In April of 1980, Wolffs next play ~ premiered in the newly

Transcription

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29
In April of 1980, Wolffs next play
~
premiered in the newly-remodeled
Philharmonic Hall of the Municipal Theatre of Santiago. It was presented by the
company Teatro de Camara, who also asked Wolff to write a play specifically for
the group to perform during the following year. The favorable response from the
public to
~
persuaded the directors of the Municipal Theatre to reserve the hall for
an extra month. According to Ana Marfa Palma, one of the cast members, the
popularity of this play was a result of the thematic subject, which easily identified
"moros y cristianos" (qtd. in "Ultimo mes
de~"
43).
~
was considered a very
Chilean play, dealing with the problems of a society in transition (see "Retorno sin
gloria" 42). The audience was provided an opportunity to view theplselves, Chile,
through the eyes of Jose, the protagonist, who returned home after living seven years
in the United States. The political undertones of Jose most likely played a major
role in its success as well. In a society where censorship prohibited literature
perceived as "anti-establishment," spectators seemed attracted, in this case, to theatre
which examined the SOCiological condition of an often tense socio-political situation.
In reference to this same audience, Wolff compared them to the theatre-goers of
1950:
Por razones de orden politico el publico se ha renovado. Podriamos
decir que el publico actual es el mismo del ano 50. Durante un
tiempo asistia al teatro s610 un publico ideol6gicamen'te
comprometido. Numericamente, ha disminuido hoy dfa. Recuerdo
cuando estuvo en cartelera Parejas de trnpo el ano 64; asistieron mas
de 38.000 personas. Ahora con~, estarfarnos muy satisfechos si
Uegamos a las 15.000. (qtd. in "Persona ... " 17)
Dabel, H. A. O., 1992: Egon Wolff's Theatre During the Chilean Authoritarian Regime: 1973-1986. Dissertation at
University of California 1992, 197 pp. (Abstract in Vol. 53/07-a of Dissertation Abstracts International, pp. 2391)
30
After the premiere
of~,
in an unpublished seminar held in July 1980 on
the critical analysis of Chilean dramaturgy, Marfa de la Luz Hurtado posed the
question discussed in this chapter in regard to Wolff's relationship to international
and local theatre:
lPor que Egon Wolff es uno de los unicos dramaturgos chilenos que
es comprendido y admirado en el extranjero, convirtiendose en un
dramaturgo con "proyecci6n universal?" (y sin embargo, tiene
dificultades para ser comprendido en Chile). (Seminario 2)
In response to Hurtado's observation, Sergio Vodanovic hypothesizes that no
Latin American dramatist aspires to be "universal, " or writes with his mind set on
having a play premiered on Broadway, in London or in Paris. Vodanovic adds:
Por otra parte, tOOos estos dramaturgos tienen una vocaci6n autentica
de servir a su comunidad haciendo que su arte sirva en la manera en
que todo el arte dramatico ha siempre servido, como un "espejo" de la
sociedad-de manera, que los miembros de la sociedad pudiera
conocerse a sf mismo a traves de reconocer en el teatro aquellas
emociones que se originan en su propia experiencia. (Seminario 3)
Although Vodanovic denies that Wolff or other dramatists aspire to be
"universal" in their writing technique, he does not address Hurtado's puzzling
recognition: the contradictory situation of international success versus local
misunderstanding or even failure. Perhaps Wolff himself provides an appropriate
explanation. When asked about his fame in Europe, he explains the ever important
role of "luck" in the equation:
En realidad tuve mucha suerte. Ami me descubri6 Alf Sj6berg,
un importante director sueco, cuyas realizaciones estan a la altura de
[Ingrid] Bergman, en ese pais. Oespues el camino se hizo mas
expedito..•
Rara vez [Ia crftica chilena] coincide con la critica que se me hace
afuera. Por ejemplo, Flores de papel recibi6 en el ambiente nacional
31
una crftica muy acida y no tuvo mucho publico; en cambio, en
Europa ha sido una de las obras mas elogiadas. Algo parecido sucedi6
con Los invasores . .. (persona 16)
Ironically, Wolffs foreign success seemed to elevate the national attention
given to the new plays of his second era. Dozens of articles were written in theatre
sections of Chilean newspapers alluding to the unique international success enjoyed
by Egon Wolff's plays of the preceding decade (1960's), even before Wolff returned
to the theatre in 1976. When the premieres of Kindergarten,
Es~jismos,
and
~
were reviewed, there was always a reference to the earlier plays and their many
successes on foreign stages.
Egon Wolff accepted the offer to write his next play for the Teatro de
Camara theatrical company; Alamos en la azotea, a "comedy," was premiered it in
1981. He decided to write a comedy because of his "farna de ser un autor sesudo y
serio". (qtd. in "El escritor" 32) Regardless of the reasons for entering into what
Frank Dauster calls "a drastic departure from all his previous work, (Theater 15)
to
Wolff enjoyed perhaps the most favorable criticism to date within Chile by ooth
audiences and critics alike. By September, more than 22,000 people had seen the
play that originally was scheduled to play in Santiago for only three months. The
play was extended for five months and was also performed in Concepci6n. The
perfonnance then traveled to La Serena in the North and back to Viiia del Mar.
Fernando Josseau, a dramatist and one of Chile's foremost theatre critics, praises this
playas perhaps Wolff's most talented piece:
32
Si tuviese que escoger entre el drarnaturgo Egon Wolff y el
comedi6grafo, me quedarfa sin discusi6n alguna, con este ultimo.
Este hombre serio llamado Wolff cruza las fronteras de su propia
seriedad y nos encontramos con un humorista sorpresivo. .. . Y es
aquf donde el hombre serio que hay en el se puede expresar mejor:
sus hilarantes maniobras teatrales nos muestran, a traves de la ironia
y del disparate, con precisi6n, originalidad y perspectiva, estas
flaquezas humanas que es necesario develar.
Bernardo Shaw sab fa mucho de estas cosas. Y Pirandello. Pero
tambien las sab fa -a su manera-- Ant6n Chejov quien muri6
iIlsistiendo en que sus grandes obras no eran dramas sino comedias, y
que hasta hoy, al parecer, muy pocos hombres de teatro han seguido
sus consejos. ("Critica" C-14)
With Alamos, Wolffs local success was in full stride. In 1981 there was a
notable increase in the number of productions of his plays produced within Chile.
Five of Wolff's 12 plays written before 1981 were made available to the Chilean
public.
~
Es~ismos
was presented by Teatro del Ancla in Antofagasta, Flores de
was staged in Rancagua' s Apollo Theatre by TIARA and Niiiamadre debuted
professionally for the first time in Santiago (20 years after its scheduled premiere in
Concepci6n) by the group IMAGEN at the Camilo Henriquez Theatre. The actual
premiere for Santiago was performed a few months earlie.r by students of the
"Departamento de Artes de la Representaci6n de la Universidad de Chile" at the Sala
Petropol. The students rendered their "semester exam" with their work. Alamos en
la azotea continued to play in the four major metropolitan areas mentioned
previously. In addition, the 1974 version of Parejas de trapo was televised by
Channel 13 in Santiago, Channel 8 of Valparaiso, and Channel 5- in Concepci6n. In
February 1981, the Universidad Cat6lica also prepared to stage Parejas de trapo,
33
which was presented to the public the following year. In December, Wolff was
distinguished for the first time by nEl CCrculo de Crfticos de Arte Chileno", which
recognized him as the outstanding author of the year for his work in theatrical
expression. Speaking of his teaching and writing experience at that time, Wolff
responded enthusiastically:
Estoy muy vinculado a la docencia . . . 10 eual me agrada porque de
este modo estoy comunicando mis conocimientos. . . . Yo no paro
nunea de escribir y actualmente voy en la mitad de una obra nueva.
