The Gender Politics of Political Violence
Transcription
The Gender Politics of Political Violence
The Gender Politics of Political Violence: Women Armed Activists in ETA Author(s): Carrie Hamilton Reviewed work(s): Source: Feminist Review, No. 86 (2007), pp. 132-148 Published by: Palgrave Macmillan Journals Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30140854 . Accessed: 27/02/2012 09:00 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Palgrave Macmillan Journals is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Feminist Review. http://www.jstor.org 86 the gender politics of political violence: women armed activists in ETA CarrieHamilton abstract This article aims to contributeto the developing area of feministscholarship on women and political violence, througha study of women in one of Europe's oldest illegal armed movements,the radical Basque nationalistorganizationETA.Bytracing the changingpatternsof women'sparticipationin ETAoverthe past fourdecades, the article highlights the historicalfactorsthat help explainthe choice of a small number of Basque womento participate directlyin political violence, and shows how these factors have differedfrom those for men. While the gender politics of radical nationalism are intricatelylinked to cross-culturalassociations of militarismwith certain forms of masculinity, the article also stresses the importance of understanding women's activism in ETA in the context of the organization's characteristic as an ethnic nationalist movement,as well as the wider historical circumstances of the movement's development, including the modernizationof Spanish and Basque society over the past four decades. Althoughcomparisonswith womenin otherarmed movementsare possible, such historicalspecificitiesundermine any attemptto constructa universaltheoryof womenand 'terrorism',such as Robin Morgan's 'couple terrorism'thesis. Finally, the article examines the changing representationsof female ETAactivists in the Spanish and Basque media. Although women ETAactivists are now regardedas 'normal', popular representationscontinue to linkwomen's armed activismwithdeviant sexualityand the transgressionof their natural destinyas mothers.The differenttreatmentof women is evident as well in claims of sexual torturemade bysome detainees. The article concludes that although the participationof women in political violence poses disquietingquestions for the largely anti-militarist women's movement, case studies of women in armed organizations, as well as their place in the wider practices of conflict, are an importantcontributionboth to feministdebates about violence and to widerstudies of political violence. keywords women; political violence; terrorism;ETA; Basque country;nationalism feminist review 86 2007 (132-148) C 2007 FeministReview.0141-7789/07 $30 www.feminist-review.com introduction 1 Research for this article was funded in part by the British Academy. 2 Studies in English on women in European and American armed organizations movements include Cataldo Neuberger and Valentini (1996), Jamieson (2000), Passerini (1992) and Zwerman (1992 and 1994). I place 'terrorism' in inverted commas to signal its contested meanings. For a critique of the term, see Douglass and Zulaika (1996). 3 This article was writtenbefore the public announcement in March 2006 - by a masked, female activist - of a permanent ETA ceasefire. Although ETAstill formally exists and no doubt will for some time to come, this declaration opens the possibility of real historical change and a possible peace process to end the 40-year armed conflict in the Basque country. 4 The article draws primarily on three sets of sources: (1) the Basque and Spanish press from the 1960s to 2003; (2) archival sources, Violencehas longbeen a centralconcernforfeminist theoryand activism.1 By and large,however, feminism has definedviolence,whether or as interpersonal done to womenby men.Thisfocusis partof politicalconflict,as something in the contextof the widespreadand cross-cultural understandable realityof violenceagainstwomen,as wellas the evidencethathistorically the agentsof bothpoliticaland inter-personal violencehavebeenpredominantly men.Butin recentyears,somefeminist scholarshavebegunto moveawayfrom theemphasis on womenas victims,towardsexplorations of the complexities of the gender of the of roles women as (Feinman, 2000; politics conflict, including perpetrators Moserand Clark,2001; Hasso,2005; Krylova, 2005). Thisarticleaimsto contribute to thisdeveloping area offeminist on scholarship womenand politicalviolence- and moreconcretely whatis commonly termed - through a studyof womenin one of Europe'soldestillegalarmed 'terrorism'2 the radical Basque nationalistorganization movements, ETA.3By tracingthe of women's in ETA over the changingpatterns participation past fourdecades, thearticlehighlights thehistorical factorsthathelpexplainthechoiceofa small number ofwomento participate inpoliticalviolence,and showshowthe directly factors affectingthese choices have differedfrom those for men.4 the small numbers of womenactive in ETAand otherarmed Notwithstanding case studiesof suchwomenhelpto expandourunderstanding of organizations, the genderpoliticsof politicalviolenceby replacingbinarymodelsof victims versusperpetrators withhistorically grounded analysesof howwomenand men resistand negotiateviolentconflictin specificcontexts. perpetuate, feministanalyses of women'sroles as armedactivistsprovidea Moreover, mediarepresentations, as wellas muchof the necessary challengeto dominant and academic literature on women and 'terrorism'. Todate,theanalysis popular of womenarmed activistshas been largelythe domainof journalistsand or gender criminologists, manywithlittleor no engagementwithfeminism As one of critics of this literature noted in the mid-1980s: 'The theory.5 group of the of female involvement in violence tendto majority explanations political be highlyindividualistic, factors,social problems, emphasizingpersonality boredomand so on' (Haen Marshallet al., 1986: 22).6 Such studiesoffer based on genderand sexual stereotypes, women's generalizations portraying motivations forsupporting or participating in politicalviolencein termsof the of femalearmedactivistsare personaland the private.Thusrepresentations consistent with the classical Western construction of militarism as a largely sphereof masculineactivity separatefromthefeminine privatesphere,a model feminist scholars roundly critiquedby (Lloyd,1987;Enloe,1988). Withregardto