ROMAN SI< INSTITUTS DUPLll<EREDE SMASl<RIFTER

ROMAN SI<
INSTITUTS
DUPLll<EREDE
SMASl<RIFTER
0
Nummer33
Maj 1975
Ebbe Spang-Hanssen
ROMANCE STUDIES
IN SCANDINAVIA
Romansk Institut
Københavns Universitet
Rigensgade 13
1316 Kbh. K
Pris 3,50 kr.
F 0 R 0 R D
Denne artikel er skrevet på bestilling af de to engelske professorer Rebecca Posner og John Green til et stort samleværk
om romansk filologi, der skal udgives på Mouton's fo r lag. Bestillingen blev afgivet i sommeren 1973 og artiklen blev afleveret i sommeren 1974. Imidlertid er forlaget kommet i finansielle vanskeligheder, og trykningen bliver udsat noget.
Blandt andet af den grund har jeg spurgt udgiverne om lov til
at udgive artiklen til lokal distribution. Mit væsentligste
motiv til at få den ud som RIDS er dog ønsket om at give de
studerende ved de danske romanske institutter et indblik i
deres fags traditioner.
Det skal bemærkes, at arbejdet kun omhandler fagets ~­
lige sider. Endvidere at bibliografien ikke skal være komplet;
den skal kun repræsentere et udvalg.
Ikke destomindre håber jeg, at denne udgivelse i RIDS kan
tjene det formål, at man vil gøre mig opmærksom på eventuelle grove fejl i bibliografien, som jeg så kan prøve at få rettet.
Knud Togeby har hjulpet mig meget under udarbejdelsen, både med oplysninger og med diskussion af vurderinger. Jeg håber også dette skrift vil bidrage til forståelsen af, hvor meget Knud Togeby har betydet for de romanske studier.
Ebbe Spang- Hanssen.
Just as in other countries, Romance studies in Scandinavia have
been marked by shifting currents of thought: historicism, positivism,
structuralism, transformationalism. The commonplace that scientific research is international contains some truth, and many Scandinavian contributions to Romance philology could equally well have
been written elsewhere in Europe, if not in the world. Nevertheless,
I think it is possible to find, in the Scandinavian treatises, a
common stamp which has not been obliterated by the waves of European intellectual life . It is this common stamp I should like to
stress in the following pages, at the risk of saying too little
about valuable works which just happen not to be very representative for what is going on in this part of the world.
Most Scandinavian philology bears the stamp of a certain empiricm or pragmatism, that is a predilection for what, at the
time given, is considered linguistic facts. Scandinavian philologists are often more interested in palpable proofs than in brilliant and stimulating theories . A good example of this attitude
is found in the polemic of Knud Togeby against A. J. Greimas some
years ago in Cahiers de Lexicologie (1965) . Togeby attacks Greimas' theory about semes, according to which theory it should be
possible to find out " que haut et bas contiennent des semes de
spatialite, dimensionalite et verticalite, long et court des semes
de spatialite, dimensionalite, horizontalite et perspectivite, large
et etroit des semes de spatailite, dimensionalite, horizontalite
et lateralite, vaste et epais seulement des semes de spatialite. 11
Togeby thinks that, in research strategy, priority ought to be
given to what is properly li~guistic, which means that the linguist,
first of all, should describe all the combinations in which the
different morphems enter. In this particular case, one finds
that haut, grand, large can be combined with the ending ~·
whereas bas, petit, etroit are combined with~·
One finds that haut, grand, large take complements introduced by
~. what the adjectives of the other series don't do; further that
haut, long more easily than bas and court can be combined with
~ - According to Togeby, a linguist who has enough will and
skill will be able to find an almost infinite number of distributional differencies; therefore such distributional facts as
these can and must be the starting point for linguistic analysis .
2
It is obvious that all Scandinavian Romanists do not agree entirely
with Togeby, but I think that his viewpoint, which I have cited
here, expr esses a hypothesis about language that seems inbred in
Scandinavian linguists : the hypothesis that language can be considered as a natural organism - or, if you prefer, as an organ
like the heart or the liver - in the sense that it is a profoundly
complicated mechanism sui generis , living its own life and having
ver y little in common neither with logic , nor with normal social
or cultural conventions . As a whole, Scandinavian Romanists are
very little inclined to logico-semantic studies that are not explanations of distributional phenomena. It is characteristic
that one hardly finds the word 'ideosyncratic' used by Scandinavian linguists ; as a matter of fact, what this word says is, that
linguistic phenomena which do not agree with the logic of the
linguist must be not-systematic peculiarities ; in this particular
respect Scandinavians are more humble and generally prefer to
think of the unintelligible facts as unmistakable signs of how
far we still are from understanding the system of l angua ge . This
approach not only keeps Scandinavian philology away f rom idealism
and pure semantics, it also draws a borderline between linguistics
on the one hand and stylistics on the other. From that point of
view, aesthetics and stylistics have just as much to do wit h linguistics as the art of decorating your home with flowers has to
do with botany . Changes in taste may make peopl e prefer some
flowers to others and may even make them want to modify some particular kind of flowers ; but that explains nothing about t he structure and physiology of the plants. Philology, as p ract ised in
Scandinavia, has little to do with 'Geistesgeschichte ' .
