Globalization and Exterritoriality in Metropolitan Cairo

American Geographical Society
Globalization and Exterritoriality in Metropolitan Cairo
Author(s): Petra Kuppinger
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Geographical Review, Vol. 95, No. 3, New Geographies of the Middle East (Jul., 2005),
pp. 348-372
Published by: American Geographical Society
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GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN METROPOLITANCAIRO
PETRA KUPPINGER
ofnewspaceslikehotels,malls,private
clubs,andgatedcomRapidconstruction
munitiesin GreaterCairo,Egyptproducesstructures
disconnected
and conceptuspatially
as wellas
urbanfabric.Theirspatialconceptsand practices,
allyfrommostoftheexisting
architectural
formsand expertise,
arebasedlargelyon globallyavailablemodels.Planning
and construction
areguidedbythesearchforsecurity
in thefaceofrealor imaginedfearof
theurbanmassesand politicalupheaval.Concretewalls,guardedentrances,
and high-tech
bearwitnesstothesefears.
oftheMenaHouseHotel,theGrand
security
technology
Analysis
EgyptianMuseumproject,and theFirstMall in Giza showshow theseprojectsglobalize
Cairoandlocalizetheglobal.Oftentheseglobalizedspacesareremadebycreating
localand
thatwerenot anticipated
regionaltiesand designfeatures
by theplanners.Such changes
shedlighton underlying
and contribute
to a betterunderstanding
of in situglodynamics
balization.Whereastheirphysicalfeatures
tendto accentuate
theirglobalizednature,these
andculturalcontexts.
Theireveryday
spacesdo notexistin isolationfromtheirgeographical
in scholarly
debates.
overlooked
realitiestelltalesof reterritorialization
thatare frequently
exterritorial
reterritorialization.
Cairo,Egypt,
Keywords:
spaces,Giza,globalization,
ABSTRACT.
listof
The WebsiteoftheMenaHouseHotelin Giza,Egyptboastsan impressive
awardsthehotelhas received.In 2002 and 2003 theMena House, located at thefoot
oftheCheopsPyramid,
waslistedamong"TheMostExclusive
HotelsintheWorld,"
Ten
in theWorld"
Hotels-World's
Best
and
"The
Best
Hotels
500
"Top
Service;',"
(Oberoi Hotels2005). Of thetwelveawardslisted,onlytwo-"BestLandscaped
Gardenin Egypt"and "HighestGuestServiceStandardAmongstAll Hotelsin
that
and comparethehotelin itsimmediate
context;
geographical
Egypt"-situate
IndianOcean,and Middle
is,Egypt.The otherawardsuse larger,
regional-Africa,
in evaluating
ofthisprestiEast-or globalreferences
standards
and achievements
the
new
Grand
debates
of
hotel.
announcements
and
Egyptian
gious
Similarly,
in the
Museummentionthatthismegaproject,
whichis stillunderconstruction
artifacts
oftheGizaPyramids,
is "notonlythelargest
museumofEgyptian
vicinity
Like
intheworld,butalsoone ofthelargest
museumsintheworld"(Ionides200oo4).
referand pointsof
theMenaHouse,themuseumprojectusesglobalcomparisons
similar
rolein theworld.Reflecting
enceto illustrate
itsgrandeur
and envisioned
new
malls
and
other
for
and
places
quests globalcompetition recognition, shopping
and gloofleisureand consumption
in Cairocompetewiththeirpeersregionally
notonlyin termsofsizebutalsowithregardto outnewrecords,
ballyforsetting
in themidstof
landishfeatures,
suchas ice-skating
rinksor evenskiingfacilities
desertconditions.
TheMenaHouse,theGrandEgyptian
Museum,andvariousmalls
arelocatedon Egyptian
soil,butwherearetheyon thepowerful
map of
symbolic
reference?
Do
of
their
and
economic
Where
are
cultural
they
points
globalization?
$
DR. KUPPINGERis an associate professorof anthropologyat Monmouth College, Monmouth,
Illinois 61462.
The GeographicalReview 95 (3): 348-372, July2005
CopyrightC 2006bytheAmerican
Geographical
SocietyofNewYork
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
349
globalizeEgypt,or do theylocalizetheglobal?How fardo local,national,or reand their
gionalforcesinteractand possiblycontesttheseiconsof globalization
focused
ambitions?
outwardly
Sincethemid-1980s
has witnessed
Cairo,likemanypostcolonial
metropolises,
therapidconstruction
of newspacesthatseemto be separateand disconnected,
not onlyspatiallybut also conceptually,
frommostof theexistingurbanfabric.
clubs,and upscale,gatedcommuExamplesincludehotels,shoppingmalls,private
nitieson thecity'sdesertoutskirts.
Thishighlyfragmented
newspatiality
also includesa smallnumberofolderspaces,whichhavesuccessfully
keptpaceorsmoothly
insertedthemselves
intotherace of globalcompetition,
and recognition.
profit,
One suchexampleistheMenaHouseHotel.Asdifferent
as theirhistories
andfunctionalusesare,examplesat theforefront
arecloselylinkedin
ofthenewspatiality
theirunderlying
intonetworks
ofglobalcapitalmodels,in theirfirmintegration
in
intotherapidlygrowing
ofleisure,
ism,and, particular,
globalserviceindustry
andtourism.
Theseprojects'
architectural
formsand
consumption,
spatialconcepts,
and definitions
ofspatialpractices
arebasedlargely
on globallyavailable
expertise,
models.Frequently
theplanningand construction
ofsuchprojectsareproductsof
globalcooperation.In manyinstancesplanningand construction
processesare
the
search
for
in
the
face
of
real
or
fears
oftheurban
guidedby
security
imagined
massesand politicalupheaval.Concretewalls,guardedentrances,
and high-tech
bearwitnesstothesefears.
A characteristic
feature
ofthesenew,
security
technology
is
that
most
are
often
which
enclaves,
globalizedspaces
physical
quasi-fortresses,
arelargely
inaccessible
to mosturbanresidents
The paramount
exceptas workers.
natureofsecurity
concernsand theexclusionoftheurbanmasseshintsatthecontestednatureofthesenewiconsofglobalization.
ThisarticleexaminesthecasesoftheMena House Hotel,theGrandEgyptian
Museumproject,and theFirstMall in Giza as examplesofin situglobalization.
It
addresses
theunderlying
ofthemakingand remaking
oftheseglobalized
dynamics
thosethatcountertheirexterritorial
natureand reterritorialize
spaces,particularly
elements
oftheirexistence
local
and
thatwere
bycreating
regionaltiesand features
notanticipated
bytheplanners.
Conceivedand negotiated
in thecontextofa largely
Western-dominated,
rapor projectsare inidlyglobalizing,
capitalisteconomy,
globalizedestablishments
ofglobalfashions,
spiredin generalbya complexarticulation
lifestyles,
politicsof
andarchitectural
charexterritorial
knowledge,
possibilities.
Theypossessdistinctly
in thattheyrepresent
thatdiffer
fromtheirphysicalenviacteristics,
spatialities
In theireveryday
ronment.
thesespacesappearto respondand caterto
dynamics,
theneedsand demandsof a globalizedclienteleof bothlocal and globalorigin.
Globalizedspacestendtobe exterritorial,
in thattheirconstruction,
maintenance,
and economiesare largelycontrolled
by globalforces.Locally,theseprojectsunderlinetheever-sharper
distinction
betweenthehavesand thehave-notsand ocvisionsoffuture
slumsand
casionally
givecauseto horrific
cityscapes
of"creeping
cheekbyjowlwithinternational
hotelsandlargespaces
rampant
poverty,
coexisting
THE
350
GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
dedicatedto consumption
and leisuretimeforthosewho can affordit" (Abaza
2004).
The increasing
of citydwellersunderliestheoften-dormant
tenpolarization
sionsthataccompany
therecenttransformations
ofmanypostcolonial
cityscapes.
The existence
of newfortresses
of leisureand consumption
nextdoor to poverty
and in themidstofdifferent
culturaland spatialcontexts
dereactions,
engenders
Whether
theseare
bates,and possiblychallenges
amonglocal poorerpopulations.
outloudormaintained
inclosedquarters,
expressed
theyexistandneedtobe taken
intoaccount,fortheycanbe translated
at
intoaction anygivenmoment,
particupublicor politicaltension.Thus,althoughglobalized
larlyin timesofheightened
urbanprojectsareproductsandproperties
ofglobaldynamics
andactors,theyalso
in a constantstruggle
withtheglobal
localfeatures
harborand producedistinctly
forces.Whereastheirphysicalfeatures
tendto accentuate
theirglobalizednature,
thesespacesdo notexistin isolationfromtheirgeographical
and culturalenvironandtheireveryday
realities
thatarefrequently
telltalesofreterritorialization
ments,
in scholarly
overlooked
debates.Theseprojectsareduplicatesof globallyavailable
models,butthemomenttheirdoorsopentheysetinmotiona complicated
process
thattakesplaceon twolevels.On one hand,
of localizationor reterritorialization
comthisinvolvesusersand patronsofthelocalelite,as wellas wealthy
expatriate
who appropriate
fortheir
munitiesand tourists
and remakeplannedspatialities
own purposes.On theotherhand,thespacesare contestedand used in specific
mannersbythosewhoworkthereand maintainthemandbythefewwhomanage
to "sneakin" despitebeingexcludedor unwanted.Theseprocessesare farfrom
ofthepopulation.Theyaresignifidemocratic
and do notincludelargesegments
ofnational,regional,
and globaltransformations.
cantin a largercontext
GLOBALIZATION
AND
URBAN
SEGREGATION
Recentobservers
havebeenalarmedbythedramatically
unevenimpactofglobalization.Zygmunt
Baumanvoicedconcernsaboutthegrowingdisparity
between
theworld'srichand poor.He observedthat"theso-called'globalizing'
processes
reboundintheredistribution
ofprivileges
anddeprivations,
ofwealthandpoverty,
ofresources
andimpotence,
ofpowerandpowerlessness,
offreedom
andconstraint"
a "world-wide
inthecourseofwhicha new
(1998,70). Thisinitiates
restratification,
socio-cultural
a world-wide
scale,is puttogether"
hierarchy,
(p. 70; italicsin the
He
underlines
that
individuals
and
do notenterthisprocessas
territories
original).
hailedfreechoiceto participate
and
equalsor withequal chances.The frequently
in
the
context
of
these
is
even
an
ironic,
struggle
processes
globalizing
outright
slap
in thefaceofthemajority
ofhumanity.