womenin ETA,bothnationalistand non-nationalist discourses have definedwomen'spoliticalroles as an extensionof theirsexualityor CarrieHamilton feminist review 86 2007 133 In contrast,I considerpersonalrelationsto incorporate a much maternity. I stress members and friends. other broaderspectrum, Moreover, family including fundamental factor in women's and havebeena both thatpersonalrelationships interaction betweenthe personal men'sentryintoETA,and thatthe particular is a vital of radicalBasque nationalism and the politicalin the development In of the the in factor understanding development organization. fact, ETA's fromits nationalist ideologyand its rootsinthe genderpoliticsare inextricable inthe Basquecountry. nationalist community Changesin widersocial tight-knit relations- includinggender- over the past several decades have had a inETA,withmorewomen ofwomen'sparticipation significant impacton patterns activists as armed and leaders. But the especially organization, entering the victims of the to be have ceased women only Basqueconflict, long although particulargender politics of political violence continueto shape both of femalearmedactivists. and materialtreatment representational including statistics on ETA prisoners and radical nationalist documents; and (3) popular and academic literature on ETA and radical nationalism. The archival and press sources were accessed at the Biblioteca y Hemeroteca del Convento de los Benedictinos de Lazkao (Guipuzcoa) and the Biblioteca y Hemeroteca de la Diputaci6n de Vizcaya (Bilbao). I have used the primary and secondary documents both for an historical analysis of patterns of women's ETA activism and a cultural analysis of ETAwas foundedin 1959,20 yearsaftertheend ofthe Spanishcivilwar(1936- changing representations of theorganization's ofage undertheFrancodictatorship, founders female ETA 1939).7Coming members, drawing - male university studentsfrompredominantly middle-class,Catholic,Basque on comparative nationalistfamilies- werepreoccupiedwiththe perceivedthreatto Basque feminist studies of the Spanish press and traditionalruralway of life,spurredboth by the dictatorship's and/or identity literature on industrializationwomen and and a renewed prohibition againstBasquelanguageand culture, 'terrorism' (see whichattractedlarge numbersof Spanish-speaking migrantworkersto the especially Radcliff, 2001 and Zwerman, began as a politicaland culturalmovement 1992). Because of Basque country.ETAtherefore on publicbuildings, distributingthe scarcity of engagedin actionssuch as paintinggraffiti recorded the prohibited punishable information on Basqueflag,all highly illegalpropaganda,and flying roles in activitiesunderFranco,whichled to a series of arrestsof ETAmembers women's ETA, in some parts of the 1960s. Bythe middleof that decade, inspiredbythe national the article I have throughout supplemented liberationmovementsof Algeria,Vietnamand Cuba, the organizationhad written sources with committeditselfto a strategyof armedstruggleas the routeto Basque material from interviews I itsfirstcasualtyand subsequentassassinationin 1968, conducted in Following independence. 1996-1997 with a campaignofviolence women ETAinstigated intensepolicepersecution, whichprovoked who had been over800 livesand leadingto the ETA activists from thatwouldlast untilthe presentday,claiming the 1960s to 1980s. and deathof dozensof its ownactivists.8 For more detailed arrest,imprisonment qualitative analysis make littlementionof actual women,in contrastto the of these interviews, EarlyETAwritings see Hamilton, of nationaland 2000a, and markers 2000b positionof womenas mothers prominent symbolic CatholiclegacyETAinherited and 2003 and the traditionalist, culturaldifference, reflecting forthcoming. women in ETA: a brief history fromits rival,the mainstream Party(PNV).9In thisregard, Basque Nationalist nationalist to thoseofmanyother20th-century ETA'sgenderpoliticsweresimilar combinedwiththe movements nationalism, (yuval-Davis,1997). Conservative a marked of FrancoSpain,including social and politicalenvironment reactionary 134 feminist review 86 2007 thegenderpoliticsof political violence 5 See for example Cooper (1979) and Benson et al. (1982). 6 For a critique of this literature, see Haen Marshall et al. (1986), Talbot (2000/01) and Zwerman (1992). 7 For histories in English, see Clark (1984) and Sullivan (1988). 8 Since the 1960s ETA has undergone many divisions and ruptures. The only wing active today is widely known as ETA, though its technical name is ETA-militar. For simplicity's sake, and because evidence indicates that the roles of women have not varied substantially among different ETA factions, I use 'ETA' here in reference to all factions. 9 For example, Zutik 15 (1961) and 'Edici6n Especial' (1965). The first written record of women participating directly in the organization is dated 1963, when two women are listed as participants in ETA's Second Assembly. Editorial Txalaparta (1993: 297). 10 Based on comparative prison statistics from 1975 to 1983, gathered from press sources and documents of the radical nationalist prisoner solidarity organization Gestoras pro Amn'stia. 11 See for example Clark (1984). 12 During the 1970-1971 course year 3% of the wouldbe a helpedensurethat the newradicalnationalism genderhierarchy, male movement. At the same the social time,however, significant predominantly changesof the 1960s,spurredbySpain's'economicmiracle',and in particular theentry of increasing numbers ofwomenintothelabourmarket, openedup new for social and spaces youngwomen'scultural, politicalactivity.Betweenthe mid-1960sand 1970s- theyearof the landmark Burgostrialof 16 accusedETA members them three accused of the 1968assassination- small women) (among butsteadynumbers of womenenteredthe ranksof the organization, a handful armedactivistsand/ormembers of the executivecommittee. becoming attractmoreyoung Following Burgos,ETA'shighprofilehelpedthe organization fromthe radicalnationalistheartland, that is, middleand activists,primarily lower-middle class youthin Basque-speaking communities of the semi-rural, industrialized interior and coastal the newly villages.Throughout 1970stherewas a gradualbutnotableriseinthe percentage offemalerecruits whoparticipated in all capacities,fromcollaboration to directmilitary activity.Butthe absolute number ofwomenimprisoned forETAmembership orcollaboration wason average less than10%throughout the decade.'i Within thissmallgroupan evensmaller number