstones for helping teams achieve a common goal (e.g., Bloom et al., 2003; Pain
& Harwood, 2009; Yukelson, 1997). In
fact, empirical research has indicated
that coaches feel cohesion is directly
linked to improvements in team performance and success (Bloom et al.,
2003; Carron, Bray, & Eys, 2002). One
of the most effective ways for coaches
to improve team cohesion is through the
implementation of team building activities (Bloom et al., 2003). According to
Woodcock and Francis (1994) an effective team building program can lead to
the following six outcomes: 1) team
leadership being coherent, visionary, and
acceptable, 2) team members understanding and accepting their responsibilities and roles, 3) team members dedicating their efforts to the team’s goals and
objectives, 4) a positive, empowering climate surrounding the team, 5) team
members making better use of their
time and resources during meetings, and
6) team members being able to identify
and correct team weaknesses.
In sport, team building interventions
have been utilized in both recreational
(Newin, Bloom, & Loughead, 2008;
Prapavessis, Carron, & Spink, 1996;
Senécal, Loughead, & Bloom, 2008) and
elite environments (Bloom & Stevens,
2002; Dunn & Holt, 2004; Pain &
Harwood, 2009; Stevens & Bloom,
239
2003; Voight & Callaghan, 2001) and
have generally led to improved team
cohesion and team functioning (e.g.,
intra-team communication). Moreover,
research has shown that team building
interventions have produced many positive results such as improved performance (e.g., Gould, Guinan, Greenleaf,
Medbery, & Peterson, 1999; Pain &
Harwood, 2009; Voight & Callaghan,
2001), increased levels of cohesion (e.g.,
Estabrooks & Carron, 1999; Spink &
Carron, 1993), and enhanced interpersonal relationships (e.g., Bloom &
Stevens, 2002; Dunn & Holt, 2004;
Newin et al., 2008). Furthermore, sport
psychology practitioners working with
the United States Paralympic program
recently suggested that team building
sessions devoted to the development of
team cohesion were viewed as helpful
and effective for athletes with a disability (Moffett, Dieffenbach, & Statler,
2009).
The purpose of this article is to
explain the often misunderstood topic
of team building. This paper will provide an overview of research about team
building in sport and will present strategies to assist sport researchers and practitioners who intend on implementing
team building strategies. It will conclude
by listing anticipated future trends in this
area of applied sport psychology.
Model of Team Building
Given that the goal of team building is
to enhance cohesion, Carron and Spink
(1993) developed a team building model
for sport that focuses on the develop240
ment of cohesion by manipulating the
team’s environment, structures, and
processes. The conceptual model consists of inputs, throughputs, and outputs. Inputs are the team environment
(e.g., making the team feel distinct) and
team structure (e.g., establishing team
norms and role clarity/acceptance). The
team processes (e.g., team goals and sacrifice, enhancing intra-team communication) are the throughputs, and cohesion
is the output in the model. The distinct
factor refers to strategies that enhance
the uniqueness of the group and help
athletes develop a sense of “we” (e.g.,
wearing team clothing). In the team
structure category, team norms and
roles have been targeted as ways of promoting cohesion by enhancing mutual
interdependence and conformity (e.g.,
having players say their role in front of
coaches and teammates). As for the
team processes category, individual sacrifices have been suggested as a way to
increase cohesion. When individual team
members make sacrifices for the team
(e.g., blocking shots in ice hockey, which
increases chance of injury), their commitment to the team increases, and
cohesion is subsequently enhanced.
Research using Carron and Spink’s
team building model.
The empirical-based evidence for using
the Carron and Spink (1993) team building framework is compelling in sport
(e.g., Newin et al., 2008; Senécal et al.,
2008) and will be explained later in this
section. Interestingly, their conceptual
model was first utilized in an exercise
setting (Carron & Spink, 1993, 1995;
Spink & Carron, 1993). Carron and
Spink (1993) examined the influence of
team building strategies on exerciser satisfaction and perceptions of cohesiveness with university-sponsored aerobic
and aqua fitness classes. The authors
implemented team building interventions in eight fitness classes while nine
other classes were assigned to a control
condition and treated as a standard exercise class. Specific intervention strategies
to increase team cohesion included
posters/slogans for the class, a group tshirt, group goals to lose weight together, selection of one’s own spot for the
workout, and the use of partner work.
Results revealed exercise participants
exposed to team building interventions
expressed higher individual attractions
to the group-task than individuals in the
control condition. Also, exercisers in the
team building condition were more satisfied with their fitness class experience
than those in the standard exercise class.
Similarly, Spink and Carron (1993)
examined the impact of a team building
intervention program on exercise adherence. Results revealed members of the
team building condition had significantly higher perceptions of the task cohesion dimension of individual attractions
to the group-task than did the control
group. Moreover, there were significantly fewer drop-outs and late arrivals in the
classes with the team building condition.
Carron and Spink (1995) also examined
how team building influenced perceptions of cohesiveness in small and large
exercise classes. Findings revealed the
intervention offset the negative effects
that increased group size had on cohesion. Specifically, no differences in perceptions of cohesiveness were found
between participants in groups of less
than 20 participants and participants in
groups of more than 40 participants.
Recently, Bruner and Spink (2010, 2011)
successfully implemented a team building intervention program to a group of
exercise participants aged 13-17 years.
Exercise leaders created and implemented team building activities with the
youth participants. It was found that the
team building intervention improved
group cohesion, group task satisfaction,
and adherence behaviors in this population.
In sport, Newin et al. (2008) created
and implemented a season-long team
building intervention program for youth
ice hockey players. Their team building
activities were adopted from a program
used by physical education teachers
designed to solve intellectual, physical,
and emotional problem-solving tasks
and challenges while emphasizing elements of fun, cooperation, communication, and adventure (i.e., Glover &
Midura, 1992; Midura & Glover, 2005).
They assessed coaches’ perceptions of
the effectiveness of the team building
intervention program using a qualitative
approach. Among their conclusions,
coaches believed athletes enjoyed the
team building activities. Further, the
coaches believed that the team building
program helped to develop and refine
life skills, such as working together as a
team to accomplish common objectives.
241
Likewise, coaches felt their own communication and motivational skills
improved as a result of their involvement in the team building program. All
of the coaches mentioned they would
participate in the team building program
if it was offered again, even though
most were initially anxious about their
involvement in it. A related finding
emerged from Senécal and colleagues
(2008) who used a quantitative methodology to examine high school basketball
teams exposed to a team building goal
setting intervention. Among their findings it was found that the experimental
group held higher perceptions of cohesion than teams receiving no team building strategies.
It should be noted that all of the
studies mentioned in this section had
one common thread—they used Carron
and Spink’s (1993) conceptual framework for team building. In the inaugural
Coleman Griffith address (a keynote
presentation delivered annually at the
Association for Applied Sport
Psychology), Carron (1993) highlighted
the importance of theory, research, and
intervention, and argued that these three
elements should be equal, complementary, and mutually dependent on one
another. As Lewin (1951) noted, “there
is nothing so practical as a good theory”
(p. 169).
Team Building Approaches
Using the Carron and Spink (1993) team
building model as a basis, sport psychology consultants can deliver team building intervention programs using two
242
delivery methods. The first method has
been labelled the indirect approach,
whereby the sport psychology consultant implements the team building program through the coach and in turn the
coach implements the program to the
team. The protocol used in the indirect
approach is a four-stage process consisting of an introductory stage, a conceptual stage, a practical stage, and an intervention stage (Carron & Spink, 1993).
The purpose of the introductory stage is
to provide the rationale for the importance of team building along with the
benefits derived of a highly cohesive
group (Carron et al., 1997). For example, the benefits such as increased task
and social interactions, increased communication, enhanced group stability,
greater role acceptance, and greater performance can be highlighted (Carron &
Spink, 1993). The introductory stage is
important given that past research has
shown that coaches showed greater
motivation towards a team building program if they understood the basis of it
(Carron & Spink, 1993). The second
stage, the conceptual stage, serves as an
opportunity to explain the Carron and
Spink team building model. The objective of explaining the model is to help
coaches understand the elements that
fall into a cohesive group. As for the
third stage, the practical stage, the coach
becomes an active agent by developing
specific strategies with the consultant
that could be used in the team building
program (Carron & Spink, 1993). In this
stage, the main goal is to develop and
create specific team building strategies
that will enhance aspects of the team
structure, team environment, and team
processes. Using the strategies developed in the previous step, the fourth
step, intervention stage, is when the
coaches implement their respective team
building programs. The duration of the
program can vary across situations and
settings where it is implemented (Carron
et al., 1997).
The second approach to team
building has been labelled the direct
approach and has primarily been advocated in sport (Stevens, 2002). The
major difference in the direct approach
(compared to the indirect approach) is
that the sport psychology consultant
works directly with athletes in terms of
forming a partnership while implementing the team building program (Carron
et al., 1997). Yukelson (1997) developed
a four stage protocol for implementing
the direct approach in sport. The first
stage, assessment of the situation, is
where the sport psychology consultant
gains an understanding of the dynamics
surrounding the team. To do so, the
sport psychology consultant talks to the
coaches, athletes, and support staff to
learn about the team. The sport psychology consultant also becomes familiar
with the atmosphere surrounding the
team and the quality of interpersonal
relationships between team members. In
the second stage, called education, the
sport psychology consultant describes
the rationale underlying the team building program by explaining to the team
members that the main objective is to
“enhance team chemistry [cohesion]
while getting everyone to work together
toward common goals” (Yukelson,
1997, p. 87). The third stage, brainstorming, is where team members identify areas for team improvement. The
following question can be asked by the
sport psychology consultant: “What can
and what do you want to accomplish this
season, and what will it take to get you
there?” (Yukelson, 1997, p. 88). From
there, an action plan is developed in the
fourth stage, and implementation of
team building activities occur.
A specific type of direct approach to
team building has been called the personal-disclosure
mutual-sharing
approach (Dunn & Holt, 2004; Holt &
Dunn, 2006). In this approach, the consultant facilitates a discussion whereby
team members disclose personal stories
and information that was unknown to
their teammates. The research using this
approach has primarily used qualitative
methodology. In general, the results
have shown that when athletes disclosed
personal information with their teammates there was a sense of higher perceptions of cohesion, better communication between teammates, and a higher
degree of trust and confidence in self
and teammates (Dunn & Holt, 2004;
Holt & Dunn, 2006; Pain & Harwood,
2009).
Regardless of the team building
method (direct vs. indirect), the objective remains the same: to develop team
cohesion. Recently, Martin, Carron, and
Burke (2009) completed a meta-analysis
examining team building in sport and
found that both methods were equally
243
effective in enhancing team cohesion.
Advantages to utilizing an indirect
approach to team building included
reduced time commitment for the sport
psychology consultant, particularly
when there was a geographical barrier
between consultant and the coaching
staff. Another advantage of the indirect
approach was the consultant has the
opportunity to educate and empower
the coach directly since this individual
will ultimately implement the team
building strategies. Advantages of the
direct approach to team building included the active attempt to empower team
members throughout the process, the
ability to purposely shape the team
building program to the needs of the
team, as well as allowing a trained sport
psychology consultant to lead team sessions.
Perhaps, the best approach depends
on the situation. For example, a sport
psychology consultant may be better
suited for team building activities that
focus on complex psychological/mental
factors, particularly if problems with the
coach exist. However, the coach may
better implement team building activities
which center on physical or social
dimensions, of which they are more intimately connected than an outside person. Or perhaps the answer is to follow
Loughead and Hardy’s (2006) suggestion of adopting a mixed method
approach that contains elements from
both the indirect and direct approaches
to team building, thus making for a
more complete and comprehensive
method of team building.
244
Future Directions in Team Building
Research
Given that team building research is still
in its infancy, there are several avenues
for future research based on previous
findings. Examining some of these may
help future academics and practitioners
with their team building research and
activities.
One possible area for future team
building research is the use of experimental or quasi-experimental designs.
To date, some studies have found no
increase in perceptions of cohesion after
implementing a team building intervention. This does not necessarily mean that
the team building interventions were
ineffective. It is possible that while cohesion was not enhanced, perhaps it was
maintained during the course of the season. The idea of maintaining cohesion
levels throughout the season would be
consistent with a recent finding from
Senécal et al. (2008). In their season-long
team building intervention program
using team goal setting with female high
school basketball teams, the authors randomly assigned teams to either a team
goal setting condition or a control condition. Results revealed that levels of
cohesion for athletes in the team goal
setting condition remained stable, while
athletes’ perceptions of cohesion in the
control condition decreased over the
season. Without the use of a quasiexperimental design, Senécal et al. would
have concluded that the team building
intervention had no influence on cohesion. It is possible that there was a ceiling effect when dealing with some teams
in that they already started off with high
levels of cohesion. In fact, this might
have been what happened with Bloom
and Stevens (2002) season-long multidimensional team building intervention
with a University equestrian team.
Consisting of an intervention that
included sessions focusing on role
behavior, social support, team leadership, social interaction, and clarification
of team goals, the pre- to post-program
perceptions of team cohesion were
stronger, yet a significant increase in
team cohesiveness was not found. It is
not known whether the results were
attributable to the relatively small sample
size (n = 45) or whether cohesion was
maintained throughout the season as
occurred with Senécal et al. In fact,
Brawley and Paskevich (1997) emphasized that team building interventions
should be tested in comparison to an
equivalent control group (i.e., no team
building intervention).
Another area of future research is
the use of mixed methods. Typically,
team building intervention research has
utilized either a quantitative (e.g.,
Prapavessis et al., 1996; Senécal et al.,
2008) or qualitative (e.g., Dunn & Holt,
2004; Newin et al., 2008) methodology.
Another approach rarely used that could
yield interesting findings is mixed methods. Bloom and Stevens (2002) used a
mixed methods approach whereby quantitative aspects included athletes rating
of cohesion and the qualitative portion
focused on the effects of the team
building program as a whole. The findings showed no quantitative increase in
cohesion levels, while the qualitative
portion of their study revealed “an
improvement in team harmony and
closeness over the course of the season.
In particular, the athletes felt more support from teammates at competitions
and that the cliques were disappearing”
(p. 6). This type of approach may provide researchers with the opportunity to
get a holistic picture on the effectiveness
of team building interventions.
A third opportunity for future
research is related to the duration of the
study. Some studies (e.g., Pargman & De
Jesus, 1987) have assessed the effects of
team building on perceptions of cohesion over a relatively short-term period
(i.e., less than 8 weeks). For example,
Pargman and De Jesus evaluated the
effect of a team building intervention
using team goal setting on cohesion over
the course of a round robin tournament
lasting less than a week on male high
school intramural basketball teams. In
their meta-analysis on team building,
Martin et al. (2009) found no effect of
team building interventions in studies
lasting less than two weeks. However,
Martin et al. found positive effects of
team building in studies lasting between
two and 20 weeks. Given this discrepancy in the number of weeks, it would be
worthwhile to examine how long it takes
for cohesion to develop in team building
settings. Further, it has been suggested
that the assessment of team building
interventions in sport should require a
minimum of a season for any meaningful, enduring changes to be validly
assessed (Brawley & Paskevich, 1997).
245
A fourth area of future research is
the examination of the number of team
building strategies that have been implemented. On the one hand, several
researchers (e.g., Bloom & Stevens,
2002; Carron & Spink, 1993; Prapavessis
et al., 1996; Spink & Carron, 1993;
Stevens & Bloom, 2003) have concurrently implemented multiple intervention strategies designed to enhance
cohesion such as team goal setting, team
leadership, team communication, clarification of roles, and social support.
Given that the intervention strategies
were implemented concurrently, the relative contribution of any one strategy
could not be determined. In contrast,
some studies have implemented only
one team building intervention and
assessed its influence on cohesion (e.g.,
Senécal et al., 2008). Martin et al. (2009)
found that the use of several team building interventions concurrently was less
effective than interventions focused on
only one type of intervention. Future
research should examine what is the
optimal number of team building strategies that can be implemented at any one
time.
A fifth area could be to examine the
type of team building activities used. A
look at the team building research in
both sport and exercise reveals a wide
variety of team building activities, goals,
and approaches employed. It is difficult
to say whether the lack of coherence in
team building interventions has affected
the outcome. For example, Martin et al.
(2009) characterized team building interventions into four different areas: just
246
goal setting, combination of psychological topics, interpersonal relations, and
adventure programs. The ideas where
the team building activities came from
have also varied. For example, Newin
and colleagues (2008) adopted the Team
Building through Physical Challenges
(Glover & Midura, 1992; Midura &
Glover, 2005) approach to their intervention study on youth ice hockey
teams. Interestingly, this approach had
previously been used with high school
physical education students. As a result,
future research could examine which
team building interventions affect various types of outcomes.
To summarize, team building activities have been used in exercise, sport,
and physical education environments to
increase cohesiveness. Through direct
and indirect approaches, sport psychology consultants working with coaches,
exercise leaders, and teachers have utilized specific strategies to increase team
togetherness for athletes, exercisers, and
students. Related outcomes have been
increased cohesion, performance, adherence, and self-concepts. Moreover,
despite the different settings and strategies, one commonality remains: the
value and support of team building
activities from those who have been
exposed to them. The goal is to one-day
reach the same conclusion as Neuman,
Edwards, and Raju (1989) in their metaanalysis of over 100 studies in business
and industry. Their results indicated that
of all the interventions used to improve
worker satisfaction, team building was
the most effective technique.
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Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 251-268
ISSN: 1886-8576
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN SOCIAL INFLUENCE:
PARENTS AND PEERS
Julie A. Partridge
Southern Illinois University Carbondale
ABSTRACT: Social influence in sport can result from a number of possible sources including
parents, peers, siblings, coaches, and fans. Two of the most commonly studied social influences
are parents and peers. Parental influence may occur through several different mechanisms, and
may impact children in both positive and negative ways (e.g., burnout, anxiety, enjoyment). Peers
are also an important source of social influence and have been found to have a significant impact
on psychosocial outcomes in sport. This article reviews previous findings in these two areas of
social influence in sport and provides an understanding of current and trends in has become a
more popular topic in sport psychology in recent years.
KEYWORDS: Social influence, sport socialization, parental influence, peer influence.
TENDENCIAS ACTUALES EN LA INFLUENCIA SOCIAL: PADRES E IGUALES
RESUMEN: La influencia social en el deporte puede proceder de diferentes fuentes, que pueden incluir a los padres, los iguales, los hermanos, los entrenadores y lo seguidores. Dos de las
influencias sociales que han sido más estudiadas son los padres y los iguales. La influencia de los
padres se puede dar a través de varios mecanismos y puede tener un impacto en los niños tanto
negativo como positivo (por ejemplo, burnout, ansiedad, diversión). Los iguales también pueden
suponer una influencia social importante y se ha detectado que tienen un impacto significativo
en los resultados de carácter psicosocial en el deporte. Este artículo examina los resultados
251
Julie A. Partridge
encontrados en estas dos áreas de influencia social en el deporte y proporciona una perspectiva
contemporánea sobre un campo que atrae mucha atención hoy en día.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Influencia social; Socialización en el deporte; Influencia de los padres;
Influencia de los compañeros.
TENDÊNCIAS ACTUAIS NA INFLUÊNCIA SOCIAL: OS PAIS E OS COLEGAS
RESUMO: A influência social no desporto pode ser exercida por várias fontes possíveis,
incluindo pais, colegas, irmãos, treinadores e adeptos. Duas das influências sociais mais frequentemente estudadas são as exercidas pelos pais e pelos colegas. A influência parental pode ocorrer
através de vários mecanismos diferentes e pode afetar as crianças tanto no sentido positivo como
negativo (e.g., burnout, ansiedade, prazer). Os colegas são também uma importante fonte de
influência social, tendo vindo a ser verificado o seu impacto significativo nos resultados psicossociais no desporto. Este artigo revê os resultados encontrados nestas duas áreas de influência
social no desporto e fornece uma visão compreensiva sobre o atual conhecimento e tendências
de um tópico que se tornou muito popular na psicologia do desporto nos últimos anos.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Influência social; socialização do esporte, Influência dos país; Influência
Sport is typically considered to be a
social endeavor. The presence of significant others (e.g., parents, friends, siblings, officials, fans, teammates) may
have a significant influence on the sport
experience. The purpose of this article
is to summarize current knowledge
regarding selected forms of social influence, and to discuss how these trends
inform future directions in North
American sport psychology. This article
will focus primarily on two of the most
commonly studied forms of social influence in sport: parental and peer influence. This focus on these two particular
types of social influence is reflective of
Lewin’s (1934) conceptualizations of the
importance of an individual’s social
environment in contributing to behavior
252
in combination with one’s personal characteristics, and is also consistent with
Bronfenbrenner’s
(1979,
1993)
Ecological Systems Theory assertions
that behavior is reflective of an interaction between a person’s environment
and their developmental status. Since
parents and peers have particular importance to individuals as they move
through developmental stages, a majority of social influence research has
focused on parents, although peer influence research has more recently gained
popularity (Partridge, Brustad, & Babkes
Stellino, 2008). Both groups have been
found to have a significant impact on
psychosocial outcomes (e.g., motivation,
anxiety, enjoyment, attraction to physical
activity). Both parent and peer influence
Current directions in social influence: parents and peers
research has thus far focused on younger
athletes (i.e., children and adolescents);
therefore, this article reflects these
developmental trends.