This attitude is probably due, first of all, to traditional
Scandinavian naturalism and distrust for all kinds of metaphysical
speculation . But it can have been reinforced by the way in which
the studies are organised, in institutes for Romance Philology .
The heading 'Romance philology ' signifies in practice that l inguistic studies have dominated the literary studies, whereas,
for instance in the Romance-speaking countries, the s tudy of the
mothertongue has been heavily influenced by literary and aesthetic considerations. A measure of the extent to which the study
3
of French, Italian and Spanish literature has been subordinate
to linguistic occupations is the relatively low number of literary treatises published by the institutes for Romance philology.
I think that the most striking example is found in the lists of
books published by the Swedish institutes . Each of them has since
the second world war published its own series of 'Etudes Romanes ' .
Only four out of about eighty titles figuring in recent versions
of the lists can be classified as literary criticism or literary
history ; all the other books are either linguistic studies or editions of medieval texts . In Denmark and Norway, however, the lack
of balance is less apparent, and it seems that literary s tudies are
gaining ground within the institutes for Romance Philology .
It falls outside the scope of this paper to treat also the purely literary studies, but I should like to mention the fact that
recent linguistic structuralism has given inspiration to many
structural descriptions. Concerning the theory of literature or
the definition of a literary genre : Svend Johansen (1949, 1950) ,
Per Nykrog (1957) , Steen Jansen (1968). Concerning t he relation
between literary style and grammar : J ens Rasmussen (1958), John
Pedersen (1974) . Concerning the works of a particular author :
Togeby (1957), Nykrog (1965), Moestrup (1972), N0jgaard (1973) .
In a long articl e in Revue d ' histoire litteraire de la France (1967),
by P . Barberis , Nykrog ' s study on Balzac was hailed as an event a victory for structuralism - in the history of French literary
critism. In Norway structuralist points of view in literature
were expressed a l ready in the nineteenthi rties by Peter Rokseth
(1928, 1953), whose influence might partly explain the comparatively important place occupied by literary criticism in Norway .
In recent years, however, the Norwegeans seems more interested in
philosophy and 'Weltanschaung ' than in fo r ma lism : Hans Aaraas has
written about the thought of Bernanos (1959), Asbj0rn Aarnes about
Nerval (1957), Brikt Jensen about Mauriac (1963), Annelise Amadou
about Proust (1965) and in a remarkable book Per L0nning has probably given the best existing introduction to the conceptual world of
Pascal (1958) . In Sweden, literary criticism and linguistics have met
in the works of Gunnar von Proschwitz on the vocabulary of the
eighteenth century (1956, 1964) .
4
Even if linguistics and literary criticism have found a meetingpoint in the theory of structuralism, it should be underlined that
it is not linguistics that have been influenced by literary criticism but rather the reverse:the study of the Romance languages
has not been marked by aesthetico-literary considerations as fo r
instance in France, where, in order to explain the structures of
French , many grammarians attach great importance to liter ary taste
in the seventeenth century and to the activities of the French
Academy . It can not be denied that there can be some near- sightedness in a philology of the Scandinavian type which renounces a ll
claims at the refreshing perspectives of the history of thought ,
and which concentrates on rather limited linguistic patterns . But
this narrowing of outlook is bearable for those who study language
with the same respect as scientists study nature, because, in this
perspective, language is not seen primarily as a curious result of
a great number of historical accidents, but as an extraordinarily
complicated mechanism which one would be happy just to understand
the slightest bit of.
The Scandinavian approach appears perhaps in its most typical
form in the syntactical studies which fairly can be said to have
dominated Romance studies in Scandinavia in recent years, and to
which I will dedicate the last and the longest part ~f this article:
but it is impossible to pass over historical philology which counts
many great achivements also in Scandinavia, and which is still
a living discipline although it does not occupy the center of the
scene anymore .