and/orparticipated in belongedto theorganization's leadership directly armed and robberies, military activity(e.g. kidnappings, bombings shootings). The levelsof women'sand men'sparticipation in ETA'sfirsttwo decades was the different available to them.Whilethe social cruciallyshaped by options of female ETA members did not thoseofmen,their origins varyonthewholefrom of recruitment weresubstantially different. inwhichETA Theinstitutions patterns was forgedin the 1960s,and fromwhichit drewthe bulkof its earlyrecruits, wereentirely orpredominantly male.Whilemanyyoungmiddle-class Basquemen becamepoliticized thenationalist and local through youthleagueEGI,seminaries Church (such as Ekin, groupsled by nationalistpriests,studentorganizations ETA'spredecessor) and theirneighbourhood cuadrillas(gangoffriends),"young access to activitiesoutsidethe familyhomewas muchmorelimited. women's Bothstate and nuns'schoolsattendedbymanymiddle-classBasquegirlswere largelyloyalto the Francoregimeand taughta strictcode of sexualand social moralsthat discouragedgirlsfrommixedsocializing,offering themfewof the runbynationalist subversive politicalideas availableto youngmeninseminaries Even with the of restrictions 2007). (Hamilton, priests partiallifting legal against women'spaid labourinthe early1960s,youngwomenwhoworkedoutsidetheir - as secretaries, homestypically did so in traditionally 'feminine' professions nursesor primary schoolteachers(GobiernoVasco, 1982) - and not in the factorieswhereETAheld clandestinepoliticalmeetingsand recruited young workers.Likewise,duringthis late Francoperiodwomen'saccess to higher educationwas verylimited,12 thus limiting theirpresencein anotherof ETA's the university.3 grounds, recruiting CarrieHamilton feminist review 86 2007 135 WomenwhoenteredETAin the 1960scame intocontactwiththe organization Spanish population registered at eithervia friendsand familymembers, or throughmixedChurchgroupsand was university, of which metedoutagainstthe 28% were women 2007).Therepression Basqueculturalactivities(Hamilton, (Matsell, 1981: 141). activitiesof suchgroups- mountain local Basque culturalevents, excursions, 13 For early ETA to illegal recruitment teachingBasque languagelessonsin privatehomes,and travelling see Clark - had the inevitableeffectof radicalizing of patterns,Letamendia a generation politicalgatherings (1984), women.Whilea smallnumber becamemembers (1994) and Sullivan youngBasque people,including (1988). inthecultural remained orwereactiveas ofETA,amongthesethemajority front, of the military or politicalfronts.Buteven ratherthanmembers collaborators giventheoverallgenderimbalanceamongactivists,ETA'searlyfocuson cultural politicsallowedfora certaindegreeof mixedactivism.In contrast,withthe inthewakeof the frontwithin the organization increasedpowerof the military 1970 Burgostrial, the genderdivisionof roles became more pronounced of SarahBenton's thesisthatthemilitarization 2000b),corroborating (Hamilton, to accentuate divides movement tends a (Benton,1995). gender the 1970swere Thuswomen'srolesin ETAand radicalnationalist politicsduring was in which militarism an conflict the tension between armed conditioned by and the on the one definedin narrowly masculinist hand, terms,14 gradual 14 The security forces were likewise ofgenderrolesinwiderSpanishand Basquesociety,on theother. overwhelmingly modernization male. Even in 1999 withthe Spanishtransition the late 1970s and 1980s- coinciding to women Through constituted Franco'sdeath in 1975- women'spresencein all only 10% of the liberaldemocracy following autonomous increased(Brooksbank Basque force areas of Spanishpubliclife,including politics,gradually police ETAsteppedup its military thetransition killing (Emakunde, 1999: Jones,1997). During campaigns, 116). almost90 peoplein 1980alone (Clark,1984:133). Thisapparentparadoxcan be of radical of manyBasques,and in particular explainedbythe dissatisfaction forBasque thenegotiations withthetransition nationalists, process,inparticular of police as levels well the as than rather high independence, autonomy the directed the especially, during 1970s, throughout Basquecountry repression at ETAand its supporters (Letamendia,1994). thoughnotexclusively, of InsideETAitselfmorenotablethanthe actual changein absolutenumbers of womenaccused of direct femaleactivistswas the increaseinthe proportion roles.Bythelate 1970sat least one inarmedactionsand leadership involvement of ETA's woman- DoloresGonzalezCatarain,'yoyes'- had becomea member executivecommittee.Overthe next20 years,police sourceswouldidentify the 1980sand 1990sincreasing severalotherwomenas ETAleaders,and during numbersof womenwerechargedwitharmedactions.15The publicprofileof increasedas womenactivistsweredirectly femaleETAmembers implicatedin massacrein the Hipercor worstatrocities(including someof the organization's 1987whichkilled21 peopleat a Barcelonashopping centre),and in particular 20 afterwomenbeganto 'fall' inaction.In 1986,almost yearsafterthedeathof in 1968,thefirstwomanwas killedinthecourseof an armed ETA'sfirst'martyr' action.16 136 feminist review 86 2007 the gender politics of political violence 15 Percentages of female prisoners accused of ETA or ETArelated crimes rose from about 8% in 1983 to 12% in 2002. Throughout the 1990s the percentage fluctuated between 10 and 13%. 16 In subsequent years five other womenactivists have been killed either by accidental explosions or in confrontationswith the police. Nonetheless, womenstill constitutewell under 10% of ETA activists killed 'in action' since 1968 (El Correo 24 July 1987; ABC 25 July 2001; Egin 26 July 2001). As women'sroles in ETAchangedthrough the 1970s and 1980s,so too did dominantrepresentations of femaleactivists.But in spite of these changes inETAcontinued to be interpreted as an extension oftheir women'sparticipation lives and this crossed the Moreover, interpretation private personalrelationships. both between nationalists and non-nationalists and from left politicalspectrum, to right.In the case of the press,forexample,similarrepresentations were this trendcontinued Moreover, apparentacross a wide rangeof newspapers. the of the Franco the ofa beyond censorship years regime, through development free press duringand after the transitionperiod. The homogeneity of of femaleETAactivistscan be comparedwithPamelaRadcliff's representations that imagesof feminist activistsdid notvarysubstantially acrossthe finding of the Spanishpressduringthe transition right-left spectrum period(Radcliff, the extentto whichgenderstereotypescross ideological 2001), underlining boundaries. constructing 'couple terrorism' In the conservative social contextof late FrancoSpain (i.e. the mid-1960sto most ETAmemberswereportrayed female as girlfriends of male mid-1970s) lured into criminal as activists, activity againsttheirwilloreventheirknowledge, the following reportof the arrestof a womanin the courseof an attempted armedrobbery in 1970attests: ...the youngwoman,girlfriend of an individual whois in Soriaprisonas a memberofthe ETA(...) was, it is believed,coercedintotakingpart in Basque separatistorganization the attackbecause the organizers thoughtthatthe presenceof a womanwouldfacilitate 17 El Correo 1 August 1970. 