Baumanfurther
explained:
Whatis a freechoiceforsomedescends
as cruelfateuponothers.
Andsincethose
'others'
tendto growunstoppably
in numbers
andsinkeverdeeperintodespair
bornofa prospectless
onewillbewelladvised
tospeakof'glocalization'
existence,
theunbreakable
between
(RolandRobertson's
aptterm,
unity
exposing
'globalizing'
and'localizing'
overintheone-sided
of
pressures-a
phenomenon
glossed
concept
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
351
andtodefine
itmostly
astheprocess
oftheconcentration
ofcapital,
globalization),
finance
andallother
resources
ofchoice
andeffective
but
above
action, also-perhaps
all-oftheconcentration
tomoveandtoact(twofreedoms
whichforall
offreedom
havebecomesynonymous).
intheoriginal;
seealso
practical
purposes
(p.70;italics
Robertson
1992)
Baumanleavesno doubtthatglobalization
is unevenand producesdistinct
winnersandlosersor,evenworse,victimized
andexcludedpopulations
whoarelocked
intotightly
packedspacesof povertyand hopelessness.
"Flexibility,"
"mobility,"
"freedom
of movement,"
and connections,"
"freeflow
"choices,"
"globalnetworks
of goods,knowledgeand information,"
"leisureand consumption,"
and similar
termsfrequently
usedto describetheblessings
ofglobalization
aretheexactoppositeofthepoverty
and exclusionexperienced
dailybythedisadvantaged.
Baumanemploystheconceptof"exterritoriality"
to identify
sitesthataccommodatetheglobalflowofwealthand consumption,
whichare centralto thenew
regime.He notesthatthe"centresof meaning-and-value
productionare today
exterritorial
andemancipated
fromlocalconstraints"
with
(1998,3),whichcontrasts
muchofthelocaland situatedhumanconditions-here
first
and foremost
poverty.
Globalization
ofactivities
andpopulation,
butitis misleading
impliesa segregation
to posittheresultsofglobalization
in strictly
terms.The processesof
oppositional
and
are
and
of
the
same
aredifficult
globalizing localizing part parcel
developments,
toseparate,
andworktogether
andagainsteachotherinthesamesetting
atdifferent
times.Althoughthesumtotalof globalizing
processesis theproductionand defenseofthewealth,freedom,
and mobility
ofthosewho alreadyhaveit,as wellas
therecruitment
ofsomenewmembers
to theseprivileged
in theireveryday
circles,
theseprocessesare oftenless clearand markedby irrationalities,
some
workings
and local interference
and appropriations.
failures,
In spatialterms,
thesetransformations
havefostered
theemergence
ofcityscapes
markedbysegregation
and exclusion.Globalization
and itslocal (dis)contents,
or
havebecomea pressing
concernas segments
ofurbanpopulations
spatialviolence,
havebeenlockedintospecificspacesand barredfromothers.Livingand moving
andoftenpainfultaskforordinary
citizens.
through
cityspacesturnsintoa difficult
FarhaGhannam(2002) examinesthelivesof lower-class
residents
of Cairowho
werepushedto therelative
to globalize-thatis
marginsof thecityin an attempt
makeavailablehighvalueforinvestment
and Nile-front
real
capital-downtown
estate.Althoughthesepoorerurbanitesare excludedfromglobalizingspaces,
Ghannamnotes,theyare nonetheless
closelytiedintotheprocessesof globalizationbywayoftheirexperiences
as migrants
andbytheirsheerpresenceas workers
and consumersin theglobalizingmetropolis.
JamesFarrer(2002) observeshow
in Shanghaihas rapidlypulledwholesectionsof thecity,and segglobalization
mentsoftheyounger
inparticular,
intoitsorbit.Thephysical
generation
landscape
of Shanghai,probablymorethananyothercityin theworld,has changedin an
andunparalleled
mannersinceabout1990o,
as a fast-paced
model
impressive
serving
fortheslowerchangesofotherglobalizing
metropolises.
352
THE
GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
As global citiesexperiencethe proliferationof segregatedand guarded,privatizedpublic spaces such as malls,clubs,and gatedcommunities,concernabout spatial segregationis growing(Davis 1992; Ellin 1997). Teresa Caldeira (1996, 2001),
SethaLow (1997,2001, 200oo3),
and otherscholars(Glasze and Alkhayyal
2002;Juergens
and Gnad 2002; Leisch 2002; Webster,Glasze, and Frantz 2002; Kuppinger2004)
have observedthatthe new fortification
of urban spaces reflectsand reinforcesthe
of
urban
residents.Caldeira is concernedabout whetherthe loss of
polarization
public spaces and encountersultimatelyforeshadowstheend of democraticsociety
and thusposes a seriousthreatto societies.Many observerswould agreewithMike
Davis (1992) thata distinct
lineexistsbetweenthein-crowdand out-crowd,
with
the in-crowdinhabitingcomfortableand luxuriousgated communities,spending
theirleisuretimein equallyfortified
malls and hotels,whiletheout-crowdis leftto
populate increasinglyunderservicedand overpopulatedurban quarters.
and "reterritorializaWaleed Hazbun uses the conceptsof "deterritorialization"
tion"to emphasizethe processualnatureof changes.Deterritorialization
"refersto
theconditionof economic activitybecomingless dependenton resourcesand mar-
ketswhichareplacespecific"
(Hazbun2002, 54). Thisprocessis notlimitedto the
economic spherebut also includes cultural,political,and social aspects.Analytiwhich
cally more significantand intriguingis the concept of reterritorialization,
wheredecreasesin some
Hazbunemploysfor"formsofterritorialized
production
spatiallydependenttransactioncostsenablethereorganizationof productionbased
on increaseddependenceon transactionwithspatiallydependenttransactioncosts
whichallow forthe exploitationof locationallydefinedpositiveexternaleconomies
and rents"(p. 61;italicsin the original).Hazbun's more economicallyorientedconthattrigcept can be expanded to addressbroaderprocessesand transformations
ger political, cultural, spatial, and social transformation.In this article I use
fora largerarrayof dynamicsthatsituateand localize,negoti"reterritorialization"
ate,and even challengeglobalizedand exterritorial
spaces and processes.Moments
are analytically
relevantbecause theyoftenconstiand spaces of reterritorialization
tute inroads into the more genericor planned universeof globalization and, as
thepotentialof local actorsto challengeand remakeglobalizedand
such,exemplify
exterritorial
spaces. These momentsand spaces can illustratethelocalizationof the
global and point to potentialentriesforcriticalvoices and practices.
GLOBALIZATION
IN EGYPT
The processesof globalizationsince the late 1970shave had different
repercussions
in different
locations. Aspects of Egypt'srecentglobalizationare marked by the
country'slong historyas a destinationfortravelersand tourists.Tourismillustrates
Modern mass tourismwas launched in
Egypt'srecenteconomic transformations.
his
first
when
Thomas
Cook
organized
packaged toursin the 186os to travel
Egypt
up theNile Riverand visitpharaonicmonuments.
EarlyEgyptiantourismwas
foundedon the uniquenessof Egypt'spharaonicpast,Egypt'srelativegeographical
to Europe,and itsfavorableclimate.Competitionwithothertouristdestiproximity
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
353
nationswas nextto irrelevant
untilwellintothetwentieth
century.
Egyptwas a
constanton theglobalmap of tourism,
well-to-dotourists
attracting
throughout
British
colonialrule(1882-1952). In the1950s and 1960stheEgyptianstate-controlled,
butpartly
tourism
sectorexpanded
in smallincrements,
as
privately
managed,
reflected
in theconstruction
of theNile Hiltonin 1958 and thelaunchingof the
and
Show
Sound
at thepyramids
in 1961 (Nelson1997; Gray1998). Bythe
Light
moreexclusivetouristindustry
1970stherelatively
low-key,
beganto changedramatically.
Hazbunobservesthat,fortheMiddleEastat large,droppingoil pricesand the
crisisofearlypostcolonial
whichhad focusedon import-substitution
indusstates,
trialization
and deliveredcostlywelfare
benefits
forlargesegmentsof societyby
and healthcare-and also,to a certain
wayofpublic-sector
jobs,publiceducation,
contracts-had
thenecessity
forchangein
extent,
throughpublic-sector
triggered
the1970s and1980s (2002, 19). In Egypttheneedforchangewaspressing,
considerits
limited
oil
of
arable
level
of
resources,
land,high
ing
scarcity
military
expenditurebecauseoftheArab-Israeli
andrelatively
conflict,
largeandgrowing
population.
Promises
ofhigh-quality
to
publiceducationandhealthcarebecamemoredifficult
deliver.
