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f "'{ri•v1ts " ' , *'•^^••sl ia /•'" s s---» - °'"'f.'"'- p.* A.-':"\^ '.-\ •> ^" ^ f ^f. -W.^ _. T-- ——7 "• , ^^ -^• v ^ ^ - Modes of Immigration Politics in the Receiving States Gary P . Freeman University of Texas at Austin Austin , TX 78712 Prepared for presentation Societies : Implications at a Conference on Immigration Into Western and Policy Choices , Charleston , South Carolina , May 13-14, 1994 . 302838907/ Abstract politics The strong immigration of are that similarities in generally of supportive states expansive display states of democratic Nonetheless , three groups democratic liberal exhibits policies . distinct modes of immigration politics . Divergent immigration histories mold popular attitudes toward migration immigration speaking and ethnic policy and politics Zealand ) have long histories machineries webs of highly interest politics institutionalized expansionary groups the degree and affect institutionalized . ( 1) The to which English - States , Canada , and Australia /New of relatively planning of immigration political is ( the United societies settler heterogeneity open immigration , well-developed and regulation , and densely advocating are expansive strongly organized policies . biased in Their favor of immigration policies and are relatively immune to sharp swings in direction . ( 2) A number of European states ( especially France , Britain , Germany , Switzerland , the Netherlands , Sweden , and Belgium ) experienced mass migration only after the Second World War and in a form that has introduced significant pressures what from legal and illegal migrants most see Immigration highly new ethnic minorities . The responses of these states to current as the unfortunate politics volatile and in these crisis likely those is partially ( 3) European recent episodes . institutionalized states that were and until pressures for the first time in their modern histories , under conditions , and national of ( Spain , Portugal , Italy , and Greece ) are dealing recently sending countries with migration consequences states conflictual . and asylum seekers are shaped by policies within to be steeper in the context the European of intensifying Union . than those European Their states expect the "normalization " of immigration politics coordination learning in group two . curves of are We should in both sets of European states , but not on the model of the English -speaking democracies , which are likely to remain unique in their openness to mass immigration . 1 guiding The immigration question of this poli tics can accommodate paper is whether all the liberal a single model democratic of receiving states . I will argue that there are important characteristics of immigration politics common pressures emanate from an increasingly to the liberal democracies . Broadly global migration similar migration and refugee system . This system consists not only of the push and pull factors that help create population relating movements to human similarities democracy on a massive rights , in immigration scale but also evolving norms and values migration , politics and refugees . 1 derive More from the features directly , of liberal itself that affect the way such regimes process migration issues . It is to these political variables that this paper is addressed . For all significantly immigration commonalities , receiving divergent histories . with distinct societies their modes immigration politics There states ( Australia , Canada , New politics . of receiving states , each The English -speaking settler Zealand , and the United most important traditional immigration display as a result of their peculiar are three subsets of immigration nevertheless States ) are the countries in the world . Migration was critical to their founding and national development . A second group is made up of those Western after European the Second World colonial territories states that mounted War and experienced ( most importantly , temporary inflows number of European from colonial Germany , Switzerland , the Netherlands , Sweden , and Belgium ) . labor programs France , and exBritain , Finally , there are a states that have only recently gone from being countries hese are among the most important factors pushing states to develop ^ immigration policies and requiring them to deal with rising ethnic heterogeneity . The volatile mix of runaway population growth in the Third World , the break -up of the Communist bloc , growing disparities between the rich and poor states , and intensifying communications and travel networks between them constitute what may be seen with only some exaggeration as a common shock to the Western industrial nations under discussion , and not only to them . In this paper I take these phenomena as creating a highly constraining context within which immigration politics and policy is played out ( Zolberg , et al ., 1989; Salt , 1991; Meissner , et al ., 1993). 2 of emigration seekers to experiencing pressures and asylum .2 ( Portugal , Spain , Italy , and Greece ) by begin politics found distinctive democratic discus sing in modes states considering liberal all of immigration with whether three further institutionalization Immigration Most politics I then in the three immigration patterns will investigate subsets histories . persist immigration of of Western I conclude or how of the global migration the they by might crisis and the of immigration politics and policies in Europe . Politics in Liberal Democracies literature of the academic that the politics characteristics democracies . distinctive these broad those change as a result of the pressures suggest migrants from illegal and newspaper of immigration in liberal headlines these days democracies is highly volatile , rancorous , and restrictionist . One can hardly deny that conflicts over immigration can be intense and that in recent years immigration politics in certain countries has taken a nasty turn . Nevertheless , I want to argue that there is in general an expansionary bias in the politics in liberal democracies such that official policies of immigration tend to be more liberal than public opinion and annual intakes larger than is politically have developed this argument in considerable detail optimal . elsewhere ( Freeman , 1993); all I can do here is summarize its major points . I begin with a simple political economy model of policymaking in liberal democracies , which are systems characteri zed by free constitutions founded on individual rights , competitive party systems , and regular elections . The optimality policies in such political systems I define in terms of the of rational his paper deals exclusively with Western democratic states in Europe , North ^ America , and Australasia . In doing so it ignores a number of interesting cases that deserve further study : the other settler societies in the New World , especially Argentina ( Jenks , 1992), newly democratic European states that are also undergoing new migration pressure ( Bulgaria , the Czech and Slovak Republics , , and certain Asian societies that Hungary , and Poland ( SOPEMI , 1994, pp . 