One of the most impressive achievements of Scandinavian scholarship is the enormous mass of medieval texts edited by Swedish and
Finnish scholars. The leading figures of the Romance studies in
Sweden in the beginning of this century were all distinguished
editors of old texts: P. A. Geijer, Carl Wahlund, Johan Vising,
and so were the profess~rs of the next generation: Hilding Kjellman (1922 a, 1922 b , 1935), Johan Melander (1922, 1930) , Emanuel
Wahlberg (1900, 1905, 1928 , 1946) . Fro~ later years one could mention: Bertil Malmberg (1940) , Borje Schlyter (1941), Einar Ronsjo
(1942), Ake Blomqvist (1951), Bertil Mahler (1956-64), Goran Bornas
5
(1968) , and last but not least the monumental edition, in three
volumes (1951, 1954 , 1967), of Chronigue des Dues de Normandie
par Benoit by Carin Fahlin, who did not reach to finish the edition before her death in 1964, and whose work was completed by
Osten Sodergaard .
In Finland historical philology has been even more predominant
than in Sweden. All readers of Les Classigues Fran9ais du Moyen
Age will be acquainted with the names of the two great Finish
scholars Arthur Langfors and Holger Petersen Dyggve. Their work
has been carried on after the second world-war by, in particular,
Tauno Nurmela (1937, 1947, 1967), Veikko Vaananen (1951), Erik von
Kramer (1950), just to mention a few specimena of the Finnish contributions.
These great traditions for text- editions are still alive in
Finland and Sweden, and I think it is a great 'titre d 1 honneur 1
for Romanists in these two countries to have
such an important share in the improvement of our knowledge of medieval
literature, which is by now published to such a large extent in
good editions that it can be an object of literary critism in rather
the same way as the literature of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries.
In connection with the work on text- editions, a great number
of historical studies on grammatical or literary problems have
been carried out . Naturally, different scholars have often edited
texts related to some particular problem they were interested in .
In this respect, the enterprises of Gunnar Tilander constitute an
outstanding example . He started his university career with a
thesis on Le roman de Renart (1923), followed the next year by
Lexique du roman de Renart . Thus i nitiated into the l anguage of
animal kingdom, he continued to explore the vocabulary of hunting,
publishing a great number of 1 artes venandi ' and explaining the
etymologies of many words concerning this noble art . The list of
books on that subject published by Tilander himself and his students at the university of Stockholm now comprises more than twenty
titles, concerning also Italian, Portuguese ans Spanish texts and
vocabulary . But Tilander ' s editorial activities also had another
6
focal point: the laws of ancient Spain. He published the ancient
Spanish fueros, a~d he and his students have reached not less
than ten book-titles, renewing thus our knowledge of an other
aspect of medieval life. His colleague in Gotheborg, Karl Michaelson, and O. Bratto have explored in numerous contributions the
traditions of Romance anthroponomy, publishing texts suitable to
throw light on the origin of personal names.
The main efforts of historical Romance philology have naturally
concentrated on medieval texts, but speaking of the Finnish and
Swedish historical schools, it should be mentioned that they have
given some of the fundamental text-editions and studies concerning Vulgar Latin, first of all E. Lofsted : Philologischer Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae (1911) and Veikko Vaananen:
Le latin vulgaire des inscriptions pompeiennes (1937). More recently Torsten Savborg (1941), Dag Norberg (1943, 1944), Vaananen (1967),
Lena Lofsted (1966).
Also in other branches of historical philology one counts many
Swedish and Finnish contributions. In dialectology o~e of the
most well-known is the study by Bengt Hasselrot of a franco - proven~al dialect (1937). Other studies in this field have been made
by C. Bjerrome (1957), and by L. O. Svenso~ (1959).
In historical morphology the most o~tstandnig achievements are
perhaps the thorough investigation of the Rumanian verb by Alf
Lombard (1954, 1955) and Hasselrot's studies on Romance diminutives (1957, 1972). Hasselrot's studies raise, and partly solve, a
great many problems of general interest for Romance linguistics .
Hasselrot gives , for instance, an interesting contribution to the
discussion about the relation between genus and sexus. He supports
the idea of Walter von Warburg that the feminin gender, because
it continues, for purely formal reasons, the neuter plural in some
cases, can be suitable to express big seize; but on the other hand
he gives convincing evidence of the existence of a rather strong
tradition relating the masculine gender to words indicating big
things, and this seemingly for non- linguistic reasons .