Parental Influence
The influence of parents on children
and adolescents’ sport experience has
been a popular topic in sport psychology for several years. Parents are considered to be critical socializing agents as
they are primarily responsible for socializing children into sport and physical
activity during the early part of their
development and have been found to
have the greatest influence on children’s
perceptions of sport competence, particularly in childhood (Horn & Weiss,
1991). Parents may provide opportunities and means of support for their children in sport, including paying for lessons and equipment, providing transportation, giving emotional support/competence information, and indicating which activities are the most valued or important. Thus, the importance
of parents in the sport experience has
the potential to have a significant impact
on psychosocial outcomes such as motivation, enjoyment, and anxiety (Babkes
Stellino, Partridge, & Moore, 2012;
Brustad, Babkes, & Smith, 2001).
In order to explain how parents
influence their children in sport, several
theoretical models have been utilized to
explain the influence that parents have
on their children’s sport and physical
activity behaviors (Partridge, Brustad, &
Babkes Stellino, 2008). The most commonly utilized is Eccles’ expectancy-
value theory (Eccles, 1993; Eccles
(Parsons) et al., 1983), which suggests
that parents facilitate their children’s
sport and physical activity behaviors
through several mechanisms, including
parental beliefs of the relative value of
various achievement domains, parental
expectancies for a child’s future levels of
success in an activity, gender-related
stereotypes about activities, and the
child’s motivation to maintain their participation in various activities. Existing
research has found support for Eccles’
theory in the sport domain, particularly
the link between parental expectancies
and their child’s expectancies for the
child’s future success in sport. Parental
beliefs about competence have been
linked to the child’s own perceived competence (Babkes & Weiss, 1999;
Fredricks & Eccles, 2002). These relationships have may be maintained even
across long periods of time. A longitudinal study conducted in France by Bois,
Sarrazin, Brustad, Trouilloud, and Cury
(2002) found that mothers’ perceptions
of their child’s physical competence predicted their child’s own perceived physical competence one year later, independently of the child’s initial level of perceived competence and actual competence on physical skill tests.
Parental Influence on Emotional
Outcomes in Sport
Parents have been found to be an important source of both positive and negative emotional outcomes (both positive
and negative) for sport participants. It is
important to note that there are many
253
Julie A. Partridge
ways that a parent’s interactions with his
or her child may impact that child’s sport
experience (Bois, Lalanne, & Delforge,
2009). Parental influence may occur
through a variety of different types of
interactions, such as parental pressure
(e.g., a parent “pushes” their child to
participate and/or win in sport, or parents may base their level/type of affection upon a specific sport outcome).
There are also forms of parental influence that are based specifically upon the
child’s perception of the parent’s actions
related to their sport experience. These
perceptions may include perceived
parental expectations (i.e., the child’s
perception of what the parent expects
of them), perceived parental importance
(i.e., the degree to which it is important
for the parents that the child perform
well in sport), and perceived parental
involvement (i.e., the extent to which a
child perceives that a parent is invested
in sport participation through provision
of time, money, and opportunity).
Parental influence leading to positive outcomes. Many forms of parental influence
have been found to influence athletes’
levels of overall sport enjoyment.
Specifically, youth sport participants
whose parents’ convey beliefs in their
abilities and who engage in positive reactions to their sporting efforts are more
likely to experience enjoyment in sport
(Babkes & Weiss, 1999; Brustad, 1988;
Green & Chalip, 1997; Scanlan &
Lewthwaite, 1986; Scanlan, Stein &
Ravizza, 1989).
Higher levels of
parental support and involvement have
also been supported as an important fac254
tor that may impact levels of enjoyment
for young athletes (McCarthy & Jones,
2007; McCarthy, Jones, & Clark-Carter,
2008).
Parental influence leading to negative outcomes. Conversely, parental influence may
also encourage negative emotional
responses in sport participants.
Research has indicated that young athletes who are concerned about receiving
negative evaluations from parents report
higher levels of stress and anxiety
(Babkes & Weiss, 1999; Brustad, 1988;
Brustad & Weiss, 1987; Lewthwaite &
Scanlan, 1989; Passer, 1983). Bois et al.
(2009) investigated another form of
influence, parental presence, in adolescent basketball and tennis players and
found that when both parents were present for competition, there was higher
pre-competitive anxiety for all participants, except for male tennis players.
However, the absence of both parents
did not result in significantly lower anxiety, thus, it is currently unclear how
much unique influence parental presence may have on pre-competitive anxiety.
Although parental influences on
emotional responses have been studied
more extensively than other forms of
social influence in sport, many questions
still remain. Holt, Tamminen, Black,
Mandigo, and Fox (2009) addressed the
lack of research examining more broadbased themes such as parenting styles by
conducting interviews with 56 sport parents, and 34 of their female children.
Results indicated that a variety of parenting practices exist in the sport
domain, and that each are linked to how
children may experience anxiety in sport.
Parents who engaged in behaviors that
provided structure for their children and
allowed them to take part in the decision-making process were termed as
autonomy-supportive, and reported that
they engaged in more open and bi-directional forms of communication with
their children in sport. A second type of
parenting style, controlling, was typified
by less open communication, lowered
support of the child’s autonomy within
sport, and less sensitivity to the child’s
mood. Perhaps unsurprisingly, some
families reported inconsistencies in the
maternal and paternal sport parenting
style, and results also indicated that parents utilized different parenting styles
across situations. Lastly, the results indicated that children did have some reciprocal influence on their parents’ behaviors. These findings suggest that a wide
variety of parenting styles may be utilized by parents in sport, and that they
may be modified depending on the parent and circumstances involved.
Parental influence in physical activity.
Parental influence has also been found
to be an important determinant of the
physical activity experience for children
and adolescents (Edwardson & Gorely,
2010; Sallis, Prochaska, & Taylor, 2000).
Specifically, parents of children have
been found to influence moderate-tovigorous physical activity (MVPA), overall levels of physical activity, and leisuretime physical activity through direct
involvement (e.g., providing transportation or equipment), and by being active
role models through their own active
participation in physical activity. Stated
simply, parents who are active tend to
have more active children (Brustad,
1993). This trend seems to be particularly relevant as children move through
childhood and toward early adolescence
(6-11 years). For adolescents (12-18
years), parents have consistently been
found to be influential to physical activity levels, but research has generally
shown that parental attitudes toward
physical activity, parental activity levels,
transportation, and encouragement are
important for maintaining physical activity (Edwardson & Gorely, 2010).
While a majority of parental influence research has examined these relationships at specific points in time, a limited amount of longitudinal research has
been conducted to identify the influence
of parents over time. These studies
have indicated that overall levels of
parental support behaviors (e.g., encouragement, modeling healthy behaviors)
do predict children’s organized physical
activity
behaviors
over
time.
Interestingly, fathers’ levels of physical
activity have been found to predict adolescents’ overall levels physical activity,
although mothers’ levels are not (Yang,
Telama, & Laasko, 1996).
As stated previously, parental influence is tremendously important for
shaping children’s and adolescents’ psychological outcomes in the physical
domain; however, many avenues for
future research on parental influence in
sport still remain. A majority of existing parental influence research has
255
Julie A. Partridge
focused primarily on the influence that
parents have on their children in sport
or physical activity, but has not
addressed the ways that children may
also reciprocally influence their parents.
Early research has indicated that parents
are impacted by their child’s participation in behavioral, cognitive, affective,
and social ways (Dorsch, Smith, &
McDonough, 2009), and therefore, this
child-to-parent dynamic remains an
important area for future study.
Peer Influence
Although sport-specific research on
peer influence has not traditionally been
studied as extensively as parental influence, the understanding of the importance of peers on children’s psychosocial
development has grown considerably in
recent years. Affiliation-related aspects
of sport have been found to be salient
predictors of enjoyment for competitors
at all levels of sport, and include such
components as interactions with teammates, creating friendships, and the existence of a social support system
(Scanlan, Carpenter, Lobel, & Simons,
1993). Peers may influence participation, motivation and psychosocial outcomes in young athletes in different
ways, and several different forms of
peer influence have been identified and
studied within achievement domains.
Peer relationships may occur in many
forms, both positive and negative. Peer
acceptance, friendship, friendship quality, and negative peer relationships such
as victimization or relationally aggressive
behaviors may all contribute to an indi256
vidual’s unique peer relationship constellations, which may affect several psychosocial outcomes (e.g., motivation,
enjoyment) within achievement activities. While these peer relationships have
been studied extensively in educational
settings, our knowledge of peer influence in sport is still a relatively new
research topic. The following sections
explore our current knowledge regarding specific peer relationship types (i.e.,
peer acceptance, friendship/friendship
quality, and peer victimization/relational
aggression).
Peer Acceptance
Peer acceptance is conceptualized as
one’s status or popularity within a peer
group, and the degree to which feelings
of liking and acceptance are reciprocated between members of the group
(Ladd, Kochenderfer, & Coleman,
1997). Conversely, a lack of status or
popularity is categorized as peer rejection. Being well-liked within a group has
been found to be associated with several
positive psychosocial outcomes including higher levels of self-esteem, liking of
school, and lower levels of school dissatisfaction (Bukowski & Hoza, 1989;
Ladd et al., 1997; Parker & Asher, 1993).
In the physical domain, physical ability has been identified as a fundamental
contributor to peer acceptance or rejection within the peer group (Adler, Kless,
& Adler, 1992; Chase & Dummer, 1992;
Evans, 1985; Xie, Li, Boucher, Hutchins,
& Cairns, 2006; Weiss & Duncan, 1992).
Moreover, possessing high ability at
other tasks, such as academics, may not
provide children with the same degree of
peer acceptance, if those domains are
not highly valued by the peer group
(Patrick, Ryan, Alfeld-Liro, Fredricks,
Hruda, & Eccles, 1999). Moreover, it
appears that gender may be a mediating
variable in this relationship, as boys have
consistently indicated that being successful in physical endeavors was of the
highest importance for peer acceptance,
whereas a weaker relationship exists
between physical ability and peer acceptance for girls (Adler et al., 1992; Chase &
Dummer, 1992). When children fail to
achieve acceptance from their peer
group (i.e., they are rejected), feelings of
social isolation may result (Parker &
Asher, 1993).
Friendships and Friendship Quality
Friendships are a second important
form of positive peer relationship consisting of a mutual, affective bond that
develops between two individuals
(Bukowski & Hoza, 1989). Friendships
have the opportunity to provide sport
participants with several important
experiences (i.e., companionship, pleasant play, conflict resolution, and things
in common) that increase enjoyment
and commitment to sport, and are considered critical in moving a young person from a more egocentric perspective
to a more other-oriented perspective by
allowing him or her to take the role of
another individual (i.e., the friend). This
capacity is crucial to the individual’s psychosocial adjustment (Sullivan, 1953).
Several specific issues related to friendships (e.g., friendship quality and expec-
tations) have been studied within both
educational and sport domains and
found to impact numerous developmental outcomes.
While the presence or absence of
friendship is considered an important
form of peer influence, the specific
qualities of these friendships also play
an important role in determining psychosocial outcomes in educational and
physical domains. Hartup (1995) proposed that all friendships are not alike
and do not all carry the same expectations or consequences for individuals,
therefore, there should be a distinction
made between having friends, the identity of one’s friends, and the quality of
friends in children and adolescents’ lives.
A meta-analysis of 82 research studies
conducted by Newcombe and Bagwell
(1996) that assessed friend vs. nonfriend comparisons found that positive
engagement, conflict management, task
activity, and subjective properties of
friendships (e.g., similarities, dominance,
mutual liking, and closeness) were all
found to differ significantly between
friends and non-friends, with friendships providing more intense social
interactions, more frequent conflict resolution, and more effective task performance.
These findings on the unique experiences of friendship quality in educational settings have also been found in the
sport literature. Research in the sport
domain has indicated that children and
adolescents prefer a different set of
friendship qualities for their friends in
sport than in educational settings.
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Julie A. Partridge
Zarbatany and colleagues (Zarbatany,
Ghesquiere, & Mohr, 1992; Zarbatany,
Hartmann, & Rankin, 1990) investigated
children’s (ages 10 to 12 years) perceptions of liked and disliked friendship
behaviors when engaging in a variety of
activities and found for academic activities, friends were expected to provide
helping behaviors, while noncompetitive
activities were expected to elicit including and accepting behaviors. In activities such as sports and games, Zarbatany
and colleagues (1992) found that friends
were expected to demonstrate behaviors
meant to enhance positive self-evaluations (e.g., ego reinforcement and preferential treatment). This may be due to
the competitive nature of these activities
and the importance of maintaining a
positive self-image among peers by
being successful at these activities.
Further examination of friendship
expectations within the sport domain by
Weiss and colleagues (Weiss & Smith,
1999; 2002; Weiss, Smith, & Theeboom,
1999) provided additional insight into
children’s sport friendship expectations.
Weiss, Smith, and Theeboom (1996) first
conducted in-depth interviews with
sport program participants (ages 8 to 16)
to discover what characteristics these
children, who were experienced in a
variety of interpersonal relationship levels of success (e.g., popular compared to
less well-liked), preferred to have exhibited by their best sport friend. The
researchers identified a total of 12 positive higher-order themes (i.e., companionship, pleasant play/association, selfesteem enhancement, help and guidance,
258
prosocial behavior, intimacy, loyalty,
things in common, attractive personal
qualities, emotional support, absence of
conflicts, and conflict resolution), while
four negative friendship dimensions
emerged (i.e., conflict, unattractive personal qualities, betrayal, and inaccessibility), suggesting that both positive and
negative components of friendship are
important for quality friendships in
sport.
These findings suggest that although
there are similarities between the positive friendship dimensions found in the
developmental literature and those
found in sport-specific situations, there
are also unique dimensions to sport
friendships that necessitate further
exploration. For example, a positive
dimension that emerged as being highly
important to children in sport friendships was self-esteem enhancement.
Children in the study expected their
sport friends to provide them with reinforcement for favorable aspects of their
sport abilities. Given the importance
that children have been found to place
on physical competence, it is not surprising that children expect their friends to
try to facilitate self-esteem in sport activities. Failure to engage in this type of
behavior could be potentially damaging
to a friendship between children, particularly if a child perceives herself to be
less successful in sport.
Impact of multiple forms of peer influence.
To date, much of the literature on social
influence has focused on the impact of a
specific relationship (e.g., peer acceptance) on specific outcomes. More
recently, however, the literature has
begun to expand to include investigations of how multiple forms of peer
relationships may work in concert to
influence sport participants. Smith and
colleagues have found that many of the
same peer motivational profiles that
exist in academic achievement domains
are also present in the sport domain as
well. Smith, Ullrich-French, Walker, and
Hurley (2006) investigated peer relationship variables in a sport sample (including perceived friendship quality, perceived peer acceptance, perceived competence, enjoyment, anxiety, self-presentational concerns, and self-determined
motivation) in a sport sample. Results
indicated five separate profiles that were
consistent with previous work in developmental psychology (Seidman, ChesirTeran, Friedman, Yoshikawa, Allen, &
Roberts, 1999) and were also consistent
with theoretical expectations that more
positive peer relationships increase psychological benefits (e.g., higher levels of
perceived competence, lower anxiety,
and lower self-presentational concerns)
and that social factors impact motivation-related cognitions (e.g., self-determined motivation) and enjoyment.
More research incorporating multiple
forms of peer influence should be conducted to more fully understand how
each contributes to psychosocial outcomes in sport.
Negative Peer Relationships
Although the vast majority of peer relationship research in developmental sport
and exercise psychology has focused on
the positive constructs of peer acceptance and friendship, a third component
of the peer influence puzzle, peer victimization, has also been linked to children’s psychological and social development. Peer victimization refers to a
group of behaviors that can be considered to be physically and/or verbally
threatening (Ladd et al., 1997).
Victimization is a more active outcome
of a peer relationship in which the recipient of the negative behaviors not only
fails to gain acceptance (i.e., is rejected),
but may be subjected to a variety of negative behaviors including: general outcomes (e.g., being picked on), physical
outcomes (e.g., being pushed or hit),
direct verbal victimization (e.g., having
other kids say mean things to him), or
indirect verbal victimization (e.g., being
the target of gossip/rumors).
Research in the educational literature
has found that the presence or absence
of victimizing behaviors was the catalyst
for future school maladjustment and
avoidance behaviors (Kochenderfer &
Ladd, 1996a; 1996b; 1997).
Victimization in sport. Outside of educational settings, evaluative activities
such as structured sport have also been
shown to be a relevant forum in which
negative peer interactions and negative
affective reactions may occur (Evans &
Roberts, 1987; Kunesh, Hasbrook, &
Lewthwaite, 1992; Partridge, 2003;
Smith,
Sampson,
DeFreese,
Blankenship, & Templin, 2009). Evans
(1985) found that children playing in
unstructured sports on school playgrounds at recess experienced negative
259
Julie A. Partridge
affect when choosing sides for games
because of the inherently evaluative
component. Recent research conducted
by Bray and colleagues (2000) found that
young competitive skiers who reported
more concerns about what their fellow
competitors and friends thought of their
general skiing ability, as opposed to evaluation of specific performances, experienced higher levels of pre-competitive
anxiety.
It is important to note that extensive
research in developmental literature on
peer victimization behaviors has found
that victimization behaviors are frequently mediated by gender. Patterns of
aggressive/victimizing behaviors in children and adolescents suggest that while
both genders may exhibit aggression
toward one another, females are disproportionately likely to engage in what are
termed “relationally aggressive” actions
wherein girls attempt to undermine or
destroy another girl’s social relationships
through rumors, name-calling, and
social isolation in both educational
(Crick & Grotpeter, 1995; Currie, Kelly,
& Pomerantz, 2007), and playground
settings (Braza, et al., 2007; Ostrov &
Keating, 2004). In one of the few studies to examine these types of behaviors
in sport, Kunesh, Hasbrook, and
Lewthwaite (1992) conducted interviews, observations, and sociometric
evaluations with eight 11- to 12-year-old
girls about their peer interactions in, and
affective responses to, three different
physical activity settings (i.e., formal
sport/physical education classes, informal activities such as tetherball at recess,
260
and exercise contexts. Results showed
that evaluative activities provided the
most consistent forum within which
negative peer interactions occurred.
These negative peer interactions were
characterized by repeated, stable criticisms of girls’ athletic abilities, and also
by casting the girls in a subordinate role
to that of the males in the class.
Although the authors did not directly
label these behaviors as peer “victimization” behaviors, it may be considered to
be a starting point for studies in sport
and physical activity that address those
behaviors. A recent exploratory study
from Partridge, Jenkins, and Kurth
(2011) suggests that adolescent female
athletes do experience relationally
aggressive behaviors on school sport
teams (e.g., teasing, rumors, social isolation). Given the negative affect associated with peer victimization, as well as the
gender specific nature of the behaviors,
more knowledge is needed about how
victimization behaviors can operate as a
negative socialization mechanism
through which adolescents (particularly
girls), may be discouraged from participation altogether.
There is much that remains unknown
about victimization in sport and physical
activity contexts. Research is needed in
this area of peer influence to better
understand what impact victimization
behaviors may have on youth sport athletes. Additionally, more research is necessary to better delineate how different
forms of peer relationships (i.e., peer
acceptance/rejection, friendship, friendship quality) may or may not impact each
other within the specific context of
sport and physical activity.
Peer Leadership
Although not traditionally discussed as a
form of peer influence in the literature,
peer leadership is another important and
relevant topic in social influence. The
importance of this topic is underscored
by the usefulness of having qualified
team members who may be capable of
guiding and motivating their peers on a
team to achieve success and higher levels of motivation. Early studies on peer
leadership focused on identifying specific personality traits that could be used to
separate peer leaders from non-leaders
on a given team, and found that such
identifiers as high skill level, higher levels of internal locus of control
(Yukelson, Weinberg, Richardson, &
Jackson, 1981), player position (Lee,
Coburn, & Partridge, 1981), and greater
levels of masculinity sex-role orientation
(Andersen & Williams, 1987) were associated with perceptions of peer leadership. These findings have supported
approaches to leadership stating that
leadership effectiveness is context-specific (Chelladurai, 1990) such that the
traits that may produce an effective peer
leader on a volleyball team may not be
concurrent with those that create effective leadership in student government.
Glenn and Horn (1993) expanded on
this early research with an important
study on leadership with female high
school soccer athletes. Participants
completed inventories on perceived
competence, sex-role orientation, com-
petitive trait anxiety, and global selfworth. Actual sport competence was
measured via coach ratings and leadership behavior was measured with coach,
peer, and self-ratings. Results indicated
that those athletes who rated themselves
higher in perceived competence, femininity, and masculinity also rated themselves higher on leadership ability. Peer
ratings revealed that athletes who were
rated high in leadership by their peers
exhibited a profile of high levels of
competitive trait anxiety, masculinity,
skill, and perceived competence. Finally,
the coach ratings of peer leadership
were associated primarily with levels of
skill. Player position was also an important factor in perceptions of leadership,
as athletes in central field positions were
more likely to be rated high on leadership ability than those athletes in noncentral field positions.
Subsequent research on leadership
behavior has revealed that team leadership roles may be filled by a variety of
team members (not only those identified
as team “captains) (Loughead & Hardy,
2005; Loughead, Hardy, & Eys, 2006).
Other researchers have found gender
differences in leadership preferences.
Todd and Kent (2004) asked a sample of
interscholastic athletes to describe idealized peer leadership behaviors through
ordinal ranking of leader characteristics.