107-156) have already or are rapidly becoming important countries of destination , especially Japan, South Korea , Taiwan , Malaysia , and Hong Kong ( Meissner , et al, 1993, pp . 67-73; Postel -Vinay , 1992; Cornelius , 1993a; SOPEMI , 1994, pp . 57-62) . 3 3 citizen -voters . of individual preferences by this criterion , is that preferred utility -maximizers by the median policy , voter where voters are with complete information . The politics of immigration in can be analyzed such systems The optimal immigration of individual at the level voters , organized groups , and state actors . Liberal democracies rigorous encourage and are free open political debate because the obtaining incentives to become information . public of democracies , nevertheless , tend to be that issues . ignorant rationally informed One might systems Citizens of many fail to override assume that immigration tolerate and in issues the costs of is one of those highly salient and emotive issues about which voters would feel strongly and with respect to which they would develop well-informed argue , nevertheless , that there are serious barriers information opinions . I will to the acquisition of about immigration and that there is a highly constrained process by which immigration issues are debated that distorts the information that is available . The most direct barrier to information about scarcity and ambiguity of official data . Governments only the most speculative data , such as it is, is not generally serious problem , however . misperceptions systematic The on society toward "temporal is the often have intake , legal or and economy . available to the public . dynamics of about their characteristics tendency themselves information about the immigration illegal , its composition , or its effect more immigration migration Official There is a flows foster and consequences that amount to a illusion ." The effects of migration tend to be lagged ; the short -term benefits oversold and the long -term costs denied or hidden to show up clearly only in the outyears . The same might be said , of course , characteristics about many of migration public processes policies , but there are that make them especially several productive his is not the only , and certainly not the most common , criterion by which ^ immigration policy can be evaluated ; economic , cultural , and social effects may be equally important . For discussions of alternative evaluative strategies with respect to immigration , see Gibney , 1988, and Barry and Goodin , 1992 . 4 of illusion . Among these are the tendency for migration flows to start small and build up over time , especially as a result of chain migration reunion develop ( Birrell , 1990), and the tendency for temporary into permanent settlements ( Miller information is and and family labor migrations Martin , to 1982 : 106-107; Castles , 1984 ). The scarcity of seen immigration as a virtue . policy see Van of migrant The boundaries of legitimate streams ,4 and subjecting to abusive charges of racism Dijk , 1992) . The analyze immigration are Indeed , immigration is anthropologists the constrained scholars with one and more and notable policy conservative of over the those who criticize ( for an example of the genre , intellectuals exceptions on that may discussion are narrow , precluding , for example , argument ethnic composition liberal policies by in liberal democracies , a constraint "discourse " over immigration fairly be exacerbated which who generally liberal political interpret and sympathetic . sociologists scientists and and economists tend to agree . What may be called the folklore of immigration —the stories , myths , and romantic images of valiant and plucky individuals seeking opportunity abroad —provides compelling resources for those seeking to shape public discussion in expansive directions and constitute daunting obstacles for critics . There is, obviously , a negative folklore as well—the dangerous migrant coming balance in liberal democracies "to eat our bread " as the French liberal in the public debate democracies indifferent is if not more puts it—but the is likely to be positive . Given the costs of information introduced slogan slower about immigration over immigration to mobilize and the distortions policy , public and opinion crystallize , and in more favorable to immigration , than it would be if more and better information were available . here has been a marked trend away from ethnically explict selection ^ in the immigration policies of liberal democracies ( criteria the United States in 1965, Canada in 1968, Australia in 1973, and New Zealand in 1974) . Having forgone the prerogative to control the ethnic composition of flows , these countries adopted the position that questions about the wisdom of the unselected flows that resulted from universalism were illegitimate as well . 5 the state of public opinion about immigration , however , it is Whatever that obvious directly no over liberal democratic policy . 