3/2012 yfjeh - Tampereen yliopisto

Transcription

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Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History (YFJEH)
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Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History (YFJEH) is a new peer referee journal,
published in the Internet by IEHG. YFJEH brings together scientists and practitioners from a wide scope
of disciplines to examine relationships between the environment and human actions over time from the
history to the future(s). Our languages are Finnish and English.
Editors:
Dr.Petri S. Juuti (editor-in-chief)
Editorial Board:
Dr.Tapio S. Katko
Dr.Riikka P.Rajala
Dr Carol Fort
(Flinders University Australia)
Contacts:
[email protected]
Professor Johannes Haarhoff
(University of Johannesburg, South Africa)
Home page:
www.uta.fi/finnishenvironmentalhistory
Layout:
Lari Wennström
ISSN-L 1799-6953
ISSN 1799-6953
Professor Timo Myllyntaus
(University of Turku, Finland)
Dr Ezekiel Nyangeri
(University of Nairobi, Kenya)
Dr Harri Mäki (IEHG, Finland)
Professor Johann Tempelhoff
(North-West University, South Africa)
Adjunct Professor Heikki Vuorinen
(University of Helsinki, Finland)
Professor Zheng Xiao Yun
(Yunnan academy of Social Sciences of China)
Front page: Photo: Petri Juuti, 2005.
Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012
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Contents
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Pääkirjoitus / Editorial
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Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta
Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland
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Pekka Masonen
Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse
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Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova
The Opening of the Circumpolar World
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Halpa vesi vai hyvä palvelu?
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Petri Juuti
News
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International Environmental History Group (IEHG)
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Vesihuoltopalveluiden tutkijaryhmä Capacity Building of Water and Environmental
Services (CADWES)
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Instructions for Authors
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Pääkirjoitus
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Valtavat haasteet
Vesihuolto eli vesi- ja viemärilaitostoiminta ja usein myös hule- eli sade- ja sulamisvesien hallinta ovat ihmiskunnan keskeisiä haasteita niin Suomessa ja Euroopassa kuin koko maailmassa. Jos nykyinen kehitys saa
jatkua ilman olennaisia parannuksia, jopa kaksi kolmasosaa maailman väestöstä kärsii kroonisesta veden
niukkuudesta ja pilaantuneista vesistä vuonna 2050.
Vesi ja sen käyttö ovat kiistämättä keskeinen globaali haaste ja kestävän kehityksen elementti – köyhyyden
vähentämisen, kulutustottumusten sekä luonnonvarojen kestävän käytön kannalta. Vesi on myös YK:n hyväksymien vuosituhattavoitteiden osalta ratkaisevassa asemassa. Vuonna 2012 saavutettiin vedenhankinnan
osalta vuosituhattavoite eli puolittaa palveluja vailla olevien ihmisten määrä. Silti tekemistä riittää puhumattakaan sanitaatiosta, jonka haaste on valtava maailmankylässä. Ilmastonmuutos puolestaan lisää edelleen
veden määrän ääri-ilmiöitä: kuivuutta ja tulvia.
Suomessa tutkimuksen mukaan vesihuollon suurin haaste seuraavien 20–30 vuoden aikana on ikääntyvä
infrastruktuuri, erityisesti verkostojen rapautuminen. Sama näyttää olevan tilanne monissa länsimaissa mutta
myös siirtymätalouksissa ja kehittyvissä maissa. Ikääntyvän infrastruktuurin ohella keskeisiä haasteita ovat
järjestelmien haavoittuvuus, osaamisen kehittäminen koulutuksen ja tutkimuksen kautta, viestintä sekä päätöksenteko ja siihen vaikuttaminen. Vaikka teknologialla voidaan järjestelmiä kehittää, vielä suuremmat
haasteet vaativat osaamista varsinaisten artefaktien ulkopuolelta – hallintaprosesseista ja niihin liittyvästä
tietämyksestä ja ymmärryksestä.