Even from the beginning of the century the syntactical studies
carried out within the framework of historical philology are marked by the empiricist style I have just referred to as typical
7
for Scandinavian grammarians. A good example is the thesis of
Johan Melander o~ the developement from magis to mais (1916), a
book which may interest even those who are concerned only with
modern grammar, because it gives a fine syntactico-semantic analysis of the use of adversative expressions. Most characteristic is his refusal to go further in the classification of the
senses of mais - as other philologists has done - than what palpable syntactical criteria allow him to do. Each of the rather
few senses he distinguishes is characterized by a particular type
of context, and he is careful only to establish relationship diachronical or synchronic - between senses that are characterized
by similar contexts. Thus the documentation occupies more space
in the book than speculations on possible logical connexions.
Another example of rather general interest could be the thesis
of Paul Falk on jusque and its synonyms in old French and old
Proven~al (1934). Falk, who constantly uses distributional criteria to support his semantic hypothesis, studies the close connexion
between expressions signifying the ending point and expressions
indicating the starting point, and he claims that there is a general tendency in French, throughout the ages, to use expressions
which originally indicate the starting point with the meaning
•until ': "En creant d'ici que = jusgu'a ce que (ex.: Il ne me
faudra rien d'ici qu'il fasse jour), le fran~ais litterair e de
nos jours ne fait que renouveler apres quatre ou cinq siecles
d'oubli un vieux procede qui semble inherent a ·1 genie meme des
langues de la Gaule . 11 Also the historical studies of Sven Anderson on the word tout (1954, 1961) use carefully measured doses
of semantics and distributional criteria, and throw much light
even on the modern use of !out.
In Denmark and Norway historical Romance philology has not
had a flowering that can be compared to that of the Swedish and
Finnish schools; in particular, in these two countries, there has
been, up till now, no tradition for publication of medieval texts.
It seems, however, that Birger Munk Olsen, who publishes 'les dits'
of Jean de Saint-Quentin (1975), is about to form a school for
medieval palaeography in Copenhagen . It would probably be erroneous to attribute the absence of that branch of philology in Den-
8
mark and Norway to one single reason, but one can hardly neglect
the fact that the real founder of Romance philology in Denmark,
Kristoffer Nyrop, the author of the well-known 'Grammaire historique de
la langue fran~aise'(in six volumes 1899-1930) was weak-sighted completely blind from the age of fourtyfive - and hence prevented from dedicating himself to the study of old manuscripts. In
spite of the impact of Kristoffer Nyrop, whose authorship comprises numerous treatises on grammar, etymology and literary history,
it is, however, his younger colleague, Kristian Sandfeld, who has
most deeply influenced modern Romance philology in Denmark; I
think that more than anybody else he has established the now prevailing Scandinavian tradition for synchronic syntactical studies
in an empiricist style, that is to say with a minimal, but relatively solid theoretical framework, and a mass of documentation.
His first purely synchronic study, on subordinate clauses in French,
is from 1909.
Sandfeld was at the same time a fine historical linguist, and
before I turn exclusively to modern Scandinavian work in synchronic syntax, I must take care not to give the false impression
that the historical studies have been neglected in Norway and Denmark. Sandfeld is considered one of the founders of Balkan-philology; he contributed to the very creation of the idea of a Balkanphilology by pointing out structural relationships between languages from this area, which are not genetically related (1900,
1930). These studies as well as the important description he made,
together with Hedvig Olsen , of modern Rumanian syntax (in three
volumes, 1936Tl962) have largely inspired later works on Rumanian:
Rosenstand Hansen (1952), Togeby (in 1968), Halvorsen (1973).
What has been done in the historical field in Denmark and Norway
is rather grammar or linguistics than philology, in the narrow
sense of the word. So the historical work of Viggo Brendal (1917),
the thesis of Arne-Johan Henrichsen on conditional clauses in old
occitan (1955), the thesis of Palle Spore on the Romance diphthongation (1972), the studies of Sletsj0e (1959) and Sten (1944, 1951)
on Portuguese, the studies of Togeby on Romance morphology and
syntax (1968). On a very high linguistic level one finds the comprehensive study of Poul .skaarup on word-order and use of personal pronouns in Old French (1974); he renews the well- known dis-
9
cussions about these matters, to which also the Swede Franzen (1939)
has contributed, by some new strict formulations of the word-orderrules which enable him to show numerous false corrections made by
the modern editors of the old French texts. As to properly philological outlook, the great introduction to the medieval literatures, by Anker Laugesen (1966), deserves particular mention;
with incredible scholarship, embracing nearly all the languages
used in the medieval literatures of Western Europe, Laugesen describes the conditions of literary activity, stressing the unity
of medieval civilization. This unity has been illustrated in an
other great synthesis, by Togeby (1969), concerning the legend
of Ogier le Danois. Togeby's description of the origin of the
legend and its life throughout the ages is at the same time a
summary of the history of ancient French literature and a contribution to the discussion about the conditions of literary
creation and its relation with reality; not only for Danes it
may be fascinating to see how the old French poets created the
national hero of Denmark, who, although sleeping, still lives
in the casemates of Elsinore.