Overall the most important leadership
behavior was identified to be that of
“working hard in games and practice”,
but interestingly, a gender difference was
found in the sample. Male athletes
reported that instrumental behaviors
261
Julie A. Partridge
(i.e., those concerned with completing
tasks) were significantly more important,
while female athletes showed no preference for either instrumental or expressive (i.e., morale and relationship development)
leadership
behaviors.
Therefore, the effectiveness of a peer
leader seems to be guided by a series of
psychological and personal characteristics, while also being influenced by the
gender of the athletes involved.
Moran and Weiss (2006) examined
relationships between peer leadership
and psychological, social and ability
characteristics in 67 male and 71 female
high school soccer players. Players
assessed themselves on peer acceptance,
friendship quality, perceived competence, instrumentality, and expressiveness for themselves, and leadership
behavior for themselves and teammates
and coaches assessed each participant on
leadership behavior and soccer ability.
Results indicated a gender difference in
that for female athletes, peer acceptance,
friendship quality, perceived competence, instrumentality, and expressiveness were predictive of self-ratings of
leadership, but coach and teammate ratings were related to ability only.
Conversely, for males, all psychosocial
variables and ability were related to selfratings and teammate ratings of peer
leadership, while coaches’ ratings were
related primarily to ability. Peer leadership has been characterized by a variety
of indicators including skill level, instrumentality, expressiveness, and perceived
competence (Glenn & Horn, 1993;
Moran & Weiss, 2006).] Peer leaders
262
have been identified by higher levels of
perceived competence, peer acceptance,
behavioral conduct, and intrinsic motivation, while effective leadership has
been associated with players who reported greater task and social cohesion and
collective efficacy (Price & Weiss, 2011).
Clearly more research in needed to provide a more robust understanding of
how peer leadership is cultivated and
expressed in sport, and how peers may
take advantage of leadership opportunities to facilitate success in sport.
Peer relationships in physical activity/physical education. Peer relationships
and their impact specifically on physical
activity and physical education behaviors
have been examined less frequently than
those in sport settings. Given that many
children may not participate in any physical activity outside of structured physical education classes at their schools,
these relationships are important to gain
a greater understanding of how peers
may impact emotional responses and
motivation to participate. Recent work
has begun to examine the impact of
social relationships on psychosocial outcomes in physical education classes, and
suggests that peer acceptance plays in
important role in mediating the relationships among a variety of motivational
and psychosocial variables. Higher levels of peer acceptance in physical education have been associated with lower levels of social physique anxiety (Cox,
Ullrich-French, Madonia, & Witty,
2011). Peer relationships (along with
positive teacher relationships) have also
been found to be associated with more
positive physical education experiences
for middle-school aged adolescents (Cox
& Ullrich-French, 2010), and the presence of an unknown peer has also been
found to have a positive effect on atrisk-for/overweight boys’ (ages 8 to 12)
physical activity behaviors (Rittenhouse,
Salvy, & Barkley, 2011). Positive experiences with peers and teachers have also
been found to positively influence relatedness perceptions, motivation, enjoyment and worry experienced by junior
high physical education students (Cox,
Duncheon, & McDavid, 2009). Greater
understanding of these relationships
and how they have unique or interdependent impact on children and adolescents in physical education is needed to
improve our understanding of how we
may improve on motivation and the
emotional experience.
Future Directions in Parent and
Peer Influence Research
Researchers have made significant
strides into understanding the influence
that peers have in the sport domain, but
several questions still remain. These
areas for future research include
increased understanding of negative
peer relationships, and how these might
impact psychosocial outcomes in sport
and physical activity including motivation and emotional responses to participation. A second area for future
research includes the utilization of different methodologies to more accurately
assess these relationships. Most research
on parental and peer influence has
occurred within a specific, short time
frame (i.e., at one point in a competitive
season). In order to more clearly understand these relationships, and the differing amounts of influence they may have
on sport participants, longitudinal
designs should be utilized to determine
how social dynamics may fluctuate over
time, and how they may be affected by
factors such as team success, playing
time status, and coaching style.
Furthermore, the impact of multiple
forms of social influence should be
examined simultaneously to understand
how these relationships may contribute
not only individually, but in concert to
lead to specific outcomes for athletes.
Finally, social influence, particularly that
of peers, should be studied more closely
at older levels of sport. The impact of
significant others for children and adolescents has been the focus of much of
the research in this field; however, given
that sport remains a social endeavor,
more systematic study of how parents,
peers, coaches, teachers, and siblings
affect the experience in the physical
domain should be explored.
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Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 269-281
ISSN: 1886-8576
TRENDS IN GENDER-RELATED RESEARCH IN SPORT AND
EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY
Nicole M. LaVoi
Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport.
University of Minnesota
ABSTRACT: In this paper, gender-related trends in Sport and Exercise Psychology (SEP) will
be summarized. To begin key aspects of what gender-related research is, and is not will be outlined. Common problematic aspects of gender-related research in SEP will be illuminated, along
with two theoretical frameworks that may help overcome traditionally problematic aspects. The
first framework is Cultural Studies which blurs and dismantles disciplinary boundaries, where no
one truth, way of knowing, or methodology reigns supreme, but where integrated knowledge
that leads to complex understandings which make a difference to the communities and marginalized groups or individuals who need it most is desired and encouraged (Silk & Andrews, 2011).
The second framework is the Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner 1977, 1979, 1993),
which specifies human development reflects the influence of several environmental systems
including individual, social, environmental, societal and cultural. This seminal theory has influenced how researchers approach the study of human beings and their environments, which varies
from culture to culture. The remainder of the paper will provide a summary of selected genderrelated trends in SEP including the gendered physical activity gap, females in positions of power
in sport, and gender “differences” in coaching science.
KEYWORDS: Gender in sport; Sport and gender; Cultural competence.
269
Nicole M. LaVoi
TENDENCIAS EN LA INVESTIGACIÓN RELACIONADA CON EL GÉNERO EN
PSICOLOGÍA DEL DEPORTE Y EL EJERCICIO
RESUMEN: En este artículo, se resumen las tendencias según género en Psicología del
Ejercicio y el Deporte. Para empezar, se presentan los aspectos clave que definen la investigación
según género. Se abordarán aspectos generalmente problemáticos de la investigación según
género, y se expondrán dos marcos teóricos que pueden ayudar a resolver aspectos tradicionalmente problemáticos. El primer marco es el de Estudios Culturales, que acaba con las barreras
disciplinares, en el que no destaca una sola verdad, ni un determinado modo de aprender, ni una
metodología concreta, sino en el que se persigue y fomenta el conocimiento integrado que lleva
a complejos entendimientos que marcan la diferencia para las comunidades y grupos marginales
o individuos con necesidades (Silk & Andrews, 2011). El segundo marco es el de la Teoría del
Sistema Ecológico (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979, 1993), que especifica que el desarrollo del ser
humano refleja la influencia de varios sistemas medioambientales, como son el del propio del
individuo, el social y el cultural. Esta importante teoría ha influido en la manera como los investigadores abordan el estudio de los seres humanos y sus ambientes, que varían de una cultura a
otra. El resto del artículo ofrece una selección de las tendencias según género en la Psicología del
Ejercicio y el Deporte, que incluye lagunas en el área de la actividad física según género, en el
área que concierne a las mujeres en posición de poder en el deporte y “diferencias” de género en
la ciencia del entrenamiento.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Género en el deporte; Deporte y género; Competencia cultural.
TENDÊNCIAS NA INVESTIGAÇÃO SOBRE O GÉNERO NA PSICOLOGIA DO
DESPORTO E DO EXERCÍCIO
RESUMO: Neste artigo, serão resumidas as tendências relativas ao género na Psicologia do
Desporto e do Exercício (PDE). Para começar, serão destacados aspectos-chave sobre o que é,
e o que não é, investigação relacionada com o género. Serão abordados aspectos problemáticos
comuns relativos à investigação sobre o género na PDE, bem como dois enquadramentos teóricos que podem ajudar a superar aspectos tradicionalmente problemáticos. O primeiro enquadramento é o dos Estudos Culturais, que enevoa e desmonta fronteiras disciplinares onde não há
verdade, forma de saber, ou metodologia únicas, mas onde o conhecimento integrado que leva
a compreensões complexas que fazem a diferença para comunidades e grupos marginalizados ou
indivíduos que mais precisam é desejado e incentivado (Silk & Andrews, 2011). O segundo
enquadramento é o da Teoria dos Sistemas Ecológicos (Bronfenbrenner 1977, 1979, 1993), que
especifica que o desenvolvimento humano reflete a influência de vários sistemas ambientais,
incluindo os individuais, sociais, ambientais, sociais e culturais. Esta teoria seminal tem influenciado o modo como os investigadores abordam o estudo dosseres humanos e seus ambientes,
que variam de cultura para cultura. No restante do documento, apresenta-se um resumo de
tendências selecionadas sobre o género na PED, incluindo a lacuna na atividade física em função
do género, mulheres com posições de poder no desporto e "diferenças" de género na ciência do
coaching.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Gênero no esporte; Desporto e gênero; Competência cultural.
270
Trends in gender-related research in sport and exercise psychology
To begin, it is important to outline what
gender-related research is—and is not. A
common error researchers often make is
to conflate sex and gender as the same
constructs. To distinguish between the
two constructs is imperative. According
to the American Psychological
Association (2011), sex refers to the biological aspects of being male or female
(i.e., sex chromosome’s, internal reproductive organs, external genitalia), while
gender refers to the attitudes, behaviors,
feelings, experiences and characteristics
associated with being male and female.
Examining gender pertains to how
socially constructed and arbitrary conceptions of masculinity and femininity
influence the sport and exercise experiences of all athletes. Gender-related
research also pertains to how the structure of sport has traditionally privileged
men and masculinity, and problematized
or marginalized females in sport contexts.
Gender-related aspects of SEP have
predominately focused on girls and
women in sport, and three lines of
research will be summarized later in the
paper. In 1988 sport sociologist Ann
Hall argued that in North America the
tendency is to think ‘gender’ means
‘woman’, and this remains mostly true in
SEP two decades later. The experiences,
correlates and outcomes for females in
sport are worthy topics of inquiry and
may, but should not be assumed to, differ from the experiences of males due to
social and cultural context of participation, historic influences, and gender
socialization. Gender-related trends in
the U.S. should be used to guide research
outside the U.S., but SEP researchers
and practitioners are advised to use and
apply the information in this paper in
culturally competent ways, resist generalizations across cultures, and ask research
questions that do not reify gender
stereotypes. Certainly the norm of masculinity and femininity differs across cultures. Borrowing from Gill and
Kamphoff (2010), cultural competence
is “the ability of an individual to understand and respect the values, attitudes,
beliefs and more that differ across cultures and to consider and respond
appropriately to these difference in planning, implementing and evaluating sport
psychology programs, interventions and
research” (p. 429).
First, doing gender research does
not simply mean “add females and stir”
and inclusion of females in the sample
criteria is not sufficient to qualify
research as gender-related. Second, gender-related research in most major SEP
textbooks is presented as a marginal
“add on” topic tacked on at the end of
the book, mentioned in passing, or not
covered at all (Gill & Kamphoff, 2010).
Gender, like other social constructions
such as culture, class, race, able-bodies,
and sexual orientation, is not privileged,
primary SEP knowledge as is motivation, self-regulation skills, self-perceptions, and group dynamics (Fisher,
Roper & Butryn, 2009).
Third, frequently in gender-related
SEP research girls and women are problematized and framed as an “issue” that
needs to be fixed, dealt with, or over-
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Nicole M. LaVoi
come. For example, fear of success,
attributional patterns, eating disorders,
and self-efficacy are often framed as
“problems” pertaining primarily to
females. Duncan (2007) summarized a
multitude of research which indicated
girls’ lack of interest, motivation, or
effort in sport is often explained by
coaches and physical educators as the
“problem with girls.” The same is true in
the psychology of coaching popular
press books, in that coaching females is
often framed as “different than” coaching males, while similarities are rarely
highlighted (LaVoi, Becker & Maxwell,
2007).
Fourth, female athletes are commonly and constantly compared to boys and
men and the male norm (i.e., females are
less competitive than males, females are
more social, females lack the “killer
instinct”). Beliefs of inherent social-psychological gender “differences” often
originate from personal beliefs or experiential knowledge, rather than evidence.
Difference hypotheses are then typically
tested with quantitative statistics and
results in turn provide irrefutable evidence that males and females are different—while similarities are often ignored,
erased, or not discussed. Examining
gender using quantitative, reductionist,
positivistic methods is predicated on the
assumptions of cause-and-effect relationships and objective scientific
processes (Brustad, 2008). For example,
a researcher might test how the confidence of male and female athletes influences cognitive, affective, and behavioral
responses in sport. Athletes fill out
272
quantitative Likert-type scales and psychometric and multivariate statistics are
run. Male and female scores are compared, variance is assessed, and gender
“differences” will be proven or not. In
reality, many other factors besides the
sex of the athlete (note that sex, not
gender, of athlete is used here) influence
sport confidence levels. It is not to say
psychosocial differences between male
and female athletes do not exist, but
researchers should use caution and not
inadvertently reproduce gender stereotypes or marginalize female athletes
through the types of research questions
and methods employed. Silk and
Andrews (2011) assert a variety of
forces, institutions, processes, and discourses, among other factors influence
how gender (or race, class, sexual identity) is articulated and experienced in
sport.
Hall (2002) points out researchers
often seek to delineate how females are
different from males, but the reverse
question is rarely posed. Gender-related
research fits most effectively with qualitative methodologies (i.e., interviews,
case studies, focus groups) where complex gendered interactions, identities,
experiences, and life histories of female
(and male) athletes can be illuminated.
Researchers interested in gender-related
questions should examine the individual
within the social, political, cultural and
historical context which influences the
sport and physical activity experiences
of both males and females. Methods and
theoretical frameworks that help
researchers place the individual within
complex ecological layers of social influence (see Bronfenbrenner) will help forward and deepen gender-related SEP
research.
Fifth, gender stereotypes about what
is “appropriate” and “inappropriate”
behavior based on gender norms (i.e.,
being aggressive and competitive is not
ladylike or feminine, playing certain contact sports like rugby or football is inappropriate for females) limits and restricts
the full potential and development of all
athletes. Oftentimes, in gender-related
SEP research the focal point is on
female athlete conformity or deviation
from femininity, while the masculinity of
male athletes is rarely questioned or
examined. Lastly, in applying principles
of cultural competence, researchers and
practitioners should not assume all
females (or males) are identical, and
make blanket generalizations that reinforce stereotypes (Peters & Williams,
2009).
Conducting gender-related research
in the ways described above does little to
advance the field of SEP. In this paper,
gender-related trends and areas of
inquiry will be outlined that forward
productive examination of gender that
leads to social change, awareness, and
positive outcomes for participants.
Two frameworks that are potentially
helpful in moving gender-related SEP
research forward include, 1) Cultural
Studies and, 2) Bronfenbrenner’s
Ecological Systems Theory.
Engaging Cultural Studies in Sport
and Exercise Psychology
Given that historically SEP researchers
have embraced a limited approach to
examining gender, a blurring of disciplinary boundaries is necessary if this area
of inquiry is to progress. A discipline
that encourages and embraces “open
analytic, critical and political conversations by encouraging people to push the
dialogue into fresh, uncharted territory”
(Taylor & Francis, 2011) is needed.
Arguably, the academic field of Cultural
Studies may help expand gender-related
research in SEP. Cultural Studies provides a space for scholarly dialogues that
draw on theory and methods from several disciplines: anthropology, history,
literary studies, philosophy, political
economy, media/communication/film
studies, feminist studies, and sociology.
But whereas the traditional disciplines
tend to produce stable objects of study,
research in Cultural Studies attempts to
account for cultural objects (i.e., athletes,
coaches, teams) under conditions constrained by power and defined by contestation, conflict, and change (George
Mason University, 2011). Researchers
concentrate on how a particular medium, message or social institution relates
to ideology, social class, nationality, ethnicity, sexuality, and/or gender, rather
than investigating a particular culture or
area of the world. Recently, a loosely
aggregated and emergent group of
scholars who study power, power relations, the body and physical culture
located their work in what they term
Physical Cultural Studies (PCS; see
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Nicole M. LaVoi
Andrews & Silk, 2011).
Cultural Studies, and specifically
PCS, offers a way for SEP researchers to
study and integrate gender within their
work, as gender is located on and performed by the physical body. Gender, an
arbitrary construct of what is means to
be masculine and feminine in a particular historical time and space, is part of a
negotiated and subjective identity that
influences optimal performance, experience and development of an individual—in sport and physical activity contexts. Silk and Andrews (2011) state in
Cultural Studies it is “assumed that societies are fundamentally divided along
hierarchical ordered lines of differentiation (i.e., gender) and are realized
through the operations of power and
power relations with social formation”
(p. 10). Indeed gender is performed,
engaged and interpreted on the physical
body as a fluid, dynamic category. For
example, what it means to be both “feminine” and an “athlete” has changed over
time, and varies culturally. However,
what has not changed is that the feminine remains secondary and marginalized to the masculine. Even with record
number of girls and women competing
in sports at all levels in the U.S. due to
the landmark federal law Title IX,
female sport participation, the feminine,
and the female athletic body remains
contested.
In short, Cultural Studies blurs and
dismantles disciplinary boundaries,
where no one truth, way of knowing, or
methodology reigns supreme, but where
integrated knowledge that leads to com274
plex understandings which make a difference to the communities and marginalized groups or individuals who need it
most is desired and encouraged (Silk &
Andrews, 2011). Cultural Studies is
“aggressively non-reductionist” and
researchers recognize and embrace the
multiple factors which impact an individual actor, outcome or variable; and
therefore reject the possibility of reducing
causality
to
one
factor.
Reconstructing SEP by infusing Cultural
Studies has not been widely used or
accepted in Sport Psychology (Fisher,
Roper, Butryn, 2009), nor gone uncontested. In sum, a scholarly approach that
challenges the current “hyper-fragmentation and hyper-specialization” within
human movement science would
encourage transcending “intellectual
boundaries and exclusivities” (Andrews,
2008), that is currently normative in SEP
research. Another theoretical model that
may help challenge non-reductionistic
research has its origins in developmental
psychology.
The Ecological Systems Theory
The Ecological Systems Theory
(Bronfenbrenner 1977, 1979, 1993),
posits human development reflects the
influence of several environmental systems including individual, social, environmental, societal and cultural. This
seminal theory has influenced how
researchers approach the study of
human beings and their environments,
which varies from culture to culture. In
combination, the Ecological System
Theory and Cultural Studies may pro-
vide a comprehensive understanding of
any one gender-related phenomenon.
Using the issue of the physical activity
of females as an example, this approach
will be illustrated.
In in a report titled Developing
Physically Active Girls: An Evidence-based
Multidisciplinary Approach, three trends of
girls physical activity were summarized
(Wiese-Bjornstal & LaVoi, 2007). First,
adolescent girls participate in a broader
array of physical activities, ranging from
informal, play-like environments to the
pressure-cooker world of Olympic
sports, more than ever before in U.S. history. Second, girls’ participation in moderate-to-vigorous physical activity or
MVPA (the level of activity needed to
accrue and maintain health benefits)
outside of organized sports is declining,
and declines are greater for girls of color
and low income girls. Third, girls’ participation rates and behaviors in all types of
physical activity—from organized
sports, to outdoor recreation, to youth
clubs, to physical education—consistently lag behind those of boys. Male
participants outnumber their female
peers, girls are less physically active than
boys, and girls participate with less
intensity than boys. While a gendered
gap in physical activity exists (LaVoi &
Wiese-Bjornstal, 2007), it is also clear
that geography, gender, class, and race
intersect in complex ways that prohibit
or make it challenging for underserved
girls to be physically active. Girls of
color and girls from low-income communities have limited sport opportunities (Sabo et al., 2004), therefore it is not
surprising that underserved girls are one
of the least active populations in the
United States and become increasingly
inactive as they move from childhood
through adolescence.
A wide variety of barriers for girls’
physical activity at all levels of the environment have been identified by
researchers across disciplines. Sport and
Exercise Psychology (SEP) researchers
have studied the gendered gap in physical activity using individual-level factors
(i.e., self-perceptions, values, beliefs,
motivation). Based on the data, girls who
report lower levels of self-confidence,
self-efficacy, and physical self-competence are less likely to participate in or
persist at physical activity. However, girls’ “choices,” “lack of interest,” or comparatively “low” self-perceptions fails to
acknowledge that values, choices, expectations, effort, interest, and enjoyment
are also shaped by the cultural and societal values and beliefs, and social and
physical environments in which girls live
(Wiese-Bjornstal & LaVoi, 2007).
SEP researchers also study social factors such as parental influence.
Underserved girls in studies around the
U.S. report low levels of physical activity participation because they lack time
due to family obligations, some parents;
believe “sports are for boys,” value physical activity to a lesser extent for their
daughters, provide fewer opportunities
for girls to be active, or feel girls are less
interested in sports than boys. Sport
Sociologists examine the gendered physical activity gap by critically questioning
and interrogating societal structures (i.e.,
275
Nicole M. LaVoi
political, legal, financial structures of
power), societal norms (i.e., stereotypes,
taken for granted ways to thinking and
behaving, how girls are expected to conform to feminine norms, how values and
expectations around what it means to be
a girl influence physical activity participation) and cultural factors (i.e., shared
behaviors, values, and traditions passed
down generations). Scholars in Public
Health and Epidemiology examine individual, social and environmental (i.e,
existence of green space, proximity of
house to parks, safety) factors in concert, but often leave out motivation or
how gendered beliefs impact physical
activity and increase likelihood of obesity. Scholars in Sport History might study
barriers over time that have prevented
girls from engaging in sport and physical
activity in the first place—barriers such
as stereotypes about girls’ inherent physical capacities, policies and laws, and
inequities in funding priorities—and
continue to limit girls’ ability to reach
their full potential. There are other academic sub-disciplines in which
researchers study the phenomenon of
girls’ inactivity, but by highlighting the
fragmentation of a select few disciplines
I hope to shed light on how to advance
gender-related SEP research.