5 immigration voluntarily state Individual consults citizens may the public affect the government ' s immigration decisions only indirectly at elections and elections are clumsy mechanisms elections for mandating are framed by political clear , strong , or divergent parties Messina , 1989 ) . off the In a number and parties choices . Issues at do not normally take There is a issues . later , for the major political seek a consensus across the political conflicts policy on immigration positions strong tendency , to be discussed immigration particular parties to spectrum that has the effect of taking agenda ( Katznelson , 1973; Freeman , 1979 ; of countries right-wing fringe parties have and give voice to anti-immigrant opinions , but although emerged to mobilize they have attracted substantial support at times , they have claimed few seats in national parliaments , and have little or no chance of participating ( Schain , 1990; Messina , 1989; Layton -Henry , 1992; Schoen , forming governments 1977 ; Cheles , et al ., 1991; Ford, 1991, Wust , 1993). however , that in or their general failure is more the It should be clear , result of their extreme positions than an indicator that the alarms they raise about immigration fail to touch profound chords within mass publics . The dynamics of consensus management with the governments limited electoral typically clout of among the major parties , combined extremist movements , means enter office with no seriously binding that commitments on immigration . To understand the forces behind the policies they adopt we need with organized groups between elections because immigration politics in liberal democracies is dominated by to investigate how public officials the organized public . The direction interact of policy is mostly a function of which fragments of the public have the incentives and resources to organize around immigration direct issues . As it turns out, those who benefit and concrete ways are better placed to organize from immigration in than are those who ' The only state that does is Switzerland where citizen initiatives forced restrictive proposals before the electorate five times since . ( Hoffmann -Nowotny and Killian , 1979 ; Hoffmann -Nowotny , 1985) have 1970 6 s costs . Immigration tends to produce concentrated bene fits bear immigration ' and costs ,6 diffuse to organize incentives think giving of immigration who those who bear than persons regulation from benefit immigration It is useful to its costs . and control as a public greater good that lacks a concrete and organi zed constituency to produce it . It not is difficult immigration : employers an unskilled to identify principal the of beneficiaries in labor-intensive industries and those dependent workforce , businesses growth that profit from population estate , construction , etc . ) , and the family and ethnic relations on ( real of those making up the immigrant streams . The immediate costs of immigration do fall disproportionately on that minority of the population competing services , but for scarce jobs , housing , schools , and government immigrants with these groups , the least advantaged in the society , lack the resources to make their voices heard . falling belatedly are diffuse , More generally , the costs of immigration on the population as a whole . The concentrated benefits and diffuse costs of immigration mean that the interest group system around immigration issues is dominated by those groups supportive of larger intakes and, by implication , the organized public is more favorable to immigration than the unorganized public . To complete this model of immigration the state actors who actually make policy . vote-maximi zers, then pressure poorly politics one needs now only add of groups articulated one predicts favorable opposition incentives politicians reinforced by a strong have will respond to immigration , ignoring of the general to follow anti-populist should not seek to exploit they If one assumes the norm public . lead of to that they are the organized the widespread but The self-interested organized that dictates groups are that politicians racial , ethnic , or immigration -related fears in order to win votes . Votes may be won through immigration policy decisions , ^The analysis in this section builds on the framework devised by James Q . Wilson ( 1980) that derives four types of politics from whether the benefits and , interest group costs of policies are concentrated or diffuse : client ( cb, dc ) ( . cb,cc), majoritarian ( db, dc ), and entrepreneurial ( db,cc) 7 but only those that are expansive The typical mode are fully legitimate . 7 politics , therefore , is client politics , a form of bilateral of isanigration influence in which small and well-organized groups intensely interested in a policy with those officials develop close working relationships for it . little Their interactions outside expansive take place interference . immigration Client largely politics out of public is strongly exhibits fluctuates , that a tendency view and with oriented toward policies . It is obvious , of course , that the politics democracies responsible salience its and ebbs to go through predictable normally placid politics of immigration in liberal flows, and that it At times , then , the cycles . is transformed into a more intensely of immigration interest —group politics , or, rarely , into a critical majoritarian contested cycles focus on economic conditions politics . Most analyses of immigration in the receiving states . In this view , which can hardly be denied , there is "good times /bad times " dynamic encouraged during unemployment for rises . conditions they in which migration phases , expansionary but is tolerated sharply curtailed Immigrants during bad times are targeted may have no part in causing or even when as scapegoats ( Kindleberger , 1967; Hollifield , 1992) . Economic conditions cycles , however . are not the only basis for immigration policy There is also what might be thought of as a natural cycle based on the dynamics of migration processes themselves , processes that begin with an through initial family phenomenon influx, followed reunion and that typically chain by settlement / migration and secondary processes . Migration takes some time to develop ; it starts builds up gradually , feeding upon itself along the way . migration Temporal is a small and illusion means that public opinion and group politics are always playing catch-up with the realities of migration flows . It might seem on first glance that the ' 'Restrictive appeals are made , of course, especially by fringe parties and occasionally by major parties , but they always excite charges of racism and denunciations for opportunism . See , for example , the furor caused by Margaret . Layton -Henry , 1992, pp . 