18 La Gaceta del Norte 29 October 1975. 19 La Gaceta del Norte 29 October 1975. the actionand wouldnot raise suspicions.17 Fiveyearslater,reports ofthedetention of a 19-member ETAcommando named threemenas full-time armedactivistswhilethe remaining (ninemenand seven Onestorydescribed women)werechargedwithlesseractionsandcollaboration.18 some of the womenas 'housewives'accused of lodgingETAmembersin their homes,and othersas 'girlfriends'.19 Onthe surface,theseportrayals a popularassumption about appearto confirm inarmedorganizations, thatis,thatwomenare drawninto women'sparticipation suchmovements their romantic attachment to a maleactivist.Themost through feminist articulation of this view is found intheworkofAmerican comprehensive radicalfeminist RobinMorgan.Intheintroduction to theneweditionof herbook TheDemonLover:TheRootsofTerrorism, in 1988and reissued originally published after11thSeptember 2001 Morgan(2001, [1998]: xviii)arguesthat '(F)emale terrorists are rare,almostalways'tokens'(...), and invariably involved because oftheirloveofa particular man,a personaldemonloverwhodrawsthemin'. Ina titled'TokenTerrorist: TheDemonLover'sWoman'Morgan cites chaptertellingly Carrie Hamilton feminist review 86 2007 137 - including numerous PatriciaHearst, examplesof womenin armedmovements Weather the theAmerican German Red Faction,and,bizarrely, Army Underground, - to illustrate in the Mansonfamily herthesisthatwomencan onlybe involved Assuggestedby an armedorganization whatshe calls 'coupleterrorism'. through the chapter'stitle, Morganclaims that all womeninvolvedin these vastly movements weremotivated different bythesamesinglefactor:undueemotional to a male 'terrorist'. and sexualattachment book. As a feminist studyof politicalviolencethereis somevalue in Morgan's it of studieson warand 'terrorism',putssexualpolitics Unlike thevast majority and genderpowerrelationsat the centreof politicalviolence(the firstedition muchof subtitled OntheSexuality was moreappropriately Moreover, ofTerrorism). drawson evidenceof real gender Morgan'schapteron the 'tokenterrorist' Butherradical insidearmedorganizations. divisions oflabourand powerrelations is too simplisticand sweepingin scope, obscuringthe feministframework forparticipating and complexities of women'smotivations historical specificities of,armedactivism.In spiteof its limitations in,and theirexperiences Morgan's on interviews academicanalysesof womenin ETA.Drawing thesishas influenced Reinares withETAactivistsfromthe 1970sto the 1990s,forexample,Fernando via contacts tendto join the organization concludesthat femaleETAmembers and withwhomthe womanhas a close witha manwhois alreadya member, emotionalrelationship (Reinares,2001). UnlikeMorgan,Reinaresacknowledges to theircause prior thatfemalearmedactivistshavean ideologicalcommitment to theirprimary, morepersonaland buthe sees thisas secondary to recruitment, emotional factorsmotivate believes that motivation. While Reinares emotional, division of activistaffect: his a as maleactivists well, analysisimplies gendered women whereasmenare motivated Spanish, bytheirhatredofSpainandall things assertion echoes Thus his thesis love of a man. their aredriven Morgan's Basque by towardsthe'false is a 'demonlover'whoseduceswomen thatthemale'terrorist' of death' (Morgan,2001: 214). liberation and essentializethe The studies above do not so muchinventas simplify 'terroristcouple'. A more detailed analysis of gender roles inside ETA that there is evidence of heterosexualcouplinginside the demonstrates is morecomplicatedand contradictory butthatthisphenomenon organization, and applied modelsuggests.Asformulated thanthe'coupleterrorism' byMorgan and universal answerto a series a unitary provides byReinares'coupleterrorism' will form the basis of the which of relatedbut ultimately questions, separate armedactivists? of women are the below: What popularrepresentations analysis inpracticeinsidearmed themselves Howdo normative reproduce genderrelations whenthese are consciouslyexploitedfor 'strategic' including organizations, with male comradesinside the purposes?Whatare women'srelationships Andfinally,howand whydo womencome to enteran armed organization? in the firstplace? organization 138 feminist review 86 2007 thegenderpoliticsof politicalviolence from innocent victims to 'dangerous elements' 20 El Correo 6 March 1973. 21 Interviewwith Burgosdefendant Itziar Aizpurua, EditorialTxalaparta (1993), Vol. 3: 172, and Egin 6 August 1980, 22 November 1980 and 7 February 1981. 22 Egin, 26 September 1981. 23 Hitz 4 (August 1975, 52). See also the example of Mikel Lejarza (Lobo) who infiltratedETAin the 1970s, and claimed that being paired witha female activist aided their mission because they could pass as a couple (Cerdan y Rubio, 2003: 41-42). I am indebtedto one of the anonymous readers of this article for recommendingthis book. 24 An active feministmovement was not formed inside the radical nationalist communityuntil the late 1970s; but even in the 1960s ETAwas influencedby debates about women's roles in socialist and anti-colonial revolutions,and in theorythe Whatwas generallyrepresented in the Basque and Spanishpressin the early 1970sas fact- thatis, thatwomenwereactiveinETAas partof a heterosexual couple- maskeda muchmorecomplexset of personaland politicalpractices amongbothfemaleand male ETAmembers.Forone thing,the conservative forcesand legalsystemduring thelate Francoand genderpoliticsofthesecurity transition offered considerable to female periods strategic advantages individual activistsand ETAas a whole.In an exampleof the inextricable linkbetween and accused female activists were sometimes absolvedor representation reality, sentences who the defence that women were givenlighter byjudges