Es posible que la tennine para fines de abril del ano 82 y que la
entregue a alguna compaiifa profesional. ("El esfuerzo" II-B)
Also in 1981, Wolff made two trips to Canada: one as a participant and
special invited guest of the Congreso Teatral Intemacional in May and the other by
special invitation to the Canadian premiere of Kindergarten in Vancouver. Wolff
recounts his academic involvement:
Estuve tres semanas en Vancouver donde di varias clases y chari as
acerea del teatro chileno. Para financiar mi viaje se tom6 contaclo
con universidades de esa ciudad y en ellas yo dicte mas de 15
confereneias. (nEI esfuerzo" 11-B)
The increasing number of Wolffian plays continued in 1982. Several of his
earlier plays re-opened while Alamos en la azolca continued its engagement at the
outdoor theatre of Bustamante park in Santiago. Mansi6n de Lechuzas, Discfpulos
de miedo and Parejas de trapo , Wolfrs ftrst three plays, enjoyed successful
showings and at times played simultaneously in Santiago and Rancagua. By April
1982, La Tercera, a well-known national newspaper, heralded Egon Wolff as "el
dramaturgo favorito del teatro" for Chilean theatrical companies (See "Egon Wolff
se convirti6" 40). The once rejected author had fimdlyachieved the acceptance he
34
had longed for in his native country, both for his earlier and later work.
Wolff perceived the following year (1983) as a difficult one for theatre in
general. His play Niiiamadre enjoyed success in Chillan, but the government's
economic and administrative problems limited the number of productions by
university theatres. Although few, if any, new plays were produced in Chile that
year, 1983 proved to be a very important year for Wolff. 7 On the twenty-sixth of
September in a public gathering of the Chilean Academy of Language, Egon Wolff
was incorporated as "Acadeinico de Numero." Later, in Caracas, he attended a .
showing of a dramatic production entitled Variaciones Wolff, directed by the
Argentine Juan Carlos Gene and based on several of Wolffs plays. The production
was performed to pay homage to Wolff and was sponsored by the international group
of theatrical critics entitled fIEl Centro Latinoamericano de Creaci6n e Investigaci6n
Teatral (CELCIT), created in 1977 under the auspices of Ateneo in Caracas.
In 1984, the Catholic University Theatre premiered Wolfrs thirteenth play:
La balsa de la Medusa. Wolff explains that he had spent several years in the
evolution of this work, which he calls his most dream-like play: "Creo que es 10
mas onirico que he escrito nunca. La situaci6n, que tiene muchos elementos
surreales, podrfa darse en un sueiio, dentro de la propia imaginaci6n de los
personajes" ("Una compleja navegaci6n" 38). Regarding the writing process for this
play, he affirms:
No fue facil sacar adelante La balsa de la Medusa; tuvo unas 5 6 6
versiones distintas que nunca alcanzaba a resolver. .. Fue un largo
proceso de meditar, ensayar e investigar, hasta que subitamente el ano
pasado tuve una inspiraci6n, se me aclar6 la fonna de hacerlo, y me
35
sali6 como un hilo en dos meses, tal como se esta montando. ("Una
compleja navegaci6n" 38)
From April through June, over 16,500 spectators filled the university theatre
to see La balsa de Ia Medusa, which boasted 54 perfonnances. The play enjoyed
huge success at the box office, although Wolff was apprehensive at the onset that
many would not like it for it carried the structural and thematic overtones of his
former "dream-like" plays. The director, Hector Noguera indicates that La balsa,
Los Invasores and Flores de pa,pel form a trilogy of Wolffian surrealism, which deal
with the threat of invasion and the meaning of gUilt itself (see "Teatro de la
Cat6lica" 34). Egon voiced his reservations before the premiere:
EI publico se va a entretener con la obm, no me cabe la menor duda.
De 10 que me cabe duda es si Ie va a gustar. Habra quienes no me
van a perdonar . . . porque La balsa culpa y hace una denuncia de
sectores sociales bien detenninados .. . Nuestro prop6sito es que el
publico se entretenga, se emocione y conmocione con la obm, y que
despues de la funci6n salga de la sala dispuesto a meditarla y a
polemizar sobre ella. Con eso me sentirfa muy satisfecho. ("Una
compleja navegacion" 38)
In spite of the obvious ambiguity that the play produced for its audience, La
balsa gained a reputation as the most important play in Chilean theatre of the last
few years. Chilean critic Gast6n von dem Busschc emphatically proclaims:
Sin ninguna duda, he aqu f la obm mas discutida, ambiciosa e
importante del teatro chileno de los tiltimos ailos. Todas cosas que
alabarnos grandemente, pero que, por 10 mismo, hacen tanto mas
sensible su frustraci6n.
Mas de una mitad del publico declara "no entender nada," otro
sector dice entenderla pero no .. sentirla...
De cualquier modo, una obra que no pennite la indiferencia. (La
Balsa C-IO)
.
36
Four other Wolffian plays were performed before Chilean audiences in 1984
as well. The Professional lnstitute of Chill an staged their production of Nifiamadre
and then carried the play on tour to San Carlos, Santiago and other Chilean cities.
The group
TEG~,
Teatro de la Gran Minerfa, opened their version of Parejas
de trapo in Concepci6n. And finally, the theatrical group "Expresi6n " of the
Universidad Arturo Prat premiered Alamos en la Azotea in Iquique to end their 1984
theatrical season. It continued to run successfully into 1985.
Alamos en la Azotea
~as
also presented at the Municipal Theatre of Osomo
in 1985 by the independent group "Magisterio, " and again re-opened in May by the
Iquique group "Expresi6n. " In addition, TEGRAMI carried their Parejas to Santiago
during 1985. Wolff's plays continued to gain in popularity among theatre groups
throughout Chile that year. Flores de papel was presented by TEUF (Teatro de la
Universidad de la Frontera) in Temuco and by TEMUVA (Taller Municipal de
Teatro de Valdivia) in Valdivia. Niiiamadre was staged by the University Theatre of
Iquique.
In 1986, Wolff's last of fourteen plays to date, Hablame de Laura, debuted at
the Catholic University Theatre. It was directed by Hector Noguera, who also
played the principal role of " Alberto." Hablame was presented in "la sala dos,"
reserved for "teatro de camaran-experimental theatre. Flores de papel was
presented by three different theatre groups that year: in Temuco by Teatro
Universitario de La Frontera directed by Juan Manuel Fierro, in Osomo by
Magisterio with director Luis Barros Soto and in Valdivia by its municipal theatre
37
group under the direction of Carlos Krebs Vargas. Alamos en la Azotea was
presented in Limache and Valparaiso by the group "Compacto" to end the 1986
Wolffian theatrical season.
Although Wolff continued to see several of his plays produced in and out of
Chile, at the present time he has ceased to write for the stage. However, he is stille
quite involved in the creative process and has dedicated himself to writing teleseries-or rather "soaps" for Chilean television. In 1986, Wolff presented Chumingo Mora,
a series of ten chapters, to "el canal cat6lico" --the Catholic Channel 13 of Santiago.
The directors were very interested in this original work. However, because of the
high cost of production for a "telenovela," its production was not justifiable for such
a short series. Wolff rewrote Chumingo Mora into a 40 episode series, which was
re-titled Vivir as f. Eventually, his new work was approved and on September 7,
1988 Vivir asf premiered on the Catholic Channel. When asked why he decided to
write for television, Wolff explains:
Yo tengo dos maneras caracter f sticas de escribir: una, el teatro
expresionista, surrealista, que es un realismo deformado, magico; y
otra, el teatro propiamente realista, en el cual la circunstancia de los
personajes, su psicolog fa, su contacto con la realidad social y la
identificaci6n con una realidad son muy fuertes . .. Como la
televisi6n exige trabajar a base de personajes, conflictos, realidad,
identificaci6n ... me decid f a incursionar en este genera. . .. Par
una parte, la tematica de las teleseries no me entusiasmaba.
Encontraba que no tenia una relaci6n directa con los problemas
candentes del diario vivir . . . tendiente mas al suspenso y al
sensacionalismo que a la busqueda de una realidad. Y, por otro lado,
vefa que se relajaba y postergaba Ia acci6n y el conflicto ... y yo no
soy para eso, pero yo creo que en Vivir asf se superan eso~ aspectos.
(qtd. in Olate, 34)
38
At the time of the television premiere of Viyir as f, Wolff was working on an
additional series containing 80 episodes. While much of the world praises Wolff for
two of his most controversial plays, Los Inyasores and Flores de papel, receptive
Chileans have discovered a new era in Pis production. They have indicated that they
are now ready for politically debatable theatre containing the psycho-sociological
concerns always found in Wolfrs writing.