Liberalization
oftheeconomyand theconcomitant
shiftofthestate'sconbecameparamount
toolsand agentsofchange,reflecting
modelsnegotistituency
atedsimultaneously
states.Undertheleadership
ofPresident
byotherpostcolonial
AnwarSadat,the1970smarkedEgypt'saccelerated
entryintotheglobalcapitalist
forresources,
and customers.
markets,
economyand thefierceglobalcompetition
In theabsenceofoil orlargemanufacturing
tourism
basedon themore
industries,
intenseandtargeted
ofthepharaonicheritage
wasidentified
as a vehicle
marketing
foreconomicgrowth
andglobalintegration.
Newtourist
fromearprojectsdiffered
lieronesin size,aspectsofcontroland ownership,
characteristics
ofinvestors,
and
and awareness
ofglobalcompetition.
dynamics,
Economicdecisionsand changesin Egyptparalleledor succeededeconomic
or industrialized
countries.
Post-World
WarII economicproschangesinWestern
perityand thegeneralexpansionof airlinetraffic
slowlyenabledever-larger
segmentsofWestern
to
travel
distances
afford
and
more
populations
longer
expensive
andformsofleisure(Hazbun2002). Bythelate1970s thedynamaccommodations
icsoftheemerging
andthecharacteristics
oftourists
bound
globaltourism
industry
forEgyptwerein flux.Whereasearliertravelers
to Egypthadbeenmembersofthe
Western
to appealto theEuropeanand
Europeanand U.S. elite,Egyptnowstarted
to a lesserextent,
theAmerican-middle
class,and,bythe1990s,to
Japanese-and,
thelower-middle
classas well.The fast-paced
expansionoftheclienteleforinternationaltravelwasparamountto underwriting
Egypt'sambitiousplansforglobal
and prosperity
oftourism,
Mandouh
integration
(Gray1998).In 1998theminister
summarized
these
initiatives:
"After
El-Beltagui,
havingpassedthrougha successfulperiodofeconomicreform,
and legaladministration,
inincentives,
guarantees
vestorsfromEgyptand abroadhavebeen encouragedto takepartin thetourism
wasraisedfrom18,00ooo
in 1982to
development
process.Asa result,
lodgingcapacity
354
THE
GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
75,000 in 1997.And we now have 603 projectsunder construction.... Egypthas
investedmorethan$50 billion...to improvetheinfrastructure
and public utilities"
21-26 May 1998).
(al-AhramWeekly,
Fromtheearly1980sonward,considerable
were
publicand privateresources
investedin the rapidimprovement
of thetouristsectorunderPresidentHosni
Mubarak.Untilthemid-1980s,
pharaonicEgyptremainedthesinglemostimportantmarketing
tool forEgypt'smass-tourism
The pyramids
were"the"
industry.
for
that
instant
(Beirman
symbol Egypt
guaranteed
productrecognition
2003).
flocked
to Egypt.The arrival
tourists
GrowingnumbersofEuropeanand Japanese
of thousandsoftourgroupsnecessitated
further
additionsto thelocaltouristinfrastructure.
New hotelswereconstructed,
not onlyalongtheAlexandriaDesert
butalso in thevicinity
of Cairo'sairportand in
Road justnorthofthepyramids
otherpartsofthecity(Cole andAltorki
1998).
smoothnorconsistently
TheexpansionofEgypt's
tourismindustry
wasneither
GulfWar,
It encountered
periodsofcrisisand setbacks.
Duringthefirst
profitable.
Closertohome,theslowly
in1991,
intheMiddleEastplungeddramatically.
tourism
betweenIslamicmilitants
and theEgyptiangovernment
escalatingconfrontation
becamea pressingconcernthatspilledoverintothepublicspherebeginningin
about 1992. In orderto hurtgovernment
platpoliticsand gainan international
andthegovernstarted
to target
tourists
andtouristsites.Militants
form,militants
mentbegana bloodygameofattackandcounterattack.
Duringthe1992-1995
period
of
this
revenues
because
aloneEgyptlostan estimated
ongov.s.$sibillionintourist
claimedthattheyhad
officials
repeatedly
ingconflict
(Gray1998).In themid-199os
eliminatedall militants,
onlyto be provenwrongwhenyetanother
successfully
and competitive,
In
order
to
remaingloballyattractive
militant
attacktookplace.
thetourismindustry.
or diversify
Egypthad to eithereliminateIslamicmilitants
The government
choseto workon bothoptions.
inthe1980s,beachanddivingtourism
wereaddedtoEgypt's
catalogof
Starting
with
efforts
to
beaches
and
beautiful
coral
attractions.
reefs,
Egyptian
along
Superb
theSinaiPeninsulamorecloselyintothestateand economy,
facilitated
integrate
andNaamaBeach-on thesouththerapidexpansionofsiteslikeSharmel-Sheikh
erntipofthepeninsula-andNuweibaand Dahab-on theGulfofAqaba.Similar
coastoftheRed
unfoldedaroundplaceslikeHurghada,on thewestern
dynamics
Sea,wherehotelsand numerousholidayvillagesweresoon constructed
(Cole and
and low-qualityconstruction
Altorki1998).Overspeculation,
overconstruction,
aroundHurghadapushedsomesitesintothelower-priced
rangeofEuropeanbeachtourismpackages.
was beingmassively
Whilethetouristindustry
upgradedand madeattractive
transformations
tookshapein
similar
forthefiercely
market,
competitive
global
startedto sell offconsiderothereconomicsectors,as theEgyptiangovernment
industrial
able partsof thestate-run
sector,was able to attractnew companies,
A numberof automobilemanufacturers,
investors.
and courtedinternational
of GeneralMotors,
amongthemMercedesBenz and Opel,a Germansubsidiary
GLOBALIZATION AND EXTERRITORIALITY IN CAIRO
355
setup assemblyplantsin Egypt.Regionalconsiderations
playeda majorrolefor
becauseautomobiles
inEgyptcaneasilybe shippedto the
manufactured
Mercedes,
countries
on theArabianPeninsula,
wherethecompanyhasmanyloyalcustomers.
ofcommodities
came
and,increasingly,
Alongwithproduction
luxurycommodities
construction
of theappropriate
malls.Cairo has witnesseda
outlets,particularly
veritablemushroomingof malls sincethe early1990s (Raafat 1998; Stryjak2000,
2001;Abaza 2001). Malls not onlyare commercialoutletsbut also fulfillthe paral-
lel missionofaccommodating
leisureand relatedconsumption
byincludingfeaturessuchas restaurants,
movietheaters,
and
video-gamearcades, evenice-skating
rinks.In the process,a particulartypeof consumercultureis introducedand
locallynegotiated.The emergenceof gatedcommunitiesin Cairo in the midformofretreat
1990s hasallowedyetanother
fromurbanandpubliclife(Kuppinger
2004).
Economicpoliciesand changesin Egyptsincethe1990os
havebeenmarkedby
the country's
in the globalrace forinvestment
and profit.In this
participation
climateof competition
has
been
to
attract
Egypt
trying
companiesto produce,
tourists
to comeand spend,and nationalsto consume.In manyaspectsitsefforts
havebeen successful,
fornumerouscompanieshavesettledin the countryand
consumer
producemany
goodsforlocal,regional(MercedesBenz,forexample),
and globalmarkets(forinstance,textiles).Touristsflockto pharaonicsitesand
Red Sea beaches,a flowoccasionally
disrupted
by regionalpoliticalcrises.Malls,
newhotels,privateclubs,and othersitesofleisureand consumption
haveopened
theirdoorsto Egyptians
and to regionalAraband globaltourists,
who consume
and spend.
CAIRO'S GLOBALIZING
CITYSCAPE
Sincetheearlynineteenth
Cairo'sspatiality
and infrastructure
haveundercentury,
gonedramaticchanges(see, forexample,J.L. Abu-Lughod1971;Scharabi1989;
Raymond1993,Raafat1995a,1995b,1997,1998), reflectedparticularlyin its urban
lives(Singerman1995;Hoodfar1997;Ghannam
quartersand theirresidents'everyday
2002) and in changesin popularcultureand everyday
1996;
practices(Armbrust
Abaza 2001; L. Abu-Lughod2005).
Allthreeofmycasestudiesarein Giza,a citythat,thoughindependent,
forms
an integral
Cairo.Thefollowing
oftheurbantransformapartofGreater
summary
tionsthatshapedCairo at largeand Giza in particular
focuson twocontextsto
illustrate
someofthepoliticaland culturalcircumstances
thatinteracted
withthe
economicprocessesoutlinedabove.I look attheurbanization
and construction
of
a modernEgyptian
in
in
Giza
the
decades
of
the
twentieth
cityscape
early
century
and providean overview
oftheemerging
ofleisureand consumption
at
cityscape
thebeginning
ofthetwenty-first-century
in Greater
Cairo.
ofthetwentieth
Cairowasa denseanddiverse
Bythebeginning
century
cityscape.
ItincludedtheFatimidcity,
Old (Coptic)Cairo,oldneighborhoods
suchas Ezbekiya
or Husainiyah,
theporttownofBulaq (nowabsorbedbythecity),emerging
Euro-
356
THE
GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
suchas Maadi or Heliopolis,a moderndowntowncentered
pean developments
aroundIsmailiyaSquare (today'sMidan Tahrir),and growingmodernEgyptian
suchas SakakiniandBab El-Luq.Thecomplexity
ofthecityand its
neighborhoods
cannot
be
described
in
terms
of"modern"
or"traditional";
neighborhoods
simplistic
thecityscape
was made and remadeby itsauthorities
and residents
in long and
rulersof
complexprocessesof expansionand modernization.
Nineteenth-century
theMuhammadAliDynasty,
local
and
architects
and
builders,
precolonial
foreign
and late-nineteenth-century
Britishcolonialpolicies,as wellas Egyptian,
regional,
andEuropeancapitalallworkedtobuilda citythatnonecouldclaimas theirproductand nonecouldevercompletely
control.