By using an Ecological Systems
approach to examine and illuminate
multi-level and complex factors, along
with opening up academic boundaries as
suggested within Cultural Studies, a
more complex understanding of genderrelated phenomena is possible—as is the
potential to make a difference to the
276
communities, marginalized groups or
individuals who need it most. For example, Thul and LaVoi (2011) recently published an article about reducing physical
inactivity in East African immigrant
adolescent girls in which they employed
the Ecological Systems Model, and
merged the literatures of SEP,
Developmental Psychology, Prevention
Science, and Public Health to argue for
and ultimately develop culturally relevant physical activity programming.
Combining two robust theoretical
frameworks will stimulate interdisciplinary research and help all researchers
understand the gendered physical activity gap. In the following section, two
additional gender-related areas of
inquiry will be summarized.
Sport and Exercise Psychology
Gender-Related Areas of Inquiry
Lack of Females in Positions of
Power
Many assume the rise in participation
opportunities for female athletes in the
U.S. since the passage of the federal law
Title IX in 1972 has translated into
increasing numbers of females in positions of power in sport—an assumption
that has proven to be false. Despite the
fact that female athletic participation at
all levels of sport is at a historic high,
females in positions of power at all levels and in nearly all positions have
declined since 1972 and remain a scarce
minority. This surprising and counter
intuitive trend is often referred to as an
“unintended consequence” of Title IX.
In fact in the most visible and arguably
most important positions of power in
sport -head coaches, athletic administrators, and sport editors- women remain
marginalized and in many cases are statistical tokens (i.e., a member of a demographic category who occupies less than
15% of the workforce population).
Tokens and marginalized groups are
often alienated, highly visible and subjected to scrutiny, have to over-perform
to gain credibility, feel pressure conform
to organizational norms, and are at
increased risk for gender discrimination
in the forms of sexual harassment, wage
inequities, and limited opportunities for
promotion.
A by-the-numbers analysis paints a
bleak picture of the landscape for
females in positions of power in U.S.
sport. In their longitudinal report,
Acosta and Carpenter (2008) indicate
that only 20.6% of all college teams are
coached by a female head coach and the
number of female head coaches of
women’s teams (42.8%) is lower than at
any time in history except for 2006
(42.4%). No national data exists for the
percentage of females in position of
power for interscholastic sport, yet preliminary analysis in 2011 by researchers
affiliated with The Tucker Center for
Research on Girls & Women in Sport at
the University of Minnesota, suggest
numbers are similar to or worse than the
collegiate data (LaVoi & Kamphoff, in
progress). At the youth sport level data
is also scarce, but based on numbers
from one state level youth soccer association, LaVoi (2009) found females seldom occupied head coach (15.1%) and
assistant coach (18.9%) positions and
were marginalized by being clustered
within the less prestigious and less visible position of team manager and the
less prestigious teams (i.e., younger age
groups, less competitive recreational levels).The 2011 numbers for athletic directors is more bleak, only five of 120 (4%)
athletic director positions in Division IA -the biggest and most prominent programs- were occupied by females. Based
on the data, 19% of collegiate athletic
directors across all divisional levels are
female, a number that has declined from
the early 1970’s when over 90% of
females oversaw female athletics programs. The data pertaining to
Associated Press sports editors are no
better, 94 percent are men.
Recognizing the need for female representation both at the international and
national level, the International Olympic
Committee (IOC, 2004) mandated that
by December 31, 2005 all National
Olympic Committees must reserve 20%
of positions involving decision-making
for women (including coaches). Current
data is not available to ascertain if U.S.
National Governing Bodies (NGBs) of
Olympic sports are in compliance with
the IOC mandate. However, data from
around the globe consistently indicate
that women are underrepresented in
coaching at the highest levels (Fasting &
Pfister, 2000), including the professional
and Olympic levels.
To address this issue, the
International Working Group for
Women and Sport (IWG) created the
Sydney
Scoreboard
277
Nicole M. LaVoi
(http://www.sydneyscoreboard.com), a
legacy of the 5th IWG World
Conference, with the aim to increase the
number
of
women
on
the
boards/management committees of all
sport organizations at international,
regional, national and local level. The
Sydney Scoreboard operates as a powerful online tool through which women in
leadership roles within sport organizations can be tracked both nationally and
internationally. The site provides an
internationally accessible, interactive and
real time means of tracking progress and
showcasing good practices with regards
to the boards of sport organizations.
Based on current data, in the U.S. very
fews (2.86%) of all Chief Executive
Officers of sport organizations are
women. No Sydney Scoreboard data
currently exists for Spain.
Scholars have documented the many
complex and dynamic societal, structural, familial, social and personal barriers
that impede and influence the lack of
females in power positions in sport. The
many barriers, as well as supports, for
U.S. female coaches are summarized
within an ecological model by Dutove
and LaVoi (2011). Yet in this post Title
IX moment in the U.S., the role of personal agency -“a woman’s right to
choose”- is often left out of the discussion. Is something afoot that influences
women not to choose, to seek, or to
desire high-powered positions in sport?
Perhaps women are “opting out” of
demanding, high profile, time consuming, stressful positions and choosing to
remain in supporting roles such as assis278
tant coaches, associate and assistant athletic directors, and assistant sports editors where work-life balance and quality
of life is more likely. Arguably the factors that facilitate and impede a woman’s
pursuit of positions of power in sport
are complex, vary culturally, and cannot
be adequately addressed by only using
traditional SEP frameworks.
Gender “Differences” in Coaching
Science
Coaching Science encompasses many
sub-disciplines of human movement
studies, and articles about the coach-created motivational climate, coach feedback and instruction, coach goal orientation and its effect on athlete outcomes,
and qualities of the coach-athlete relationship for example, regularly appear in
SEP journals. As mentioned in the
beginning of this paper, gender differences in coaching are often constructed
or discussed in ways that “other” or
marginalize female athletes and coaches.
Recently, LaVoi and Hamilton (under
review) did a meta-analysis of the SEP
literature on male and female athlete
perceptions of coach variables in order
to provide evidence of whether or not
empirical differences existed based on
sex of athlete. Based on the data, males
and females largely preferred the same
coach behaviors and few differences
emerged. If this is true, then perceptions
that coaching males and females requires
different knowledge and different application of coaching science is just that -a
perception not an evidence-based reality.
This finding based on the SEP literature
challenges tacit assumptions of
researchers and practitioners. It also
supports the contention that a broader
range of ecological factors and the
application of a Cultural Studies perspective should be considered, evaluated
and researched- especially given that
coaching is a study power and power
relations. Without a blurring of disciplinary lines, and additional research, it is
premature to claim that coaching males
and females is different.
Scholars who examine and assert
gender differences often use the data a
means to affirm and perpetuate traditional gender roles and do little to challenge or change existing power structures of male power or empower
women (Douglas, 2010). Some suggestions for gender-related coaching science in SEP would include: examining
the processes of how gender influences
athlete perceptions of coach competence, the influence on athlete psychosocial outcomes of cross-gender coaching (i.e., males coaching females), how
gender identity (an individual’s performance of masculinity or femininity) influences coach behaviors, and how athlete
gender identity is related to moral functioning, injury, and psychological recovery to sport injury.
CONCLUSION
In this paper, gender-related trends in
Sport and Exercise Psychology (SEP)
were summarized. The paper began by
delineating between the constructs of
gender and sex. Common patterns and
assumptions of what gender-related
research encompasses were outlined and
progressive suggestions were given to
effectively move SEP forward in culturally sensitive ways. Embracing cultural
competence as a way to conduct
research was one important suggestion.
Two theoretical frameworks, Cultural
Studies and the Ecological Systems
Theory, were presented as providing
utility in overcoming traditionally problematic elements in gender-related SEP
research. The paper also included highlights of focused areas of inquiry,
specifically pertaining to the gendered
physical activity gap between females
and males, females in positions of power
in sport, and gender differences in
coaching science. To conclude, suggestions for future gender-related research
were provided.
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281
Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 283-298
ISSN: 1886-8576
FROM ATHEORETICAL TO MOTIVATION THEORY-BASED
YOUTH DISCRETIONARY-TIME PHYSICAL ACTIVITY PROMOTION: CURRENT AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
University of Northern Colorado
ABSTRACT: This article describes the importance of promoting children’s discretionary-time
physical activity (DTPA) in connection with the rising international obesity epidemic. Schoolbased recess is highlighted as exemplar of an opportunity for children to obtain more DTPA.
Brief review of the extant research focused on efforts to increase children’s recess physical activity (RPA) is provided. Literature from the field of sports psychology that has established a
strong foundation of evidence regarding factors that increase youth motivation in various physical domain contexts will guide the proposed expansion to theoretical examination of predictors
of youth DTPA. Three relevant motivation theory frameworks will be discussed as the basis for
recommendations of future systematic research on promotion of youth DTPA.
KEY WORDS: motivation, social influence, discretionary-time physical activity (DTPA)
DESDE UNA PERSPECTIVAS ATEÓRICA A UNA BASADA EN LA MOTIVACIÓN
PARA LA PROMOCIÓN DE LA ACTIVIDAD FÍSICA DE LOS JÓVENES EN EL
TIEMPO LIBRE
RESUMEN: Este artículo describe la importancia de promover la actividad física de los niños
a lo largo del tiempo (DTPA) en relación con la creciente epidemia internacional de obesidad. Se
destaca el recreo en las escuelas como una excelente oportunidad para que los niños obtengan
más DTPA. Se ofrece una breve revisión de las investigaciones existentes centradas en incremen-
283
tar la actividad física que realizan los niños durante el recreo. La literatura en psicología del
deporte que cuenta con evidencias relativas a los factores que aumentan la motivación de los
jóvenes en diversos dominios físicos, propondrá una ampliación del análisis teórico de los predictores de actividad física en jóvenes en el transcurso del tiempo. Se presentarán tres marcos
relevantes como base para las recomendaciones de investigación sistemática futura sobre la promoción de la DTPA en los jóvenes.
PALABRAS CLAVES: Motivación; Influencia social; Actividad física discrecional en el tiempo
DE UMA PROMOÇÃO DA ATIVIDADE FÍSICA DISCRICIONÁRIA NO TEMPO
ATEÓRICA PARA UMA BASEADA NAS TEORIAS DA MOTIVAÇÃO: DIREÇÕES
ATUAIS E FUTURAS
RESUMO: Este artigo descreve a importância de promover a realização por parte de crianças
e jovens de atividade física discricionária no tempo (AFDT) em conexão com o crescimento da
epidemia internacional de obesidade. Os intervalos escolares são destacados como oportunidades exemplares para crianças e jovens conseguirem ter mais AFDT. É fornecida uma breve
revisão da investigação disponível centrada nos esforços para aumentar a atividade física de
crianças e jovens nos intervalos escolares. Literatura do campo da psicologia do desporto que
estabeleceu uma base sólida de evidências sobre os fatores que aumentam a motivação dos
jovens em vários contextos de atividade física orientará a expansão proposta para a análise teórica dos preditores da AFDT de crianças e jovens. Três relevantes enquadramentos teóricos da
motivação serão discutidos como base para recomendações de investigação sistemática futura
sobre a promoção da AFDT de crianças e jovens.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Motivação; Influência social; atividade física discricionária no tempo
(AFDT)
Life in the 21st century is increasingly
structured, and over scheduled, leaving
very little discretionary time (DT) for
youth to spend as they choose which
leads to few opportunities to spend time
regulated by oneself. Discretionary time
(DT) is an opportunity for one to decide
to engage in physical activities of their
choosing as a means to enjoy the benefits of physical activity. However, due to
the busy nature of modern lifestyles not
only is DT limited but too often adults
284
and children alike are choosing to be
sedentary during DT. Data from the
World Health Organization (WHO) suggests physical inactivity is the fourth
leading risk factor for global mortality
and that increasing levels of physical
inactivity are seen worldwide, in highincome countries as well as low- and
middle-income countries (WHO, 2004).
The WHO (2004) also reports a global
shift in diet towards increased intake of
energy-dense foods that are high in fat
From atheoretical to motivation theory-based youth discretionary-time physical activity promotion
and sugars but low in nutritional value.
The combination of low levels of physical activity and poor nutrition has led to
a level of worldwide childhood obesity
that the WHO (2004) is calling one of
the most serious public health challenges
of the 21st century. Globally, in 2010 the
number of overweight children under
the age of five was estimated to be over
42 million (WHO, 2004).
Due to the magnitude of the interconnected physical inactivity and overweight/obesity problem it seems imperative to discover empirically-based
methods to help children balance their
energy expenditure with their energy
intake. A focus on children’s discretionary time physical activity (DTPA) is
one approach that may yield ideas for
how to reduce childhood obesity.
Discretionary-time physical Activity
(DTPA) is physical activity during time
where individuals are free to regulate
their own behavior. This is unique from
the physical activity acquired during
organized sports and physical education
because hypothetically individuals are
free to choose what they do during this
time. Recess opportunities, as well as
before and after school programs, can
play an import role in increasing children’s DTPA. Recess is a regularly
occurring DT period in elementary
school children’s days that is often overlooked as an opportune time to help
them discover enjoyable physical activities and increase their motivation to
engage in more movement, thereby
forming habitual physical activity patterns that potentially reduce obesity
across the lifespan. Before and after
school programs can also make DT
available for children to choose to be
physically active on their own accord in
much the same way and towards the
same benefit as recess opportunities.
Increased physical activity during
school-based discretionary time would
help children begin to meet the WHO
(2004) recommendation of at least 60
minutes of moderate to vigorous physical activity on all or most days of the
week. Most children spend the majority
of their weekday waking hours in
school. Therefore, it is critical that
schools create environments that promote, support and provide physical
activity opportunities (AAHPERD,
2011).
Daily school-based DTPA
opportunities, such as recess may promote development of physical competence, health-related fitness, personal
and social responsibility, and enjoyment
of physical activity as well as improvements in children’s cognitive skills, attitudes, academic achievement, and conduct in the classroom (Barros, Silver, &
Stein, 2009; CDC, 2010; Jarrett et al.
1998).
Atheoretical Approaches to Youth
Recess Physical Activity Promotion
Efforts to increase youth physical activity during DT, specifically recess physical
activity (RPA), have received attention in
recent literature. The trend to date in
these efforts has been primarily atheoretical in nature. While informative,
these findings provide limited application to other DT contexts or to predic-
285
tion of whether the same intervention
will be effective with other samples of
youth. Despite the limitation of no theoretical basis for the investigations, findings have revealed some important conclusions for increasing children’s RPA.
Studies have been ecologically strong in
that they have been field-based interventions grounded in the logical manipulation of the social-contextual aspects of
the recess context. Actual youth physical
activity levels have been positively
impacted in the majority of these intervention directions.
One of the first directions that
emerged in the literature followed
McKenzie et al.’s (1997) suggestion of
environmental manipulations during
recess breaks as a potential mechanism
for increasing school day physical activity levels. Scruggs, Beveridge and Watson
(2003) took heed of this recommendation and compared children’s recess
physical activity levels during structured,
or required, fitness breaks and unstructured free time during recess. Results
indicated that youth were more physically active during structured fitness breaks
as compared to free-play recess.
Provision of additional periods, or
recess, where classroom teachers led
physical activities was another variation
of the structured fitness break examined
by Ernst and Pangrazi (1999). Findings
revealed that children’s self-reported
physical activity increased when these
sessions were available and that teacher
promotion of more physical activity was
successful. While these examples of
findings suggest that structured fitness
286
breaks or additional teacher led opportunities for physical activity have the
potential to increase physical activity
during the school day, it should be interpreted cautiously because it does not
reveal that required physical activity
breaks are beneficial for raising or predicting youth physical activity during discretionary time. In other words, youth
will be more physically active if provided with structure, opportunity, and most
importantly no choice but to be physically active. This does not translate well
to prediction of physical activity during
time when youth are self-regulating and
ideally autonomous in their decision
making about how to use the time available. While the “structured fitness
break”, or additional classroom teacher
led opportunity for physical activity
approach, is clearly effective for increasing the amount of physical activity children will engage in it does not establish
a mechanism for developing children’s
intrinsic motivation to be active during
discretionary time.
Other research has examined
whether alterations or additions to the
recess environment influence children’s
RPA. Provision of equipment or painting the playground surface to promote
particular games has been studied in
relation to children’s RPA levels
(Stratton & Leonard, 2002; Stratton &
Mullan, 2005; Verstraete, Cardon, De
Clercq, & De Bourdeaudhuij, 2006).
Each of these simple additions to the
recess environment was found to
increase children’s moderate-to-vigorous
physical activity (MVPA). Babkes
Stellino and colleagues (2010) examined
the impact of recess activities of the
week (RAWs) on children’s RPA levels.
RAWs included opportunity to complete
an obstacle course, do a circuit course,
or play disc golf; each presented as an
option to the regular recess activities
during three separate weeks of recess.
Results revealed that children were significantly more active during the no
RAW week and circuit course week than
the disc week. Males were significantly
more physically active than females during the obstacle course week, while older
children were significantly more active
during the disc week than younger children and children with a healthy-weight
BMI were significantly more physically
active during the circuit course week
than children in the overweight/obese
BMI category. Taken together, these
findings show that availability of a variety of game equipment, multicolor playground markings, or novel provision of
RAWs are low-cost, effective interventions for boosting youth discretionarytime physical activity during the school
day in the short term. Exploration of
other environmental features, such as
the temperature or availability of playground structures has been found to
have no association with MVPA during
recess (Ridgers, Fairclough, & Stratton,
2010).
Studies have also targeted the impact
of social influences on children’s recess
physical activity. Exploration of the
impact of teacher prompts for physical
activity during recess, number of adult
staff present during recess, and training
staff to promote more physical activity
in association with children’s RPA has
revealed equivocal results (Huberty et
al., 2011; McKenzie et al., 1997; Ridgers
et al., 2010; Willenberg et al., 2010). For
example, McKenzie and colleagues
(1997) found that overall preschool and
elementary children were highly compliant with teacher physical activity
prompts. European-American children
were more likely to engage in more
MVPA as compared their MexicanAmerican counterparts in relation to the
prompts provided and more encouragement for physical activity was provided
to boys. Huberty and colleagues (2011)
found that implementation of the Ready
for Recess program that included staff
training on management of Activity
Zones for children at recess and how to
motivate children for physical activity
also led to increased MVPA and vigorous physical activity (VPA) among 3rd5th grade children during recess. In contrast, Ridgers et al. (2010) found that the
number of staff present during schoolbased physical activity opportunities was
not associated with children’s recess
MVPA. These findings suggest that
social influences clearly have the potential to impact children’s RPA but may be
mediated by individual factors such as
age, gender, weight-status, race/ethnicity
or socioeconomic status.
Relevant Theoretical Frameworks
for Promotion of Increased Youth
Discretionary Time Physical Activity
Despite the growing knowledge base on
factors that potentially increase chil-
287
dren’s DTPA, gaps in understanding
how to promote increased DTPA still
exist. Underlying mechanisms that
account for the increase in PA evidenced
in these studies remains largely unexplained. The extant literature on psychological and social factors related to
participation in organized youth sport,
general physical activity, and physical
education provides a solid basis for plausible directions for research focused on
promotion of youth DTPA. Theories of
motivation commonly used in the pediatric sport psychology literature provide
excellent frameworks for application to
youth DTPA promotion. These relevant
theories collectively emphasize the
importance of individual differences in
social and cognitive appraisal processes
as critical in the patterns of motivated
behavior and interpretation of the predictors and outcomes of behavior that
result. While there are numerous applicable social-cognitive theories of motivation, self-determination theory (Deci
& Ryan, 1985, 2000), expectancy-value
theory (Eccles et al., 1983) and competence motivation theory (Harter, 1978,
1981) are particularly relevant theories
that are highlighted because they
account for many of the hypothetical
psychological and social predictors of
youth DTPA motivation.
Self-Determination Theory
Self-determination theory (SDT) is a
framework useful for examination of
the social and environmental factors that
enhance or diminish individual innate
needs as they predict the human tenden288
cy to actively engage in the world (Deci
& Ryan, 1985). SDT assumes that individuals’ quality of motivation or level of
self-determination, in a particular context is determined by the extent to which
their basic psychological needs of competence, autonomy and relatedness are
satisfied (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000). The
need for competence is characterized as
the desire to interact effectively with the
environment and experience success and
control over outcomes. An individual’s
free will to engage in activities and be
the agent of his or her actions is represented in the need for autonomy. Need
for relatedness is reflected by individuals’ satisfaction of their desire to feel connected to others when engaging in activities. The greater the satisfaction of
these three basic psychological needs the
more individuals will experience selfdetermination when pursuing behaviors
within the context.
SDT further distinguishes between
different motives, or forms of self-regulation, individuals maintain for their participation in activities within any particular context (Deci & Ryan, 1985;
Vallerand, 1997). Self-determination can
be classified along a continuum between
autonomous and controlling forms of
motivation (Deci &Ryan, 1985).