accepted ordersand/orwereignorant of the natureof theirpartners' merelyfollowing activities.20Duringthe 1970s therewere several reportedcases of lawyers - sometimessuccessfully - to reduceor eliminatechargesagainst attempting womenbyarguing thattheywereignorant orwivesofmalemilitants,21 girlfriends or simply'by reasonof theirsex'.22Moreover, as in the examplesof womenin otherarmedmovements, suchas themoudjahadites oftheAlgerian warrecorded by FranzFanon (1989), activists- both womenand men - used popular to avoid raisingsuspicion.Some female activistsstressedthat stereotypes womenwereless likelythanmento be detectedbypolice,becausea womaneitheraloneorwitha man- couldprovide coverforpreparations, armedactions, escapes, etc.23In thissense,the 'terrorist couple' in publicis best read as an on theactivists'part,as opposedto the reflection of act, a deliberatestrategy actual male-femalerolesinsidethe organization. Thisis notto say thatETAmembers and supporters did notsharemanyofthese conventional ideas aboutfemalebehaviour and heteronormativity. ETA'swritings and radical nationalistdiscoursemoregenerallyreveala tensionbetweena beliefin complementary to genderroles,on the one hand,and a commitment influenced feminist gender equality, discourse,24on the other. These by modelsin turnsit alongsidean awarenessof the constructed, and competing thereforemanoeuvrable,nature of both traditionalgender roles and of These tensionsare epitomizedin a description heterosexuality. publishedin the radicalnationalistnewspaper of ETA's Eginof the escape of twomembers Madridcommandoduringa massivepolicesearchfora kidnapvictimin early 1983: 'Geos'25 ... a policeforcewasset uparoundPilarNieva'shouse.Attenp.m.numerous werepresent at thescene.Shortly MariaBelenGonzalez andJoseLuisUrrusola, thereafter, bothwithfalseidentification, RubioStreet.A arrived at thedoorof number 5 Federico of the Geo comes out to meet them the 'We lieutenant andasks couplewhere they're going. livehere,'theyanswer, ID is checked bythispointunableto turnback.Their andtheGeo to them,'Getinsidethe housebecausewe'regoingto havea tanglewith officialcomments someetarras.' without hercalm,embraces hercompanion while shesays losing MariaBelen, CarrieHamilton feminist review 86 2007 139 to him:'Let's get out of here,let's go to Mom'shouse.I'm reallyscaredof weapons.'And to policesources,the couple'scapturewouldhave led theyleftthe place (...) According to the immediatelocalizationofthe place whereDiegoPradois stillbeingheldhostage.26 organizationwas committed to the equal participation of women in all activities, including armed actions. See Thisreportabouta prominent femaleETAactivistunderlines theextentto which Zutik 29 (May 1965). Butit also demonstrates 25 Grupo Especial genderedstereotypes surpassedideologicalboundaries. theshiftbythe 1980sawayfromtheidea ofwomenas unwitting to de Operaciones participants (Special Operations thatofwomenas cold-hearted frominnocent victims of men,to activists Groupof the Spanish killers, moredangerousthantheirmale comrades.In contrastto police). whowerepotentially Egin 26 April as the unknowing26 reportsof the early1970swheresomewomenwereportrayed 1983. of maleactivists,herethisinnocenceis revealedas a cover.Thereis girlfriends an impliedcontrastbetweenGonzdlez'snaivefacade and the hardened- and masculine- activistunderneath (otherversionsof the same story implicitly a gunand explosivesin herbag at thetimeof notedthatGonzalezwas carrying 27 Deia 25 April the exchangewiththe officer).27 retainedintact as deceitful and dangerous TheimageofthefemaleETAmember the idea of the 'terrorist the woman'spositionwithinthe couple', reversing from'goodgirl'to 'bad girl'.Thisportrayal classicgenderbinary appearsas early of the one of the futureBurgosdefendants: as 1969,withthe detention 1983. The contrast between Gonz6lez and the supposedly stupid police officer relies on an ethnocentric depiction of southernSpanish masculinityas considered a dangerous incarnated in the ... MariaAranzazuArruti arrestedand officially Odriozola,recently to establish securityforces. To oftheterrorist witha specialmission activist E.T.A., separatist organization date there has been sectionsin Navarra.The detainedhad little workon contactsforthis organization's subsequent constructionsof to attractto these to official statements at thetimeofherarrest, managed, according masculinityin ETA and the Basque VicenteL6pezIrasegui,of Bilbao,to whomshe was marriedsecretlyin ends one Gregorio conflict; one last November 5. 28 Guipuizcoa interestingarea of research would be intheBasqueand the relationship themoresensationalist Thisdescription imagescommon presaged between gender and werearrested accused constructionsof ofwomen numbers Spanishpressbylate 1970s,as increasing of politicalviolence.Accountsof the arrestof accused femaleETAmembers Basque and Spanish ethnicity. hadbeenaccused 28 ABC7 withthefactthatthesewomen a particular fascination betrayed January of armedactions.As withthe exampleof Gonzalezcited above,languageand 1969. Arrutiwas marriedto the male onwomen's centred etc.), ETAmember physical appearance(hair,bodies,clothing, photographs in the and their external contrast between the femininity the mentioned highlighting supposed article, but other 29 associatedwitharmsandviolence. Bythelate 1970stheSpanishpress evidence indicates masculinity they entered the elements'.30 organization quotedpolicesourcesspeaking of femaleETAmilitants as 'dangerous separately and met withfemaleETAmembers interviews Journalists' suggestthatmanywereawareof inside. Personal the ironythat beingtreatedas the equals of theirmale comradesby the communication, 1996. authoritiesdid not necessarilyreflectequal treatmentinside ETA.Several 29 Cambio 16 576 on the part of their male comrades, (13 December 1982), discrimination reportedexperiencing 29-3; Deia 24 April womentold 1983; Deia 25 April firsttwodecades. In particular, the organization's especiallyduring 1983. storiesthat of feelingpressureto 'prove'themselvesas armedactivists,31 30 Interviu 156 withmasculinity underline theoverlapbetweenpopularassociationsofmilitarism (10-16 May 1979), in their interviews with 29. and the gender politics inside ETA. Furthermore, 140 feminist review 86 2007 thegenderpolitics of political violence 31 Cambio 16 576 (13 December 1982), 31. Various interviews, 1996-1997. 32 Personal communication, 1997. 33 El Mundo 27 August 1994; El Pai's 23 May 1998; Antolin (2002: 20); Gurruchaga (2001: 213). 