Keinoja on
Vesiasioiden yhteiskunnallinen merkitys tulee saada nykyistä paremmin esille. Tulee etsiä uusia keinoja ja
toimintatapoja, joilla näkymättömissä olevat, elintärkeät verkostot saavat ansaitsemaansa huomiota. Vesihuollon tehtävänä on toimittaa elintärkeä tuote turvallisesti paikasta toiseen ja samalla taata veden korkea
laatu käyttäjälle saakka ja lopulta tehokkaasti puhdistettuna purkuvesistöön. Ennaltaehkäisevän, toimintakuntoa ylläpitävän huoltotyön merkitystä ei pidä väheksyä. 1 Tutkimusten mukaan kansalaiset ja kuntalaiset
arvostavat vesihuoltopalveluja ja pitävät niitä välttämättöminä. Lähtökohdat järkevälle toiminnalle ja kehittämiselle yhteiskunnassa ovat näin olemassa.
Vesiasioiden ja vesihuollon merkitys on erityisesti alalla toimivien asiantuntijoiden ja sitä tukevien tahojen
ammatillinen haaste. Koulutuksessa on eri tasoilla vähitellen päästy ja ollaan pääsemässä oppimista korostaviin lähestymistapoihin. Tutkimustoiminnassa moni- ja poikkitieteisyys on välttämätöntä, jos halutaan löytää
kestäviä vesihuollon toimintaperiaatteita ja käytäntöjä. Juhlapuheista huolimatta tällä saralla on vielä paljon
tekemistä muun muassa tutkimusrahoituksen painotuksissa. Myönteisiäkin esimerkkejä on kuten hiljattain
alkanut hanke ”Water as Cultural Space: Changing Values and Representations”. Tampereen yliopiston ympäristöhistorian tutkijaryhmä IEHG sekä Tampereen teknillisen yliopiston vesihuoltopalveluiden tutkijaryhmä CADWES 2 ovat tehneet moni- ja poikkitieteistä sekä vertailevaa tutkimusta vesihuollon kehityksestä
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Heino O., Katko T. & Takala A. 2010. Ikääntyvä infra - vesihuollon keskeisin haaste. Vesitalous. Vsk. 51, no. 8. s. 22-24.
http://www.vesitalous.fi/upload/lehtiarkisto/2010/6_2010.pdf
www.cadwes.org
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pitkällä aikavälillä erityisesti Suomessa, Euroopassa, Pohjois-Amerikassa ja eteläisessä Afrikassa. Vesivarojen osalta Aalto yliopiston Vesi ja kehitys-ryhmä on toiminut aktiivisesti erityisesti Aasiassa.
Henkiset resurssit kehityksen perusedellytys
Vesiasiat ja vesiosaaminen ovat Suomessa viime aikoina olleet näyttävästi esillä muun muassa maabrändityöryhmän, Rion kestävän kehityksen prosessin sekä Finnish Water Forumin kautta. Vesiosaaminen edellyttää ennen kaikkea hyvin motivoituja sekä jatkuvasta oppimisesta ja kehittämisestä kiinnostuneita henkilöitä
kaikilla tasoilla. Yhtenä esimerkkinä on kansallinen täydennyskoulutusohjelma VETO - Vesihuollon johtaminen ja kehittäminen, joka on toteutettu kaksi kertaa.
Kehittyvien maiden ja osin siirtymätalouksien osalta Tampereen teknillisellä yliopistolla on useamman vuosikymmenen kokemus vesi- ja ympäristöalan osaajien koulutuksesta ja tutkimusyhteistyöstä Afrikan maiden
kanssa. Tuloksena on ollut lähes 100 hengen asiantuntijajoukko, joka työskentelee kotimaidensa huipputehtävissä – professoreista ministereihin, huippuvirkamiehiin ja yritysjohtajiin. 3 Räätälöidyillä koulutusohjelmilla suomalaiset yliopistot ovat voineet palvella kehittyvien maiden osaamistarpeita ja samalla edistää omaa
osaamistaan. Kun 1990-luvun alun laman jälkeen nämä resurssit leikattiin, on nyt maamme alkanut tukea
yhteistyötä kehittyvien maiden yliopistojen kanssa. Vaikka ohjelmat ovat varsin pieniä muihin pohjoismaihin
verrattuna, antavat ne kuitenkin uusia mahdollisuuksia niin vesihuollossa kuin muillakin keskeisillä toimialoilla. Eteläisen Afrikan yliopistot pyörittävät jo huomattavissa määrin omia maisteriohjelmia ja osin jo
tohtorikoulutustakin. Näiden ohjelmien tukeminen eri muodoissaan olisi nyt luontevaa jatkoa aiemmalle
toiminnalle.