Atthebeginning
ofthetwentieth
cenand growing
turythismultilayered
citywas hometo an equallycomplex,diverse,
-colonial and colonized-populationguidedby radicallytransformed
politics,
dreams,and visions.
Becausethecitywas limitedin theeastbytheMoqattamMountainsand had
alreadyconsiderablyextendednortheastwardinto the surroundingdesert
(Heliopolis),thelook to thewest,acrosstheNile,seemedpromising
(Kuppinger
ofthetwentieth
a
lush,
2000). Bythebeginning
century
agricultural
landscapeinwithvillagesand thetownofGizaextended
allthewayto thepyramids,
terspersed
whichwereconnected
to CairobythePyramidRoad.A basictourist
infrastructure
wasalreadyinplace,and moreamenities
wereaddedintheearlyyearsofthetwentiethcentury.
A feweliteCairenefamilies
ownedagricultural
land in thisarea or
had recently
In effect,
purchasedgardenlotsforvillasor summerresidences.
they
the
"suburbanization"
of
Giza.
The
first
two
decades
of
the
twentieth
pioneered
witnessed
dramatic
transformations
as Gizabecamea centralsiteofurban
century
suchas thenewnational
expansion.Bythe1920s it boastedmoderninstitutions
the
the
and
zoo,
modern,middle-class
university,
juvenilepenitentiary, emerging
suchas Agouza(nextto theold Agouzavillages)and Doqqi (surneighborhoods,
ofAgriculture
and theMuseum
roundingtheold villageofDoqqi). The Ministry
inthe193osand,eventually,
ofAgriculture
followed
so didtheRoyalShootingClub.
The Muslim,Christian,
and Jewish
elitebuiltvillasand palacesalongthe
Egyptian
Giza Nile front.
Giza was "hot,'in thatit providedamplespaceforurbanexpansion-at theexpenseof destroying
valuableagricultural
land-unhampered
byan
Some
for
new
older
were
Giza
cityscape.
developments;
existing
villages
destroyed
manyothersweresimply
engulfed
bythemoderncityandslowlyturnedintolowerclassurbanquarters.
AlthoughGiza on thewholeremainedan independent
city
and thecapitalof theGiza Governorate,
itsspatialtransformations
weredirected
from
were"migrants"
by largerprocessesin Cairo,formostof itsnew residents
acrosstheNile.
Thepyramid
tourist
infrastructure
accommodated
residential
andsoon
growth,
thePyramidRoad becamean exclusive
stretch
ofvillasand mansions.Britishand
otherEuropeannationalsjoinedin theGizamania,butGiza,morethananyother
eliteneighborhood,
remained
an urbanextension
dominated
bythemodernEgyptianelite.Egyptian
andruralnotablesmoved
businessmen,
professionals,
politicians,
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
357
to centralGiza (betweenthetownofGizainthesouthand thevillageofAgouzain
thenorth,
westward
atitsfarthest
to thepyramids).
In someaspectsGiza
extending
wasthefirst
modernEgyptian
for
it
was
home
to
nationalist
intellectuals
city,
many
and professionals
and reflected
theirvisionsof and plansfora modernand indearea.
pendentEgyptmorethandid anyotherresidential
Guidedby neoliberaleconomicpolicies,Giza,alongwithGreaterCairo,had
enteredanotherperiodof rapidtransformation
cenbytheend of thetwentieth
Absorbed
into
the
of
the cityunderwent
visible
tury.
machinery globalization,
kinds.Starting
in thelate1980s,and soongainingtremendous
changesofdifferent
food and fashionfranchises-Benetton,
Pizza Hut,
momentum,international
and others-ever-fancier
andlargermalls,and
McDonald's,Mexx,Baskin-Robbins,
new five-star
hotelsstartedto dot Cairo'scityscape.
Cairo'snotoriously
jammed
streets
becameevenmorecrowdedwithnewimportsand ever-larger
numbersof
locallyassembledforeignautomobiles.By themid-199osGreaterCairo'surban
becametheobjectofdramatic
andconstruction
activities.
Gated
fringes
speculation
communities
andsportsandotherclubsmushroomed
atunprecedented
rates.This
of newplacesof leisureand consumption
allowed"placehopping"
proliferation
fromone such establishment
to another,
wherethosewithenoughfinancialresourcescould engagein a growing
leisureacvarietyof (globalized/exterritorial)
tivities
withoutinteracting
muchwiththerestof thecity.Not onlythephysical
but also theculturaland sociallandscapeschanged.Whetheritwas the
cityscape
newMercedesfortheelite,theOpel forthemiddleclasses,thewashingmachinefor
thelower-middle
insteadofthelocal
classes,or theuse ofAriellaundrydetergent
Rabsobrandforthelowerclasses,almostall urbanresidents
havebeendrawninto
theever-faster
ofglobalizedconsumption.
circuits
Lower-class
youthscanbe spottedintheirfinest,
fourteenagers
overtwoCokesatMcDonald's.Growing
numbers
ofyoungpeopleacrossclassescarrycellphones.
of thetwenty-first
At thebeginning
it is possiblein Cairo,as in any
century,
otherglobalcity,to watchMTVin one's air-conditioned
eat out at
apartment,
MacDonald's,watcha Hollywoodfilm,shopforWestern
designerclothes,drivea
sende-mailmessagesacrosstheglobe,playgolfon a green
Europeanautomobile,
lawnon theurbanoutskirts,
and engagein manyothersuchiconsofconsumerist
Whetherthistranslates
intoa genericglobalizedlifestyle
is highly
globalization.
becauseCairo residents-andothersacrosstheglobe-are
however,
questionable,
morethanglobalization's
culturaland socialclones.Individuals
and groupsenthunewplacesand splurgeon leisurely
activities
and otherconsiastically
frequent
but
do
so
their
own
culturaland socialrationalesand
true, they
sumption,
using
habits.In theprocess,theyclaimownership
of theseplacesand remakethemin
the tensionsof exclusionremain,because many
unpredictable
ways.Similarly,
Cairenesaredeniedaccesstothenewspaces.Itiswithinthiscontext
ofrapidtranslimitless
and harshexclusionthatI situatemy
formation,
seemingly
opportunities,
casesto illustrate
howglobalizedspacesworkand
analysisofthethreeexemplary
arereterritorialized
in theireveryday
contexts
and uses.
358
THE
GEOGRAPHICAL
THE MENA HOUSE
REVIEW
HOTEL
The Mena House Hotel is one of the olderexamplesamongcontemporary
exterritorial
2000, forthcoming
a, forthcoming
b).
spacesin Cairo/Giza
(Kuppinger
Constructed
byKhediveIsmailin the1860sas a hunting
lodge,theoriginalbuilding,whichstillformsthe core of the hotel-rebuiltand renovatednumerous
times-waslaterenlargedto accommodate
visitorsforthefestivities
surrounding
mantheopeningoftheSuezCanalin1869.In the1870sthelodgebecamea private
ofthetwentisionbeforebeingturnedintoa hotel(Nelson1997).Atthebeginning
theMena House (namedaftera pharaohof theearlydynasties)
was
ethcentury
HotelsCompany,
runbyGeorgeNungovich,
theself-made
boughtbytheEgyptian
magnateof the Egyptianhotel industry(Nelson 1997; Kuppinger2000). As owner
oftheSavoy,theContinental,
and theHelwanHotels,he addedtheMenaHouseto
theMena House was
a groupofCairo'sbesthotels.In theearlytwentieth
century
entertainment
and superior
describedas an eleganthotelwithexclusive
frequently
amenities.
Itseventsand patronsweresubjectsofdebateon thesocialpagesofthe
tourists
Gazette.
Membersofthelocalcolonialeliteand wealthy
colonialEgyptian
in
of
which
the
Gazette
elaborate
exercises
see-and-be-seen,
happily
mingled
entheMena House becamea bastionforforeigners,
chronicled.
foreign
Quickly,
startedto transcendEgypt's
and foreign
tertainment,
profits-anditsreputation
or culturally
detachednatureofmostof itsclienboundaries.Despitetheforeign
thatwasplacebound:
and economy,
thehotelhad one feature
tele,entertainment,
itslocationclosetotheCheopsPyramid.
and,ultimately,
entertainments,
Activities,
of
forthe
in
nature-rooted
the
its
exclusive
of
charging
partially
possibility
part
observer
noted:
"It
As
one
view-were
tied
to
this
location.
fantastic
early
unique
wouldbe difficult
to finda moredelightful
placetobe idleinthantheMena.Those
seemto inducedisinclination
to
masses
that
tower
like
mountains
nearby
majestic
for
on
the
with
the
down
movement.
desert,
Then,too,sitting
pyramids companshouldnot be
ions,it wereimpossiblethatanycreatureof averagesensitiveness
abidesaboutthem"
ofbygoneageswhichperennially
consciousoftheatmosphere
(EgyptianGazette,15 January1902). This location was priceless.Nonetheless,the
in orderto assurethattheycamebackand never
hotelhad to courtitscustomers,
suchas a swimming
tiredofthemagnificent
pool and a
place.Modernamenities
of
the
twentieth
were
added
around
the
course
century(Egyptian
beginning
golf
Gazette,18April190o4;Nelson 1997). By1900 a pyramidtramlineconnectedthepyra-
2 August19oo).
midsto CairobywayoftheKasrEl-NilBridge(Egyptian
Gazette,
and madetheMena House a feasible
Thisallowedforeasiertravelto thepyramids
visitors.
The hotel'slocationalso madeit a perfect
forafternoon
destination
stage
whocircledthepyramids
"airmen"
suchas thetwodaredevil
forvariousspectacles,
in airplanesin January1914(EgyptianGazette,13January1914).
anotherimportant
gloDuringWorldWarII theMenaHouse accommodated
FranklinDelano
In November1943WinstonChurchill,
bal spectacle:diplomacy.