94-95) Thatcher ' s comments in 1978 ( 8 cycle is in the early stages when the most critical period in an immigration first migrants arrive ; over time , it might seem , the host society will become more and adapted comfortable I am advancing argument In fact, the logic of the to the newcomers . suggests to immigration opposition the opposite : cycle , at least in the should grow over the life of a natural immigration medium term . The contingent effects of economic conditions may accelerate of natural cycles , but they should not eliminate retard the dynamics or them altogether . In summary , immigration in liberal politics democracies exhibits an expansionary bias . Popular opinion is typically restrictionist , but not well articulated . Organized opinion , responding to the distribution of immigration , is more favorable . Organi zed opinion has more and benefits impact on policy electoral politics because interest immigration vote-maximizing nonetheless tends within particular to evolve immigration most level general empirically is how possible . close the into clientelistic a more open immigration politics The model it in their politics of interest —group cycles . question fits to the evolution of political pertinence find politicians The normal to cater to it . This model of liberal democratic the of the costs actual that is formulated at must cases . addressed be I discuss conflict over immigration its in three sub-sets of liberal democracies . I argue that the model accounts for broad in all the cases , and that it allows us to pinpoint those features patterns of particular principal states that drive in unpredicted directions . The differences between the three classes of cases have to do with the timing and circumstances degree politics to of their first major immigration experiences and the immigration which flows, politics , and policies have been institutionalized . The English -speaking Settler Societies No states fit the model of immigration politics than those settler societies of primarily Canada , New Zealand , and the United States British just laid out better origin ( Hartz , 1964) . — Australia , Immigration was 9 integral to their founding and development as nations . They are prototypical countries of immigration policies and they immigration permanent for stand settlement . alone in today Although encouraging immigration flows ma ss and have fluctuated over the course of their national histories , their interaction with immigration consequences is intimate , of in the settler societies was forged years and its social longstanding , and well -institutionalized . The politics ago and was of immigration during institutionalized critical to national development immigration was experiences eras when population movements were or even survival . The timing of these first critical in producing a receptive cultural context for further waves of migrants , even when the early inflows stimulated and social conflict sharp resistance ( Archdeacon , 1983; Jupp, 1991 ? Price , is as a result positive 1974; Higham , 1963). The folklore of immigration and there is a rich historical memory to draw upon that places new immigration in positive context . All of this dulls the public ' s reaction to immigration and immigration policy and provides more opportunity for proponents of larger intakes to shape decisions . indicate that publics Polls consistently rates of immigration larger intakes either believe that current are about right or are too large ; majorities are, to my knowledge , nonexistent demanding ( Betts , 1988; Economic Council of Canada , 1991; Holton and Lanphier , 1992; Simon , 1985, 1987 ; and . Fair/Roper Poll, 1992; McAllister , 1993) Despite this public or opposition , and often in apparent disregard governments in the settler societies intakes in the last two decades .8 about is an interesting Part of an indifference of rising unemployment substantially increased How this remarkable rates , immigration dis juncture has come question . answer is to be found in the fact that general public opinion is poorly articulated . Ordinary voters in the settler societies are For a comparative overview of the evolution of intakes in these three ' There is diversity among the cases , especially cases , see Freeman , 1992 . Australia which curtailed intakes in recent years in the face of rising unemployment . See also , Betts , 1988; Economic Council of Canada , 1991; and Bean and Fix, 1992 . 10 rationally ignorant , often indifferent , and rarely organized or consulted for their views on immigration . that may politicians from mobilizing or parties the sorts of norm that prevents and by the anti-populist raised be is constrained , rules that limit vitiated , by informal though not completely questions Public debate over immigration over immigration . discontent Immigration politics is made in the context of a dense web of organized groups whose orientations are overwhelmingly receptionist groups , reasonably enough , that politicians attend . and it is to these The most active and influential private sector players are employers , ethnic advocacy groups , and civil and human rights organizations . The significant most organized counterpoint to this consensus has traditionally been labor unions , but they have generally come to support immigration , resigning themselves to defensive rather than restrictive meausures such as employer sanctions against hiring illegal workers and labor certification procedures inflows to employment sectors where demand is high tying the composition of ( Warhurst , 1993; Briggs , 1984; Jupp, 1993; Betts , 1988, 1993; Parkin and Hardcastle , 1994; Freeman and Betts , 1992). Political parties in the settler societies rarely attack immigration as means of appealing for votes . Instead , there is a marked tendency to develop an interparty consensus ( almost always expansionary , sometimes status quo) in order to take immigration out of politics ( Katznelson , 1974; Freeman , 1979 ; Messina , 1989; Freeman and Betts , 1992; McAllister , 1993) . occasional roundly When the candidate does raise critical issues , he or she is likely condemned spokespersons , immigration considerable by and leaders by are unheard ground the of mass the major media . New of, though the Reform recently and its parties , by views parties Party on to be pro-immigration organized in Canada immigration around has gained are highly critical . Generally , there is no political space for political entrepreneurs or parties to stake out new claims on the issue . 11 Policy states is made in these and carried out by institutions with ample experience managing immigration . As a recent international survey put it, in the immigration the majority ability nations of the population migration to manage has flows confidence in the there . . . because governmen ts are explicit laws, policies and administrative structures for regulating immigration processes , channelling public debate , and Grafting political consensus ( Meissner , et al ., 1993, p . 