Suomella erinomainen asema
Kun on ollut mahdollista olla mukana yhdessä kollegojen kanssa ja seurata Suomen vesialan kansainvälistä
yhteistyötä kehittyvissä maissa, lähialueilla, Euroopan unionissa ja muilla alueilla yli kolme vuosikymmentä,
on helppo todeta, että suomalaisena on helppo toimia missä tahansa. Pienenä kansakuntana, jolla ei ole siirtomaaisäntien rasitteita, meillä on harvemmin riskiä sortua tiedämme paremmin (besser wisser) -asenteeseen.
Kohdemaiden tarpeet - kuten heidän päättäjät, virkamiehet, asiantuntijat ja kansalaiset ne näkevä - tulee olla
lähtökohtana. Voimme mennä mihin maahan tahansa ja olemme tervetulleita.
Kansainvälisissä vesi- ja ympäristöalan vertailuissa Suomi on maailman kärkimaita ellei kärkimaa. Näitä
ovat mm. Vesiköyhyysindeksi (WPI, 2002), Veden kierrätysindeksi (WRI, 2009), Veden suhteellinen niukkuusindeksi (RWSI, 2009), Ympäristön toimivuusindeksi (EPI, 2010), Ympäristön kestävyysindeksi (ESI,
2005), Inhimillisen kehityksen indeksi (HDI, 2009), Aidon kehityksen mittari (GPI, 2006, 2008) sekä
OECD:n ympäristövertailut (2009). 4 Vertailut osoittavat, että maamme osaa hyödyntää hyvin vesivaransa
sekä pitää ympäristönsä puhtaana, vaikka haasteitakin on. Tätä menestystä voisi hyödyntää nykyistä aktiivisemmin.
Vesihuollon kehittäminen lähtee korostetusti paikallisista tarpeista niin Suomessa kuin missä tahansa muussakin maassa. Huolimatta erilaisista olosuhteista ja reunaehdoista on kestävässä vesihuollossa kyse kuitenkin
paljon analogisista periaatteista ja toimintatavoista. Kuten Nobelin rauhanpalkinnon saaja, presidentti Ahtisaari 5 on todennut: ”Olen joskus ajatellut, ettei kehitysyhteistyössä ole lopulta suurta eroa siihen, mitä
me teemme kotimaassamme: koulutamme väkeä, tuemme alueellista tasa-arvoa ja toteutamme näitä, sanoisinko, pohjoismaisia arvoja. Nämä periaatteet ovat kehitysyhteistyössäkin keskeisiä."
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Water education makes a global difference. Interface 1/2011. TUT´s Online Magazine. (T. Luukko)
http://interface.tut.fi/articles/2011/1/Water_education_makes_a_global_difference
Luukkonen H., Mönkäre T. & Savikko R. (julkaisematon) 2010. Suomen sijoittuminen kansainvälisissä vesi-, ympäristö- ja hyvinvointivertailuissa. Harjoitustyö. TTY, RTT-1080 Ympäristötalous. 28.5.2010.
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Haastattelu OP-Pohjolan Chydenius-talouslehdessä 2/2011. http://global.finland.fi/public/default.aspx?contentid=227183 tk 26.8.2011
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UNESCOn hallinnoiman Kansainvälisen hydrologian ohjelman (IHP) strategiasuunnitelma vuodelta 2008
toteaa mm., että “veteen liittyvä koulutus on keskeistä kestävän kehityksen kannalta. Itse asiassa vesialan
koulutus on strateginen lähtökohta kun kehitetään uutta etiikkaa vesiasioiden hallintaan”. Tässä kontekstissa
toivomme, että voimme osaltamme tuoda positiivisia kontribuutiota Tampereen teknilliseen yliopistoon juuri
perustetun UNESCOn kestävien vesihuoltopalveluiden oppituolin kautta.
Tapio Katko
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Editorial
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Huge Challenges
Water services, consisting of water supply and sanitation and often also storm water management, are one of
the key challenges in Finland, Europe and the rest of the world. If the current trend is allowed to continue
without remarkable improvements, as much as two thirds of mankind will face chronic water scarcity or
water pollution problems by 2050.