Roosevelt,and ChiangKai-Shekmet"undertheshadowof thePyramids"
(New
YorkTimes,1December1943,29) to discussAlliedpoliticsandpossiblesolutionsto
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
359
thewar.At shortnotice,the hotelhad been clearedof itsguestsso it could serveas
the headquartersof the Britishand Americanstaff(Nelson 1997)."The threegreat
presentenemiesof Japan"convenedat the Mena House fora debate on "the strategy of war and peace in the Pacific"(Nelson 1997,66) and to "settlethe German
fate"(New YorkTimes,6 December 1943,7). The threeleadersstayedin privatevillas
inthevicinity
ofthepyramids;
themeetings
wereheldinthehotel.TheMenaHouse
had turnedinto a first-rate
global location thatprovidedall the necessaryfeatures
oftransportation,
to accomcommunication,and-increasinglyimportant-security
modate worldleaders in most difficult
times.
In the early1970sthe Mena House was takenoverby the emergingIndia hotel
giant Oberoi, which runs luxuryhotels,largelyin countriesborderingthe Indian
Ocean (Clark 1997). The Oberoi companywas foundedand run by Mohan Singh
Oberoi,"oftencalled the Conrad Hilton of India,"who had startedhis career"as a
pennilesshotelclerkin Simla,India, [who had] mortgagedhis wife'sjewelryto buy
the firsthotel" (Hotelier 2002b). One of Oberoi's specialtieswas "spottingand refurbishingrun-downand undervaluedproperties,"whichhe would thenrenovate
withpainstaking
attention
to details,even"totheamountofdownin everypillow
and the exact lengthof the stem of everyrestaurantflower"(Hotelier 2002b). In
the early197os the Mena House-located in a countryin relativecrisis and economic stagnationafterthe1967warand thedeathof Gamal AbdelNasserin 1970o--in
retrospectwas a profitabledeal withregardto the politicaland economic changes
initiatedin the 1970s.Under Oberoi managementtheMena House receiveda thorough make over (Clark 1997) and was added to thisgrowingchain of luxuryhotels
whichwas set on catapultingtheirestablishmentsto the top of the hotelworld.By
2002 the chain owned a total of thirty-seven
"luxuryand firstclass international
hotels in seven countries"(Hotelier 200oo2b).
The change in ownershipplaced the
Mena House on a new map of regionalistglobalizationin theIndian Ocean. A practical resultof the Indian takeoveris the fineIndian restaurantnow featuredat the
Mena House.
Remodeledand also reconfirmed
in itsearlierrole as a high-classcosmopolitan
or globalized establishment,
the trajectoryof the Mena House continued.In December1977the hotel accommodated meetingsat which the peace treatybetween
Egyptand Israelwas drafted(New YorkTimes,15 December 1977).It is not surprising thatthe Mena House-"a carefullygroomedhistorichotel" (New YorkTimes,15
December 1977,1)-was chosen once more forhigh-strung
and potentiallydifficult
internationalmeetings,forithad long sinceproveditscapabilitiesto provideameniand securityforsuch occasions.Althoughtheview of thepyramids
ties,technology,
was a nice perquisite,the hotel's location-then stillsomewhatdistantand apart
fromthe city-was an additional advantage fora politicallysensitiveconference.
Situatedon the city'sedges and surroundedlargelyby desert,securityis less of a
challengeat the Mena House than in downtownlocations. Symbolicallyand geographicallythehotelis as much in Cairo as it is outsideand beyondit.Thus itwas a
controversial
event.Yearslater,in 1990o,
a full-fledged
perfectchoicefora dramatically
360
THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
businessand conference
centerwas addedto thehotelto underline
itsclaimas a
locationforpoliticaland otherconventions
(Clark1997).
In itscontemporaryeverydayexistencetheMena House is a hub forpeople and
activities.German,Japanese,a fewAmerican,and othertouristgroups rub shoulders in the winterseason. Upper-classEgyptianfamiliescelebratetheirchildren's
weddingsor spend leisurelyweekendsat the hotel'ssuperb facilities.Families and
individualsfromthePersianGulfcome fortheirsummervacation.Expatriateworkers and foreign-exchange
studentscrowd the Indian restaurantyear-round.The
hotel'slobbyprovidesair conditioning
and a spaceto sitforthrifty
backpackers
who stayin much less expensivedowntownhotels.For waitersand otherworkers
the hotel providesan income. It unitesverydifferent
people who pass throughits
purposes.No one group can claim symbolicownershipof
spaces forverydifferent
theplace,yetall somehow contributeto it.The hotel remainsan exclusivespace, in
thatits guards and doormen will politelyrefuseaccess to those whom theydeem
inappropriate;thatis, the mass of lower-classCairenes.
It is insightfulto probe furtherinto the Mena House's curiouslyexterritorial,
One of the more strikingglobalized spectaclesin
yetdeeplylocal, characteristics.
recentyearsthatbespeak such seemingcontradictionsin thehotel'svicinitywas the
millenniumcelebration,in whichcutting-edge
technologiesand ancientglorywere
lit up the
combined forutmosteffectand profit:"Lasers,floodlightand fireworks
ancientpyramidsat Giza at midnightas Egyptgreetedthe new millenniumwitha
lavish electronicconcertthatofficialssaid drewmore than 120o,ooo000
people. French
composerJean-MichelJarrelaid on an extravaganzaof song,dance and music feaentitled'The TwelveDreams of the Sun'" (Reuters2000).
turing1,ooo performers,
PresidentMubarak was among the spectators,forthe glamorousshow was part of
his government'sattemptsto reestablishEgypt'simage as a safetouristdestination
even as the countrywas stillrecoveringfromthe 1997Luxor massacre,when fiftyeighttouristswerekilled.As huge crowdsstood at the footof the pyramids,"some
8,500wealthierpeople werewinedand dinedin luxurytentsat $400 a head" (Reuters
2000). Rajiv Kaul, vice presidentof the Oberoi Hotels of Egyptand generalmanager of the Mena House, proudlynoted that "Egypthas become one of the top
threedestinationsforthemillennium"(Reuters1999).Kaul also predictedthatEgypt
was once more on itsway to becomingan upscale touristdestination.For the millenniumextravaganzathe Mena House hostedtheupscale clientele,forit raised its
prices to between u.s.$350 and u.s.$3,ooo per night (fromthe regularu.s.$15ov.s.$1,450)forthe glitzyspectacle(Famous Hotels 2002).
The Mena House Hotel contributestwo featuresto the globalizedlandscape of
Egypt.As a branchof the Oberoi Company ("LuxuryRedefined"),which operates
luxuryhotels in India, Indonesia,Australia,Mauritius,and Egypt(Oberoi Hotels
theexceptionalcase in theglobal sceneryofluxuryhotels,which
2005), it represents
is dominatedby American(Hilton, Marriott,Sheraton,Hyatt) and European (Intercontinental,
M6venpick,Meridien) companies. This circumstancesituatesthe
hotel in an Indian Ocean economy that is frequentlyoverlooked.The hotel also
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
361
forthefinestand mostluxurious
represents
Egypt'spresencein thecompetition
establishments
on theglobe.
THE
GRAND
EGYPTIAN
MUSEUM
underBritishcolonialrule,theEgypBythebeginningof thetwentieth
century,
tianMuseumhadbeenconstructed
in a centralCairolocationon IsmailiyaSquare
(today'sMidanTahrir).Takingalmostfiveyearstobuild,themuseum,whosemain
aestheticidea had been"to maintainclassicproportions,
but in no wayto make
thebuildinga copyofanyancientmonument,"
costE 189,220 (Egyptian
Gazette,
15 January1902). The museum was formallyopened on
15
December 1902 by the
khedivein frontof500 invitedguestsofEgyptianand colonialdignitaries
(Egyptian Gazette,17 December 1902). Providinga home for thousands of pharaonic
it soon becamea must-seeforforeigntouristsand,later,forEgyptian
artifacts,
schoolchildren.
For almosta century
themuseumwas thedestination
of thousandsof eager
visitorsofvariousorigins.In thelastdecadesofthetwentieth
a
however,
century,
numberofproblems
arose.First,
werevoicedthatthemuseumis totally
complaints
overloadedwithantiquities,
manyof whichare storedin basementspaceswhich
arenotconduciveto thepreservation
ofage-oldtreasures.
Second,themuseumis
locatedon thebusyMidan Tahrir,
the"hub of Cairo"(Farag1999), wheretraffic
Uninitiated
tourists
havedifficulty
streets
in thevicinity
jamsarefrequent.
crossing
of themuseum:FatemahFaragquoteda desperateforeigner
who describesthis
as a "realnightmare"
undertaking
(1999).Despitethefactthatthesquarehas conbeentheobjectofdevelopment
re-routtinually
plansfor"putting
up footbridges,
and the mostrecently
announcedidea-a labyrinth
of underground
ing traffic,
it remainsa seriouslogistical
garagesin thefirstyearsof thenew millennium,"
challenge(1999).
weresoon augmented
Existinglogisticalchallenges
by new ones,as Egyptian
militant
Islamicactivists
started
to engagethestatein a politicalbattlein the1990s
and quicklylearnedthattargeting
touristsitesguaranteed
instantinternational
attentionand coverage.Suchattacksseverely
hurttheeconomyand thevastinvestmentsthathad beenmadein thetouristindustry.
thegovernment's
Byillustrating
on
Western
the
militants
that
their
fellowcitizens
economies,
dependence
hoped
wouldunderstand
howmuchtheirgovernment
hadbecomea pawninthehandsof
theWest.In thiscontextofpoliticalcontroversy,
theparking
lotoutsidetheEgyptianMuseumtwicebecamethetargetof attacks,
oncein March1993 and againin
attackonlyvehiclesweredamagedwhena bomb ex1997.In thefirst
September
in the
plodedamongparkedbuses.In 1997gunmenkilledelevenGermantourists
parkinglot (Moussa 2001).