34 ABC 26 August 1994. 35 El Mundo 27 August 1994. 36 ABC 26 August 1994. 37 There is some comparative historical evidence that women in guerrilla or resistance movements have played the role of 'seductress' in order to lure male soldiers or police to their deaths (Schwartz, 1989: 130). But as with the case of 'couple terrorism' such examples should be read as acts, as conscious political performances designed to exploit the enemy's assumptions about Miren Alcedo(1996: 360) somemaleactivistsclaimedthatwomen anthropologist acted more 'coldly' in armed actions, and were more 'bloodthirsty' and 'dangerous'thantheirmale comrades. Asthenumbers ofwomeninETAhaveincreasedoverthepast 20 years,and more womenhavemadethenewsas suspectedmembers oftheorganization, therehas beena kindof normalization inrepresentations ofthesewomen.In recentyears, most reportsof womenaccused of ETA-related offenceshave not dwelled or speculatedwidelyabout theirsexuality. obsessivelyon theirfemininity has been projectedontoa Instead,the mythof the dangerousfemaleterrorist small numberof femaleactivistswho,through theirpurported actions and between appearance,seemto embodypopularfantasiesabout the relationship femalesexualityand violence.Thispatternis epitomized in imagesof accused memberof the MadridcommandoIdoia L6pezRiaio, whosereportedexploits the 1980s,and subsequentarrestand extradition fromFranceto Spainin during 1994and 2001,respectively, haveprompted and commentary ongoing speculation in the Spanish press, incorporating almost every imaginablemisogynist stereotype.Few reportsabout L6pez Riaio (nicknamed, amongotherthings, was also reportedly used insideETA)32 'the Tigress'- a namewhich,tellingly, have spareddescriptions of herappearance('tall', 'greeneyes', 'magnificent beauty','spectacularphysique','slave to her bodyand her hair')33and her as well as lifestyle(in particularher supposedenthusiasmfor nightlife)34 references to herapparently 'cold' and calculatedapproachto armedactions.3s Constructions of L6pezRianoas a 'dangerousetarra'36playwiththe tension betweenwomen's'nature',a hyper-sexualized femalerebellion and femininity, violence.In the wordsof one male journalist- whoseconfessedfeelingsof simultaneous fascination and repulsion forfemale'terrorists' led himto writean entirebook on womenin ETAbased largelyon speculationand fantasy'Seductionand the pistolwereherweapons'(Antolin, 2002: 21).37 If imagesof L6pezRianosuggestmale fantasiesof exaggerated and femininity a counter-example the anxietiesprovoked hyper-heterosexuality, highlights by the phantomof the femaleactivistwhodoes not masqueradehersupposed Another sensationalist bookaboutthe Basqueconflict the masculinity. provides - unsubstantiated - description of iaxi Zeberio,whowas killedby following a raidoftheflatwhereshe was hidingin 1998: Basquepolice(ertzainas)during The etarra38 looks like a brute, (with) wide shoulders, and the ertzainas who take part in the entryof the house wherethe etarra is hidingare sure, after suitably friskingher, that they're standing beside a man (...) (they) verifythat an abundant mop of black hair is coming out of the ETAmember's chest. (Calleja,2001:269)39 linkedto sexualdeviance- whether Justas women'sarmedactivismis directly orimpliedlesbianism it is likewise as a perversion oftheir promiscuity regarded CarrieHamilton feminist review 86 2007 141 Severalofthemoreluriddescriptions offemaleETAmembers destinyas mothers. makedirectreference to theirreproductive In 1996,forexample,El functions. Mundo columnist MartinPrieto wrote of Belen Gonz6lez that '... (she) has menstruated morebloodfromhergunthanfromhervagina!';fiveyearslaterhe the to LopezRiafio:'La repeated same clichealmostwordforwordin reference her is more worried about menstruation about the bloodshe lets than Tigresa bloodwiththeir the spillingof theirmenstrual spillfromothers'.40Bylinking that female activists theirnatural fatalactionsthesereferences imply transgress life to rather than take it. duty give has definedwomen'sprimary roleas the radicalnationalist rhetoric Historically, and supportof nationalculturaland male nationalistactivists, reproduction ina AswithIrishRepublicanism, as mothers. mostconcretely similarly grounded in the radical of Catholicism and tradition Marian Basque worship, strong been the rolesof mother havenothistorically worldview and warrior nationalist was nowhere considered compatible(Dowler,1997).Thepowerofthisopposition moreclearthanin the case of DoloresGonzdlezKatarain,'yoyes',one of ETA's comradesin 1986, whowas killedbyherformer firstfemaleexecutivemembers, In an important severalyearsaftershe had lefttheorganization. earlyfeminist that the late of death, BegoiiaAretxagaarguedconvincingly analysis yoyes's to live civilian to leave activism and decision a life,including havinga yoyes's forETAleadersa threatening child,constituted collapse of genderidentities has aided thatyoyes'sstatusas mother (Aretxaga, 1988).41I wouldarguefurther a victimof ETA,in spiteof her of heras primarily the subsequentconstruction roleas an ETAactivistand leader. significant have shiftedoverthe past four of femaleETAmembers Whilerepresentations decades, fromimages of innocentvictimsto 'dangerouselements',these positing depictionshave remainedwithinthe same ideologicalframework, and women'spoliticalactivismas an extensionof theirpersonalrelationships, that will But as the next section their argueexplanations specifically sexuality. associatewomen'sarmedactivismwiththe personaland the private,bothdeny thewider,andchanging, thesewomenfullpoliticalagencyandfailto understand and social contextin whichall ETAmembers historical joinedthe organization. gender and sexuality, as opposed to evidence of the female activist's gender and sexual identity. 38 Member of ETA. 39 I thank one of the anonymous readers of this article for this reference. Like many popular books about ETA, this one is both sensationalist and unreliable. Nonetheless, it was awarded the Espasa essay prize in 2001 by a jury that included several prominent Spanish intellectuals. Thus although I do not consider it a valid source of empirical evidence on ETA or the Basque conflict, it is valuable as an example of the kind of representations of female ETA activists that circulate, largely uncritically, among both general and more elite Spanish readerships. 40 El Mundo 3 January 1996 and 12 May 2001. 