In the last decades, synchronic syntactical studies have
been predominant in Sweden as well as in Norway and Denmark,
and from now on there will be less reason to describe the different schools separately. Of course, the influential scholars
have held different methodological convictions, and much could
be said about the structuralism of Viggo Brendal (1948, 1950),
about the early structuralism of Togeby which was inspired by
Hjelmslev's glossematics (1951), about the psychological approach
of Anders Blinkenberg (1928, 1960), about the statistical methods
of Arne Klum (1961) and Lennart Carlsson (1966) and so forth .
But I think it is more in agreement with the best Scandinavian
matter-of-fact traditions to look rather at the results than at
the theories and at the authors. After all, if philology is not
created solely for the pleasure of philologists, the most important questions to put in a review-article like this one seem to be:
What have the philologists achieved? What do we know now that we
did not know fifty years ago?
10
It may be natural to take as a first example of progress in
syntactical knowledge the typology of subordinate clauses set up
by Sandfeld within the framework of traditional grammar. Everyone
knows ~hat a subordinate clause has a function in a main clause
or in another subordinate clause, but Sandfeld had the idea of
taking this analysis in earnest and of posing the question of
which clauses could have which functions under which ci rcumstances. (Sandfeld,indeed, does not formulate the question explicitely; he only gives the answer, a fact which easily creates the
impression that there is less theory in his books than there
actually is). So Sandfeld accounts for when and with which conjunctions nominal clauses (propositions completives) and interrogative clauses can be regimen in prepositional phrases, when and
with which conjunctions nominal clauses can be the second term
in comparisons after que, and so forth. In this way we have got
exact information about the correspondance between word-classes
and types of clauses. The classification of relative clauses,
in particular, seems a good advance on previous ones. Four main
types are distinguished: 1) the independent, or nominal, introduced i n fact by pronoun of the interrogative type: J'aime qui
je veux, 2) the predicative, whose antecedent may be a joint
personal pronoun: Je l'entends qui descend, 3) the attributive,
which can be subdivided in determinative (restrictive) and appositive, 4) relatives in cleft sentences, which have a syntax
of their own as regards the use of pronouns, tense and mood.
The important thing is that these types are clearly characterized by syntactical features .
Another advance due to Sandfeld is the more exact statement
of some rules governing the use of de before infinitive in modern French. For instance, traditional grammars had maintained
that de was not used before an infinitive as predicate. Sandfeld
lo proves that the infinitive is a predicate in a sentence such
as mon plus grand desir est de voyager, by means of substitutions
as for example mon plus grand desir qui est de voyager, where
qui undoubtely is the subject, 20 shows with many examples that
this use of the infinitive is quite common, 30 formulates in a
11
simple rule the difference between the uses of the infinitive in
this function with and without de, namely that de is used only
when the predicate can be interchanged with the subject: (de)
voyager est mon plus grand desir. A modern transformationalist
would say, perhaps, that the predicate takes de precisely in
the case where it is the subject of the deep- structure sentence;
of course, the analysis made by Sandfeld is not the ultimate
truth, but a consistent description of surface structure-rules
will normally be a good background for further progress .
The most important gains are probably to be found in the
syntax of t he verb: aspect, tense, mood . In the first place,
Scandinavian Romanists following in the path of German linguists
(Eduard Hermann, Walter Porzig), have taken part in worki ng out
the fundamental and fruitful distinction between 'mode d'action'
( 1 Aktionsart', sometimes also called root- aspect) and aspect
(sometimes also called inflexional aspect) . The adjectives perfective and imperfective are mostly used to speak of the ' mode
d'action', whereas punctual and non- punctual (durative) are said
about the aspect. Even if romanists in some countries still
use the word aspect in the two different senses, I think that
these distinctions constitute a significant clarification which
opens up new opportunities for the work on the syntax of Romance
verbs.