39) . This does not mean that immigration is well-managed , or that policy outcomes typically evidence resulting fit their that intentions . immigration in significant policies have a more sophisticated badly in executed annual ceilings in economic there is reason to believe states , these abuse of the asylum or targets . Canada and and carefully planned migration conditions more that their programs rapidly program than the U . S., but have considerable error in them that belies their surface rationality slack and ( Burstein , 1992 ; Birrell , In all three countries , immigration 1992; Freeman , 1994) . is considerable States , and certainly they are able to respond to on paper than the United short-term changes are illegal migration , widespread system , and over or undershooting Australia contrary , there On the policy is driven by the principle of family reunion which dominates overall numbers as well as considerable humanitarian portion categories The institutional is developed in the of supposedly economic , independent , or refugee - ( Lloyd , 1993). and social framework within which immigration policy English -speaking settler societies produces client politics , the mode predicted by the model . Policy is normally created within tightly constrained subsystem largely out of public view and with comparatively little broad debate . There is a minimum of conflict and policy change occurs incrementally Immigration politics and infrequently . is not static , however . It is just as cyclical in the settler societies as elsewhere ; the cycles are simply less extreme . In the current global crisis , for example , these countries lag far behind the 12 European states in prominently onto of anti-immigrant levels national illegal of have pushed entry agendas , but even it so movements and influxes of asylum Economic recession , unanticipated restrictive policies . seekers , and rising development the immigration more of high a matter is politics only in Australia , and arguably , Canada . Although numbers are being reduced in Australia , it is more likely that the effect of the current cycle conflict will be to redouble efforts to deter asylum seekers of immigration and prevent permanent illegal migration alter the commitment to immigration . European The than to substantially States with Post-colonial and Guestworker Migrations distinctive feature that sets Great Britain , France , Germany , Belgium , the Netherlands , Sweden , and Switzerland societies is that their modern experience apart from the settler of mass immigration occurred when they were already fully developed national states . They entered the current period conditioned by their experiences of migration during the years after World War II, a migration that was narrowly economic , and for certain states , largely unintended after -effect of colonialism .9 For the settler societies immigration had been periods at different essential to supplement natural increase . Despite intense labor shortages in specific sectors and low European states can in insufficient population fertility no rates , the meaningful bases . Even sense when measure to meet be states recruited migrants , it was never for immigration necessary densely populated described or Western as employers having actively in itself , but rather as a labor needs that was pursued at times recklessly France is the country that fits least comfortably into this subset of ' states . France had received more substantial immigration in the nineteenth century than any other European state . Labor migrants were actively recruited before and after the First World War ( Cross , 1983; Bonnet , 1976; Strikwerda , 1993; Ogden and White , 1989) . As Patrick Weil notes , when the economic crisis hit in 1973-74 only France among the European states had both a long tradition of immigration and previous experience of managing immigration during a period Weil , 1992, p . 62). With substantial caveats , I will of economic setbacks ( argue , nonetheless , that France bears a closer resemblance to the other countries of post -colonial and guestworker migrations than to the settler societies . 13 Nor was immigration and at times with great trepidation .10 necessary for or normally important to the nation -building process or integral to the national identities of European On the contrary , large-scale states . immigration ( much of it non-European in origin ) was for many of these states a wholly new development that posed nationality and emerged accommodate themselves serious in dilemmas countries with with no to the cultural demands respect citizenship to history or inclination and to of such distinct minorities ( Brubaker , 1989, 1992; Leca , 1992) . The politics of immigration in these states today is haunted by the mistakes , failures , and unforeseen consequences of the guestworker era and by the social conflicts associated with the new ethnic minorities created during that time . Perhaps the most powerful legacy is the conviction that temporary labor programs ( Miller will inevitably and Martin , 1982) . public ' s consciousness pressures from developing turn into processes This that message Hammar is predicted of permanent deeply so in 1985 migration seared that into the "Migration countries may increase in the future , but Western Europe will be reluctant to allow large-scale labor immigration again " ( 1985, p . 244; cf . Messina , 1990). any further significant Another migration lesson of the guestworker will be largely era is that non-European . Because governments in the region recognize the special problems associated with the integration of such populations , this has further reduced their willingness to experiment . Finally , a legacy of the guestworker era is the common belief that immigration cannot be effectively managed and controlled by governments . There is a general skepticism control borders , and manage held as much by public about state capacity migration officials to master in the national as by the man in immigration , interest the that seems street contributes palpably to the general sense of unease migration and that provokes . In the immediate postwar period , the French government considered " launching a program of permanent immigration in order to remedy the demographic deficit caused by war losses and long-term population decline . The program was never fully implemented and a temporary manpower strategy quickly supplanted it ( Freeman , 1979, pp . 