41 While gender is an important factor in understanding yoyes's death and the publicity around it, the murder had wider political causes and meanings. For a detailed analysis, see Aretxaga (1988). beyond 'couple terrorism': friends and family networks WhileETAmembersremainoverwhelmingly male, the qualitativenatureof has continued to changeoverthe past twodecades,with women'sparticipation policeand mediaspeculationthatwomenare activeas high-ranking increasing are 42 The Guardian membersof the organizations' Again,these developments leadership.42 August 2002. and in and with wider consistent politicsgenerally, in changes Spanishsociety 142 feminist review 86 2007 the gender politics of political violence 27 Overthe past decade, a womanhas led one ofthe Basquesocietyin particular. non-violent andwomen act as smaller, Basquenationalist parties, increasingly 43 El Pai's 22 May 2005. 44 The youth movement jarrai was particularly active in the 1990s, associated overwhelming in the public mind with the kale borroka or street violence of radical nationalist youth. My research did not cover the participation of young women in Jarrai, nor am I aware of any study of the gender politics of the kale borroka. My overall impression from coverage of the Basque conflict over the past 15 years is that while there have been female spokeswomen for Jarrai, and many young women arrested as accused collaborators with the movement, the street violence itself was carried out predominantly by young men. Further research would be required to substantiate this. 45 The information in this section was gathered from a survey of major Spanish and Basque newspapers (El Mundo, El Pai's, El Correo, Deia, Egin and Gara) between 1982 and 2003. 46 For the sociological profile of ETA members from 1977 to 1998, see Reinares (2004). While this article by Reinares makes the same erroneous claims about wo- In the Basque regional spokespeopleof the radicalnationalistorganizations. electionsinApril2005womenwereelectedto a recordmajority of parliamentary with the increase over the last 20 yearsof seats.43Correspondingly, steady inall levelsofeducation,work, and politics,as wellas the women'sparticipation creationof a co-ed youthculturewithinthe radicalnationalistcommunity,44 similarroutesto their youngwomenhavebeenmorelikelyto enterETAthrough male counterparts, even if proportionally their numbershave not risen substantially. An analysisof the profilesof 14 womenaccused of armedactivityand/or in press leadershippositionsin ETAfromthe early1980suntil2003,as provided accountsof theirarrestsor deaths,45demonstrates like that, earlywomen later female activists come have from similar social to recruits, backgrounds 46 theirmalecomrades. Mostenteredtheorganization intheirlate teensor early 20s. Whilethe majority came fromareas withhistorically highlevelsof support fornationalism, mostnotablythesmalltownsofthe provinces ofGuip(izcoa and a shiftin ETA Vizcaya,at least a thirdwerefromlargerurbanareas, reflecting recruitment from the1980sonwards patterns (Reinares,2004:481). The generally werefrompredominantly majority 'ethnically' Basquefamilies(as suggestedby theirsurnames), severalofthemBasque-speaking; buta smallnumber werefrom familieswhohad migrated to theBasquecountry fromotherpartsofSpain,again in keeping overthepast 20 years.Regardless of withchangesinETArecruitment theirchildhoodorigins,almostall had been involvedin radicalnationalistor otherformsof activismbeforegettinginvolved in ETA,strongly that, indicating liketheirmale counterparts, a had conscious commitment to nationalism they and theuse of politicalviolencebeforeentering ETA.Finally, women'sentryinto theorganization followed a similarpatternto thatof malecomrades:theywere ofETAwholivenormallives)beforepolice typically 'legal' activists(i.e. members identification forcedthemto go underground and becomefull-time'illegal' activists. Themostimmediate factordifferentiating thesefemaleETAactivistsfromtheir male comrades(besidestheirrelatively smallnumbers) was thatthesignificant of them(nine of fourteen)reportedly had male partnersinsidethe majority this statisticseems to confirm the 'couple terrorism' organization. Although thesisoutlinedabove,further shows that this thesis does notaccount analysis forthe specificsocial and culturalcircumstances in whichthesewomenjoined ETA.First,pressreports do notspecifywhenthesefemaleactivistsformed their with male comrades. As the case of Arruti above relationships indicates,we shouldnotassumea womanwitha malepartner insideETAwas recruited byhim. Giventhesevererestrictions forsocialand sexualrelationships inhiding, andthe extremegenderimbalanceamongarmedactivists,it is hardlysurprising that CarrieHamilton feminist review 86 2007 143 withmalecomrades havehad sexualrelationships manymorewomenreportedly than vice versa.47It is also important to note that whilereportsof female includetheirromantic activistsalmostinvariably liaisons,pressaccountsofthe arrestordeathof a maleactivistare less likely to reportdetailsof hispersonal relationships. men's entry and roles in ETA as Reinares (2001), the quantitative data on activist origins is largely consistent with other studies, for example Dominguez (1998). Butevenif heterosexual insideETA, 47 This is not to coupleshave beena commonphenomenon that amongETAmembers. suggest theyare onlyone ofa widerangeof personalrelationships heterosexual In a discernablepatterndatingbackto ETA'searlydays,and notedbyseveral coupling is natural in conditions of otherscholars(Dominguez, 1998;Letamendia, 1994;Reinares,2001), maleand clandestinity, or friendsor indeed in any recruited to the organization femaleactivistsare commonly through context. To my 14 for of the female activists members. Thus, sampledabove knowledge there example, family insideETA, have been no public or currently onlyone had no reportedpartneror relativepreviously reports of lesbian or and severalhad morethan one, including cousins,siblings,uncles,and even gay male couples in ETA; but this is likely parents,as well as partners.If we considerthat manywomenprobablyalso more indicative of shared thenetwork ofsocial relationsexpandsevenfurther had activistfriends, beyond the heterosexism of the the heterosexual couple. Whilesociologicalstudies(e.g., Reinares,2004) do radical nationalist media and on familyrelationships not often includespecificinformation among ETA (see Spanish the description ETAactivists48 look at the profilesof prominent a cursory members, suggests of Zeberio above) as well as the military to be as fundamental organization thatdetailedanalysiscouldrevealpersonalrelationships