As already pointed at by Eduard Hermann, the perfective and
the imperfective 'mode d 1 action' can be distinguished fairly
well by a simple criterion: the possibility of combining the
verb with an adverb such as longtemps. The Scandinavians cannot
take credit for the basic ideas in this . field, they have only
contributed to show their linguistic relevance, in the work of
Holger Sten (1952), J. Schmitt Jensen (1963), Arne Klum (1961),
Knud Togeby (1953, 1965). This French grammar by Togeby, which
counts more than nine hundred pages, is a cornerstone in recent
Scandinavian syntactical research, and it is constantly refered
to in papers dealing with all kinds of problems within French
grammar ; a French edition is in preparation .
With regard to diathesis, the distinctions just mentioned
can account for the use of etre + past participle to express
a process (Il est o~serve =On l'observe ) , as opposed to the
12
expression of a state (Il est tue) that cannot be transformed
to an active sentence in the same tense (On le tue). The rules
can be roughly outlined in this way: etre + past participle
can always be used with imperfective verbs, whereas with perfective ver bs it can only be used in a punctual tense unless
the non-punctual tense is used in an iterative sense or unless
other disambiguating factors are added. The distinction between
'mode d ' action ' and aspect is crucial, because it is largely
the interaction between the two that accounts for the choice
of etre + past participle or one of the alternative passive
constructions (reflexive passive, se faire+ infinitive).
With regard to tense, the distinctions are particularly useful for the description of the differencies between le passe
simple and l'imparfait. The difference between the two tenses
is of course aspectual, i.e. a punctual tense as opposed to a
non-punctual tense; but many of the difficult uses of the two
tenses can be described as an interaction between aspect and
•mode d'action': no particular pro~lem arises whenever a perfective root is combined with the punctual aspect, or when an
imperfective root is combined with the non-punctual aspect;
but if, for instance, a perfective root is connected with the
non-punctual aspect, special effects are obtained such as
' l ' imparfait pittoresque' or the badly named ' l'imparfait de
conatu•, i.e. an action which was about to take place: j ' oubliais
mon parapluie; reversely, if an imperfective root is connected
to the punctual aspect, one most often gets the so-called ingressive use of le passe simple: il sut meaning 'he heard' and
not 'he knew'.
A prerequisite for the successful use of these notions, in
a rather complicated matter, has been the introduction of exact
criteria, the best of which seems to be the correlation between aspect and adverbs of time. Many facts, which are far from being
obvious, have come out, e . g . the fact that longtemps more often
is combined with punctual than with non-punctual aspect; observations like this have made it still more clear that the
differ ence between le passe simple and l'imparfait has nothing
to do with duration, but only with the opposition limitation non- limitation. In the works just mentioned in particular in
13
those of Klum and Togeby, detailed accounts are given for every
single adverb of time. Common sense would not have guessed, I
suppose, that plusieurs fois should be classified with the adverbs that indicate a precise number of iterations, such as
trois fois, rather than with those which indicate an undertermined number of iterations, like parfois; it is a usefull warning
against the use of common-sense con9iderations in language analysis.
Another important tool in the anal ysis is the correlation of
tense and aspect with the type of the clause in which the verb
is used. In a fundamental article from 1954 Togeby gives a good
theoretical foundation for the study of these problems. He distinguishes between 'concordance' which is a dependency that holds
between two identical morphems, and 'rection', which is a dependency between two different mor phems; in the next place he distinguishes dependencies holding between tense morphems from dependencies between aspect ~orphems and from dependencies of mixed
types (tense - aspect) . On this basis he gives an improved formulation of the rule proposed by Damourette and Pichon about an important feature of 'concordance des temps'; the rule, which now
appears to be a rule concerning 'rection', goes like this : "Si le
verbe de la principale est au passe (imparfait ou passe defini),
celui de la proposition completive ou interrogative indirecte sera
a l'aspect imperfectif (imparfait OU COnditionnel) et non a l'aspect perfectif (passe defini ou futur) . 11 The rule is tested on a
large amount of material, and it appears that nearly all exceptions can be reduced to one single type of nominal clauses, namely
the type Il arriva qu'elle le rencontra, where there is no real
subordination since the two actions are identical. Togeby further
points out a number of different dependencies between aspect or
tense and conjunctions such as quand, ~· lorsque, alorsque,
des que, tant gue. Concerning French, rules of this kind have been
studied and improved in works of Nilsson-Ehle (1944), H0ybye (1966),
M0rdrup (1971), Olsson (1971). Concerning Italian: Bllicher (1970) ,
Henrichsen (1971), Valikangas (1972), Ni lsson-Ehle (1973). Concerning Portuguese : Sten (1973) . Concerning Spanish: Togeby (1953).
For the description of the verbal system the exact limitation
of the notion •per iphrases verbales' plays an important role .