The question of Wolff's success on the international stages versus his lack of
recognition in Chile had become an irrevelant issue during the 1980's because of his
growing popularity among theatre groups throughout the country. He had become
the only Chilean dramatist of his generation, residing in Chile, to continue his craft
during a very oppressive moment in the nation's history. The question most
pertinent at this time is: why has the foreign (especially the European) theatrical
market generally ignored the majority of plays of a new period in his theatre while,
within Chile Egon Wolff is especially admired for these later works?
Europe, like Chile, is undergoing political upheaval. Rapidly changing
political borders and national identities in Europe are giving rise to overwhelming
swings in political structure. Egon Wolfrs plays created during critical moments of
Chilean history perhaps ring familiar in Europe where they are living their own
moment of crisis. The eastern-block nations find themselves at a critical crossroads
between communism and democracy. Vaclov Havel, the Czechoslovakian dramatist,
and others, including the Russian classics, continue to enjoy wide popularity in
university theatres throughout the United States and Europe.
39
The plays written and performed during periods of crisis in Latin America
generally do not propose solutions for the difficult periods in which they were
produced. 8 However, as these moments of crisis have passed, or as the dramatist
has evolved with his changing environment, solutions are proposed (at least in the
case of Egon Wolff). M6nica Lee explains the phenomenon of proposing answers in
her study, "Aproximaci6n a La balsa de la Medusa":
A diferencia de Los invasores y Flores de papel, que son netamente
obras expositoras de un problema social, en la Medusa el autor
propone una soluci6n. Esta inovaci6n limita hasta cierto punto la
posibildad de analisis y creatividad por parte de los espectadores. Por
otro lado, para muchos, incluyendo a grandes sectores de la clase
media chilena, el contexto polftico-social chileno actual no permite
ver en estos momentos om altemativa al problema nacional que no
sea a traves de vias conciliatorias y humanistas. En este sentido la
obra La balsa de la Medusa de Egon Wolff expresa fielmente tanto Ia
cosmovisi6n del autor, como tambien el mas (ntimo sentir de
significativos sectores de la sociedad chilena actual. (20)
Meanwhile, Egan Wolff has managed to balance his passions by continuing
his professorial interests at the Catholic University of Chile in Santiago and his
secondary work at the paint factory. He has appeared to resolve the struggle to
create by entering the realm of "comedy," apparently more digestible for him and
the Chilean public. Wolff is known to have walked out on his earlier plays because
they had reached such violent extremes. His rejection merely reflects that of his
audience. In a recent tour of the United States in 1988, Wolff remarked that Latin
American theatre cannot hope for success without some element of humor. He
stated that
on~
rarely attends a Chilean play without hearing laughter. On the other
hand, in Europe (he cited his experience in Germany), the spectators never laugh at
40
what is portrayed before them. Theatre, for them, is a serious dialogue between
writer, director, actor and public. Wolff's personal observation may ring true
regarding his most recent works and the lack of foreign interest in them, for comedy
is an essential ingredient in his works of this era.
Any judgment which characterizes Wolff's plays as universal products devoid
of any regional influences would be erroneous. Although Wolff has enjoyed
extensive travel throughout the United States and parts of Europe and has his
inherent European ancestry, his plays were written as a response to concerns of
many Chileans who have lived and continue to live in, at times, a very turbulent
"Chilean" environment. To ignore the historical moments in which Wolff's plays
were created would be to lose a better understanding of them.
At this time, Wolff's avocation has triumphed over what once distanced him
from theatre. He is almost completely immersed in theatre and writing, even though
he runs the risk that television, now, may be the factor that draws him away from
dramaturgy.
t. Wolff reports that his' novel, "an immature attempt at the genre as the title might
suggest" (a translation of Wolff's comment), won a prize in an Argentine literary
contest.
2. In an interview with Carlos Ruiz Tagle, Wolff remarks that the violin was stolen,
but was discovered several years later, stained with lipstick, in a brothel. He then
jokingly replies that at least it had served to entertain the prostitutes <La Tercera
supt.).
4\
3. Like the many innocent citizens of Japanese descent in the United State, Wolff and
his family were persecuted in spite of being anti-Nazi.
4. After editing and rewriting the play under the tutelage of Chilean director Eugenio
Guzman, the play was retitled Disc (pulos del miedo.
5. In an interview with the author, La Tercera boldly announces: "Wolff es uno de
los unicos dramaturgos chilenos que han logrado penetrar con su pluma en el resto del
mundo, siendo traducidas la mayorfa de sus obras al ingles, frances, aleman,
checoslovaco, y rumano" (En Francia 59). In an attempt to search for English
translations of Wolff's plays, Paper Flowers, translated by Mararet Peden was the
only translation that I could find that has been published. However, an English
version of Ninamadre entitled A Touch of Blue premiered at Yale University without
being published. Because of the nature of the theatre, it is possible that the
newspaper was correct in their statement. However, without evidence to support the
claim that most plays had been translated to these languages, the assumption could be
made that Flores de papel is the one play of reference which has been staged in all of
these countries and more.
6. Woodyard states that El sobre azul was staged by the "Teatro del Grupo 'Thais.'"
However, it is interesting to note that the critical reference section of the Chilean
National Library has no record of this play ever being staged. In fact, in the
numerous articles published in Chile after the supposed premiere of the play, there is
no mention of the play either, suggesting that the play was either ignored by the
media and critics, or perhaps a successful censor silenced all the critics.
7. Speaking of the best and worst in Chilean theatre in 1983, Wolff recalls, "En
teatro, este fue un ano pobre. La Universidad de Chile ... s610 estren6 una obra,
Contigo en la Soledad y la Cat6lica solamente Becket. El montaje de La Candida
Erendira fue un trabajo interesante. . . . En cuanto at poor del ano . . . la
indiferencia del publico por asistir a los espectaculos art(sticos vivos, como el teatro,
la pintura, ..• (Lo bueno 32).
8. The reader is referred to Diana Taylor's Theatre of Crisli for a thorough
discussion of this condition. Taylor examines five plays from playwrights throughout
Latin America in her discussion of moments of crisis and the theatre these moments
produced.
CH.APrER2
Historical Context
La. evoluci6n de la producci6n creativa de un dramaturgo
latinoamericano coincidini siempre con la evoluci6n polftica de su
pa f s-esto es, mas 0 menos de acuerdo al nivel de libertad 0 represi6n
que en el exista. Y s610 examinando la historia poli tica de estos
pal ses se puede comprender los silencios, radicalizaciones y frivolidad
aparente de los autores. Hay epocas en que la aparici6n de una
co media liviana, inofensiva, y sofisticada es un mejor indice del nivel
de represi6n politica que rige en un cierto pais, que la pieza mas
inflamatoria de teatro revolucionario. Sergio Vodanovic (qtd. in
Hurtado 27)
The importance of considering the historical moment in the analysis of any
form of literature has been discussed in depth by many scholars. Perhaps nineteenthcentury French critic H. A. Taine best explains the relevance of historical and
biographical knowledge in analyzing literary texts. Taine's phrase "race, milieu, et
moment" speaks of literature as a reflection of the life and times of an author or the
characters he portrays. 1 By ex~en~on, an understanding of a culture, its people,
and often its politics is essential for a more complete analysis of an artistic work.
Many times, the art from these cultures, both popular and elitist, is all that remains
for the experts to extrapolate any reasonable history of past civilizations. Varying
factors ranging from the most general (national or sociological tendencies) to the
42
43
most specific (personal influences) have inspired the works of writers throughout the
ages.