Lack of space,substandard
and storagefacilities,
horrific
traffic,
preservation
and local politicalconflict
debatesand considerations
forthemuseum's
triggered
future.
The museumwas in needofa larger,
technologically
superior(in termsof
thepreservation
of artifacts),
moreaccessible,
safer,and moreeasilycontrollable
362
THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
location. These necessitiescombined with otherideas-such as that the museum
should be not just a warehouseof treasuresbut a centerforknowledgeand scholarly exchange-to formthe backgroundof the Grand EgyptianMuseum project
thatgerminatedin the 199os.
The ideal geographical,symbolic,and economic site forthis giganticproject
was soon foundat thepyramidplateau in Giza. Planned to coverapproximately117
acres (al-Ahram Weekly,7-13 February2002) and to cost u.s.$350 million, this
megaproject"willnot onlybe thelargestmuseumof Egyptianartifactsin theworld,
butalso one ofthelargestmuseumsin theworld"(Ionides2004). Minister
ofCultureFarouq Hosni even claimed thatthe museum will be "the biggestmuseum in
theworld"(ESIS 2003). PresidentMubarak laid thefoundationstonefortheproject
in 2002 (ArabicNews 2002). The international
contestforthemuseumdesignyielded
1,557entriesfrom83 countries.A juryconsistingof Italian,French,British,Korean,
Romanian,and threeEgyptianexpertspresentedthe firstprize to the Irishfirmof
Heneghan Peng Architects(IUA 2003). Despite their126 entries,Egyptianparticipants did not even receivean honorarymention(Asfour2003).
FromitsinceptiontheGrandEgyptianMuseum projecthas vied forglobal reach
and connections.Physicalfeatures,scholarlyfacilities,and generalservicesreflect
the search forglobal recognitionand integration:"With extensiveconference,li-
thebuildingis intendedto be morethana mere
braryand multimedia
provisions,
devotedto Egyptology,
containerof artifacts
becominginsteadan internationalcenfeature"
tre of culture,and a spectacularlandscape
(Gregory2003). The museum
will "serveas a fullycomputerizedinformationcentreforEgyptologists"and, for
the convenienceof touristsand scholars,the structurewill house "extensiverestaurant and shopping facilities"(El-Aref200oo3),
as well as a "publication centrefor
books, CDs, videotapes,... etc."(El Zahlawi 2000). Exclusivelyforscholars,it will
provide"properlaboratoriesforscientificresearch,conservation,restorationand
photographyaccordingto the latesttechnology"(El-Aref2002). Hoping to attract
thousandsof visitorsa day,theprojectreachesout globallyand willhopefully"contributeto thedevelopmentoftourismin Egyptand meetthevariedtastesand needs
of visitorsfromaround the world to promotelearningabout AncientEgypt"(ElAref2003).
The frequently
voiced claimthatthe GrandEgyptianMuseum willbe among of
the world'slargestmuseums moves its point of referencebeyond Egypt'sboundaries.The new museum aims to competewithitscounterpartsacrosstheglobe and
not withlocal museums.A projectof thesedimensionscannot be realizedby one
nation. In 2003 Hosni "announced the establishmentof a coordinatingcommittee
made up of Egyptianand internationalfigures,"
includingWorld Bank President
JamesWolfensohn(al-AhramWeekly,
24-30 October 2002), thus moving control
and authorityat least partlyto the global sphere.Similarly,the financingof the
projectis sharedby local and global sources,includingthe Egyptiangovernment,
investmentcompanies,and "donationsand grantsfromwithinEgyptand abroad"
(ArabicNews 1997;see also Ryanand Elbendary2002).
GLOBALIZATION
AND
EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
363
Somelocalobservers
were
critical
ofthecompetition,
itsresults,
andthewin-
thatitwas"unjustified
to havea concrete
ningdesign.One criticalvoicesuggested
thatis almostfully
airconditioned"
ina city"where
building
powercutsarecom-
monplace"(ArchNet.org
2003).AnothercriticaddedthatthemuseumshouldreCairo,so thatitwould"bringnewlifeto deteriorated
allybe locatedin downtown
areas"(ArchNet.org
The
lattercomment
is interesting
becauseitmoreclosely
2003).
localizestheprojectin an Egyptian
culturaland socialcontext,
wherethemuseum
notonlyhousesantiquities
butalso assumestheadditionaltaskofurbanrenewal.
Thischargeis notenvisioned
to them,themuseumis an
however;
bytheplanners,
isolatedprojectdevoidofdirectspatialandsociallinkstoitsenvironment,
although
itis dependent
on itsgeographical
environment
becauseitsplansplayon theidea
ofproximity
tothepyramids.
thisimportant
theproject
is
factor,
Despite
localizing
focused
andaimsforan international
horizon.
largely
inwardly
THE FIRST MALL
It is 1:oop.m. on a hotCairo summerday.I am walkingsouth
Monday,21July200oo3.
on Sharia Giza on theeastside ofthestreet.Fewpeopleare walkingat thishourofthe
day.I am on myway to theFirstMall, an upscalemall that,evenin itsbriefexistence,
has becomea symbolofCairo'snew eliteconsumerculture.Takingup theentireblock
betweenSharia Ibn Nuf Sharia Ibn Abraha,theCorniche,and Sharia Giza, thisvast
complexthathousestheFirstMall, theFirstResidences-an upscaleresidentialtower
overlookingtheNile River-and theFour Seasons Hotel impresseswith its elegant
architecture
tintedglass windows.Aesthetiof largearched,seeminglygold-framed,
the
is
structure
not
or
callypleasing,
overwhelming bulky,despiteitssize.Neithertacky
norplain functional,thecomplexreflects
lessonsand debatesof recentglobal design
and contrasts
concrete
favorablywiththesurrounding
uninspiring
facades.Thestruc-
tureis a novelty
in itsneighborhood
and a few
of1970sand 1980shigh-rise
buildings
older villas. Lookingfor the entrance,I am struckby the incongruity
betweenthe
building'sinvitinglarge windowpanesand its not immediatelyapparententrance.
I had firstturnedon Ibn Nuf onlyto realize thatthiswas an entranceto a parking
garage.Back on Sharia Giza, down theblockIfinallyfind,among thelargewindows
outsideindicates
thatthisis a mall),a smallsetofsteps
(notshopwindows-nothing
thatlead up to a few small,black,glass doors.Above one of thedoorsa veryinconspicuoussignwithlettersonlyaboutfiveincheshighannouncesin Englishthatthisis
theentrance.No similarsignis postedin Arabic.
On enteringthedoor,Ifind myselfin frontofan X-ray machineand a security
desk,staffedbyfour or fivepeople. Enteringfromthe hot street,I am immediately
struckby the change ofphysicalenvironment.Gone are the heat, dust,and traffic
noisefromthestreet;
I pass thesecurity
bycool,cleanair.After
I am nowsurrounded
check,I noticea Versacestoreon theleftbeforeenteringthevastfood court.Centralto
thefood courtis a fountainthatfeedsintoa systemofsmall waterwaysthatformthe
The bodyoftheoud formsa stagefora
shape ofan oud or otherstringedinstrument.
grandpiano. Thisstageextendsintoa secondstagebeyondtheoud-body.The water
364
THE
GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
fromthefountain,combinedwithlow-volumeArabicmusic,establishesan appropriate background
forthetranquiland sereneatmosphereofthiseatery.A youngwaiter
showsme toa table.As I takein thesceneryand peoplearoundmeI noticethatalmost
two-thirds
ofthepatronsare womenofall ages,mostlyin smallgroupsoftwoor three.
As far as I can see,I am theonlypersonwho did notimmediatelyon arrival,as I am
litby
quicklytofindout,place a cellphone on thetable.Thefood courtis beautifully
a mixtureof artificialand sunlightthatcomesin by way ofglass skylights
thatsurroundtwolargedomes,eachabout25feetindiameter.
Thecurving
sidepanelsofthe
ceilingarepainted to resembleblueskieswithlittlewhiteclouds.Suspendedfromthe
domesare twogiantstars.Betweenthetablesaresmall,pottedpalm treesand wroughtironlamps thatcreatetheillusionofan outdoorspace. The menupromisesinternationaltasteand expertise.Theplace leavesnothingto be desired.
I sit quietlyforan hour,writenotes,and observefellowconsumers.A few tables
down, twoyoung boysno older than thirteenare all by themselves.Some younger
womenare pushingbabystrollersof the latestEuropean or U.S. models,something
one neverseeson Cairo'shighand badlymaintainedsidewalks.A fewsmallerchildren
The dominanceofwomen
whiletheirmotherssip coffee.
play in theshoppingcorridors
Atthislatelunchhour,itseemsthata numin thefoodcourtisimmediately
obvious.
berofwomenhave chosenthisspace to meetup withotherwomenforfood or coffee.
Withitsrelativesilence,cool and clean air,uncrowdedand smoothpassages,theplace
invitesthosewiththeappropriatefinancialresourcesto enacta spectacleofpublic life
groupsofyoung
verydifferent
fromthaton Cairo's streets.The absenceof lingering
and
in groups.By its
both
menmakesthisan attractive
women,
individually
placefor
exclusiveaccess,superioramenitiesand services,and prices,themallproducesa social
stagedefinedbyitsdistinctoppositionto thatoutsideitsdoors.