Intrinsic motivation (IM) is the most
autonomous and self-determined form
of regulation and lies at one extreme of
the continuum. An individual who is
intrinsically motivated toward a particular activity will participate purely for the
inherent enjoyment, interest, and satisfaction (Deci & Ryan, 1985; 2000).
Alongside IM are forms of extrinsic
motivation that vary in the degree of relative autonomy or regulatory style; integrated, identified, introjected, and external regulation. Immediately adjacent to
IM is integrated regulation which refers
to motivation based on actions congruent with one’s own beliefs where the
individual has evaluated the regulatory
process and assimilated it to be in correspondence with ones’ own other values
and needs. It is the most autonomous
form of extrinsically motivated behavior
and produces benefits associated with
IM, such as interest and enjoyment.
Vallerand (1997) contended that due to
necessary cognitive development integrated regulation is not appropriate to
measure in youth. Next on the continuum is identified regulation, which
reflects an individual’s motivation to
attain personally relevant outcomes.
Identified regulation is somewhat internal and is associated with behavior that
is motivated by the feeling that engaging
in an activity is the result of valuing the
activity. One views action as personally
important, therefore engagement is relatively autonomous. Next on the continuum is introjected regulation, which
reflects behaviors to avoid negative feelings of guilt and shame or to gain positive psychological outcomes, such as
contingent self-worth or pride.
Introjected regulation is motivation
based on self-controlled, ego-involved
forms of behavior that are typically driven by a perception of what others might
think. External regulation, or extrinsic
motivation (EM), is the most controlling
form of regulation and is on the opposite extreme end from IM on the continuum; it refers to behavior controlled by
external sources, such as material
rewards or constraints imposed by others (Deci &Ryan, 1985). Extrinsically
motivated individuals perceive the cause
of action as external to the self and
action is motivated by receipt of rewards
or avoidance of punishments.
The influence that social-contextual
factors (e.g., the autonomy-supportive or
control by significant others, such as
teachers and leaders) have on individuals’ motivation toward a specific activity or
within a particular context is another
central tenet of SDT (Deci & Ryan,
2000). Theoretically, the influence of
these social-environmental factors is not
direct but exerted through the satisfaction of basic psychological needs. The
extent that social or environmental factors, such as family, peers, school, or
community are perceived to fulfill basic
psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness will theoretically determine the type of regulation guiding the contextually-based behavior
(Deci &Ryan, 2000). Satisfaction of
these needs have been proposed as central to promoting self-determined forms
of motivation (i.e., IM and identified
regulation) whereas lack of satisfaction
can result in controlling forms of motivational regulation (i.e., introjected and
external regulation; Deci &Ryan, 1985,
2000). Ryan and Deci (2000) proposed
that self-determination in school contexts in accordance with children’s exposure to new ideas and engagement in
289
novel skills require conditions that allow
for the satisfaction of three basic psychological needs to feel connected,
effective and agentic.
SDT has effectively been used as a
framework for a wealth of research
within sport and physical education contexts focused on understanding and predicting motivated behavior (see various
chapters in Hagger & Chatizisarantis,
2007 for reviews). Wilson and colleagues
(2008) further highlight that use of SDT
contentions as part of the ACT
(“Activity by Choice Today”) intervention for after-school youth physical
activity promotion is feasible. Youth
DTPA promotion grounded in SDT
suggests three clear research directions:
1) exploration and provocation of basic
psychological need satisfaction during
DTPA; 2) examination of self-regulatory processes during DTPA; and 3) investigation of the social-contextual nature
of the DTPA environment.
The nature of children’s needs for
autonomy, competence and relatedness
during DTPA would provide a necessary
foundation for SDT based interventions
to promote increased DTPA. Variances
in the levels of DTPA needs satisfaction
according to age, gender, weight-status
and other relevant demographics would
paint a complete picture of children’s
autonomy, competence and relatedness
unique to DT contexts. Given that theoretically, satisfaction of basic psychological needs predicts one’s quality of motivation it is imperative to examine
whether children’s needs for autonomy,
competence and relatedness are satisfied
290
during typical DT opportunities for
physical activity. For example, children’s
autonomy need satisfaction for physical
activity may not be as satisfied as their
need for competence in physical activity
during recess which would theoretically
translate into less self-determined motivation to be physically active in that context. Ideas and contextual changes
intended to satisfy children’s basic psychological needs, such as more choices,
challenges or opportunities to work with
others on a task during discretionary
times could be examined for their
salience in satisfaction of basic needs
and positive impact actual physical activity.
Discretionary time opportunities for
physical activity are a quintessential
occasion to examine children’s motivational processes because the context
allows for the entire continuum of selfregulations to occur (Baldwin &
Caldwell, 2003). The quality of motivation maintained by children in DTPA
opportunities can conceivably range
from intrinsically- to extrinsically-motivated because the context inherently
allows and requires them to self-regulate.
Investigation of children’s level of
self-determination for physical activity
during DTPA opportunities would shed
light on the regulatory patterns
employed in these contexts. Children’s
self-regulation might be introjected during a classroom fitness break yet integrated or even intrinsically-motivated
during recess. Determination of why
children employ diverse self-regulation
dependent on the specific DTPA con-
text warrants attention.
Examination of whether children
perceive DTPA contexts as autonomysupportive versus controlling is a relevant direction for determination of the
social-contextual nature of the DTPA
environment. The degree to which contextually relevant significant others (e.g.,
teachers) are perceived as supporting
children’s DTPA autonomy, competence
and relatedness will theoretically predict
more self-determined DTPA. For example, recess is all too often used by classroom teachers as either reinforcement or
punishment for good or poor classroom
behavior respectively. Unfortunately, this
has the potential to be perceived as controlling and undermine children’s regulatory processes associated with the discretionary time for physical activity
afforded by the recess opportunity.
Exploration of factors associated with
perceived autonomy-supportive versus
controlling DTPA contexts would contribute important theoretically-based
knowledge to the youth physical activity
promotion literature.
Expectancy-Value Theory
The expectancy-value theory (EVT)
framework was developed to study the
motivational factors that underlie individuals’ decisions regarding various
activity and achievement-related choices
(Eccles et al., 1983; Weiss & Amorose,
2008). According to EVT, individuals’
activity choices, persistence, and performance are linked to expectancies for
success and the importance, or subjective task value, attached to the particular
activity (Eccles et al., 1983; Wigfield &
Eccles, 1992). Theoretically, individual’s
beliefs about the activity are heavily
influenced by the input of primary
socializers, such as parents or teachers,
whose own beliefs and behaviors shape
the individuals’ expectancies for success
and values in the particular activity.
Contentions further explain how primary socializers shape children’s selfperceptions about their abilities in specific activities, beliefs about the relative
value of participation and success in
specific activities, relay gender role and
activity stereotypes about the adequacy
and importance of various activities for
males and females, and children’s subsequent levels of motivation to pursue
engagement in various activities
(Partridge, Brustad, & Babkes Stellino,
2008). The two primary ways that socializers influence children’s activity choice
behavior are by interpretation and provision of experience (Eccles, 1993; Eccles
et al., 1983). For example, parents help
to interpret their children’s experiences
by providing messages about the likelihood that their children will attain success in a particular achievement domain,
in combination with messages about the
value of participation in that activity
(Fredericks & Eccles, 2004).
Expectancies for success are broadly
defined as beliefs about how well an
individual will do on an upcoming task
(Wigfield & Eccles, 1992). Expectations
of success are influenced by one’s selfconcept of ability and one’s perception
of task difficulty. Theoretically, providing children with various experiences,
291
parents structure the opportunities their
children have for forming ideas about
their own competencies (Eccles &
Harold, 1991). Parents, and other socializers, help children interpret experiences
and, in so doing, influence the inferences children make about their successes and failures in various activities
(Eccles, 1993; Eccles et al., 1983).
Eccles (1993) argued that both competence beliefs and values are needed to
understand achievement behavior and
task choice. Even though children may
believe that they are competent at a
given activity, they may not engage in it
if they do not believe the activity to be
important. Subjective task value is broken into four major components: attainment value, intrinsic value, utility value,
and cost (Eccles et al., 1983; Wigfield &
Eccles, 1992). Attainment value is the
value associated with an activity because
it is perceived to highlight salient aspects
of the self and therefore is deemed
important. Intrinsic value refers to the
enjoyment that one gains from participation in the activity. Next, utility value
refers to how useful the activity is and
how it fits into the individuals’ current
or future plans. Cost refers to the anticipated time, energy, and resources that
may be lost if one engages in a particular activity or the expense of engaging in
one activity rather than another more
attractive one.
Eccles and colleagues (1983) suggest
that parents, and other socializers, likely
maintain differential beliefs and behaviors associated with various activities.
For example, some parents and teachers
292
value physical activity, and some do not.
As a consequence of their parents’, or
primary socializers’ beliefs, specifically
expectancies and values, a child will
receive differential patterns of encouragement and opportunity across varying
achievement
domains
(Partridge,
Brustad, & Babkes Stellino, 2008).
Research suggests that parents, in particular, adjust their beliefs and behaviors in
response to characteristics of their own
children, specifically the child’s gender
(Eccles, 1993; Eccles et al., 1983). For
instance, if socializers believe that boys
have superior physical activity competencies than do girls it is likely that they
will provide different opportunities and
encouragement to children depending
on gender role stereotypes (Fredericks &
Eccles, 2004). As a result, children of
different gender will develop varying
beliefs regarding their physical abilities if
primary socializers have different perceptions of the children’s abilities.
Brustad (1996) further suggests that
within the EVT perspective examination
of socializers influence on youth physical activity according to socioeconomic
and race/ethnicity differences are warranted given that the nature of these
characteristics may impact children’s
physical activity choice behavior.
Several studies in the sport psychology literature have provided support for
the tenets of EVT, particularly the role
that parental socialization practices and
gender stereotype beliefs play on children’s physical domain behavior (Bois et
al., 2002; Brustad, 1993, 1996; Dempsey,
Kimiecek, & Horn, 1993; Eccles, Jacobs,
& Harold, 1990; Eccles & Harold, 1991;
Fredericks & Eccles, 2004; Jacobs &
Eccles, 1992; Kimiecek & Horn, 1998;
Kimiecek, Horn, & Shurin, 1996). Only
one study to date focused on recess
activity choice behavior has been framed
within EVT. Watkinson, Dwyer and
Nelson (2005) examined whether children described their, and fictitious others’, recess activity choices in a manner
consistent with EVT predictions.
Findings revealed that children’s decisions to participate in recess activities
confirmed differences in patterns of
recess engagement according to variations of attainment, interest, utility and
cost values. Support for recess as an
activity setting of which EVT can apply
was established and results confirmed
that children’s expectancies and values
contributed to recess activity choices.
The existing research provides the
basis for two potential directions of
investigation for EVT based promotion
of children’s DTPA; examination of
predictors of expectancies for success
and subjective task value associated with
opportunities for physical activity during
children’s free-time. In addition to measuring children’s own expectancies for
success in DTPA, investigating the physical activity expectations that key socializers, such as teachers and parents, maintain for children during available discretionary time is a relevant beginning
point. Examination of whether children
who exhibit either more or less physical
activity during DT receive complimentary heightened expectations from socializers to continue, or not, being physical-
ly active during DT would further
expand this line of
inquiry.
Demographic variations in children (e.g,
gender, race/ethnicity, age, weight-status, socioeconomic) should also be
explored to determine whether different
socializer expectations of DTPA exist in
accordance with the demographic
stereotypes and then examine whether
those beliefs are related to actual differences in activity choice behavior during
DTPA.
Exploration of children’s subjective
task value for DTPA, socializers’ beliefs
about the value of children’s DTPA, and
the relationship between the constructs
is also a relevant theoretically-driven
direction to pursue within EVT.
Another line of inquiry could focus on
whether variations in socializers’ specific
subjective task values lead to differences
in how they provide and interpret DTPA
experiences for particular children
according to demographic variables. For
example, a teacher who maintains high
utility value for DTPA in overweight
children may subsequently provide more
encouragement for those children to be
physically active during DT. These ideas
serve as just a few of the many possible
questions that EVT evokes for explanation and predication of children’s
DTPA.
Competence Motivation Theory
Harter’s (1978, 1981) competence motivation theory (CMT) is a framework that
is particularly well-suited for studying
children’s domain specific motivation. A
central construct of Harter’s model is
293
the fundamental role of domain specific
self-perceptions of competence and
control in motivational processes.
Individuals who perceive that they are
competent and have an internal locus of
control over their behaviors in a particular domain are more intrinsically motivated to pursue optimal challenges
(Weiss Amorose, 2008). Competence
motivation theory further emphasizes
the predictive impact of other factors,
including significant others, affect, and
motivational orientation on the development of children’s competence motivation towards mastery attempts in that
specific domain. Harter contends that
individuals who receive positive contingent feedback and support for independent domain specific mastery
attempts from significant others, or success at the mastery attempt, will experience higher perceptions of self-competence and control within that domain
which will in turn predict more positive
affect, or enjoyment, and lead to internalization of a self-reward system and a
mastery motivated goal orientation guided by intrinsic means. In contrast, negative responses or feedback from significant others, or failure, will reduce ones’
perceptions of competence, create an
external locus of control theorized to
result in negative affect, or anxiety, and
in turn extrinsic motivational orientation
towards future mastery attempts.
Considerable research in the youth
sport domain supports the contentions
of Harter’s (1978, 1981) theory (see
Weiss & Amorose, 2008 for a thorough
review). Promotion of youth DTPA
294
grounded in the youth sport focused
CMT framed findings suggests four
clear psychosocial constructs as targets
of intervention; significant others’ influence, perceptions of competence, locus
of internal control, and affect. First, the
feedback and reinforcement provided by
significant others, such as peers, parents,
teachers and others within the DT context are a relevant beginning point.
These “others” beliefs and behaviors
could be examined and subsequently
trained to provide more positive, supportive and constructive appraisals of
youth DTPA endeavors. Educating these
“others” on the benefits of modeling a
physically active lifestyle should theoretically benefit the internalization of selfreward systems and mastery goals developed by youth for DTPA. Significant
others’ commendation of youth efforts
to be physically active and use of less
judgment about skill competence or outcomes would also be theoretically beneficial for promotion of DTPA. Second,
provision of various opportunities and
sources of information for youth to
determine success at being physically
active during DT would theoretically be
relevant to understanding how they
develop perceptions of competence for
DTPA. Manipulation of these factors
associated with increased perceived
DTPA competence would in turn favorably impact intrinsic motivation for
actual DTPA. Developmental modifications of the DTPA environment and
equipment as well as increased availability of relevant information to determine
competence will predict stronger com-
petence motivation in this context.
Third, examination of the factors related to manifestation of an internal locus
of control during DT that predicts
greater engagement in physical activity
mastery attempts is warranted.
Conceivably, more choice associated
with where, when, how and why to be
physically active during DT should give
way to a stronger perception of internal
locus of control and therefore more PA
during these times. Last, the emotion
experienced during physical activity,
both positive and negative, are essential
to consider in youth DTPA promotion
efforts. Research that aims to assess levels of youth enjoyment, stress and anxiety during DT opportunities to be physically active has the potential to provide
the basis for designing quality DT experiences that actually result in more PA.
The preceding factors are all theoretically intertwined with creating greater positive emotion; some approaches would
include creating opportunity for youth
to be fully immersed in physical activity,
feel capable at the physical activities
available, receive favorable feedback and
support from others, and be able to
make a variety of choices within the DT
context.
CONCLUSIONS
Research aimed at understanding, predicting and ultimately increasing children’s DTPA can benefit from the existing research in sport psychology. The
extant literature on psychosocial factors
that impact children’s sport and general
physical activity motivation and behavior
provides an exceptional foundation for
building the knowledge base regarding
factors that are relevant to promotion of
children’s motivation for, and actual,
DTPA. Furthermore, future research
grounded in motivational frameworks
that have successfully described and
aided in understanding youth sports
motivation and predictive mechanisms
of such behavior will provide an even
better approach to investigation of
efforts to promote youth DTPA. We
recommend systematic theoreticallybased research on promotion of youth
physical activity in order to better create
field-based change to increase children’s
physical activity and ultimately decrease
overweight and obesity in youth and
across the entire lifespan.
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Vol. 6, nº 2, pp. 299-316
ISSN: 1886-8576
POSITIVE YOUTH DEVELOPMENT THROUGH SPORT:
A REVIEW
Nicholas L. Holt & Kacey C. Neely
University of Alberta, Canada
ABSTRACT: The purpose of this paper is to review and evaluate literature pertaining to the
concept of positive youth development (PYD) as it relates to youth sport. Having first provided
a brief historical snapshot of PYD, positive and negative outcomes associated with sport participation are reviewed. Next, different conceptual and measurement approaches to PYD, and
associated sport psychology research, are examined. Finally, suggestions for promoting PYD in
terms of youth interactions with coaches, parents, and peers are forwarded by way of conclusion.
KEYWORDS: Positive youth development; Youth sport; Youth development.
DESARROLLO POSITIVO DE LOS JÓVENES A TRAVÉS DEL DEPORTE: UNA
REVISIÓN
RESUMEN: El objetivo de este artículo es revisar y evaluar la literatura relativa al concepto del
desarrollo positivo en jóvenes (PYD), ya que está relacionada con el deporte juvenil. Tras ofrecer una breve visión histórica de la PYD, se revisan los resultados positivos y negativos asociados con la participación deportiva. Posteriormente, se examinan diferentes enfoques conceptuales y de medida para el análisis del desarrollo positivo en jóvenes y las investigaciones relacionadas con la psicología del deporte. Finalmente, y a modo de conclusión, se aportan sugerencias
para fomentar el desarrollo positivo de los jóvenes en lo que se refiere a la interacción de los jóve-
299
nes con los entrenadores, los padres, y sus iguales.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Desarrollo positivo en jóvenes; Deporte juvenil; Desarrollo de jóvenes.
DESENVOLVIMENTO DOS JOVENS ATRAVÉS DO DESPORTO: UMA REVISÃO
RESUMO: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar e avaliar a literatura referente ao conceito de
desenvolvimento positivo dos jovens (DPJ) no que se refere ao desporto para jovens.
Fornecendo inicialmente um breve instantâneo histórico do DPJ, são revistos resultados positivos e negativos associados à participação desportiva. Em seguida, são examinadas diferentes
abordagens conceptuais e de avaliação do DPJ, bem como a investigação da psicologia do desporto associada. Finalmente, sugestões para a promoção do DPJ em termos da interação dos
jovens com os treinadores, pais e colegas são fornecidas em jeito de conclusão.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Desenvolvimento juvenil positivo; Esporte em jovens; desenvolvimento
da jovens.
The concept of Positive Youth
Development (PYD) has become a ‘hot
topic’ in developmental and sport psychology in recent years. PYD is a
strength-based approach to child and
adolescent development based on the
assumption that all youth have the
potential for positive developmental
change (Lerner, Brown, & Kier, 2005).
Hence, PYD is way to view development rather than a specific construct,
and it is used as an ‘umbrella term’ referring to ways in which children and adolescents may accrue optimal developmental experiences through their
involvement in organized activities.
Optimal development can be defined as
ways of “enabling individuals to lead a
healthy, satisfying, and productive life, as
youth and later as adults, because they
gain the competence to earn a living, to
engage in civic activities, to nurture oth300
ers, and to participate in social relations
and cultural activities” (Hamilton,
Hamilton, & Pittman, 2004, p. 3).
Many scholars view youth development as a function of interactions
between individuals and features of their
social
contextual
environment
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). The
dynamics of these relations between
individuals and social contexts therefore
form the basis of behavior and developmental change (Lerner, 2002). One
important idea underpinning PYD is the
concept of relative plasticity, which is
the potential for systematic change
across the lifespan. More specifically, the
concept of relative plasticity “legitimates
a proactive search in adolescence for the
characteristics of youth and their contexts that, together, can influence the
design of policies and programs promoting positive development” (Lerner
Positive youth development through sport: a review
& Castellino, 2002, p. 124). Hence, PYD
research has generally been concerned
with identifying aspects of personal and
social interactions within certain contexts with a view of optimizing developmental opportunities.
In recent years the concept of PYD
has been used by researchers in the area
of developmental sport psychology
(Holt, 2008; Weiss, 2008). As such, the
purpose of this paper is to review and
evaluate literature pertaining to the concept of PYD as it relates to youth sport.
We first provide a brief historical perspective, then review outcomes associated with sport participation before going
on to discuss and evaluate approaches to
PYD from developmental psychology
that have been used and adapted in
youth sport settings. Finally, we review
ways to promote PYD through sport.
A Brief Historical Perspective
PYD is historically grounded in the positive psychology movement (Snyder &
Lopez, 2002). Positive psychology arose
in reaction to the ‘deficit-reduction’
approach that dominated the field of
psychology in the period following
World War II. In the post-war era, psychology researchers and practitioners
had focused much of their attentions on
‘repairing’ mental illness – a so-called
deficit-reduction approach because it
was based on fixing individuals’ deficiencies. Psychologist Martin Seligman, a
professor at The University of
Pennsylvania, spearheaded the positive
psychology approach and argued “psychology is not just about illness or
health; it is also about work, education,
love, growth, and play” (Seligman, 2002,
p. 4). Positive psychology is less concerned with ‘mending what is broken’
but rather focuses on building strengths
and the qualities that help individuals
and communities flourish (Snyder &
Lopez, 2002). Similarly, proponents of
PYD adopt a strength-based approach
and regard youth as ‘resources to be
developed’ rather than ‘problems to be
solved’ (Damon, 2004).