14
A good step forward has been made particularly concerning the distributional differencies between the periphrase aller + infinitive
and the main verb aller followed by an infinitive, first in the
thesis of Leiv Flydal (1943), later on Henrichsen (1967) and Togeby(1965).
One can hardly say that within the theory of mood a similar
clarification of the basic ideas has taken place as within the
theory of aspect and 'mode d'action'. The factors that condition
use of subjunctive are still described in very different ways.
Yet the Scandinavian studies in this field have in common that
they are very careful to distinguish the use of mood in the different types of clauses. The most convincing result obtained in
the study of mood is probably that semantic speculations without
incessant consideration 0£ the different syntactical constructions are useless. A striking example is the difference, emphasized by Togeby (1965) and Nordahl (1969), between the use of
mood in nominal clauses as logi cal subject (Il est etonnant gu'ils
soient restes fideles) and as predicate (L 1 etonnant est gu'ils
sont/soient restes fideles). This phenomenon has earlier been
pointed at by the German Romanist Soltmann, Lerch and Regula ;
it is just characteristic for Scandinavian scholars that they
attach so much importance to the thorough investigation of these
syntactical variations. Nordahl, for instance, finds that it is
important to distinguish, in the predicate construction, whether
it is direct (Le malheur est gue •.. ) or indirect (Le malheur,
c'est que .•. ), whether the subject is a no:..in (Le malheur •• ) or
an adjective in the positive degree (Le malheureux •• ), an adjective in the superlative degree (Le plus malheureux .• ) or a clause
(Ce qui est malheureux, c'est gue .. ). ~s regards nominal clauses
as object, it seems often necessary to study every governing verb
(comprendre, croire, dire etc.) separately. Many new rul es about
particular cases are proposed in the works of Borjeson(l966),
Nordahl (1969), Ronsjo (1966,67), Boysen (1971). These rules, or
hypotheses, are generally based on solid documentation; the corpus studied by Borjeson co~prises 12.000 examples, that of Nordahl 22.000. The thesis 0£ J. Schmitt Jensen (1970), which describes, in more than seven hundred pages, the use of subj<.mctive
15
in Italian, can be said to fi ll a gap in the existing literature
on Italian syntax.
Besides the modal syntax of noun-clauses, that of relative
clauses following a s uperlative has been particularly studied.
Apparently, three Scandinavian grammarians, Ulleland (1967) ,
Nordahl (1970 , 1972) and Carlsson (1969 ) , have obtained consonant and convincing results: in these relative clauses subjunctive is not used to express a personal evaluation or a reservation , as is usually claimed, but whenever there is, or can be
inserted, some generalizing factor such as jamais, au monde or
the like (la maison la plus belle gu'il ait jamais vue) . Togeby ,
however, has thrown some doubt on this pleasant agreement (1973)
by pointing out that, as regards French, subjunctive is simply
the normal mood in real restrictive relative c lauses after a genuine superlative.
Even if the termi nilogy concerning the theory of moods has
not been clarified in a way that is generally accepted, the hypotheses that have been set forward deserve to be mentioned . The
thesis of Nordahl (1969) is of a rather semantic kind since he
thinks it possible to define three semantic spheres or systems,
that determine the use of subjunctive in the nounclauses : 'un
systeme volitif, un systeme subjectif, un systeme dubutatif' .
Boysen (1971) tries to avoi d semantic explanations and describes
the subjunctive by means of a hierarchy of syntactical f actors
among which he ranges the place of the subordinate clause, the root
of the governing verb , its syntax, its derivation , its i nflexion.
Schmitt Jensen (1970) as well wants to avoid considerations on
the meaning of the s ,1bjuncti ve, but he is not satisfied with a
mere description; he explains the use of subjunctive by its functional valu e, as a morp~eme indicating subordination . He tries
to prove his hypothesis , which reminds one of Martinet's theory
on the economy of linguistic structures, by s howing that modal
differentation protects against misinterpretations as to what
type the subordinate cl ause in ques tion belongs . A very important probl em in this respect is the correlation between the use
of subjunctive and omission of introductory che, a problem which
is the subject of a penetrating study - with a somewhat misleading title - by Hans Nilsson-Ehle (1947) .
16
In the study of word-order the works of Andreas Blinkenberg
The method by which he describes
the place of the attributive, for instance, has been adopted by
Togeby (1965). The basic idea is to make a syntactical problem
out of what seemed to be a semantic problem, by saying that some
ten adjectives have their normal place before the noun, the others
after the noun, and that the normally 'postpositive' adjectives
just acquire the value of some of the adjectives normally placed
before when moved to that position. The advantage of this approach
is, here as elsewhere, that the semantic problem is reduced to
one of likeness, and that we can operate with relatively clear
substitutional criteria. Also the description given by Blinkenberg of the different types of subject-inversion has given impulsion to further studies: Spang-Hanssen (1971), Togeby (1971).