68-72; Georges Tapinos , 1975) . 14 The result of all this is that the response of publics and governments toward is much immigration Immigration politics positive less in Europe than in the sharper edge has a much settler societies . and it has gotten sharper still as the asylum crisis has unfolded since 1989 . Compared to the settler societies there is more overt conflict and much more violence . Most seriously , extremist have pushed parties policies have had significant success at the polls and right . Nevertheless , given the noticeably the to hysterical tone of much critical analysis of the politics of immigration , it picture , from the first days of postwar is worth noting migration through the asylum crisis , is close to the predictions of my model . The politics fundamentally that the overall of immigration in these states is, I want to argue , liberal democratic politics . European public opinion was at least mildly skeptical about immigration from the beginning , but in the common pattern of liberal democracies ignored by the politicians were especially poorly evident and parties . Although publics grew increasingly as time passed , they were slow to mobilize and their alarmed about migration views it was articulated . in public The reaction process of temporal illusion is labor programs , which to temporary started slowly with little fanfare and less public discussion and which were touted , after all, as being only temporary ( Thranhardt , 1992, pp . 41-42) . One would have to say that European citizens were sold a bill of goods with respect to these programs , which were elite-driven and packaged turned out to be , in retrospect , seriously misleading labor migration was supposed , "allocational " benefits costs Straubhaar migration while Temporary puts it, to avoiding the "distributional " produce the ( 1992) . Organized early of as promises . with what on opinion , on the other and dominated by groups hand, was having strongly a direct interest pro-immigration in migration . Employers mostly had the field to themselves . Indeed , business associations and individual firms took the leading role in recruiting foreign labor and in 15 pressing governments to negotiate labor agreements with sending states . The unions were either confused , collaborationist , or overridden . Public officials sought to establish an elite consensus based on a tacit agreement to abide by an anti-populist norm . Policy was typically made in administrative parliamentary contexts , without supervision public participation , and with ( Hammar , 1985, p . 277-287) . little A nearly pure form of client politics emerged that lasted in most states until the immigration stop in the 11 mid -seventies . recruitment Even was done without the decision public important to an bring consultation end to labor and, one has to ( 1985) describes infer , not in direct response to public unrest . As Hammar it: The decisions of France , German , and Sweden to 'stop ' immigration have an important debate feature in common : and parliamentary changes in government they were all made without discussion that usually surrounds ( p . 285) . . . It is policy that such a dramatic change of policy public important . . . astonishing . . . affecting so many interests and full of future implications , could take place without major debate between political interest groups The conformed politics parties and without conflict between domestic ( p . 298) . of in important immigration respects in these states to the liberal until democratic at least model 1973 and was , consequently , vastly more expansive than mass opinion would have justified . After 1973 things began been the occasion and unemployment the decision new entries to change . for the imposition reached The recession , the onset of the recruitment levels unprecedented to end further recruitment remained high or even rose began to set in that permanent of which had halt , was prolonged in the postwar era . Despite of workers , however , the numbers of ( Castles , 1984) . ethnic minorities As the reali zation had been created , citizens Great Britain and Switzerland are important exceptions this to " generalization . British policy was made in much more open fora and public opinion was aroused earlier than on the continent . The peculiarities of the Swiss constitution permitted mass participation and the relatively large size of the migration provoked it earlier than in other states . 16 had incentives greater to develop views , express them, and organi ze. number of highly controversial events brought to light the implications the new multicultural in Europe A of society that had been created —the reaction of Muslims affair , the conflict to the Rushdie over Muslim scarves in the schools , the domestic political flack over the Gulf War , conflict between the and ethnic authorities failure with of governments which they parents practicing to halt immigration responded female circumcision , etc . The in 1973 and the indecisiveness of to the aftermath 1973 contributed , it seems clear , to a growing perception among the public that states were incapable of managing immigration , challenges extremist posed parties by the played new borders , their controlling minorities . or with the entrepreneurs and dealing Political on but did not create these fears . They crudely violated both the rules of proper discourse about immigration and the antipopulist norm . Immigration policy and politics were not sufficiently institutionalized to withstand these pressures . have established off attacks The migrants themselves were too recent to the networks and political resources to enable them to fend that in the settler societies provoked withering and massive counterattacks by the spokespersons for ethnic groups . Anti-racist movements developed to fill this void , and with necessarily considerable effect , but they were ad hoc , episodic , and overly dependent on the support of liberal sympathizers rather than being able to mobilize ethnic power in self-defense ( Layton -Henry , 1990; Ireland , 1991) . Client politics began to evolve into interest group politics , the form predicted Wilson by concentrated ( 1980) . terms of the economic more difficult when both benefits The benefits contributions to perceive and costs are perceived of immigration , which had been of migrants in recessionary to be sold in to growing economies , were times with high unemployment . Moreover , the costs of immigration appeared to be both more concentrated and to fall on a larger portion of the population than in the earliest days . 