The historical-biographical approach to literary analysis continued well into
the twentieth century. In fact, literary academicians in the United States began
telling a story to ridicule the extremes of this type of analysis that dominated the
study of literature until the 1930's:
A professor 'Jf English in one of our great Eastern universities, so the
stcry goes, entered the classroom one day and announced that the
poem under consideration for that hour was to be Andrew Marvell's
"To His Coy Mistress." He then proceeded to discuss Marvell's
politics, religion, and career. He described Marvell's character,
mentioned that he was respected by friend and foe alike, and
speculated on whether he was married. At this point the bell rang,
signaling the end of class. The professor closed his sheaf of notes,
looked up, smiling, and concluded, "Damn' fine poem, men. Damn'
fine." (Guerin et al. 19)
After 1930 a new type of literary analysis, referred to as "New Criticism"
became the dominant mode of interpreting literary texts. 2 The so-called "New
Critics" concentrated their discussion on the art within the text itself. Many critics
ignored any information considered extrinsic to the artistic piece and many continue
to disregard the ~ historical influences today under the guise of discussing
"universal concerns" found within the text. A more eclectic approach utilizes a
variety of techniques that includes the analysis of literature for its artistic merit,
while also considering the importance of the historical moment. Oscar Cargill, in
his introduction to Toward a Pluralistic Criticism speaks highly of eclectic criticism:
I have always held that any method which could produce the meaning
of a work of literature was a legitimate method. . . . I came to the
conclusion that . . . the critics task was . . . to procure a viable
44
meaning appropriate to the critic's time and place. Practically, this
meant not anyone method in interpreting a work of art but every
method which might prove efficient. (xiii-xiv) ,
With the assumption that all literary works may be considered communicative
acts, failure to discuss the "human" element behind the product neglects the spirit of
the work itself. Therefore, any analysis that does not at least consider the
environment from which the text is born tends to dehumanize the art and fails to
fully consider the artist's message. Guarin emphasizes the importance of this human
element in textual analysis:
While we may grant the basic position that literature is primarily art,
it must be affirmed also that art does not exist in a vacuum. It is a
creation by someone at some time in history, and it is intended to
speak to other human beings about some idea or issue that has human
relevance. Any work of art for that matter will always be more
meaningful to knowledgeable people than to uninformed ones. Its
greatness comes from the fact that when the wisest, most cultivated,
most sensitive minds bring all of their information, experience, and
feeling to contemplate it, they are moved and impressed by its beauty,
by its unique kind of knowledge, and even by its noaesthetic values.
It is surely dangerous to assume that a work of art must always be
judged or looked at or taught as if it were disembodied from all
experience except the strictly aesthetic. Many literary classics are
admittedly autobiographical, propagandistic, or topical (that is, related
to contemporary events). (21)
With this in mind, we begin a study of contextuality during the two periods
in Wolff's writing based on three areas of concern: the historical background with
an emphasis on the socioeconomic and political movements; the theatrical context
within Chile; and the ideological or philosophical background of Wolffs plays of
these two periods. Because of the extent of these considerations, Iinclude a separate
chapter on the elements of historical significance found within the texts of Wolff's
45
plays themselves. 3
The Chilean Historical Context
Throughout WolWs lifetime, the historical evolution
of Chile presents a continued and unsuccessful effort to resolve the extreme
separation and conflict among the different social sectors. Each new political
movement has been an attempt to offer solutions to society's economic problems.
However, the division among the social groups has continued to grow. The political
polarity evident in Chilean politics has caused extreme shifts of power between the
left, center and right wings of government. Many Chileans have survived these
drastic changes without significant change in social status. Some have become the
victims of these changing political currents and have been swept away or
overpowered by the "new" socio-political orders. Others have learned to survive by
living on the margins of society avoiding any kind of participation on either side.
In order to gain a better understanding of the variety of motivations of the
writers and theatrical groups that continued to produce during the military era, one
must comprehend the historical moments in which they evolved and, in some
instances, against which they react. The following is an historical description of the
socio-political context during Wolff's lifetime. Of special interest for our purposes
is the era following Allende's election to office in 1970. However, in order to
understand the conditions leading to this period in Chilean history, a discussion of
the earlier historical period is essential.
46
We begin with a discussion of the impact of the Constitution of 1925 on the
sociopolitical and economic evolution in the years to come. It is important to
understand that the conditions and problems of both literary periods are rooted in the
revolution and constitution of 1925. The parallels between the military coups and
their leaders, as well as the similarities between the economic models established by
the leadership of Generals Carlos Ibanez in 1925 and Augusto Pinochet must not be
ignored. Furthermore, the actions taken by Allende and Pinochet during the
seventies are largely historical responses to a national condition which existed before
1925.
The Constitution of 1925: The Beginning of Reform
The decade prior to the Frente Popular's rise to power was marked with
political unrest, which eventually led to the reforms in the Constitution of 1925.
Elected in 1920, President Arturo Alessandri resigned from office in 1924, refusing
to remain under the control of a Camite Militar which took control of the
government because of unpopular actions by Congress. Congress had postponed
business of high public interest to debate and pass the "parliamentary diet, n a bill
that would have increased the individual monthly allotment to two thousand pesos for
each member. The resulting protest led to the formation of the Military Committee,
the resignation of President Alessandri, his replacement by a Junta de Gobierno, and
the "Revolution of January 23"'by a group of young officers. These officers formed
a new junta and immediately called Alessandri to return to act as president.
47
He worked on reforming the constitution and modified it so that Congress
could not undermine presidential action. The reformed constitution
~as
then
approved by a plebiscite in August of the same year. This constitution was
significant because of the great power it gave to the executive office by impeding
Congress from overturning the actions of the president. The new constitution gave
so much power to the president that for years to come each president was allowed to
instigate reforms without the need for approval from congress. Most of these
reforms were directed at improving the economy. In a very real sense, it was the
power granted by this 1925 constitution that allowed Allende's socialist experiment
to be constitutionally implemented 45 years later.
As the leftist groups grew in power from 1938-1970, efforts to recreate,
build, and reform caused great uneasiness and division in Chilean politics and
economy. The left, center and right wings of government and society were
constantly struggling for control and power over the economy. This struggle
dramaticaly increased the separation between the social classes.
The Frente Po.puJar Era (1938-1952)
In 1938, the leftist group, Frente Popular, won the highest office with their
candidate Pedro Aguirre Cerda. The new presidency had to govern under very
unfavorable circumstances. An earthquake in January 1939 had totally destroyed the
city of Chillan and ruined the southern provinces of Linares, Maule, Nuble and
Concepcion. This, combined with the international challenges facing all nations
48
during World War II, left Aguirre with the need to "reconstruct." The Chilean
government felt that intervention was needed to lift the nation from its fallen
economic state. Government assisted programs were implemented during the
following years to achieve the goal of national economic
ind~ndence
while many
Chileans were becoming more dej>endent on their government. As the years passed,
the emphasis on improving the economy seemed to take priority over all other
interests. The Frente Popular under Aguirre's direction, initiated a long period of
reforms that later led to the socio-economic chaos of 1973. Most of these reforms
were economically oriented towards offering solutions to very complex problems.
Thomas Skidmore and Peter Smith, in their book Modem Latin America, speak of
the importance of Aguirre's election.
The campaign was bitterly fought, and Aguirre Cerda won by the
narrowest of margins--a mere 4000 out of 241,000 votes cast. Despite
its narrowness, or perhaps because of it, this election set the political
context for years to come. Centrist voters had tipped the balance by
opting for the left. At the same time, however, they were voting for
a reformist, . . . They [the Popular Front government] focused on
economic development, not social welfare ... (121).
During his term in office, President Aguirre created the "Corporaci6n de
Reconstrucci6n y Auxilio" and the "Corporaci6n de Fomento a la Producci6n."
Both programs were created to improve the economy on an individual and national
level.
The vast amount of presidential reforms continued throughout the years of the
Frente Popular, the Independents, the Christian Democrats, and finally during
Allende's Unidad Popular era. These amendments, especially the radical changes
49
implemented during the Allende experiment, led to extremes that caused many
Chileans to demand military intervention in 1973.
During the 14 years of the Frente Popular, the presidents were powerful
motivating forces behind a national philosophy of developmentalism. The
universities were used as bases for instructing and orienting the people. Wolff and
others of his literary generation were educated in the Chilean universities during the
Frente Popular's push for socio-economic awareness in Chile. According to Hurtado
and Ochsenius, there was a two-part plan created by the Frente Popular. First, they
wanted to substitute the large amount of imported goods for national products. This
was attempted by nationalizing both public and private industry. Second, with the
premise that the State should meet the needs of society, a policy of increasing social
benefits was implemented. This produced reforms in health, housing, education and
welfare (Hurtado 4).
The efforts to modernize the "underdeveloped" nations throughout much of
Latin America placed an emphasis on economic development while ignoring the
negative effects that this prioritization would have on the individual and society as a
whole. This institutionalized arribismQ neglected society's moral and emotional
needs. In such countries as Cuba, Nicaragua, Peru, Bolivia and Chile the zeal to
improve socio-economic conditions often led to violent confrontations with the hope
of achieving a new social order. Within Chilean history in particular, the desire for
drastic change instituted by Allende's government did not prove as beneficial to most
Chileans as his party had hoped.