On thisearlyafternoononlya few,mostlyfemale shoppersare frequentingthe
localand internationalbrandshaveoutlets,orsectionswithin
shopswherehigh-priced
stores.
Consumers
can buyBoss suits,Rolexwatches,combinethemwithlocally
larger
designedConcreteshirts,and indulgein jewelryand perfumes.Service,prices,aestheticfeatures,physicaland social atmosphere-all blend thismall into a coherent
entity.The contrastbetweenthemall'sinteriorand theoutsidestreetand largerurban
contextis striking.
The spatialcontextand historyof theFirstMall are worthexamining.The easternfrontof theblock,wheretheFirstResidencesare,is on theNile front,whichhas
been primereal estatesince thelate nineteenthcentury.Raafatcalled thishistorical
strip"Giza's RiversideDrive" (1995a), wherethe richand famousbuilt theirmansions in the earlytwentiethcentury.Senators,bankers,pashas, and royalsall called
thisbeautifulstretchof land home. Cairo's cosmopolitanelitecompetedin the size
and luxurianceof theirvillas.The siteof the FirstMall, Raafatrecounted,once was
the home of WafdistForeignMinisterWassefBoutrousGhali (uncle of the former
and his Frenchwife,Louise. They had bought
United Nations secretary-general)
the propertyin 1919,the year of national upheaval that landed WassefGhali and
othernationalistsin prison. The Ghali villa, designedby a local Italian architect,
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
365
witnessedimportantpoliticalmoments,such as the endorsementof Mustafa
al-Nahasas theleaderof theWafdpartyafterSaad Zaghlul'sdeathin 1928.After
theproperty
wassoldtotheU.S.Department
ofState,which
independence
Egyptian
leftit unusedforyears.In the1970s Ghali'svillawas replacedby"a colonial-type
as theresidenceof theU.S. ambassadorto Egypt.Neverused as
villa"designated
wasauctionedoffinthe1980sand"waspickedup byeagerGulfsuch,theproperty
ambassadorial
residence
(Raafat1995a,part6). The ill-fated
moneyeddevelopers"
was torndownfora speculative
for
that
remained
some
project
mysterious
years.
Raafatnotedthat"thenewluxurytwintoweris and undoubtedly
willremainfor
'Who,fromamongEgypt's
yearsto come thesubjectof animatedconversation:
rich-raff
new
and
willlivethere?'
Whatwe do
[sic],
pashas
megabuckbellydancers
knowforthetimebeingis thatone ofthetowersis earmarked
tobecomea five-star
hotel"(Raafat1995a,part6). The towerdid indeedbecomea hotel,theFourSeasonsHotelCairoatTheFirstResidences,
whichadvertises
itself
as a "gracious
sancviewsof theGreatPyramids
tuaryon thewestbankof theNile,withimpressive
overtheold-growth
canopyof Cairo'sancientZoologicaland BotanicalGardens"
The hotelattempts
to localizeit(see [www.fourseasons.com/cairofr/index.html]).
selfin a uniquelocal position,althoughonlythetop floorsprovidea viewofthe
andthezoo,farfrombeingancient,
datesfromthecolonialera.Thusthe
pyramids
FourSeasonsHotelis anotherglobalizedspace.Likethemall,itsentrance
isdifficult
to find.The hoteldoes nothavea grandlobby;rather,
it is a somewhatmazelike,
introverted
structure
thatprevents
outsiders
fromentering.
totally
the
site
and
the
have
a
of cosmopolitan
and reClearly,
neighborhood
history
so itis notsurprising
thatthemallenteredtheglobalizing
cirgionalinvolvement,
cuitatan earlymomentofcontemporary
inthelate1980s.Through
globalization
theyearsthesitehasbeenlinkedtocolonialcircuits
ofwealthandpower,tonationalistpolitics,
tothenewlyemerging
and,morerecently,
regionalGulfoilandinvestmenteconomy.
MENA, MUSEUM, AND MALL: EXTERRITORIALITY
AND RETERRITORIALIZATION
Whenoneexamines
on theground,itbecomesapparent
thatthepheglobalization
nomenonis muchlessstraightforward,
and evenunidistandardized,
universally
rectional
thanone had expected.Underclosescrutiny
in smallplaces,globalizing
and unpreprocessesdisclosethemultiplewaysin whichtheyunfoldin different
dictabledirections.
Sometimestheyevenfailto realizetheirgoals.In situ,globalizedprojectsbecomedependent
on localconditions
and dynamics,
becomefirmly
of
their
rationales.
Thisis not
localized,andmaysubsequently
escapeaspects
global
to saythatthelocaltakesovertheglobal,butthattheglobalbecomestiedto localitiesor thatitbenefits
fromlocalitiesin waysthatmaketheglobalmoreresponsive
to localpolitical,
and socialprocesses.
It becomesclearthatthe
economic,cultural,
foritsexistence
and surglobalreliesheavilyon local or nationalinfrastructures
vival.In theprocesstheglobalbecomesreterritorialized.
Thesereterritorializations
are analytically
fortheseare thesiteswherethelocal defines,
uses,or
important,
366
THE GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
even dominatesglobalizedprojectsor exterritorial
spaces forlocal or regionalgains
thatmay ultimatelycounterglobal rationales.
Because it bringstogetheran unparalleledscope of historical,cultural,spatial,
and economic dynamics,theMena House Hotels presentsone of themost complex
examples of globalization.Drawing on the majesticbeauty of the almost 5,000year-oldCheops Pyramid,the hotel representsa local ruler'sattemptto impress
Europeans.This attemptwas turnedintoan immenselyprofitablecolonial financial
in EuropeanandU.S. elitecircles.Trywhichgaineda splendidreputation
venture,
ing to understandthe Mena House Hotel in the contextof recentrapid globalization,one is immediatelystruckby itslong historyas an exterritorial
space. Khedive
Ismail's old huntinglodge was the product of Ottoman and old-timeroyalpracticesof buildingnumerousdomicilesforall sortsof practicaluses. Withthe British
occupation and the attemptsto retrieveEgyptiandebts,the lodge was put on the
real estate market. The building, blessed with an outstanding location and
view--anotherindicatorof its dynasticorigin--waschanneledinto emergingcolonial and global circuitsof profiteering
by way of tourism.Its interludeas a private
thatwereaboutto
mansionwas brief,forit couldnotforgotheimmenseprofits
come fromthe emergingtouristindustry.To have as manypeople as possible partake in the breathtakingbeauty of the hotel's environmentforan appropriatefee
seemed to be the onlyand best destinyforthe old lodge in a new world.The hotel
enteredthe trajectorythat foreshadowedcurrentglobalizationprocesses decades
before they were named as such. Unlike its downtown peers, like the famous
ShepheardHotel, the Mena House neverparticipatedmuch in the ups and downs
of Egyptianhistoryand economybecause of itsdramaticspatialedge.Throughout
the twentiethcenturyit remainedan outpostof exclusiveconsumptionand social
life,frequentedby both local and global patrons.
Despite its exterritoriality,
throughoutits historythe hotel remainedverylocal
because of itsunique site.It is not one of the genericairport-type
spaces thatcould
existanywherein thesame manner.The Mena House cannotexistwithoutthepyramids and has alwaysbeen a playgroundforlocal (and later regional) eliteswho
spendweekendsor vacations,dine,or celebratetheweddingsof theirchildren.With
thetakeoverby the Oberoi Company,theMena House entereda new regionalityof
Land(1992),
theIndianOcean.Thisis reminiscent
ofAmitavGhosh'sIn anAntique
inwhichhe illustrated
a medievalIndianOceanregionality.
On theotherhand,the
is tiedto Egyptian
to khedivial
and splendor.
hotel'shistory
history,
lifestyles
and symboliThe MenaHouse is situatedin a liminallocation.Geographically
thehoteloccupiesmultiple
locations.
Thehotelhasbeenandissimultaneously
cally,
locatedin Egyptand outsideEgypt.It is in Cairoand outsideCairo.Thisliminal
locationwasbestillustrated
bythechoiceofthehotelas thesiteofthe1977IsraelifortheMenaHouseis simultaneously
peacetalks.The choicewasperfect,
Egyptian
distancefromthe
and geographical
in Egyptand Cairoyetat thegreatest
symbolic
Itslocationon theurbanmarginssituatestheplace
cityand itsurbaninstitutions.
out of the urban masses'view and also makes it easierto police.
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
367
and analyzing
theGrandEgyptian
Museumaremoredifficult,
Contextualizing
becauseitsphysicalstructure
has notyetbeen completed.
Debatesaboutitsplanand
construction
and
some
of
its
features,
however,
ning
physical
pointto similar
characteristics.
LiketheMenaHouse,themuseumislocalizedbecauseofthechoice
of site.Envisionednextto thepyramids,
one aspectofthearchitectural
competitionwas to integrate
thenewmuseumintotheexisting
naturaland builtenvironment-thedesertplateauand thepyramids.
The museumalso reflects
ideasrooted
in recentexperiences
ofglobalization.
It is removedfroma busyurbancenter,
thus
the
and
of
the
urban
masses.
Instead
of
dust,
noise,
avoiding
crowding, dangers
distanceis plannedto keepthemasses-and,morespecifically,
fences,
geographical
Islamicactivists-under
control.The moreisolatedlocation,as in thecase of the
hotel,allowsforbettercontroland policing.
On a different
to reterritorialize
scienceand
level,themuseumis an attempt
facilities
and technoloknowledge,
especiallyEgyptology.