17 in the schools , in neighborhoods , and elsewhere Competition accentuated the impact of a policy that now appeared out of control . The asylum crisis that followed the destruction of the Berlin Wall moved immigration to the stage of high politics . It forced the major parties to take stands , which took much of the sting out of the extreme parties , but pushed policy to the right . How far these European states have come from the client politics before 1973 can be seen in how quickly elites today move to avert further conflict and cleavages by cracking down on illegal migration , dealing more individuals forcibly with fomenting asylum violence claims , and hitting against foreigners . back at groups and act as if they Elites believe that the best means for managing conflict is to reassure voters with stance . In the first phase of postwar migration , on tightly restrictionist the other hand , "responsible ignore public immigration criticism politics seen elites " had and maintain it as their immigration levels . obligation to The dynamics of are now partly reversed . One of the most important features of the national responses to the asylum crisis is that they are being fashioned in a context of intensifying multilateral cooperation , especially but not only through the European Union . It is too early to know what the outcome of this will be, how far national immigration policy decisions will be moved to the Community level , but seems clear that the internationali zation of immigration decisionmaking be especially decisive it will for the third set of countries . The New Countries of Immigration Portugal , Spain , Italy , and Greece have only recently made the transition from sending to receiving countries . Their status with respect to immigration has changed swiftly , but the underlying forces leading to it have been underway for some time . Return migration first exceeded emigration in Italy in 1972, in Spain and Greece in 1975, and in Portugal in 1981 ( King and . Rybaczuk , 1993, p . 176) new migration These states have now begun to receive significant from outside the European Community at the same time that they continue to send workers abroad ( SOPEMI , 1993) . 18 The that forces have contributed economic growth , the informal sectors , lax to non-existent intense migration development pressures of to these changes labor segmented immigration include markets with from nearby countries . more by push they roles are taking on new in an review , In a thorough may be pre-industrial ), they come mainly countries , are propelled large control mechanisms , and ( although King and Rybac zuk conclude : "these immigrants are post -industrial their backgrounds rapid from Third World forces than attracted by pulls , and increasingly segmented local labour market " ( 1993, p . 204) . Push factors are surely dominant . Rosoli the new divide societies separating the receiving has shifted decisively Some 340 million persons live to its north . ( 1993, p . 281) observes that states of Europe from the sending south , running through the Mediterranean . live along its southern rim, 100 million more than Wage and living standard gradients are steep . It would be a mistake , however , to underestimate the strength of the demand for labor in certain of these countries . Even if that is not the principal reason for migration pressures , it affects governmental attitudes toward those seeking to enter the country . There are two significant circumstances within which political responses to these dramatic changes are being fashioned , one domestic and the other external . The first is the near complete absence of any institutional mechanisms or administrative experience immigration . This is definitionally with planning or regulating true for all states experiencing their first mass immigration , but the slate appears cleaner in southern Europe than it was in the New World there from sender Europe , if only because or in northern to receiver has been so fast and the shift unanticipated . The external factor is, of course , the role of the European Union in influencing immigration decisions the asylum crisis . as it moves toward further integration and deals with How states will respond to the challenge of migration is not obvious . The evidence is quite mixed and certainly not all in . As they move to put in place instrumentalities with which to regulate immigration , 19 states are embracing an ambiguous mix of inclusive and exclusive The balance so far is certainly moderate The legal lack or of institutional illegal , is evident if not inclusive . preparation in for paucity the regulations for the Martiniello writes : Before admission or exclusion 1986 no Italian immigration of reliable statis tics, statutory rules and foreigners . of policy immigration , significant in Greece , and in the absence of comprehensive especially measures . About as such existed . Italy , The sole existing text regulating the entry of foreigners on Italian soil was a police decree of the thirties , under fascism , which gave the police the discretionary power to give or to refuse a sojourn permit 1992, .. . ( p . 207) . Spain adopted its first comprehensive immigration law in 1985 ( for a detailed analysis , see Corredera efforts have nationals been . Garcia and Diez Cano , 1993) limited mainly to facilitating Portuguese the and Greek return of their from abroad . As policies have evolved , especially in Italy and Spain , they have been beset by administrative contradictory impulses European immigration deficiencies they embody . that derive in Generally , one may part from say that the southern policy has been directed toward partial and ineffective attempts to organize legal entry , curtail illegal entry , and regularize those already inside the country without authorization . These efforts sometimes work at cross-purposes . The regulation of legal immigration has required, as already noted , the drafting of new laws and the issuing of new administrative orders establishing permits , and for admission , granting procedures recognizing and protecting foreigners . Curtailing illegal migration social have been most prone to political and work rights of has been limited for the most part to the imposition of visas on certain states nationals and residence stay instrument thus far has been legali zation . ( the Mahgreb most notably )whose illegally . The dominant policy Italy resorted to this device in 1981, 1986, and 1990; Spain in 1985 and 1991 . Only modestly successful in 20 that they provoked Asylum policies months border in form and there is stricter states have become in these of 1990 . . ( Rellini , 1993, pp . 