itself, as theyare for than the actual of maleETAmembers and recruitment to the politicalformation sexual preferences women. and practices of ETA members. fromother 48 See for example ETAand its membership This patterndistinguishes substantially biographies of withthenotableexception the armedorganizations, Western European contemporary dead ETA members in of the nationalistIRA.49Unlikemostmembersof far-leftarmedclandestine Editorial Txalaparta (1993). and Italy,wholefttheirfamiliesand localcommunities groupsinWestGermany 49 For an analysis valuestheyassociatedwiththem- to become of the gender and the liberalor conservative have been drawnfromthe politics of Irish see ETA members historically revolutionary activists,50 Republicanism, and friendsthat make up the Aretxaga (1997). of family,neighbourhoods close-knitnetworks radicalnationalistcommunity. Farfromrebelling againsttheirparents,many 50 See various articles in of activism(Hamilton, International Social tradition as carrying on a family activistssee themselves of understandingMovement Research 2000b). These differencesunderlinethe impossibility 4 (1992) and violence on universal inpolitical based forparticipation motivations assumptions Zwerman (1994). Variations on the or the genericidea of 'terrorism'. about genderor sexuality, that women's the model not terrorism' assumption only betray 'couple in politicalviolencemustbe on somelevelsexual, forparticipating motivations motivated bythe private,butalso obscurea muchwiderrangeof personaland fromthe outset, in the familial relationsthat have been instrumental, nationalistcommunity the radical of ETAand and regeneration construction foractivismto women'spersonalmotivations aroundit. Ratherthancontrasting take intoaccount must studies of armed activists men'smorepoliticalreasons, bothmaleand ofthepersonalandthepoliticalinforging thecomplexinteraction femaleactivism. 144 feminist review 86 2007 thegenderpoliticsof political violence conclusion Evidenceof the patternsof women'sentryintoETAindicatesthaton the whole in armed activismhave not differed for participating women'smotivations from those of men that is, a personaland politicalcommitment substantially to the radicalBasquenationalist and to attainingindependence for community the Basque country the use of violence. to Contrary popularopinion, through thereis littleevidencethatwomenare luredintoactivismbymen,orthattheir of theirsexuality.Whathave differed activismis an expression are historically the social conditions and opportunities forwomen'sand men'sactivism, on the one hand, and the deeply entrenchedassociation betweenmilitarism and bothin widersocietyand in ETAitself,on the other. masculinity, 51 Egin 7 October 1987, 24 November 1990, 28 July 1996, and 30 August 2001. 52 See also the report of Zeberio's death in ABC 6 June 1998. Theparticipation of smallnumbers of womenin politicalviolenceinthe Basque raises thorny scholarsand activists,whohave country questionsforfeminist contributed to thedevelopment ofbothimportant ofthegenderpolitics critiques of militarismand vibrantanti-militarist movements.Yet, if as growing comparativeevidenceindicates(see Hasso, 2005), womenare increasingly inarmedmovements acrosstheglobe,newtheoretical and political participating are called for to understand in the circumstances whichcertainwomen strategies choosearmedactivism.Moreover, the studyof femalearmedactivistscan help to breakdownthedichotomy betweenvictims and perpetrators inconflict. While it is essentialto insiston theethicaland politicalresponsibilities of individuals and groupswhocommit evidenceinthecase of ETA violence,thereis significant thatmaleand femaleperpetrators are subjectto different treatment notonlyin the press,butalso bythe security forces.Oneis struckin readingaccountsof intheSpanishand Basquepressoverthepasttwo arrestsoffemaleETAmembers decades by the frequentspeculationabout some of these women'ssexual activitiesin contrastto thealmosttotal lackof reporting oftheaccusationsof sexual and gender-specific torturemade by some female detainees.5'yet, this periodthe radicalnationalistpressreported testimonies that throughout includedharassment, threatsof rape and actual sexual assault, and in 2000 International concerns abouttheclaimofsexualtorture made Amnesty reported Mediasilencesurrounding thesecases is all byone accusedfemaleETAmember. the morenotablegiventhe significant in the Spanishmediain recent reporting decades of silence- of cases of domesticviolenceagainst years- following women. Mypointis notto arguethatwomenwhocommitpoliticalviolenceare firstand foremost or as targetsof policeviolence. victims,be it as unwitting girlfriends Butnoris it validto maketheoppositeclaim,thatis, thatfemaleterrorists are moredangerousthantheirmale counterparts (Antolin,2002).52Whileseveral womenare currently sentencesin Spanishand Frenchprisons servinglengthy accused of armed actions causing multipledeaths, there is absolutelyno CarrieHamilton feminist review 86 2007 145 evidencethatwomeninETAon averagecommit more- or morefatalempirical violentactionsthanmen.To the contrary, sentencing patternsindicatethat a for'blood crimes'are men.53 of ETAmembers substantialmajority imprisoned Theimplications ofthisevidencego beyondthecase ofETA.Astherecentmedia the femaleUS soldieraccused of torturing frenzy surrounding Iraqi prisoners to make of femaleviolencecan function indicates,the supposedexceptionality serious tortureitselfappear exceptional(D'Cruzeand Rao, 2005), foreclosing discussionaboutthe systemicuse of tortureand state violence,as wellabout thewidergenderpoliticsof conflict.Inthecontextofthecurrent global'waron all 'terrorism' is the in which leaders declare that same, case terror', political intellectualand political studiesof femalearmedactivistsare an important not onlywhysome womenparticipatein political resourceforunderstanding the ofthe 'femaleterrorist' violence,butalso howconstructions operatewithin widerframeof politicalconflict. author biography inLondon.Her teachesSpanishstudiesat Roehampton CarrieHamilton University and cultural researchinterestsincludefeminist memory historiesof theory, Herbookon women,ETA in America. activism and Latin women'spolitical Spain Press.She is published and radicalBasquenationalism University byManchester the Revolution. of Cuban on collaborative oral a is currently history working references Boston:Houghton Adler,F. and JamesSimon,R. 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