50
The Era of Party Politics 0952-1973)
Skidmore and Smith argue that "the final demise of the Popular Front ushered
in a period of intense political competition based on party organizations" (Modem
123). The period from 1952 to 1973 is appropriately called "the era of party
politics," because of several identifying characteristics according to Skidmore and
Smith:
First, elections were extremely competitive. There were many
different parties, so it was rare for anyone of them to receive more
than one-quarter of the total vote. This fact accounted for a second
feature: in search of governing majorities, the. parties had to take part
in coalitions. Alliances were fragile, however, and political leaders
were constantly in quest of new arrangements. . . Underlying this
was an increased tendency toward ideological polarization. In one
opinion survey 31 percent ... classified themselves as rightists, 24
percent ... leftists, and the rest were centrists or undecided. . ..
Third, the system was highly democratic. . .. Measured as
percentage of registered voters, electoral participation was high
(around 80 percent,
... ), and registration grew rapidly in the
early 1960s. And election results were accepted by almost all
Chileans as binding. (123)
General Carlos Ibanez del Campo, an independent, was elected president for
the second time in 1952, at the age of 74. General Ibanez was noted for his
accomplishments during his first term in office (1927-1931). He had initiated a vast
plan of public works, built paved roads, and created the Police Reform, which fused
police officers and the paramilitary carabineros into one police force. His second
term of office passed by without occurrence, except for union strikes.
General Ibanez was a figure after whom Augusto Pinochet modeled himself,
esopecially that model left by Ibanez during the 1925 coup and his first term in
51
office (1927-1931). Because of the similarities of the circumstances surrounding
General Ibanez's fall from office in 1931 and Pinochet's decline in the 1980's, a
discussion of Ibanez's past will provide a better understanding of Pinochet's regime.
Like Pinochet, Ibc1iiez was also the commanding general of the army. As
such, he participated in the revolts of 1924 and 1925. Although not elected
president until 1927, lbc1iiez in effect controUed the country from 1925 until his exile
in 1931. His control was understood while serving as Minister of War from 1925 to
1927 and then as Minister of the lnterior and Vice President until he forced the
resignation of President Emiliano Figueroa Lanain. Ibanez was the only candidate
- in the following presidential election, obtaining 98 percent of the vote. Backed by
the army, he also imprisoned or exiled anyone associated with the opposition. In
spite of his strong-armed authoritarian regime, Ibanez made many constructive
material reforms largely financed with foreign capital. The worldwide depression
that followed, however, limited foreign investment and plummeted Chile into an
economic crisis that led to his overthrow and exile. He returned in 1937 and
associated himself with the Nazi party in a failed attempt to overthrow President
Alessandri. After failing in another coup attempt in 1939, Ibanez began running for
presidential office. Because of his propensity for violence coupled with his ties to
the Nazi party, he was defeated at the pons in 1942. However, he won the office in
1952 with an appeal to the depressed social sectors and rural workers, and by closely
associating himself with Argentina's popular president Juan Per6n. His second term
was markedly different than his earlier authoritarian regime, for he worked to
52
conciliate the opposition while promoting industrial growth. He claimed to be
apolitical and therefore able to solve all the political problems. Unfortunately, his
efforts did little to curb the falling Chilean economy, which had reached desperate
proportions when he left office in 1958. Perhaps his most notable legacy was the
influence that his strong-armed tactics had on the Pinochet regime coupled with an
emphasis on domestic economic affairs.
Jorge Alessandri Rodrfguez, also an independent, was elected in 1958 by a
coalition of liberals, conservatives and independents. Although he only managed
31.6 percent of the vote, he had earned a plurality over Salvador Allende (28.9
percent), who represented the Socialist-Communist alliance, and Eduardo Frei (20.7
percent), the young leader of the newly formed Christian Democrat Party. The
remaining 18.8 percent of the vote was split between the Radical candidate and a
non-partisan priest.
The son of former President Arturo Alessandri Palma, Jorge Alessandri's
presidency (1958-1964) instigated economic reforms of its own. Early in his
command he managed to obtain from the Chilean Congress the "Ley de Facultades
Econ6rnicas y Adrninistrativas."
This law led to the application of an internal order
for the finances of the nation. Also, a new monetary unit was implemented in
January 1960. Other reforms directed at improving local government and the
economy were passed as well, including the establishment of newly formed
"departamentos" in the provinces of Aysen and Chiloe and measures that allowed for
the opening of the floodgates of the Lauca River, bringing water to the Azapa
53
Valley. However, not surprisingly, the Alessandri policies did little to soLve the
serious socioeconomic problems, as Skidmore and Smith explain:
The steady exodus of the rural poor to the cities, especially Santiago,
continued. There they were ill-housed, ill-fed, and ill-educated.
Furthennore, there was little work. These "marginaIs" were the tragic
underside of capitalist urbanization in a Third World country. By the
1960s about 60 percent of the Chilean population lived in urban areas.
(Modem 125-26)
By 1963, the electorate had reached 2,500,OOO--an increase of 500 percent
over only 25 years. The political scene had changed significantly as well, for there
were then four major political groups: the right, which incll!ded the Conservative
and Liberal parties; the centrist Radicals; the Marxist left, comprised primarily of the
Communists and Socialists; and the Christian Democrats, located in the center and
oriented toward reform. 4
In 1964, Eduardo Frei Montalva, the founder and leader of the Christian
Democrat Party, was nominated for the second time as a presidential candidate.
This time his campaign was successful, carrying the slogan "RevoLuci6n en
Libertad." Many liberals, both in Chile and abroad, saw in Eduardo Frei the hope
for political salvation. He was thought to be the man who wouLd guide Chile to
reform between the extremes of right wing reaction and Communism. This thought
was largely a result of the endorsement he received by the right, in spite of their
precarious support of a reformist party. Frei was viewed as the kind of leader that
served as a model for Kennedy's "Alliance for Progress." s His accomplishments
included many economic reforms: the Educational Reform, which permitted the
registration of all school-age children; the Agrarian Refonn; the formation of the
54
Farmer's Union; a Housing Plan; the "Juntas de Vecinos;" and the "Centros de
Madres. "
Frei also proposed the integration of Latin America and promoted the
regional stage of the "Grupa Andino," consisting of Bolivia, Colombia, Chile,
Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. His goal was to achieve economic stability by
establishing a common market. Perhaps Frei's major economic contribution was the
nationalizing of the copper industry in 1969. Skidmore and Smith explain the high
priority given to improve Chile's share in the exploitation of its most valuable export
without "outright nationalization (with compensation)":
Simply encouraging the U.S. companies to increase their investment
under the old terms was . . . unacceptable, since it would be a
backward step on the path toward greater national control. Their
solution was centrist: the Chilean government would buy into part
ownersltip of the companies, with the proceeds to be reinvested by the
companies in expanded facilities, especially for processing. . . . If
successful, the plan would increase both national control and export
earnings. (128)
Frei also reformed the political constitution by lowering the limit for
citizenship to 18 years of age, and thus, the age to vote was lowered as well. Other
economic achievements included the establishment of new industries in science and
technology in such diverse areas as chemistry, engineering, satellite communications,
and astronomy.
By the end of his term, Frei had become a popular figure in Chilean politics.
However, the 1925 constitution did not allow for consecutive terms of office.
Therefore, the POC chose a new candidate for the 1970 presidential campaign. The
right, believing that they could win a plurality with the ever popular Jorge
55
Alessandri, dissolved their alliance with the PDC. This political shift in alliance
proved devastating to the democratic process in the years to come.
The Allende Experiment 0970-1973)
The presidential election of 1970 presented three major candidates: Salvador
Allende, the socialist candidate nominated by the left-wing Unidad Popular party;
Jorge Alessandri, running as an independent and supported by the right; and
Radomiro Tomic, the Christian Democrat nominee whose leftist stance eliminated
any possible alliance with the right. The election was reminiscent of the 1958
results. Since neither of the three candidates managed a majority of the popular
vote, Congress was to choose between Allende, who had received 36.3 -percent, and
the runner-up, Alessandri with 34.9 percent. Following the tradition of selecting the
candidate with a plurality of the popular vote, and with the support of the Christian
Democrat Party, Allende won the showdown with 153 votes to 35 for
~essandri.