184-186) further illegal migration some evidence that they are modestly the Italian to come forward , there is evidence population the undocumented persuading Refoulements stricter in practice . from 13,900 in 1989 to 24,000 in the first jumped at six rose from 837 to 2,280 in the same period , but Expulsions ( Calavita , only about one-tenth of illegal aliens apprehended were deported One commentator on the Spanish case notes that persons denied 1993, p . 36) . asylum are given three months to find work and become legalized . Those who prefer simply not to bother vanish into the informal ( Cornelius , economy 1993b, p . 30). The chief immgration states is pressure flatly European factor that policies and example "Italian assert that . . . and by Italy was Italy as the weak point ( p . 215 ) . Cornelius immigration from the European policy is states Union . largely to inspired proposed "by the other of the European belt assertive law was "almost the He goes on countries who to be constructed " about Spanish policy . entirely by the European by European master Martiniello 1992, p . 210 ) . policy in 1985" ( pushed is equally these of the orientation considered comprehensive effort migration Community in terms of migration to the driving the result The 1985 of external pressure associated with Spanish entry into the European Economic Community , on January 1, 1986 . . . " ( 1993b, p . 17). and equally dictated with Spain ' s European partners ( . p . 30) reformed harmonizing The politics resemblances Mass refugee publics policy of immigration to the liberal are described ( Spain ), or increasingly were The newly imposed visa controls in democratic as either by the southern Europe model have we indifferent restive and incipiently necessities bears observed of remarkable elsewhere . , ( Portugal ) receptive ( Italy ) . No matter racist which , public opinion has not been a major influence on policy . The critical case is Italy , where there is some evidence of mass opposition the respondents in a 1989 poll thought immigration ( 85 percent of should either be 21 or prohibited discouraged Nonetheless , policy altogether ) . is basically receptive ; the trade unions are sympathetic ; the major parties conspiracy of silence issue ; decisions to keep extreme from running parties are made by administrative decree away with forum ; and there is minimal public discussion . 1993, pp . 29-34) In Spain , likewise , the immigration problem defined by government officials as a the rather than in the more open parliamentary "is engage in a delicate ( Calavita , balancing act : maintaining enough control over illegal flows to prevent the numbers of foreigners from backlash , while growing rapidly too also supplying and provoking an adequate , low— cost keep the economy growing and attract foreign a xenophobic labor force to investment " ( Cornelius , 1993b, p . 3) . Are we witnessing a reprise of the guestworker saga of the sixties and seventies ?12 Will these new immigration and Rybaczuk argue that this migration states travel the same road? has "some historical parallels , but the search for historical analogy should not obscure the essentially specific context of the model of emigration 204) . King new and into southern Europe " ( 1992, p . Moreover , given the example of the guestworker experience , one might expect that the learning curve of the new countries of immigration will be steeper than that of their northern neighbors . But listen to the words of a top Spanish immigration policymaker Other EC members interviewed by Cornelius : talk about the need for a ' zero-immigration but this is completely unrealistic for Spain policy , . . . We want them to recognize Spain ' s objective need for foreign labor . Spaniards won ' t do certain kinds of jobs , and we need to channel foreign these needs labor to meet ( Quoted in Cornelius , 1993b, p . 45) . If you close your eyes and ignore the Spanish accent , this explanation of policy sounds very much like what one might have heard in Paris thirty years ago ( Freeman , 1979, p . 84) . Meissner , et al . argue that Japan , for all its insistence to the contrary , " is well along the road to recreating the sort of temporary labor program that emerged in Europe in the sixties ( 1993, p . 72) . 22 Conclusion evidence The accommodates politics Within in this paper fundamental is that features a model single of all the these general parameters , there are three distinct of immigration receiving states . subsets of states whose immigration politics are marked by the timing of their first experience of mass immigration of immigration The politics first in is institutionalized . and the extent to which politics is being in Europe the post -guestworker societies rapidly and now institutionalized , in the new countries of immigration . As it does normalization will take place . The normal politics of immigration in liberal democracies is, as I have argued , expansive and inclusive . This does not imply , however , that the European states will adopt the mode of politics found in the settler and policy societies . Distinct modes are likely to persist in each subset of states . The settler societies are likely to remain the only states willing to mount large-scale programs of permanent immigration . The European states will , to a large extent , work out their immigration issues collectively within the European Union , though it is not a given states of that common policies Europe immigration will , for the will most be The post -guestworker adopted . part , try to avoid permanent new for work . One interesting question for these states is whether , as they are already tentatively recruiting temporary labor again , they will be able to manage these programs more effectively this time around . Another is how they will deal with the issues of multiculturalism , national identity , and citizenship countries of raised by the ethnic populations they already have . 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