N0jgaard has in an interesting way related inversion in exclamations to the use of negation (1967).
Within the field of work-order a very positive step forward
has been made by Lennart Carlsson (1966), who has formulated
quite new and accurate rules concerning the place of the adjective in nominal groups of the type substantive + de + substantive. As everyone know, groups of this type are extremely frequent in Romance languages, and there has been a real lack, even
for pedagogical purpose, of rules stating where to place an adjective that refers to the first noun or to the whole group.
One of Carlsson's more important rules says that we have the
order s 1 AS 2 if the adjective is non-distinctive in regard to
the whole group, but distinctive in regard to s1 , which explains,
for instance, une blouse blanche d'infirmiere and une face ronde de bebe opposed to une explosion de gaz violente. The rules
Carlsson formulates are based on the study of eight thousand
(1929-32) have been influential.
examples.
The problems of concord have been studied in great detail,
with particular attention to the syntactical relations (coordination and subordination, exocentric relations): H0ybye (1944),
Blinkenberg (1950), Grundt (1972).
17
Even in the rather numerous Scandinavian works on prepositions,
priority has been given to the study of syntactical patterns.
Typical in this respect are: the article of Karin Ringenson on the
alternation between de and par to express the agent after a passive
verb (1926), Bostrom's study on phrases like avoir le plaisir de
faire gc. and avoir du plaisir a faire gc. (1957) , Blinkenberg's
study on transitivity (1960), Spang-Hanssen's thesis on the colourless ' prepositions (1963); in all these studies an effort
has been made to explain the use of the prepositions not only by
their meaning but also by syntactical factors such as the use of
determiners. The same tendency can be observed, to some extent,
in the diachronical studies of Fahlin (1942) .
The more syntactical studies become detailed, the closer they
get to lexicography . The picture of the Scandinavian syntactical
studies would be too incomplete without a mention of the huge
amount of syntactical knowledge laid down in the big dictionaries
that are at the disposal of the Scandinavians: Bratli 's SpanishDanish dictionary (1947) , the Danish-French dictionary by Blinkenberg and Thiele (1937) and the French- Danish dictionary by
Blinkenberg and H0ybye (1964) . And it would be an equally important omission not to mention phonetics which, as it is well known,
has played a great historical role in the developement of modern
structural methods. In Scandinavia, Bertil Malmberg, in particular, who is at the same time a phonetician, a general linguist
and a romance philologist, has done much to introduce modern methods in Romance philology (1966,1973). Also in a geographical
sense, he has opened new horizons, working with predilection on
the Romance languages of South- America ; he has , for instance,
used structural methods to refute the theories that explain the
particularities of South-American Spanish by the influence of the
substratum-language (1973) .
It will perhaps have been noted that in nearly all the syntactical
studies mentioned the influence of transformational or generative
gramar is very limited, probably on account of the longlasting
prestige of Hjelmslev ' s glossematics and, especially, of the empiricist tradition in Scandinavia. The generative grammar appears
18
to most Scandinavian romanists as too hypothetical, that is to say
that it sets up more and greater hypotheses than necessary or than
it will ever be possible to make probable. However, generative
grammar has played some role even in this milieu, as can be seen
for instance in the 'Actes dU 5eme congres des romanistes scandinaves' (1972). Henrik Prebensen, who in earlier works has endeavoured to expose the philosophical inconsistency of glossematics
(1967 a, 1967 b), here proposes a rather convincing transformational description of some related functions: attributive, apposition, 'free apposition' and adverb. Carl Vikner, who earlier
has discussed the simplest form of a phrase-structure-grammar for
French numerals (1969), here gives a contribution, in the style
of generative grammar, to the understanding of the mechanism of
cleft-sentences.
It has become obvious, I suppose, that distributional criteria alone do not contribute a sufficient tool for linguistic research. Avoiding to take refuge in traditional vague semantics,
Scandinavian romanists have turned to frequency investigations:
Klum (1961), Carlsson (1966), Nordahl (1969). But simple statistical methods do not either offer the necessary conceptual
framework. At least some methods of argumentation taken from
generative grammar will certainly be adop~ed by the Scandinavian
romanists, who, always suspicious of metaphysics, will welcome
new techniques.
19
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