Regarding Allende's term in office, Chileans are given this assessment by historian
Walterio Millar:
En el lapso de los casi tres arios que dur6 su Gobiemo popular
revolucionario, fueron produci~ndose sucesivamente hondas
divergencias polfticas entre la oposici6n y el Presidente, derivadas de
su gestion administrativa. econ6mica y social, que aeabaron por
conducir al paf$ a una aguda crisis institucional, imposible de resumir
en breves paginas. . . . Tuvo que afrontar la tenaz oposici6n de
diversos sectores, de la mayoria parlamentaria y de la prensa
opositora empeiiada en impedir el avance del marxismo socialista y en
precipitar Ja carda del Gobierno.
A fines de 1972, la violencia habia adquirido limites nunea vistos,
menudeaban los atentados terroristas y el sectariSIJlO amenazaba con
quebrantar las bases de la legalidad y la propia seguridad de las
56
personas. (332)
Although other historians may be more sympathetic to the Allende
government, all agree that the Socialist-Communist alliance faced the very real threat
of civil war against those who vehemently opposed his economic plan. His reforms
included expropriating more than 115 companies from private owners and taking
control of the U.S. copper mines which had assets of 500 to 700 million dollars,
without negotiating any losses by the owners or the United States. Strikes
throughout the country lowered the production of copper to only 50,000 tons
monthly during the first seven months of 1973. The country was at a virtual stand
still, with truckers striking in protest to Allende's inability to supply them with parts
to repair their battered vehicles. Taxi dtivers were striking for fear of losing their
businesses to the ideals of "Marxism." Time correspondent Rudolph Rauch
described t.'te chaotic scene during the trucker's strike:
The men are listening to a news report describing how their wives
are being teargassed and hosed down by water cannons in front of the
presidential palace, where they had gone to demonstrate for their
husbands' cause. . . .
"This is a battle for the future," says
Alvarez, the owner of an old truck so lacking in engine parts that it
had to be towed onto the field. [The trucker's strike was a reaction
against Allende's inability to acquire replacement parts from the
foreign market.] "[ am fighting so my children won't have to be
Marxist. Marxism annuls personality and takes away initiative. "
Meanwhile other professional workers throughout the country,
including doctors, dentists and pilots, have warned that they would
support the trucker's strike if the army acts.
. . . The truckers remain defiant. Said one owner of a fleet of
three trucks: "If the army comes, we will bum our trucks and run.
Then we will start a Maquis." (Truckers 43)
57
In a later article, two weeks before the the coup, Rauch reported:
Talk of civil war in the air and Allende continued to trade on it with
his slogan" Allende or civil war." . .. A new possibility has
emerged: Allende arul civil war. Indeed, there are signs that this is
the situation now--a civil war whose nature has gone unrecognized
because it has been far too civil when judged by historical precedents,
and because the President who has so often equated civil war with his
own removal remains in office. (More Civil 36)
The conflict heightened over the next few weeks. The chaotic situation
included prolonged union strikes throughout the country, shortages of many
fundamental supplies of food and equipment, tremendous lines, and the prominence
of a black market, all typical of a rationed state. These conditions caused the public
to criticize the military, who had only threatened to put an end to some strikes by
force. Soldiers on guard throughout the country were being accused of cowardice
because of the military's apparent lack of action. Such was the scenario when the
Chilean Armed Forces took action against Salvador Allende Gossens on the 11th of
September 1973 in order to avoid what seemed to be an impending costly civil war.
The army demanded that Allende leave office, guaranteeing him safe passage to
another country, but he refused to comply and was reported to have committed
suicide in his office in the Moneda. His supporters argue that he was killed by the
military forces.
The facts surrounding Allende's overthrow and Pinochet's rise to power have
been well documented by numerous journals and many critics. All arrive at the
same conclusion: one of Latin America's longest standing democracies had ended,
at least for a season. Skidmore and Smith observe:
58
In retrospect, it appears that Allende's downfall resulted largely from
the interplay between social classes and political parties that
characterized contemporary Chile. The left drew its support mainly
from the urban working class. It met opposition from a cohesive
upper class whose agrarian and industrial components were united by
family ties and objective interest, and this unified elite was able to
gain the allegiance of middle-sector groups (and some traditional
peasants) and, most important of all, militant lower-middle-class
activists, such as storekeepers and truckers, in a common stand against
a socialist order. Between 1970 and 1973 the worker-b~ed Allende
movement was unable to form an enduring coallition with the other
strata in Chilean society. That explains its inability to win a clear
majority at the polls, and hence its ultimate vulnerability. (136)
The Pinochet Era: The First Stage
Although Pinochet eventually succeeded in his goal to stabilize the rapidly
declining Chilean economy, the long term struggle by the poor sectors of society
continued and was even heightened -under his strong-arm regime.
Pinochet's new government took immediate steps in an attempt to establish
peace and order to what had become a chaotic system. An official "state of siege"
was declared throughout the entire country. All political parties were disbanded, the
National Congress was closed, and relations with Cuba were broken. The autonomy
of the judicial branch and the .. Asesoda de la Contralorfa General de la Republica"
were among the sole survivors of the pre-Pinochet government.
The first constitutional act of the governing junta (Decreta-Ley NQ. 1, 11
september 1973) decreed the following:
Con esta fecha se constituye en Junta de Gobiemo y asumen el Mando
Supremo de la Naci6n, con el patri6tico compromiso de restaurar la
chilenidad, la justicia y la institucionalidad quebrantada, conscientes
de que esta es la linica forma de ser fieles a las tradiciones nacionales,
al legado de los Padres de la Patria y a la Historia de Chile, y de
59
permitir que la evoluci6n y el progreso del pais se encaucen
vigorosamente por los caminos que la din~mica de los tiempos actuates
exigen a Chile en el concierto de la comunidad intel'J1acional de que
forma parte. (qtd. in Millar 333)
At the moment of Allende's demise the majority of Chileans felt a sense of relief
and, at least initially, supported the newly formed government. However, this
support was linked to the understanding that it was a temporary condition and
eagerly awaited a quick return to democracy. Initially, there were widespread acts
of support from the people who held the hope that the country would be lifted up
from the moral and economic depression in which the Unidad Popular had left it.
Women throughout the country donated their fine jewelry and other valuables just as
the working sector donated money to increase the National Reconstruction fund
instigated by the new government. 6
On the junta's first anniversary, crowds gathered throughout Chile to
celebrate the actions taken on the 11th of September 1973. Although there were
several pockets of popular resistance to the regime at this time, Pinochet enjoyed
open public support. Public demonstrations against the junta were declared illegal.
Therefore, those who may have opposed the political changes--society's poor sectors,
miners and agriCUltural workers-were not allowed to organize. Their numbers were
difficult to calculate because of their precarious circumstances.
How~ver,
as an
indication of Pinochet's fear of his opposition, he traveled to the mining regions of
the north until 1978, after securing relative stability in the economy. The military's
consistent recourse to search, imprison and interrogate the thousands of inhabitants
of Santiago's poorest neighborhoods during a state of siege is also indicative of areas
60
of stifled resistance. Nevertheless, most Chileans today speak of a sense of relief
from the difficult economic struggle of the Allende years as the motivational factor
behind Pinochet's initial popularity. It was indeed the beginning of a new era in
Chilean history as people throughout Chile expressed their solida...ity and recognized
the junta and the armed forces during the flrst year after Allende's demise.
This new era in Chilean history marks a new period in the nation's literary
history as well. The outward appearance of a new optimism for Chile's future
carried with it a black side which has been investigated in recent years. It was a
moment in which authors initially wrote with a great deal of caution, fearing the
demise of more than three thousand desaparecidos and countless others who were
questioned or otherwise tortured for suspicion of crimes against the government. It
was an era which began as an economic struggle for survival, in which many who
had depended upon government sources for support were forced to seek other means
of income to sustain themselves and their families. The social order was literally
changed overnight. Thousands, including many artists, writers and actors, went into
exile while others were imprisoned.
Hurtado and Ochsenius note that the result of the struggle for governmental
control by the right, which was supported by the Anned Forces, drastically changed
the course forged in Chilean history during the previous decades (16). Moulian and
Vergara speak of three stages of the Pinochet government during its first seven years
(65-120). As Hurtado and Ochsenius demonstrate, these stages correspond to the
internal cultural and theatrical activity of the country. Their studies provide a useful
61
tool in measuring the contextuality of Chilean politics, society and theatre.