Although the term/concept of PYD
has only been used for the past 15 years
or so, there has been a long-standing
interest in the developmental outcomes
associated with participation in organized youth activities. In developmental
psychology, concepts associated with
PYD predate the coining of the term.
For example, King et al. (2005) reviewed
concepts used in the adolescent development literature from 1991–2003 to
examine the terms that had been used to
describe constructs consistent with current concept of PYD. They identified 16
different terms for PYD-related constructs and five (competence, coping,
health, resilience, and well-being) were
most frequently used. Similar to developmental psychology, there has been a
long-standing interest in concepts akin
to PYD in the sport psychology literature (see Gould & Carson, 2008; Weiss
& Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). For example,
in a recent review, Weiss (2008) suggested that much of her own work conducted prior to the emergence of PYD
focused on positive development
through sport (including the study of
301
issues such as self-perceptions, motivation, character development, and observational modeling). So, while the
nomenclature of PYD is recent, there is
a long tradition in the study of PYDrelated concepts in both developmental
and sport psychology.
It is important to note that developmental psychologists have not explicitly
emphasized the physical activity benefits
of participation in organized activities.
But there is robust evidence demonstrating that sport participation can increase
physical activity levels to help combat
sedentary behavior (Biddle, Sallis, &
Cavill, 1998) and equip youth with the
tools required for a lifetime of physical
activity involvement (Fox, 2004). These
benefits are important set against alarmingly low rates of low of physical activity among children and adolescents (e.g.,
Active Healthy Kids Canada, 2011).
Whereas our review deals with psychosocial issues, the physical activity
benefits of sport participation should
not be discounted.
Developmental Outcomes
Associated With Sport Participation
As researchers in the area of PYD
through sport we should be careful to
avoid being seen as ‘sport evangelists’
who view sport as a mechanism that
inevitably leads to various forms of
development (see Coakley, 2011). In
fact, youth sport has been associated
with numerous negative outcomes,
including (but not limited to) issues
associated with adults modeling inappropriate behaviors (Hansen, Larson, &
302
Dworkin, 2003), the misuse of alcohol
(O’Brien, Blackie, & Hunter, 2005),
engagement in delinquent behaviours
(Begg, Langley, Moffitt, & Marshall,
1996), and use of performance-enhancing drugs (Siegenthaler & Gonzalez,
1997). Competition with peers for positions on a team can lead to feelings of
rivalry (Brustad, Babkes, & Smith, 2001)
and impede youth from taking the perspective of others, interfering with
moral development (Shields &
Bredemeier, 1995). Youth sport participation has also been associated with
increased fear and occurrence of injury
(DuRant,
Pendergrast,
Seymore,
Gaillard, & Donner, 1991). In fact,
based on a review of literature, Morris,
Sallybanks, Willis, and Makkai (2003)
concluded there is a lack of robust evidence for influence of sport participation on positive development.
On the other hand, of course, youth
sport participation has been correlated
with numerous positive developmental
outcomes. For example, compared to
their peers who do not participate in
sport, participants have reported higher
levels of self-esteem, emotional regulation, problem-solving, goal attainment,
and social skills (e.g., Barber, Eccles, &
Stone, 2001; Eccles, Barber, Stone &
Hunt, 2003; Richman & Shaffer, 2000).
Sport participation has also been linked
to a lower likelihood of school dropout,
improved grade point averages, and
higher rates of college attendance for
low achieving and working class males
(Eccles et al., 2003; Marsh & Kleitman,
2003). As Larson and Seepersad (2003)
observed, adolescents’ experiences in
sport stand out from nearly all other
activities (including socializing and
schoolwork) in providing opportunities
for enjoyment while they exert concerted effort toward a goal.
In addition to the psychological,
physical, social, and academic benefits
described above, youth sport participation is associated with numerous positive health behaviors such as increased
fruit and vegetable consumption and
trying to lose weight in a healthy manner
(Melnick, Miller, Sabo, Farrell, & Barnes,
2001; Pate, Trost, Levin, & Dowda,
2000; Rainey, McKeown, Sargent, &
Valios, 1996). Sport participation has
also been associated with higher contraceptive use, lower rates of sexual experience, fewer partners, later age of intercourse, and fewer past pregnancies
(Sabo, Miller, Farrell, Melnick, & Barnes,
1999).
Hence, research has shown there are
both positive and negative outcomes
associated with sport participation, and
these equivocal findings help explain
why there is a lack of robust evidence
for the impact of sport participation on
PYD (cf. Morris et al., 2003). As Coakley
(2011) argued, “By itself, the act of sport
participation among young people leads
to no regularly identifiable development
outcomes” (p. 309). The point is that
merely participating in sport does not
necessarily produce positive outcomes;
rather, the developmental benefits of
sport participation are contingent on
social contextual factors. These contingent social contextual factors are largely
based on how coaches, parents, and
peers contribute to the ways in which
youth sport is delivered and experienced
(see Holt, 2008; Petitpas, Cornelius, Van
Raalte, & Jones, 2005; Weiss, 2008; Weiss
& Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009).
Approaches to PYD Research
In the following sections we describe
different approaches to the study of
PYD and review relevant sport-related
research. We present three different
measurement frameworks that have
been put forward to assess and evaluate
personal and social benefits associated
with participation in organized youth
activities. We then go on to describe
approaches to assessing the features of
programs (i.e., program evaluation
frameworks) that promote PYD. Finally,
sport-based instructional life skills programs designed to foster PYD-related
constructs are reviewed.
Developmental Assets Profile
Benson (1997) and colleagues at the
Search Institute in Minneapolis identified 40 developmental assets (which
have been referred to as the ‘building
blocks’ of human development) that are
considered the qualities and characteristics of programs intended to foster optimal youth development during adolescence. They are separated into two
broad categories (internal assets and
external assets), and each category is further divided into eight sub-categories.
The 20 internal assets reflect an individual’s values and beliefs. They include
commitment to learning, positive values,
303
social competencies, and positive identity. The 20 external assets are comprised
of aspects of the individual’s physical
and psychosocial environment and
include support, empowerment, boundaries and expectations, and constructive
use of time. It is suggested that the more
assets individuals possess, the less likely
they are to engage in high risk behaviors,
and youth who have more developmental assets are more likely to thrive and
succeed as young adults.
The original framework of developmental assets was based on research
with adolescents. The Search Institute
(2011) further identified specific characteristics of the 40 developmental assets
that are pertinent during middle childhood (ages 8 to 12 years), grades K – 3
(ages 5 to 9 years), and early childhood
(ages 3 to 5 years). The external and
internal assets specified for children
have an increased emphasis on the role
of parents in helping children develop
the assets. For example, within positive
values, it is suggested that adolescents
should accept and take personal responsibility, whereas in childhood parents
should encourage children to accept and
take responsibility for their actions at
school or at home.
Strachan, Côté, and Deakin (2009)
used the developmental assets profile to
explore personal (internal assets) and
contextual (external assets) outcomes
associated with youth sport. They found
three particular assets (positive identity,
empowerment, and support) were
important to focus on in youth sport
programs to decrease burnout symp304
toms and enhance children’s enjoyment.
The context of sport was also a setting
in which youth could increase their selfesteem and build personal skills, and a
supportive environment allowed youth
to feel valued within their group,
enabling a sense of empowerment.
These findings suggested the developmental assets framework is (at least partially) applicable to sport and highlighted
the need for sport programmers to consider aspects of both personal development and contextual factors when creating programs to foster PYD.
The 5Cs. The 5Cs of PYD was introduced by developmental psychologist
Richard Lerner (e.g., Lerner et al., 2005).
The 5Cs are competence, confidence,
character, caring/compassion, and connection. Competence represents a positive view of one’s actions in domain specific areas. Confidence reflects an internal sense of overall positive self-worth
and self-efficacy, and one’s global selfregard. Character refers to an individual’s respect for societal and cultural
rules. Caring/compassion is a person’s
sense of sympathy and empathy for others. The last C is connection and
describes positive bonds with people
and institutions. The 5Cs are therefore
essentially measurable constructs that
represent the desired outcomes of youth
development. When all five Cs are present, a sixth C (contribution) may occur,
which enables youth to give back to their
community and society.
Zarrett et al. (2008) assessed
extracurricular participation profiles of
1,112 US children from grades 5-7.
Youth who were involved in sport plus
another type of youth development program had higher positive development
scores than sport-only, work, and lowengaged youth. Continuity and intensity
of participation were also related to
PYD. Youth who participated in sport
for two or more years had significantly
higher PYD scores than non-participants and youth who participated for a
single year. The more time youth spent
participating in sport (i.e., intensity) during grade 7, the higher their levels of
PYD.
Although the 5Cs have been prominent in developmental psychology,
researchers have encountered some
problems in the adaptation of measures
to examine the 5Cs in youth sport.
Jones, Dunn, Holt, Sullivan, and Bloom
(2011) examined the latent dimensionality and applicability of the 5Cs in a
youth sport setting. Two hundred and
fifty-eight youth athletes (aged 12 to 16
years, M age = 13.77 years) completed a
30-item instrument of PYD in sport
that was adapted from the Phelps et al.
(2009) 78-item measure of the 5Cs of
PYD. Confirmatory factor analysis failed
to support the 5Cs in a youth sport context because there was too much overlap
between the five factors. Exploratory
factor analysis revealed that the items
measured loaded onto two factors.
Factor 1 (pro-social values) represented
items pertaining to caring/compassion,
character, and family connection. Factor
2 (confidence/competence) represented
items that were meant to measure the
constructs of competence and confi-
dence. While this single study may
reflect sample specific characteristics
rather than the absence of five distinct
constructs of PYD, it suggests that
more work is needed when it comes to
examining the 5Cs in sport contexts.
Similarly, other researchers have also
questioned whether there are indeed five
unique and identifiable ‘Cs’ in sport contexts (Côté & Gilbert, 2009; Vella,
Oades, & Crowe, 2011).
Domains of learning experiences.
Larson and colleagues’ domains of
learning experiences has been extensively used to study PYD. Based on focus
groups with 55 US adolescents aged 1418 years, Dworkin, Larson, and Hansen
(2003) examined growth experiences
through participation in organized activities (including sport), which they
defined as “experiences that teach you
something or expand you in some way,
that give you new skills, new attitudes, or
new ways on interacting with others” (p.
20). They identified six domains of
learning experiences that were divided
into personal and interpersonal development. Personal development described
developmental processes that occur
within the individual and included three
domains: identity work, the development of initiative, and emotional regulation.
Interpersonal
development
described developmental processes that
involved developing social connections.
It included the domains of teamwork
and social skills, positive relationships
including acquiring prosocial norms and
diverse peer relationships, and the devel-
305
opment of adult networks and social
capital. Findings were used to develop
the Youth Experiences Survey (YES),
which measured growth experiences in
the six domains of learning as well as in
the domain of negative experiences. The
original YES instrument has since been
refined through additional psychometric
research to create the YES 2.0 (Hansen
& Larson, 2005).
Hansen et al. (2003) used the original
version of the YES survey to compare
learning experiences reported by youth
involved in faith-based and service activities, academic and leadership activities,
performance and fine arts activities,
community organizations and vocational
clubs, and sport. They found sport activities were positively associated with
higher rates of self-knowledge, emotional regulation, and physical skills
experiences in comparison to other
youth activities. However, youth in sport
programs also reported more experiences involving negative peer interactions and inappropriate adult behaviors
than youth in other organized activities.
These findings suggested there are distinct learning experiences related to different youth activities and despite more
negative experiences, youth sport is a
context for identity work and emotional
development.
Larson, Hansen, and Moneta (2006)
extended this research when they examined growth experiences in the five different youth activities (using the YES
2.0) and compared them to average
growth experiences in school, hanging
out with friends and working at a job.
306
Not surprisingly, higher levels of
involvement in youth activities were
associated with higher rates of learning
experiences. In comparison to other
organized activities, youth in sport
reported significantly more experiences
related to initiative, emotional regulation, and teamwork. Again, sport
appeared to provide unique experiences
compared to other organized activities.
Recently McDonald, Côté, Eys, and
Deakin (in press) examined the factor
structure of the YES 2.0 (Hansen &
Larson, 2005). The YES 2.0 was
designed to measure experiences across
several types of organized activity and it
was modified by McDonald and colleagues to focus explicitly on developmental experiences in sport. Six hundred
and thirty-seven Canadian sport participants aged 9-19 years completed the
instrument. However, confirmatory factor analysis did not provide strong support for the YES 2.0. Re-examination of
the data using exploratory factor analysis
resulted in a modified version of the
instrument that focused on five dimensions of youth development (personal
and social skills, initiative, goal setting,
cognitive skills, and negative experiences). Hence, McDonald and colleagues proposed the YES-Sport as a
measure capable of more specifically
assessing PYD experiences in sport.
This study, similar to Jones et al. (2011)
highlighted the importance of considering the unique features of sport contexts
that may not be accounted for in more
generic measures.
Program evaluation frameworks.
In addition to measuring outcomes or
experiences associated with PYD,
researchers have examined the characteristics and structure of programs that
contribute to PYD. Catalano, Berglund,
Ryan, Lonczak, and Hawkins (2002)
reviewed 25 US-based programs
designed to promote PYD delivered
across different contexts (i.e. community, school, family). They found that PYD
was fostered when programs strengthened social, emotional, behavioral, cognitive, and moral competencies; built
self-efficacy; shaped messages from
family and community about clear standards for youth behavior; increased
healthy bonding with adults, peers and
younger children; expanded opportunities and recognition for youth; provided
structure and consistency in program
delivery; and intervened with youth for
at least nine months or more. These
themes are characteristics of high quality PYD programs. Furthermore, Lerner
et al. (2005) suggested that youth programs are most likely to promote the 5
Cs when they involve possibilities for
sustained adult-youth relationships,
youth skill-building activities, and
opportunities for youth participation in
leadership of community-based activities. As Lerner et al. observed, if young
people have mutually beneficial relations
with the people and institutions of their
social world, they will be able to thrive in
adulthood.
Similarly, the National Research
Council and Institute of Medicine
(2002) suggested eight features of devel-
opmental contexts that are linked to
PYD: (a) safe and health-promoting
facilities, (b) clear and consistent rules
and expectations, (c) warm, supportive
relationships, (d) opportunities for
meaningful inclusion and belonging, (e)
positive social norms, (f) support for
efficacy and autonomy, (g) opportunities
for skill building, (h) coordination
among family, school, and community
efforts. These features are gaining
increasing support in youth sport
research. Côté, Strachan, and FraserThomas (2008) provided sport-specific
examples of these eight features. More
recently, Strachan, Côté, and Deakin
(2011) qualitatively examined features of
sport programs that may promote PYD
via interviews and observations with five
elite sport coaches. Their findings supported the program characteristics for
PYD, and amalgamating their work with
previous research, they suggested that
three key elements for PYD must be
present in sport programs: An appropriate training environment, provision of
opportunities for physical, personal, and
social development, and presence of
supportive interactions.
Sport-based Life Skills Programs
There are other lines of research in
sport psychology that fit under the
umbrella of PYD but predate the use of
the term in the area. Primarily this
research has been labeled ‘life skills.’
From this perspective, life skills are
defined as the skills that are required to
deal with the demands and challenges of
everyday life (Hodge & Danish, 1999).
307
They can be physical, behavioural, or
cognitive, and may be transferable to
other life domains (Papacharisis,
Goudas, Danish, & Theodorakis, 2005).
Sport-based life skills programs
include, for example, Danish’s (2002)
Sports United to Promote Education
and Recreation program. Workshops
(often delivered after school) are taught
like sport clinics and include sport-specific skills as well as more general life
skills. Another sport-based program is
the Teaching Personal and Social
Responsibility model (Hellison, 2003).
This model was developed to instruct
teachers and coaches how to teach individual responsibility through sport and
other types of physical activities. Similar
types of sport-based life skills intervention programs have been developed for
football and golf (see Petitpas et al.,
2005).
Such programs are important and
there is some promising evidence concerning participation retention (Hellison
& Wright, 2003), and improving participants’ goal setting, problem-solving, and
knowledge of life skills (Papacharisis et
al., 2005). Furthermore, Weiss (2008)
reported preliminary evidence from a
longitudinal study of the The First Tee
(life skills) golf program. Findings
showed that over 90% of youth reported transfer of life skills learned in golf
to other domains such as school and
home life. In particular, skills relating to
dealing with anger and resolving conflict
appeared to be important lessons
learned. Continued research is required
to further demonstrate efficacy and
308
effectiveness of such instructional life
skills programs (Holt & Jones, 2008).
Ways to Promote PYD Through
Sport: Creating Appropriate
Contexts
By creating appropriate social contexts
we may be able to capitalize on the
notion of relative plasticity and seek to
influence the design of policies and programs promoting positive development
(Lerner & Castellino, 2002). Given that
PYD through sport is contingent upon
the way sport is delivered and experienced through participants’ interactions
with coaches, parents, and peers, we
conclude by offering some evidencebased suggestions for promoting PYD.
Coaches. Researchers have suggested
that the personal characteristics and
skills of coaches are ‘essential ingredients’ of PYD sport programs (Vella et
al., 2011). In fact, Côté and Gilbert
(2009) defined coaching effectiveness as
“the consistent application of integrated
professional, interpersonal, and intrapersonal knowledge to improve athletes’
competence, confidence, connection,
and character” (p. 316). Coaches who
have clear cut philosophies to promote
PYD prioritize the personal development of their athletes before competitive success (Gould, Chung, Smith, &
White, 2006; Gould, Collins, Lauer, &
Chung 2007). Coaches can also implement specific strategies to foster life
skills that will be useful within and
beyond the context of sport (Holt, Tink,
Mandigo, & Fox, 2008). Furthermore,
coaches can create a social environment
that focuses on the mastery of skills and
self-improvement in a manner that supports the autonomy of young athletes.
For example, coaches can allow children
to make choices and share in decision
making responsibilities (see Horn,
2008). Furthermore, research shows that
coaches who provide performance-contingent technical feedback and praise
and engage is few punishment-oriented
behaviors have athletes who report high
levels of self-esteem, competence,
enjoyment, and are more likely to continue participating in sport (see Smoll &
Smith, 2002).
Whereas it is clear that coaches play a
vital role in the promotion of PYD
through sport, Cushion, Armour, and
Jones (2003) cautioned that PYD-related
goals may be somewhat ‘divorced’ from
the reality of coaching. Some coaches
may think that being partially responsible for PYD is yet another thing to add
to their list of responsibilities. We
should also remember that youth sport
coaches are often committed volunteers
with relatively little training, and the
majority of that training is focused on
technical skill development.
Parents. Parents also play an important role in shaping their children’s experiences in sport and the developmental
outcomes they may accrue (Fredrick &
Eccles, 2004). Children report enhanced
sport enjoyment when they perceive
their parents are positively involved and
satisfied with their sport participation
(e.g., McCarthy & Jones, 2007; Scanlan
& Lewthwaite, 1986). Grolnick (2003)
showed that ways through which parents
create an emotional climate within the
family context (i.e., autonomy-support
versus control, structure, and involvement) influence a child’s well-being and
intrinsic motivation to engage in various
behaviors, thus contributing to PYD.
Autonomy-support versus control
refers to the degree to which the environment allows children to feel that they
initiate their actions rather than feeling
coerced to act in a certain manner
(Grolnick, 2003). Autonomy-supportive
parents provide children with the
options to choose, solve problems on
their own, involve children in decision
making, and exert minimal pressure to
act in a certain way. Structure is the
extent to which parents provide clear
and consistent guidelines, expectations,
and rules for their children’s behaviors
so that they can act in self-determined
ways. Involvement is the extent to which
a parent takes an active part in their children’s lives. More involvement is generally better when parents provide children
with resources and support that facilitate
a sense of autonomy. In sport, autonomy supportive types of parenting have
been associated with open communication between parents and their children
and parents being able to ‘read’ their
children’s mood (Holt, Tamminen,
Black, Mandigo, & Fox, 2009). Such parenting styles have also been associated
with children’s reports of adaptive perfectionist tendencies (Sapieja, Dunn, &
Holt, 2011) and high levels of mastery
orientation and satisfaction with sport
participation (Juntumaa, Keskivaara, &
Punamäki, 2005).
Peers. Through interactions with their
309
peers youth acquire a range of skills, attitudes, and behaviors that influence their
development (Rubin, Bukowski, &
Parker, 2006). Young athletes who
reported high quality sport friendships
rated sport enjoyment and commitment
higher than those with lower quality
friendships (Weiss & Smith, 2002).
Other research has shown that positive
perceptions of multiple social relationships predicted higher enjoyment and
perceived competence (Ullrich-French
& Smith, 2006), and young athletes with
adaptive peer relationships have a range
of positive motivational responses
(Smith, Ullrich-French, Walker, &
Hurley, 2006).
Holt, Black, Tamminen, Mandigo,
and Fox (2008) examined peer relationships among members of adolescent
girls soccer teams over a season using a
hierarchical framework (Rubin et al.,
2006). They found that at the interaction
level players integrated new members
into the team and learned to interact
with different types of people. At the
relationship level players learned about
managing peer conflict. At the group
level a structure of leadership emerged
and players learned to work together.