Providingcutting-edge
to reterritorialize
the
gies,themuseumis an attempt
bytheEgyptian
government
scholarsand
studyofAncientEgypt,whichhas longbeen dominatedbyWestern
universities.
a state-of-the-art
itselfon the
hub,Egypthopesto reinsert
Bycreating
scholarly
mapnotjustas a siteofstudyor a sourceofdatabutas a seriousor even
central
inthisscholarly
field.Themuseumwillnotonlydisplayartifacts
participant
butalso,ideally,
convert
centerand disseminator
ofscientific
Egyptintoa research
knowledge.
One dangerloomson thehorizonof thecurrent
project:thedivisionof the
into two circuits:one local and one global.Withthe new
pharaonicartifacts
museum's
andexpensive
itisdifficult
toimaginethatbusloads
facilities,
cutting-edge
of Egyptianschoolchildren
willbe broughthere.One solutionmightbe thatthe
downtown
museummaintains
the"lesser"artifacts
forlocal educationalpurposes
whilethenewfacility
is keptforthemoreexclusiveuse of better-paying
visitors,
and scholars.Timewilltellhowthesedetailswillbe organized.
tourists,
Froman analytical
theFirstMallmaybe themostintriguing
ofthe
perspective,
threespaces.Whatat a first
glancelookslikejustanothersterile,
glitzymallforthe
fewharborssomenoteworthy
ofreterritorialization.
It is imprivileged
dynamics
to
moments
and
where
theglobalis locallyremadeor inportant identify
spaces
sertedintoemerging
andthecontexts
inwhichtheglobalis usedtothe
regionalities
benefit
or advantageofvariouslocal,national,or regionalinterests.
One ofthesideeffects
oftheFirstMallis thatitoffers
localdesigners
and comTheConcreteCompaniesprimeretailspacesinthesamevenueas globaldesigners.
itsshirtsintheneighborhood
ofVersaceand Boss,with
pany,forexample,exhibits
theirclassyandexpensive
ThisprovidesConcreteand otherlocalcompaproducts.
nieswiththeuniqueopportunity
toboosttheirimageinwaystheyotherwise
could
not.Local manufacturers
thusstandto gaintremendously
fromthisnewlocation,
muchmoreso thantheirglobalcompetitors.
In thelargerpoliticaland economic
contextof themall,theemergence
of an Egyptiancommercial
cultureof leisure
and consumption
sincethelate1980sneedsto be understood
in thelargercontext
368
THE
GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
of the remakingof the Egyptianstateand its constituency.
With the switchfrom
statefunctionaries
and bureaucratsto privateentrepreneurs
as thespineofthestate
in the contextof neoliberal policies, Egypt'seconomic and social landscape has
changed dramatically(Gray 1998;Abaza 2001). The increasingproductionof con-
sumerandluxurygoodsneededoutletsto satisfy
thegrowing
demand.Thisinpart
accountsfortheproliferation
ofmallsin Egyptsincetheearly199os.Thenewbusiness elite demanded appropriateservicesand sites forleisure and consumption;
malls,hotels,clubs,and movie theaterswerethe answer.The FirstMall formspart
of a largerproject of remakingthe Egyptianstate,the elite,and elite culture.As
localized.Themallcontributes
ofcapitotheincreased
circulation
such,itishighly
tal inside Egypt.Whygo to Europe or the UnitedStateswhen shoppingat home is
so convenient?The FirstMall and its local counterpartsconstitutea successfulattemptto reterritorialize
waywardelitesand theirpurses.
The FirstMall is also a sitein theoil-basedregionality
centeredaroundthecountriesof the PersianGulf.This regionalityis not onlybased on financialcapital but
also has itsculturaldimensions,in thatnewplaces ofleisureand consumptionin the
region are frequentlyinspiredby the dramaticopulence of such spaces in Dubai
Thisregionality
theskiing
andothers;
Abaza2001),forexample.
(malls,hotels,
project,
is markedby its Islamic natureand constitutesa specificarticulationof a Muslim
modernityand Muslim consumerism. Mona Abaza (2001) refersto the larger
regionalityof the Indian Ocean when she traceslinks all the way to the malls in
SoutheastAsia (Kuala Lumpurand Singapore).Her researchdescribesthesame spa-
tialframework
as theone in whichtheOberoichainand theMenaHouse operate.
To a much more limitedextent,the FirstMall and othermalls are also sitesof
numberofyoungerwomen
culturalnegotiationfora limited,but not insignificant,
who are employedin the stores.Where some of thesenegotiationswill lead is unclear,but lower-middle-classwomen who work in these luxuriousenvironments
willbe influencedbytheirpresencethere.Whethertheywillsubmitto variousforms
of consumerismor come to detestit,because its productsare largelybeyond their
nature,the new
reach,is a question forfurtherresearch.Despite theirfortresslike
malls formwindows onto the new consumerculture,throughwhich many more
the saleswomeninserta lothanjust the targetedcustomerspeek. Simultaneously,
cal element,in particularthe Islamic head scarf,to thisglobalizedscene. Elite customersalso wear the head scarf,but in smallernumbersthan the employees.
Abaza notesthatless classydowntownmalls in Cairo,among themin particular
the BustanMall, opened in themid-199os,havebecome preferred
meetinggrounds
forlower-middle-class
youths.She observesthat,in themall,"cheap,popular coffee
shops, Internetcoffeeshops, and large bowling and billiardcentreshave become
availableforthelower-middleclassyouth,who wanderabout in theafternoonsand
the main feature
evenings"(2001, 108). The BustanMall-part of a largerstructure,
whose
ofwhichis a parkinggarage-is located close to theeliteAmericanUniversity,
studentshave also frequentedthe mall since the mid-199os.This accounts foran
class backgrounds.Over its short
interestingcross-sectionof youthsof different
GLOBALIZATION
AND EXTERRITORIALITY
IN CAIRO
369
themall,whichalso offers
a placeto smokethetraditional
waterpipe,has
history
and localize
developedintoa placewhereyoungEgyptians,
especially,
renegotiate
culturalformsand patterns
ofconsumerism.
"Withloud Egyptian
musicand with
darkcornersforsecretlovers'encounters,"
localyouthhavehelpedtocreatea space
thatfitstheirlocaltastesand preferences
(Abazazool, lo8).
TOWARD
A REGIONALIZED
GLOBALIZATION?
The exclusivenatureof globalized/exterritorial
spaces remainsa pressingconcern
in GreaterCairo, forthe urban masses are barredfromenteringmost of thesefortressesof leisureand conspicuous consumption.Repercussionsfromthese exclu-
sionswillarticulate
themselves
soonerorlaterinisolatedincidents
orlarger
contexts.
Givenhow centrallyimportanttheseconcernsand glaringinjusticesare,a firststep
is to understandhow globalized spaces are created and maintained.As my three
case studiesillustrate,globalizedexterritorial
spaces are not lone seeds throwninto
barrenlandscapes.Instead,theseseeds germinatebest in contextswheretheyfinda
fertilesoil withprevioustiesor exposureto globalizing,cosmopolitan,and regional
engagements.In orderto blossom,theseseeds-that is,planned projects-also need
to performlocal functionsand be integratedinto existinglocal, national,and regional networks.In thisprocess of local uses,practices,and negotiationsnew spatial patternsand practices,users and patrons,alliances,and claims to physicaland
to predictand frequently
symbolicownershipemergethatare difficult
impossible
to prevent.These developmentsare somewhatrandomand unpredictable,and their
resultscan neitherbe totallyguided nor controlled.The developmentspull individuals into theirorbit;forexample,femalesales personnelin Cairo's malls,who,
by theirclass background,would be denied access as customersto the verymalls
theyhelp to run. Similarly,the onslaught of lower-middle-classyouthswas certainlynot partof the originalscriptsof some of theless exclusivedowntownmalls.
Most important,however,the new projectsare a terrainwherelocal elitesactivelynegotiatetheirstanding,in the contextof the nation-state,emergingregionalities,and a globalizingworldand economy.Today'sCaireneeliteconsumermarket
and shoppingpracticesconstitutea departurefromthe practicesof the 197osand
198os,whenthecityhad onlyveryfewoutletsforhigh-pricedlocal and global goods.
A look at the warestastefully
arrangedat the FirstMall's bath-and-beddingstores
revealsthatmanyof thesehigh-qualityproductsare locallymanufactured.Equally
is theopportunity
forEgyptiandesigners
and brandnamesto exhibit
important
theirproductsin closeproximity
to suchglobaliconsas Chanel,Boss,Dior,Yves
SaintLaurent(all ofwhicharesoldat theFelopateer
Palace"Luxuryand StyleForever"store,[www.felopateerpalace.com]).
Concrete'sclothesand shirts,Azza
bookspublishedbyDar El Shourouk,
local artsand
jewelry,
Fahmy'sor Shawky's
knickknacks
on displayat Genny's,
and MohamedJr'shairstyle
establishment
are
all door-to-door
withtheirglobalpeers.In exclusivemalls,theEgyptianupscale
marketsituatesitselfnotwithreference
to local competitors
butin linewithor on
Museumlivesup to itsplans
displaynexttoglobalpeers.IfthenewGrandEgyptian
370
THE
GEOGRAPHICAL
REVIEW
andpromises,
itwouldcreatea similarscenery
forthescientific
in that
community,
it would allow Egyptianscholarsto work next to foreignscholars.Thus the local
wouldsituateitselfnextto itsglobalpeers,yetat a symbolic
scholarly
community
distancefromthose excludedfromthe state-of-the-art
facilities.
A close look at variousglobalizedand exterritorial
spaces revealsimportantprowith
to
old
and new regionalitiescencesses
regard the makingand remakingof
teredon thePersianGulfand theIndian Ocean. In an age of increasingisolationism
of the United States,such regionalitiesmay emergewith unpredictablestrength
and power,so theydeservefurtherstudyand analysis.
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