The first stage from 1973-1976 was characterized 'by carrying out a middle
class capitalist revolution which set the foundation for a new model of society. This
model was founded upon a liberal economy and supported by an authoritarian
judicial and political order. Hurtado and Ochsenius point out, "Esta acci6n provoca
en la sociedad civil, en especial en los sectores populaces, una profunda
desarticulaci6n y exclusi6n econ6mico-social, debiendo luchar duramente por la
sobrevivencia" (16).
Many had hoped for a quick return to democracy as had happened earlier
when the military junta of 1924 restored power to a democratically elected president
within one year of its intervention. Instead, most Chileans found themselves caught
up in an initial struggle for survival. However, in January 1974, General Pinochet
announced that the junta would remain in power for no less than five years.
Fourteen years later, he was still in power during the Yes/No campaign of the 1988
plebiscite. Under the repressive hand of the Pinochet regime, many of the same
women who had supported Pinochet's actions in 1973 clamored their protest against
him by banging their "empty" pots and pans throughout the nation's capital in what
was called a caceroleo. A study of the transition between Pinochet's rise to public
popularity from 1973-1980 and his decline from 1980-1988 facilitates the
understanding of the men and women who wrote during this dramatic period in
Chilean history.
62
The economic measures taken by the new government during the first stage
were designed to alter the socialist character of Chile and to slow inflation, which
had risen to almost 1,000 percent under Allende. Properties and businesses were
returned to the private sector. The regulating role of a free market was restored, by
removing fixed prices on basic items such as bread and cooking oil. The fiscal
deficit was reduced by a reduction in the number of public administrators and by
requiring all state-owned businesses of production and service to financially support
themselves. However, a liberal economy based on capitalist ideals was only one of
few rights restored to the people. Organizations of secret police were created, the
right to free assembly and association was suspended, and free speech was limited.
The military intervened in the nation's seven universities and took control of almost
all means of mass communication. Most public officials, mayors, and department
heads were replaced by military officers. In addition, all of Chile was placed under
a "toque de queda" which did not allow people on the streets between 11:00 P.M
and 5:00 A.M. The curfew was not lifted until 1978.
Hurtado and Ochsenius contend that by the end of this first stage in 1976, the
new socio-economic model had revolutionized the structure of the economy (18).
The so-called "polftica de shock," instituted during this stage, was designed to
demand that the one time state-dependent companies now be self-solvent. Salaries
were frozen during a period of high inflation. These and other measures were
designed to lower the fiscal budget, which they obviously achieved but at a high
social cost. Indeed, the policy was "shocking" to the Chilean people who survived.
63
It was economically disastrous to many who were cast into a state of poverty without
the means to "capitalize" in the new system. An immediate recession followed,
raising unemployment to more than 20 percent. Hurtado and Ochsenius observe:
Esta poUtica tiene un efecto recesivo y rearticulador instantaneo: el
P.G.B. arroja un fndice negativo de un 16.6% como consecuencia de
la quiebra de innumerables industrias y de la paralizaci6n de otras
actividades econ6micas; la cesantia alcanza a mas de un 20% y se
acenrua aun mas Ia perdida del poder adquisitivo de la poblaci6n,
salvo el del 20% de ingresos mas altos. (18)
Pinochet continued to rule the country with his strong-arm military tactics
designed to provoke fear in the opposition. Censorship did not allow for any
politically motivated creative activities. In an interview with President Pinochet,
Charles Eisendrath reports in October 1973:
Pinochet was vague about the timetable for a restoration of civilian
government. "We will keep the status quo for a certain time, and
then grant more liberty. But we don't want politics. The only party
now is the Chilean party, and its members are ail Chileans. The
political parties have all been recessed. The government has no
partisan politics because if we were to have parties right away, we
would again fall into contamination. But our doors will remain open
to politicians who have recognized abilities. The only condition is
that these men do not mix their works with politics." (General
Pinochet 28)
The government's tactics expanded to the universities. Along with
suspending all political parties, Benjamin Cate reported that Chile's eight
universities, "most of them traditional incubators of leftist sentiment," were placed
under the direct supervision of the military (Strangelovian 48). In an attempt to
defend the appointment of military delegates to control the universities, Air Force
General Gustavo Leigh Guzman explained in an interview with Cate that the schools
64
had become "political factories." Leigh continues, "They didn't care one bit about
studies. If they try to get involved in politics or with politicians, we'll close them
down. They'll stay closed until they decide to study" ("The General Explains" 79).
Pinochet's Second Stage: 1977-1980
The second stage of Pinochet's regime began in 1977 and continued through
1980. This stage was characterized by measures taken to strengthen the economic
model established during the first stage. Also, a restructuring of the political nature
of the regime was implemented while a gradual rearticulation occurred in Chilean
society within the newly established economic priorities. This caused an economic,
cultural and political reactivation in society .
. Towards the end of 1976, Chile withdrew from the PAlE (pac to Andino de
Integraci6n Econ6mica), which allowed the government to lower tariffs. This freed
commercial exchange and opened Chilean business to a world market. These and
other measures brought relative prosperity to Chile's growing economy by lowering
inflation and by providing more opportunities for international trade. The new
Chilean economic model, complete after four years of "tightening the belt" and
"shock policies," then loosened its strangle-hold. Thus, foreign investors were
attracted to what had once been a market limited to the Andean group and others
who could pay the high tariffs.
65
The Third Sta::e: 1980-1988
Finally. the third stage described by Moulirut and Vergara, is the extension of
the economic model to all levels of society. This was done by way of the judicial
and political system s new institutionality, sanctioned by a national plebiscite in
t
September 1980. Public opinion seemed high.
Gene~y,
the people appreciated the
profound accomplishments of achieving such sharp transformations in the economic
infrastructure. The economic model had proven effective in reducing inflation to
more acceptable levels, bordering around 20 percent, low by South American
standards. Yet, the new socio-economic structure was not exempt from crisis, as the
following years would prove. Although the national economy had improved,
thousands who were left unemployed or were otherwise forced to leave the country,
seeking employment abroad or living in exile.
The national debts decreased, leaving Chile with what Newsweek in the
summer of 1988, called "three years of economic health unmatched elsewhere in
Latin America" (Mott 36). Internationally, the statement was true. Inflation in 1987
was about 20 percent, compared with three-<iigit rates in Argentina and Brazil.
Inflation for 1988 had been reduced to about 10 percent, unheard of in South
America for many years. Unemployment had fallen and worker's wages had
increased for the first time in seven years in 1988. However. as Mott comments,
Critics speak of two Chiles. Just 15 minutes by car from Santiago's
booming business district, skyscrapers tum to rat infested cinderblock
huts. neat streets revert to garbage-filled alleys. and pinstripes recede
into rags-as in any other Third World slum (36).
66
Within Chile, many were hard pressed to see how "the politics of
prosperity," spoken of in Newsweek, would win Pinochet a new eight-year term as
president, when over 50 percent of university students were left jobless and forced to
accept menial employment that could hardly be considered stable. Eugenio Tironi of
the Sur Foundation, a Santiago think tank, said before the 1988 plebiscite, "I'm not
denying the silent revolution, or that it is positive for the country. But that is only
one facet of the country, and Chile has another--that of the groups that have been
hurt by the changes (qtd. in Mott 36).
Alex Barril Garcia spoke of those the economic boom left behind: "The real
result of the Chilean dictatorship's much-publicized economic boom is that poverty
now encompasses 5 million Chileans" of a total 12.5 million population (32).
Garda adds that "studies done on the fringe populations of Santiago put the figure
for poor and indigent families at over 80 percent" (32).
The state of siege, implemented by Pinochet from 1973-1978, had become a
reoccurring motif by 1986. In 1983 an "undeclared state of siege" reminded
Chileans of the dangers of expressing themselves freely in organized protests. An
unidentified writer reports on the regime's actions in September 1983:
The sit-in at Santiago's Plaza ltalia was peaceful, orderly and well
organized by five of the nations leading opposition groups. All that
did not prevent the government of General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte
from launching one of its most vivid displays of brutality since
Chileans began staging monthly "days of national protest" against the
Pinochet regime four months ago. As some 3,000 demonstrators
chanted, "He's going to fall, he's going to fall," riot police armed
with truncheons, tear gas and water cannons fell upon the
demonstrators and beat them savagely. "This is madness, madness!"
objected Christian Democratic Party Vice President Patricio Aylwin,
67
only moments before he was arrested by police.