These aspects of peer relations have
consistently been cited as some of the
important ‘life lessons’ individuals gain
through their participation in sport. In
particular, learning about teamwork and
how to deal with ‘different types’ of
people is a benefit of sport participation
reported by adolescents (Holt et al.,
2008) and young adults (Holt,
Tamminen, Tink, & Black, 2009). These
310
skills appear to have a fairly clear transfer into other areas of life in that individuals are able to better deal with peers
in group projects at school or other people in the workplace as a consequence of
their involvement in sport. It may be
that youth are producers of their own
social experiences (Larson, 2000) and
that being involved in sport allows them
to explore and demonstrate social skills.
In other words, these social skills may be
learned fairly ‘naturally’ in sport settings
as a result of the social interactions that
are required to participate and work
together to achieve personal and team
goals (Holt & Jones, 2008).
CONCLUSION
Sport participation has been associated
with positive and negative outcomes,
hence the promotion of PYD through
sport is contingent upon the way it is
delivered and experienced. Various
frameworks of PYD from developmental psychology have been adopted in the
sport psychology literature with varying
degrees of success. Some of the key
issues that require consideration are the
roles of coaches, parents, and peers in
creating a social context in sport settings
that provides ideal conditions for the
promotion of PYD. As Weiss and
Wiese-Bjornstal (2009) concluded “A
caring and mastery-oriented climate,
supportive relationships with adults and
peers, and opportunities to learn social,
emotional, and behavioral life skills—
these are the nutrients for promoting
positive youth development through
physical activity” (p. 7). Furthermore, we
should look to surround children with
multiple contexts in which they may
experience PYD – in sport, school physical education lessons, intramurals, and
instructional program (see Holt, Sehn,
Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2012).
Surrounding children with a range of
well-designed sport and physical activity
contexts, and supporting them through
appropriate policies may help create
conditions that enable them to thrive, to
lead healthy and satisfying lives, and to
engage in their community in meaningful ways as adults.
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EDUCAZIONE, SPORT Y VALORI
Emanuele Isidori y Antonio Fraile
Roma. Aracne, 2008
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Debemos considerar la educación en valores como algo imprescindible y fundamental
en cualquier proceso formativo, ya sea en enseñanza formal, no formal o informal. Por
ello es necesario profundizar en su conocimiento, entender su verdadero significado y
reflexionar sobre como y de que modo se transmiten tales esencias. El libro referenciado pretende ser una aproximación crítico-reflexiva a los problemas morales y éticos que
se plantean en la Educación Física y el deporte.
En el presenten libro se identifican los valores como los “ladrillos del edificio” de la
cultura moderna, actualmente en revisión dadas las últimas actuaciones profesionales en
todos los ámbitos; ya sean económicos (llevándonos a situaciones como la crisis actual),
relacionados con el trato dado al planeta o con las acciones realizadas para ganar cualquier competición.
Los autores manifiestan en la primera parte del libro, la necesidad que tiene el deporte de transmitir los valores tradicionales, de inventar nuevos y de que estos sean adquiridos por el hombre moderno. Pero no se puede hablar de valores tradicionales sin tener
en cuenta sus acepciones originales y su tipología. Por ello una actitud crítico-reflexiva
nos debe conducir a transformar y transmitir los valores mixtos o de doble sentido en
valores puros.
Nos indican que todos los participantes de la actividad física, ya sean deportistas,
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Ángel F. Gallego Lázaro
alumnos, entrenadores, educadores, profesores, deben tener una formación específica
que abarque la interpretación y comprensión de los valores que se están fomentando y
deben ser fomentados en dicha actividad. Se echa en falta mayor actitud critico –reflexiva en los educadores o entrenadores sobre los valores que transmite el deporte
Debemos todos, cambiar el concepto actual de agonismo, de competición, debemos
intentar volver a utilizar su significado inicial, volver a esa “plaza” donde se reunían los
amigos a competir, y que estos valores mixtos como la competición, la valoración del
contrario o la victoria se desarrollen como puros. Así podremos comenzar a cambiar la
sociedad.
Para finalizar la primera parte del libro los autores nos hablan de la necesidad/posibilidad de realizar una educación en valores en el deporte de alto nivel, interesante propuestas por tanto, ya que ello representa una nueva frontera a superar por parte
de la pedagogía del deporte.
En la segunda parte del libro, los autores nos manifiestan la importancia de la actividad deportiva en el entorno del sistema educativo, tanto en horario escolar como fuera
de este y como instrumento que contribuye a desarrollar y formar la personalidad del
estudiante/joven/deportista mostrando los distintos patrones seguidos en algunos países europeos. En estos países citados se resalta la escasa formación pedagógica y didáctica de la mayor parte de los técnicos deportivos, situación preocupante, ya que como
muestran posteriormente, la transmisión de valores se produce en la escuela y en su
ambiente cercano (familia, amigos, asociaciones deportivas) donde los guías de la actividad física son estos mismos técnicos. Estos mediadores deportivos son los promotores
de los valores a transmitir.
Avanzando un poco más en esta segunda parte, se nos presentan las líneas básicas de
un programa de educación moral en la escuela secundaria, donde la transmisión de valores se desarrolla a través de la ética dialógica y el dilema moral,
Finalmente, los autores nos muestran como la actividad físico deportiva puede ser un
instrumento educativo para afrontar la problemática social y contribuir al desarrollo
integral de la persona, pero este objetivo no se conseguirá sin practicar una enseñanza
participativa, fomentar el trabajo en grupo, el diálogo y comunicación verbal y corpórea
y para ello nos presentan los aspectos socio-morales que intervienen en el desarrollo
personal del joven. Valores personales como el compromiso, la responsabilidad, el espíritu de sacrificio, la ambición, la superación y valores sociales como la honestidad, la
igualdad, la solidaridad, el respeto, la cohesión, la colaboración y la cooperación.
Podríamos sintetizar lo dicho anteriormente destacando, según los autores, la necesidad de ampliación/profundización por parte de los educadores, entrenadores o formadores deportivos de mayores conocimientos didáctico-pedagógicos que fomenten una
actitud crítico-reflexiva sobre el desarrollo personal de sus alumnos hacia una sociedad
mas justa, solidaria y cooperativa.
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Educazione, sport y valori
Interesante propuesta la que nos muestran estos dos autores, la educación puede
hacer más, puede trabajar en todos los ámbitos del desarrollo humano, en la actividad
deportiva por ejemplo, puede buscar mejoras que incidan en nuestro futuro como
sociedad. Todos, no solo los profesionales de la actividad física, deberíamos hacer un
ejercicio crítico-reflexivo sobre nuestro desempeño profesional, a donde nos lleva y que
puede producir en esta convivencia en sociedad. Creo que, empezando por los integrantes de la comunidad educativa/universitaria, debemos aprender a pensar en valores y
aplicarlos en nuestras tareas profesionales, empezando quizá, en el interior de nuestras
aulas.
Ángel F. Gallego Lázaro
Departamento de Psicopedagogía y Educación Física
Universidad de Alcalá de Henares
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INTERVENCIÓN PSICOLÓGICA EN ACTIVIDAD FÍSICA Y
DEPORTES MINORITARIOS
Félix Arbinaga y José Carlos Caracuel (Compiladores)
Madrid, Psimática, 2011
Durante la celebración en Julio de 2010 del VII Congreso Iberoamericano de Psicología,
en Oviedo (España) el Prof. Caracuel coordinó un Simposio cuya temática trataba de
aquellos deportes y tipos de actividad física menos conocidos o habituales. Uno de los
participantes fue el Prof. Arbinaga, de quien partió la idea de proponer al resto de
ponentes del citado Simposio -y a otros reconocidos profesionales- la ampliación de los
trabajos presentados o la creación de otros nuevos en la misma línea. El objeto: la recopilación en forma del presente libro que sirviera para divulgar la labor de la Psicología
del deporte en aquellas actividades que no gozan tanto de la popularidad que les confieren los medios de comunicación a otros tipos de deportes.
El resultado fue un total de 12 capítulos y un prólogo elaborados por 20 autores y
un prologuista de excepción, el Dr. Joan Riera, del INEF de Catalunya. Los autores pertenecen en su casi totalidad a instituciones universitarias tanto españolas como hispanoamericanas (en este caso de Costa Rica, Chile y Puerto Rico) y a otras dos entidades
(TESEO y Asociación Cántabra de Psicología del Deporte).
Los capítulos abordan actividades claramente identificadas como deportes: tiro con
arco, windsurf, natación en aguas abiertas, fútbol playa, lucha e incluso golf (éste más
habitual), pero también otras menos definidas pero que poseen características asimilables o/y compartidas con los deportes, por lo que la forma de trabajar los psicólogos y
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Andrés García García
psicólogas en estos campos sería muy semejante. Nos referimos a actividades tan diversas como bolos, fisicoculturismo, danza, ajedrez o enganche de caballos.
En el prólogo, el Prof. Riera destaca –y coincidimos con él- que “las aportaciones de
esta obra reflejan un espectacular desarrollo organizativo profesional y científico de la
Psicología del deporte.” (p. 7).
En el primer capítulo, los Compiladores contextualizan históricamente la Psicología
del deporte y establecen la distinción entre la Psicología del deporte propiamente dicha
y aquella otra orientación más enfocada al ejercicio físico y la salud. Se aborda también
cuál es el rol profesional del psicólogo/a del deporte y sus funciones así como la evaluación psicológica en el deporte y la actividad física. Para concluir propugnan el abordaje de las habilidades psicológicas como algo aprendido y, por consiguiente, modificables y mejorables a través de la intervención de profesionales cualificados, no pudiendo
quedar al azar el control y manejo de los factores y fenómenos psicológicos que acontecen en toda práctica físico-deportiva.
Los capítulos y autores que conforman la obra son los siguientes:
Prólogo.- Riera, Joan. (I.N.E.F. Catalunya)
Capitulo 1.- Psicología del ejercicio físico y el deporte. Arbinaga, F. (U. de Huelva) y
Caracuel, J.C. (U. de Sevilla)
Capitulo 2.- Psicología y juego de bolos. Díaz, J. (Asociación Cántabra de Psicología
del Deporte)
Capitulo 3.- Entrenamiento psicológico en el golf. Garcés de los Fayos, E. (U. de
Murcia), González Hernández, J. (U de Murcia) y Ros Martínez, A.B. (U de Murcia).
Capitulo 4.- Psicología y tiro con arco. Jaenes, J.C. (U. Pablo de Olavide y Centro
Andaluz de Medicina del Deporte -CAMD-) y Rivera, M. (U. de Puerto Rico).
Capitulo 5.- Psicología y danza. García-Dantas, A. (U. de Sevilla) y Caracuel, J.C. (U.
de Sevilla)
Capitulo 6.- Aportes de la psicología cognitiva al ajedrez y su entrenamiento.
Espinoza Veloso, A. (Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile) y Pérez Córdoba, E. (U.
de Sevilla.)
Capitulo 7.- Psicología y fisicoculturismo. Arbinaga, F. (U. de Huelva) y Cantón, E.
(U. de Valencia).
Capitulo 8.- Psicología y windsurf. Guillén, F. (U. Las Palmas de Gran Canarias);
Sánchez Gombau, M.C. (UNED) y Modroño, C. (Universidad de La Laguna)
Capitulo 9.- Intervención psicológica en natación en aguas abiertas. Cantón, E. (U.
de Valencia) y Checa, I. (U. de Valencia)
Capitulo 10.- Psicología y fútbol playa. Araya, G. (U. de Costa Rica) y Salazar, W. (U.
de Costa Rica)
Capitulo 11.- Psicología y deportes de lucha. Cantón, E. (U. de Valencia)
Capitulo 12.- Psicología y enganche de caballos. Llames, R. (U. de Sevilla y U. Pablo
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Intervención psicológica en actividad física y deportes minoritarios
de Olavide).
En cada capítulo se guarda una cierta estructura común que comienza por una descripción del deporte, actividad física o ejercicio de que se trate; así mismo se indica cómo
es el tipo de practicantes y sus objetivos, cómo se ejecuta o lleva a cabo, además de las
normas y reglas de competición, etc. En la mayoría se especifica también –de forma
explícita o implícita, cuál será el modus operandi más apropiado del profesional de la
Psicología que quiera (o pueda) trabajar en ese campo.
Entendemos que esta obra viene a llenar cierto vacío u olvido de numerosos deportes y actividades físicas que no gozan de la popularidad de otros y que pasan desapercibidos o que son poco practicados por la población de deportistas. Si bien en el libro son
todos los que están, no están todos los que son; hay otros deportes y actividades físicas
que no aparecen en este libro y que merecerían que los mismos u otros autores se ocuparan de ellos en sucesivas publicaciones. Los profesionales de la Psicología del deporte, el ejercicio y la salud lo estamos esperando y serían de gran utilidad.
Andrés García García
Universidad de Sevilla
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Sport Psychology Symposium
University of Copenhagen (Dinamarca)
12 de Enero de 2012
Información en:
http://www.ifi.ku.dk/english/communication/sport_psychology_symposium2012/
1 Day Workshop University of Ulster (Belfast)
Caring and Sharing: Continuity of Care in the Pursuit of Excellence
Ulster (Gran Bretaña)
21 de Enero de 2012
Información en: http://www.bases.org.uk/Workshops/Workshop/Caring-andSharing-Continuity-of-Care-in-the-Pursuit-of-Excellence/4098
Forum of Applied Sport Psychologists in Topsport (FAST)
Roehampton, London (Gran Bretaña)
23 de Febrero de 2012
Información en: http://www.fepsac.com/?akbNewsID=34&akbNewsAction=single
XIII Congreso Nacional de Psicología del Deporte y I Congreso Internacional
de Psicología del Deporte del Mediterráneo
Murcia (España)
21 a 24 de Marzo de 2012
Información en: http://sym.posium.com/event_detail/519/detail.html
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Eventos
The 3rd International Workshop of Psychomotricity
Psychomotor Therapy in Mental Health Care
Usti nad Labem (República Checa)
11 a 13 de Abril de 2012
Información en: http://www.psychomot.cz/?page_id=306
NASPSPA Conference 2012
Hawai (USA)
7 a 9 de Junio de 2012
Información en: http://www.naspspa.org/about-the-conference/about-the-conference
4th Biennial Conference on the Economics and Psychology of Football
Heidelberg (Alemania)
28 a 30 de Junio de 2012
Información en: http://www.sportwissenschaft.de/index.php?id=asp20120%20
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ALISON EDE, SEUNGHYUN HWANG, & DEBORAH L. FELTZ
Afiliación: Department of Kinesiology, Michigan State University.
Dirección de contacto: Deborah L. Feltz, Department of Kinesiology, Michigan State
University, East Lansing, MI 48824 USA
JUSTINE J. REEL
Current issues in North American sport psychology: identification and prevention of weight pressures
and body image concerns among athletes
Afiliación: Department of Health Promotion and Education, University of Utah.
Dirección de contacto: Justine J. Reel, Department of Health Promotion and Education,
250 S. 1850 E. Rm 200, Salt Lake City, UT, 84112 USA
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Índice de autores
WADE GILBERT1, & SANDRINE RANGEON2,
Current Directions in Coaching Research
Afiliación: 1California State University, Fresno, USA and 2University of Ottawa, Canada.
Dirección de contacto: Wade Gilbert, PhD. Department of Kinesiology 5275 N.
Campus Drive, M/S SG28. California State University, Fresno. Fresno, CA 93740 USA
GORDON A. BLOOM1, & TODD M. LOUGHEAD2,
Current developments in North American sport and exercise psychology: team building in sport
Afiliación: 1McGill University, Montreal, Quebec and 2University of Windsor, Windsor,
Ontario, Canada
Dirección de contacto: Gordon A. Bloom, Ph.D., Department of Kinesiology &
Physical Education, 475 Pine Avenue West, Montreal, QC, H2W 1S4, Canada.
JULIE A. PARTRIDGE
Afiliación: Southern Illinois University Carbondale.
Dirección de contacto: Department of Kinesiology, 1075 S. Normal Ave., Carbondale,
IL 62901 USA
NICOLE M. LAVOI
Afiliación: Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport. University of
Minnesota.
Dirección de contacto: Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport. School
of Kinesiology, University of Minnesota, 203 Cooke Hall 1900 University Ave. SE
Minneapolis, MN 55455 USA
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Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte. Vol. 6, nº2 (2011)
Índice de autores
MEGAN BABKES STELLINO, & CHRISTINA D. SINCLAIR
From atheoretical to motivation theory-based youth discretionary-time physical activity promotion:
current and future directions
Afiliación: University of Northern Colorado
Dirección de contacto: Megan Babkes Stellino. School of Sport and Exercise Science
Gunter Hall, Mailbox 39 Greeley, CO 80639 USA
NICHOLAS L. HOLT, & KACEY C. NEELY
Positive youth development through sport: A review
Afiliación: Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta.
Dirección de contacto: Nicholas L. Holt. Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation
University of Alberta. Edmonton, AB, T6E 2H9. CANADA
Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte. Vol. 6, nº2 (2011)
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Índice de autores y revisores 2011
ÍNDICE DE AUTORES 2010
Arbinaga, F. (2011). Actitudes hacia el ejercicio en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios: relaciones con los hábitos alimenticios y la insatisfacción corporal. Revista
Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 97-112.
Aznar, S. (2011). El esquema de la actividad física con mapas mentales en personas
mayores. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 31-46.
Babkes Stellino, M. (2011). From atheoretical to motivation theory-based youth discretionary-time physical activity promotion: current and future directions. Revista
Barcina, P. (2011). El esquema de la actividad física con mapas mentales en personas
Bloom, G. A. (2011). Current developments in North American sport and exercise psychology: Team building in sport. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte,
6(2), 237-250
Cabanillas, E. (2011). El esquema de la actividad física con mapas mentales en personas
Caracuel, J. C. (2011). Factores que influyen en el abandono en los conservatorios de
danza. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 79-96.
Cepeda, M. (2011). Percepción sobre las actividades de entrenamiento, generales y cotidianas de jugadores de rugby de nivel regional y nacional. Revista Iberoamericana de
Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 63-78.
de la Llave, M. J. (2011). El esquema de la actividad física con mapas mentales en personas mayores. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 31-46.
de la Vega, R. (2011). Relación entre la cohesión de equipo, la eficacia percibida y el rendimiento en equipos de fútbol. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte,
6(1), 47-62.
Ede, A. (2011). Current directions in self-efficacy research in sport. Revista Iberoamericana
de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(2), 181-202.
Feltz, D. L. (2011). Current directions in self-efficacy research in sport. Revista
Fernández-Ozcorta, E. J. (2011). Estudio sobre la aplicación de un programa de actividades deportivas en pacientes con patología dual. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del
Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 113-132.
337
García, D. (2011). Actitudes hacia el ejercicio en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios: relaciones con los hábitos alimenticios y la insatisfacción corporal. Revista
García-Calvo, T. (2011). Relación entre la cohesión de equipo, la eficacia percibida y el
rendimiento en equipos de fútbol. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte,
6(1), 47-62.
García-Dantas, A. (2011). Factores que influyen en el abandono en los conservatorios
de danza. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 79-96.
García-González, L. (2011). Percepción sobre las actividades de entrenamiento, generales y cotidianas de jugadores de rugby de nivel regional y nacional. Revista Iberoamericana
de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 63-78.
García-Martínez, J. (2011). Estudio sobre la aplicación de un programa de actividades
deportivas en pacientes con patología dual. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio
y el Deporte, 6(1), 113-132.
Gilbert, W. (2011). Current directions in coaching research. Revista Iberoamericana de
Holt, N. L. (2011). Positive youth development through sport: A review. Revista
Hwang, S. (2011). Current directions in self-efficacy research in sport. Revista
Iglesias, D. (2011). Percepción sobre las actividades de entrenamiento, generales y cotidianas de jugadores de rugby de nivel regional y nacional. Revista Iberoamericana de
Joaquín, M. (2011). Actitudes hacia el ejercicio en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios: relaciones con los hábitos alimenticios y la insatisfacción corporal. Revista
Jodra, P. (2011). Entrenamiento psicológico con equipos infantiles de baloncesto. Revista
Laguna, M. (2011). El esquema de la actividad física con mapas mentales en personas
LaVoi, N. M. (2011). Trends in gender-related research in sport and exercise psychology.
Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(2), 269-282
Leo, F. M. (2011). Relación entre la cohesión de equipo, la eficacia percibida y el rendimiento en equipos de fútbol. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1),
47-62.
338
León, B. (2011). Percepción sobre las actividades de entrenamiento, generales y cotidianas de jugadores de rugby de nivel regional y nacional. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología
del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 63-78.
Loughead, T. M. (2011). Current developments in North American sport and exercise
psychology: Team building in sport. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el
Deporte, 6(2), 237-250.
Martínez-García, C. (2011). Estudio sobre la aplicación de un programa de actividades
deportivas en pacientes con patología dual. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio
y el Deporte, 6(1), 113-132.
Montero, C. (2011). Percepción sobre las actividades de entrenamiento, generales y cotidianas de jugadores de rugby de nivel regional y nacional. Revista Iberoamericana de
Neely, K. C. (2011). Positive youth development through sport: A review. Revista
Partridge, J. A. (2011). Current directions in social influence: parents and peers. Revista
Pazos, E. (2011). Actitudes hacia el ejercicio en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios: relaciones con los hábitos alimenticios y la insatisfacción corporal. Revista
Pujals, C. (2011). Entrenamiento psicológico con equipos infantiles de baloncesto.
Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 23-30.
Rangeon, S. (2011). Current directions in coaching research. Revista Iberoamericana de
Reel, J. J. (2011). Current issues in North American sport psychology: identification and
prevention of weight pressures and body image concerns among athletes. Revista
Sánchez-Miguel, P. A. (2011). Relación entre la cohesión de equipo, la eficacia percibida
y el rendimiento en equipos de fútbol. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el
Deporte, 6(1), 47-62.
Serdà, B. C. (2011). El ejercicio físico como terapia complementaria en el cáncer de próstata. Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte, 6(1), 13-22.
Sinclair, C. D. (2011). From atheoretical to motivation theory-based youth discretionary-time physical activity promotion: current and future directions. Revista
339
Vázquez, I. (2011). Actitudes hacia el ejercicio en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios: relaciones con los hábitos alimenticios y la insatisfacción corporal. Revista
340
ÍNDICE DE REVISORES 2011
Arbinaga, F. (Universidad de Huelva, España)
Arce, C. (Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, España)
Brustad, R. J. (Nothern Colorado University, EE.UU.)
Conte, L. (Universidad de Murcia, España)
Garcés de los Fayos, E. (Universidad de Murcia, España)
Godoy, D. (Universidad de Granada, España)
Guillén, F. (Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, España)
Hernández Mendo, A. (Universidad de Málaga, España)
Jara, P. (Universidad de Murcia, España)
Molinero, O. (Universidad de León, España)
Ortega, E. (Universidad de Murcia, España)
Pelegrín, A. (Universidad Miguel Hernández de Elche, España)
Renom, J. (Universidad de Barcelona, España)
Rodríguez, M. C. (Universidad del Bosque, Colombia)
Sousa, C. (Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, España)
Tuero, C. (Universidad de León, España)
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Normas de presentación. Normas para a publicaçao de trabalhos
Vol. 6, nº 2
ISSN: 1886-8576
NORMAS PARA LA PUBLICACIÓN DE TRABAJOS
La Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte (RIPED) es una
publicación semestral, que publica en español, portugués e inglés, y tiene como objetivo
la edición de trabajos de carácter científico realizados en el ámbito de la psicología del
ejercicio y el deporte.
Los trabajos serán originales, inéditos y no se encontrarán en proceso de revisión en otra
revista. Deberán estar realizados con rigor metodológico y han de suponer una contribución al progreso en el ámbito de la psicología del ejercicio y el deporte. Se aceptarán
trabajos, tanto de naturaleza teórica como empírica, en especial aquellos que se refieren
a cuestiones actuales y de relevancia científica. Los trabajos serán revisados por asesores
o especialistas externos o ajenos al Consejo Editorial de forma anónima.
Presentación
Todos los trabajos deberán ser presentados mecanografiados, por triplicado, en hojas
tamaño DIN A-4, por una sola cara, y con doble espaciado (fuente tipo Times New
Roman, 12 puntos). Se adjuntará junto al original en papel, una copia en disco tamaño
3½” o CD -también es posible enviarlo, por correo-e., directamente al Editor-. El texto
deberá estar procesado en formato Word 6.0/7.0/97/2000.
Los trabajos tendrán una extensión máxima de 25 páginas, de 35 líneas a doble espacio,
con márgenes de 3 cms. y numeración en la parte inferior derecha. Se aceptan escritos
en castellano o portugués. Se ha de incluir un resumen (en español, portugués e inglés),
entre 100 y 150 palabras, así como un apartado de palabras-clave (recomendable no más
de 4), también en los tres idiomas.
Las figuras, tablas y gráficas se enviarán una en cada hoja (impresas en alta calidad para
ser usadas como originales), deberán ser compuestas por los autores del modo definitivo como deseen que aparezcan y estar numeradas correlativamente, indicándose su ubicación en el texto. En el caso de las fotografías, su tamaño tendrá una base de 7 ó 14
cm. y una altura máxima de 20 cm. El pie que describa estas ilustraciones deberá estar
en español o portugués. Por la parte de atrás se anotará a lápiz el nombre del autor y el
título del trabajo al que pertenecen. No se aceptarán notas.
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Normas de presentación. Normas para la publicación de trabajos
Lugar de envío
Los trabajos serán enviados por correo certificado, en disquete o CD y papel (como se
indica en el primer punto de la presentación) a la siguiente dirección:
Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte
Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria
Facultad de Formación del Profesorado.
C/. Santa Juana de Arco, 1
35004. Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (España).
Su recepción se acusará de inmediato, y en un plazo máximo de 90 días se contestará
acerca de su aceptación o no. En el supuesto de no ser aceptado se devolverá el original. Eventualmente, la aceptación definitiva podría supeditarse a “mejoras” o modificaciones del trabajo que los consultores o el consejo editorial propongan al autor. El autor
o el primero de los firmantes (a no ser que expresamente se señale otro) recibirán 20
separatas.
Revisión
Todos los manuscritos serán revisados anónimamente. Con el fin de mantener dicho
anonimato, en la primera página del texto sólo aparecerá el título del trabajo, pero no los
nombres de los autores. Estos y sus filiaciones irán en una hoja previa encabezada también por el título. La filiación comprenderá, generalmente, el departamento, la institución, la ciudad y el país. De no existir otra indicación, la correspondencia se mantendrá
con el primer autor en la dirección de su filiación. Es importante que se incluya una
dirección de correo electrónico, o en su defecto, un teléfono de contacto o fax.
Características
La preparación de los manuscritos ha de atenerse por lo demás a las normas de publicación de la APA (Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, cuarta edición, 1991. Interpretación de la normativa internacional para la presentación de
trabajos científicos. A continuación se recuerda algunos de los requisitos y se especifican otros adicionales. Obviamente, todas las referencias del texto deberán aparecer dentro del apartado de referencias y viceversa.
Las citas bibliográficas contenidas en el texto constarán del apellido del autor y años de
publicación (ambos entre paréntesis y separados por una coma). Si el nombre del autor
está incluido en el texto, se pone entre paréntesis sólo el año. Si se trata de dos autores,
siempre se citan ambos. Cuando el trabajo tiene más de dos y menos de seis autores, se
citan todos la primera vez; en las siguientes citas se pone sólo el nombre del primero,
seguido de “et al.” y el año, excepto que haya otra abreviatura de igual forma y del
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mismo año, en cuyo caso se pondrá la cita completa. Para más de seis autores se cita el
primero seguido de “et al.” y en caso de confusión se añaden los autores subsiguientes
hasta que resulten bien identificados. En todo caso, la referencia en el listado bibliográfico debe ser completa. Cuando se incluyan varias citas en el mismo paréntesis, se adoptará el orden cronológico. Para identificar trabajos del mismo autor, o autores, de la
misma fecha, se añaden al año las letras a, b, c, hasta donde sea necesario, repitiendo el
año. Cuando esté “en prensa” se indicará entre guiones.
Las referencias bibliográficas irán ordenadas alfabéticamente al final del trabajo, iniciando una página y ateniéndose a la siguiente normativa:
a) Para libros: Autor (apellido, coma e iniciales de nombre y punto, en caso de varios
autores, se separan con coma y antes del título con una “y”); año (entre paréntesis) y
punto; título completo en cursiva y punto; ciudad y dos puntos, y editorial. En el caso
de que se cite un libro traducido, se añade al final entre paréntesis el año de la referencia original. Ejemplo:
Nuñez, J.L. y Martín-Albo, J. (2004). Psicología de la competición. Sevilla: Wanceulen.
b) Para capítulos de libros colectivos o de actas: Autor (es); año; título del trabajo que se
cita y, a continuación, introducido con “En”, el o los directores, editores o compiladores (iniciales del nombre y apellidos), seguido entre paréntesis de dir., ed. o comp., añadiendo una “s” en el caso de plural; el título del libro en cursiva y entre paréntesis la paginación del capítulo citado; la ciudad y la editorial. Ejemplo:
Valdés, H. (2003). La personalidad de los árbitros y jueces. En F. Guillén (dir.), Psicología
del arbitraje y el juicio deportivo (pp. 39-54). Barcelona: Inde.
c) Para revistas: Autor; año; título del artículo; nombre de la revista completo en cursiva; vol. también en cursiva y página inicial y final. Ejemplo:
Fox, K.R. y Corbin, C.B. (1989). The Physical Self-Perception Profile: Development and
preliminary validation. Joumal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11, 408-430.
Para otra casuística acúdase al citado manual de la APA.
Condiciones
Si se acepta un trabajo para su publicación, los derechos de impresión y reproducción
por cualquier forma y medio son de la Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del
Ejercicio y el Deporte (RIPED) no rechazará ninguna petición razonable por parte del
autor para obtener el permiso de reproducción de sus contribuciones. Asimismo, se
entiende que las opiniones expresadas en los artículos son de responsabilidad exclusiva
de los autores y no comprometen la opinión y política científica de la Revista.
Igualmente, las actividades descritas en los trabajos publicados estarán de acuerdo con
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los criterios y normativa vigente, tanto por lo que se refiere a experimentación como en
todo lo relativo a la deontología profesional. RIPED podrá solicitar a los autores copia
de los datos en bruto, manuales de procedimiento, puntuaciones, y, en general, material
experimental relevante.
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NORMAS PARA A PUBLICAÇÃO DE TRABALHOS
A Revista Iberoamericana de Psicologia del Exercício y el Dsporte(RIPED) é uma
publicação semestral, que publica em espanhol, português e inglês, e tem como objetivo a edição de trabalhos de caráter científico realizados no campo da psicologia do exercício e do esporte.
Os trabalhos serão originais, inéditos e não podem estar sob processo de revisão em
outra revista. Deverão ser feitos com rigor metodológico e supõem uma contribuição
ao progresso do campo da psicologia do exercício e do esporte. Serão aceitos trabalhos,
tanto de natureza teórica como empírica, em especial aqueles que se referem a questões
atuais e de relevância científica. Os trabalhos serão revisados por consultores ou especialistas externos ou fora do Conselho Editorial de forma anônima.
Apresentação
Todos os trabalhos deverão ser apresentados impressos em três vias, folhas tamanho A4, frente única e com espaço duplo (fonte tipo Times New Roman, tamanho 12).
Juntamente com o original em papel, deverá ser entregue una copia em disquete tamanho 3½” ou CD -também é possível enviar isto, para correio-e., diretamente para o
Editor-. O texto deverá estar processado em formato Word 6.0/7.0/97/2000.
Os trabalhos terão uma extensão máxima de 25 páginas, de 35 linhas a espaço duplo,
com margens de 3 cms. e numeração na parte inferior direita. Serão aceitos trabalhos
escritos em espanhol, português ou inglês. Deve ser incluído um resumo (em espanhol,
português e inglês), entre 100 e 150 palavras, assim como palavras-chave (recomendável
não mais que 4), também nos três idiomas.
As figuras, tabelas e gráficos serão enviadas uma em cada folha separadamente (impressas em alta qualidade para serem usadas como originais), deverão ser elaboradas pelos
autores de modo definitivo da maneira que desejam aparecer no texto e numeradas,
indicando-se sua localização no texto. No caso de fotografias, seu tamanho terá uma
base de 7 ou 14 cm. e uma altura máxima de 20 cm. O texto que descreve estas ilustrações deverá estar em espanhol ou português. Na parte de trás se anotará a lápis o nome
do autor e o título do trabalho a que pertence. Não serão aceitas anotações.
Local para envio
Os trabalhos serão enviados por correio registrado, em disquete ou CD e papel (como
indicada no primeiro ponto da apresentação) para o seguinte endereço:
Revista Iberoamericana de Psicologia del Exercício y el deport
Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte. Vol. 6, nº 2 (2011))
347
Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria
Facultad de Formación del Profesorado.
C/. Santa Juana de Arco, 1
35004. Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (España).
O recebimento será confirmado imediatamente e, dentro de um prazo máximo de 90
dias, será respondido sobre a aceitação ou não. Caso não seja aceito, o original será
devolvido. Eventualmente, ao aceite definitivo poderá ser condicionado a “melhorias”
ou correções do trabalho que os consultores ou o conselho editorial proponham ao
autor. O autor ou o primeiro das assinantes (a não ser que expressamente se indique
outro) receberão 20 separatas.
Revisão
Todos os manuscritos serão revisados anonimamente. Com o objetivo de manter tal
anonimato, na primeira página do texto só aparecerá o título do trabalho, sem os nomes
dos autores. Estes e suas respectivas filiações irão em uma folha anterior previa encabeçada também pelo título. A filiação compreenderá, geralmente, o departamento, a instituição, a cidade e o país. Não existindo outra indicação, a correspondência será mantida a do primeiro autor no endereço de sua filiação. É importante que se inclua uma direção de correio eletrônico, ou caso não exista, um telefone de contato ou fax.
Características
Na preparação dos manuscritos, deve-se estar atento para as demais normas de publicação da APA (Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, quarta
edição, 1991. Interpretação da normativa internacional para a apresentação de trabalhos
científicos. A seguir, são apontados alguns dos requisitos e especificados outros adicionais. Obviamente, todas as referencias do texto deverão aparecer dentro do seguimento
de referências.
As citações bibliográficas contidas no texto constarão do sobrenome do autor e anos de
publicação (ambos entre parêntesis e separados por um vírgula). Se o nome do autor
está incluído no texto, se coloca entre parêntesis somente o ano. Se tratando de dos
autores, sempre se cita ambos. Quando o trabalho tem mais de dois e menos de seis
autores, se cita todos na primeira vez; nas seguintes citações se coloca somente o nome
do primeiro, seguido de “et al.” e o ano, exceto que haja outra abreviação igual e do
mesmo ano, na qual se colocará a citação completa. Para mais de seis autores será citado o primeiro seguido de “et al.” e no caso de confusão se os autores subsequentes até
que resultem bem identificados. Em todo caso, nas referências bibliográficas a citação
dos autores deve ser completa. Quando se incluem várias citações no mesmo parênte348
sis, se adotará a ordem cronológica. Para identificar trabalhos do mesmo autor, ou autores, da mesma data, se adiciona as letras a, b, c, até onde seja necessário, repetindo o ano.
Quando o artigo está “em publicação” se indicará entre aspas..
As referências bibliográficas serão ordenadas alfabeticamente no final do trabalho, iniciando uma página e atendendo a seguinte norma:
a) Para livros: Autor (sobrenome, vírgula e iniciais do nome e ponto, em caso de vários
autores, se separam com vírgula e antes do título com um “e”); ano (entre parêntesis) e
ponto; título completo em itálico e ponto; cidade e dois pontos, e editora. No caso de
um livro traduzido, se adiciona no final entre parêntesis o ano da referência original.
Exemplo:
Nuñez, J.L. e Martín-Albo, J. (2004). Psicologia de la competición. Sevilla: Wanceulen.
b) Para capítulos de livros coletivos: Autor (es); ano; título do trabalho que se cita e, na
continuação, introduzido com “En”, o (os) diretor(es), editor (es) ou organizador (es)
(iniciais do nome e sobrenomes), seguido entre parêntesis de dir., ed. ou org., adicionando um “s” em caso de plural; o título do livro em itálico e entre parêntesis as páginas do capítulo citado; a cidade e a editora. Exemplo:
Valdés, H. (2003). La personalidad de los árbitros y jueces. En F. Guillén (dir.), Psicologia
del arbitraje y el juicio deportivo (pp. 39-54). Barcelona: Inde.
c) Para revistas: Autor; ano; título do artículo; nome da revista completo em itálico; vol.
também em itálico e página inicial e final. Exemplo:
Fox, K.R. e Corbin, C.B. (1989). The Physical Self-Perception Profile: Development and
preliminary validation. Joumal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11, 408-430.
Em casos diferentes aos citados, consultar manual da APA.
Condições
Caso o trabalho seja aceito para publicação, os direitos de impressão e reprodução por
qualquer forma e meio são da Revista Iberoamericana de Psicologia del Exercício y el
Deporte(RIPED). Não serão recusados nenhum pedido normais por parte do autor
para obter a permissão de reprodução de suas contribuições. Ainda assim, entende-se
que as opiniões expressas nos artigos são de responsabilidade exclusiva dos autores e
não comprometem a opinião e política científica da Revista. Igualmente, as atividades
descritas nos trabalhos publicados estarão de acordo com os critérios e normativa vigente, tanto no que se refere a experimentação como em tudo relacionado à deontologia
profissional. RIPED poderá solicitar aos autores cópia dos dados originais, manuais de
procedimento, anotações, e, em geral, material experimental relevante.
349
Rules for publishing articles
RULES FOR PUBLISHING ARTICLES
The Revista Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte (RIPED) is published every six months, it is published in Spanish, Portuguese and English and its main
aim is to edit scientific papers concerning sport and exercise psychology
The papers must be original, unpublished and not under revision at any other journal.
They must be strictly methodological and contribute to the progress of sport and exercise psychology. Both theoretical and empirical papers will be accepted, especially those
which relate to current situations and those of scientific relevance. The papers will
anonymously be revised by advisers or experts
Presentation
papers should be written on double-spaced Din A-4 sheets (Times New Roman font, 12
point size). They should be sent to the editor ([email protected]) in WORD processor 6.0/7.0/97/2000.
All papers must consist of a maximum of 25 pages, 35 double-space lines, margins of
3cms and numbering on the bottom right hand corner. Papers may be submitted in
Spanish, Portuguese or English. An abstract should be included in Spanish, Portuguese
and English of about 100-150 words as well as a key word section (no more than 4) also
in all three languages.
Figures, tables and diagrams should be sent one on each page (printed in high quality in
order to be used as originals). They should be numbered in the order that the author
wishes them to appear. Photographs must be 7 or 14 x 20cm (maximum). The footnote
explaining the illustrations must be in Spanish or Portuguese. The author´s name and
the title of the paper must be written in pencil on the back. No notes will be accepted.
Submission
The reception of the papers will be acknowledged immediately and in a period no
longer than 90 days, you will be notified whether it has been accepted or not. If it is not
accepted, the original will be returned. In occasions, the final acceptance of a paper may
be subject to some modifications proposed to the author by the board of advisors.
The articles may also be sent by email to the Editor in Chief ([email protected])
Revisión
All of the manuscripts shall be revised anonymously and in order to maintain this
351
anonymity, the first page will consist only of the title but not the names of the authors.
Their names and details should appear on a previous page which also has the title at the
top. The details should generally consist of, the department, the institution, the city and
the country. Unless requested otherwise, the first name to appear in the contact list will
be the person to receive correspondence. It is important to include an email address, or
alternatively, a telephone or fax number.
Characteristics
When preparing the manuscripts, authors should follow the APA (Publication Manual
of the American Psychological Association, 4th ed. 1991) publication rules.
Interpretation of international rules for submitting scientific papers. The requirements
are listed below as well as additional ones. Obviously, quotations should be included in
the reference section and vice versa
Quotations should consist of the author´s surname and year of publication (both in
parenthesis and separated by a comma). If the author´s name is quoted in the text, only
the year will be put in parenthesis. If there are two authors, both of them should always
be quoted. When the paper consists of more than two and less than six authors, they
should all be quoted the first time, from then onwards, only the first author’s name will
appear followed by “et al” and the year, unless there is another reference with the same
abbreviation and year, in which case the whole reference will appear. When there are
more than six authors, the first one shall appear followed by “et al” and in case of confusion; the subsequent authors will be included until they are evident. In any case, the
bibliographic list of references should be complete. When various quotations are included in the same parenthesis, they should appear in chronological order. To identify works
of the same author/s from the same year, the year must be followed by a, b, c), until
necessary, repeating the year. When it is “in press”, it should be placed in inverted commas.
Bibliographical references should be listed in alphabetical order at the end of the paper
on a separate page, following the rules below:
a) Books: Author (surname, comma and initials of name and full stop, when there are
various authors, they are separated by a comma and before the title with an “and”); year
(in parenthesis) and full stop; whole title written in italics and full stop; city and colon
and the publisher. For example:
Nuñez, J.L. y Martín-Albo, J. (2004). Psicología de la competición. Sevilla: Wanceulen.
b) Chapters of books or proceedings: Author/s, year, title of the quoted work, then,
introduced by “In” the name of the directors, editors or compilers (initials of name and
surname), followed by dir., ed. or comp., adding an “s” when plural; the title of the book
352
written in italics and the page number of the chapter quoted in parenthesis; the city and
the publisher. For example:
Valdés, H. (2003). La personalidad de los árbitros y jueces. En F. Guillén (Dir.),
Psicología del arbitraje y el juicio deportivo (pp. 39-54). Barcelona: Inde.
c) Journals: Author; year; title of the article; whole name of journal written in italics; vol.
also in italics and first and last page. For example:
Fox, K.R. & Corbin, C.B. (1989). The Physical Self-Perception Profile: Development
and preliminary validation. Joumal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11, 408-430.
d) For further information, please consult the APA manual.
Conditions
When a manuscript is accepted for publishing, the copyright belongs to the Revista
Iberoamericana de Psicología del Ejercicio y el Deporte (RIPED) and a reasonable petition from the author to obtain permission to reproduce his/her contributions will not
be denied. Any expressed opinions in the article are exclusively responsibility of the
author and they do not compromise the opinion or scientific policy of the journal. The
activities described in the published articles will follow the criteria and current regulations, not only when concerning experimentation but also in relation to the professional ethics. RIPED may request a copy of the data from the authors, manual of proceedings, grades and any relevant experimental material.
353

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