. . . Said a police colonel: "We received orders to obliterate
everything. to wipe them all off." (Cracking Heads 39)
In 1983. Chileans saw an unemployment rate of 34.6 percent and inflation
was at 15 percent. Pinochet threatened with words as well as with actions the
imminent state of siege if opponents did not curb their activities:
Ominously comparing this year's unrest with the last days of Allende,
Pinochet added: "r am in a more cautious position. but if they [the
opposition] push me, be sure we will get the state of siege. And
harsher than before." (Cracking Heads 39)
In 1984, the state of siege came in response to a rash of bombings, labor
strikes and street protests, which had become regular features of Chilean life since
May 1983. Once again it allowed the military to ban all public meetings, make
mass arrests. impose censorship and send the secret police rampaging through the
offices of political parties and unions. Hunter Clark tells of one incident when seven
thousand men were rounded up for interrogation within seven hours (State of Siege
74). Other raids preceded and followed. intruding in poor neighborhoods like La
Victoria where 70 percent of the men were unemployed. This state of siege
continued for six months.
[t
ended only when the United States threatened to block
new multilateral loans to Chile.
In 1986, another state of siege was declared as a 90-day measure, which
Pinochet could extend at will. Declaring, "We are in a war between democracy and
Marxism" (qtd. in Serrill 43), once again Pinochet suspended most civil liberties, he
banned demonstrations, allowed his officers to conduct searches and make arrests
without warrants, and close down the press and broadcasting stations (see Serrill 43-
68
45). The measure was taken in response to a failed assasination attempt on
Pinochet's life in September.
By 1988, many Chileans had come to realize that the man who had seized
power of their country, imposed a new economic model upon them and repeatedly
taken their rights away was not to be taken lightly. Although not under an official
state of siege during these fifteen years, they must have felt themselves "seized" by a
power which would not easily subside. Prior to the 1988 plebiscite, members of the
working class and students were throwing cables across power lines, creating blackouts throughout Chile to protest their country's dictatorship. Student demonstrations
were televised both nationally and internationally snowing water cannons biasting
away at stone-throwing juveniles in the main streets of Santiago. Opposition
newspapers and government controlled newspapers gave differing accounts of the
latest polls and acts of violence or protest. Several days before the plebiscite, the
government allowed each side 15 minutes of air time for propaganda, beginning at
11:00 pm. In spite of the late hour chosen for broadcasting, the "political
commercials" instantly became the most widely watched programs on Chilean
television. When the government refused to allow the opposition to broadcast
sections of an interview with a former exiled judge as evidence of human rights
violations, many were incensed. In an attempt to appease them, the government
announced its intention to forego its own air time for one night as well. General
Pinochet, in an attempt to soften his image, began wearing civilian clothes: a
conservative suit, white shirt and tie. The opposition answered this action in the
69
newspaper, EI Fortin Piario, with headlines reading, "El Lobo Disfrazado de
Cordero."7 Most indications from polls suggested that Pinochet's government
would be defeated politically. However, many Chileans seemed reluctant to believe
that Pinochet would allow such a defeat. In fact, Egon Wolff held little hope for a
peaceful resolution to the problem, stating that he feared violence would break out
before all was over. 8 When the results of the plebiscite were tallied, the opposition
must have been surprised and elated at the outcome, having believed that, even if the
government did not tamper with the ballots, Pinochet would not step down.
In January 1990, newly elected President Patricio Aylwin faced the challenge
of recreating Ha national community from the bitter legacy of mistrust and conflict
left by the departing Pinochet regime" (Hakim 10). Peter Hakim and Jeffrey
Puryear proclaim in their recent article about the path Chile chooses to follow
regarding human rights abuses: "Sixteen years of dictatorship [1973-1989], coming
after the divisive three-year socialist experiment of Salvador Allende, had created a
'nation of enemies'" (to). Hakim and Puryear add that "almost immediately upon
taking office, it [the Aylwin government1 appointed a Presidential Commision for
Truth and Reconciliation to investigate human rights violations committed during the
Pinochet Years" (10). The commission consisted of four supporters and four critics
of the Pinochet regime and was charged to "investigate only violations in which the
victims died or disappeared" without narning alleged offenders or compeling
testimony (qtd. in Hakim to). Their six volume report concluded that 2,279 victims
had died under torture, had been executed, or had been made to disappear. They
70
also called for further investigation of 641 cases of which no conclusion could be
reached. As Hakim and Puryear remark, "By documenting Chile's worst human
rights abuses, it [the report] presents a truth that, in Aylwin's words, 'no one in
good faith can ignore'" (10).
How did this period affect Wolff, other writers, actors, and theatre in
general? Throughout history, man has been affected by his socio-political
environment. Poets have recorded historical moments of great significance in epic
poems. Musicians, painters and artists in many fields have created many
masterpieces during very difficult times. It seems that when man feels himself
overcome by his environment or nature, the greater his need to transcend that
"nature" which surrounds him by becoming a "creator" or "destroyer" as Erich
Fromm indicates (42). The period during Pinochet's military regime has proven to
be a repressive moment in Chilean history, which makes for an interesting case study
of how this period has affected creative endeavors. Furthennore, the new historical
conditions provide a new perspective of Chilean reality. These circumstances
required new methods of representation by an oppressed society.
Although economic success is recognized during this period, the price for this
success appears to have been paid by the poorest sectors of society, who suffered the
neglect of a government overly concerned with economic and national advance.
Despite all the differences between the periods before and after 1973, one common
characteristic looms distinctly over both: the idea of a nationalized arribismo.
Fromm has postulated that "nationa!ism" has become our modem fonn of incest
71
(60). It is not surprising to expect that under the military, an institution which
regards treason as the greatest crime, punnishable by death, national concerns for
economic growth might outweigh humanism. Wolff's continued emphasis on
humanism during the Pinochet years speaks loudly to this issue. His titeatre, indeed,
increases in its "human" focus during this period, which in tum contrasts sharply
with the regime's acts of inhumanity. Undoubtedly, Wolff's humanism continues to
be his strongest weapon and protest against any movement which would ignore
man's basic psychological needs, whether that movement be economical,
technological or political.
1. Taine's statement, elaborated in his Histoire de la litterature Anglaise, 1863,
more specifically emphasizes the concept of hereditary and environmental
detenninism. Taine sees a work of art chiefly, perhaps exclusively, as a product of
an author's personal history, his environment, or a combination of both.
2. The information to follow is based on the historical overview of traditional
approaches to textual analysis offered by Guerin, et aI. in A Handbook of Critical
Approaches to Literature, pp. 19-68. I recommend this handbook to th~ reader who
is interested in a more complete review of these analytical methods.
3. For a discussion of the coded messages of historical or political significance in
Wolff's work, see chapter 4 of this study.
4. See Skidmore and Smith, Modem Latin America 125-130, for a more
comprehensive discussion of party politics during the 196Os. The fragile
relationships between party coalitions is demonstrated in the 1964 presidential
elections. Skidmore and Smith explain, "When the rightist parties decided to endorse
the POC candidate, Eduardo Frei, the Christian Democrats gained an enormous
boost. It was a pragmatic decision, made out of the feat that the FRAP might win a
plurality vote, as almost happened in 1958. The rightists decided this despite their
miSgivings about the POC's refonnist ideas, which many conservatives saw as
dangerously close to the formulas of the left (126).
72
5. Skidmore and Smith argue that "the U.S. continued to take strong interest in the
fortunes of the Frei government. It had all the marks of the kind of reformist regime
that the Alliance for Progress was designed to support. The U.S., as well as the
multilateral agencies such as the Inter-American Development Bank and the World
Bank, gave Chile extensive financing. In the short run this helped Chile's annual
balance of payments. In the long run it added to Chile's foreign debt (129).
6. Skidmore and Smith refute the supposed goal of "national reconstruction," to be a
front to "destroy--not merely reform--the countries political system" (137).
7. An exact date of this article has been difficult to find. The headline quoted is
taken from memory during my period of research in August and September 1988.
8. Quoted from a personal meeting with Egon Wolff in Santiago in September 1988,
prior to the October plebiscite.

In April of 1980, Wolffs next play ~ premiered in the newly

Transcription

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