Water and its use are undoubtedly one of the key global challenges and an element of sustainable development with regard to poverty alleviation, consumption patterns and sustainable use of natural resources. Water
occupies a key position among the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) set by the United Nations. The
MDG for safe water supply, to reduce the number of people without services by half, was reached in 2012.
Yet, work remains to be done, especially in sanitation which is an immense challenge. Climate change, for
its part, increases extreme weather phenomenona: drought and floods.
Based on research, the biggest challenge to Finnish water services during the next 20 to 30 years is aging
infrastructure, especially deteriorating networks. The same seems to be true in several western countries as
well as transition and developing economies. The major challenges besides aging infrastructure are vulnerability of systems, development of competence through education and research, communication and decision
making and influencing decision making. Although technology can be used to develop systems, there are
even bigger challenges that require competence beyond artefacts – in management and governance processes
and related knowledge and understanding.
The means exist
It is necessary to make the social importance of water issues more visible. We have to explore new means
and policies which will give the invisible but vital networks the attention they deserve. The task of water
services is to transport a vital product safely from one place to another while securing its high quality to the
users, and finally discharge it after efficient treatment into the recipient body. The role of preventive maintenance operations must not be underestimated. Surveys show that municipal residents value their water services and regard them as indispensable. Thus, a solid basis for viable operation and development exists.
The importance of water management and services is a fundamental professional challenge for experts in
water services and related fields. Education of various levels has gradually adopted, or is adopting, learning
based approaches. In research multi- and interdisciplinarity are a must, if we wish to develop sustainable
principles and practices. Despite ceremonial speeches, this field still has a lot to do, for instance, in directing
research funding. Positive developments in the field include a fresh project named “Water as Cultural Space:
Changing Values and Representations”. The international Environmental History Group (IEHG) at the University of Tampere, and the Capacity Development in Water and Environmental Services (CADWES) research team at Tampere University of Technology have conducted multi-and interdisciplinary as well as
comparative research on long-term development of water services especially in Finland, Europe, North
America and the southern African region. In the area of water resources, the Water and Development Group
at Aalto University has been particularly active in Asia.
Human Resources as a Basic Requirement for Development
Water management and competence have recently received positive attention, for instance, through the National Brand working group, the Rio Sustainable Development process and the Finnish Water Forum. Water
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know-how requires especially well motivated persons interested in continuing learning and development at
all levels. One example is the national continuing education and development programme “Water Services
Leadership and Development” that has been conducted twice.
As to developing and transition economies, Tampere University of Technology has several decades of experience from education and research in water and environmental engineering and management in and for Africa. It has resulted in almost 100 alumni experts who work in their home countries in leading positions –
from professors to ministers, top level civil servants and enterprise leaders. Through tailor-made education
programmes Finnish universities have been able to serve the competence needs of developing economies
while developing also their own competencies. After resources were cut due to the economic recession in the
early 1990s, Finland has now started to support collaboration with universities in developing countries. Although the resources are minor compared to other Nordic countries, they nevertheless provide new opportunities in the field of water as well as other major development sectors. The universities in the southern African
region already have their own master’s – some even doctoral –programmes. It would be logical to continue
collaboration by supporting these programmes.
Finland is in a unique position
The privilege of being involved in and able to follow with colleagues the development of Finnish water sector collaboration in developing economies, nearby areas, the European Union and other regions, has made
one aware of the fact that it is easy to operate anywhere as a Finn. Coming from a small nation without a
colonial burden, we are seldom at risk of assuming a know-it-all attitude. The needs of recipient or collaborating countries – as seen by their own decision-makers, civil servants, experts and citizens – should be the
basis. We can go to any country and be welcomed.
In international comparisons of water and environmental management, Finland is among the top countries, if
not the top one. The comparisons include the Water Poverty Index (2002), the Water Recycling Index
(2009), the Relative Water Scarcity Index (2009), the Environmental Performance Index (2010), the Environmental Sustainability Index (2005), the Human Development Index (2009) and the Genuine Development
Index (2006, 2008). The comparisons imply that Finland knows how to utilise its water resources well and
keep its environment clean, although challenges also exist. These experiences could be used more actively
than currently is the case.
The entry point of the development of water services in Finland as well as all other countries are local conditions. In addition to differences in local and boundary conditions, sustainable water servicesare also governed by analogical principles and practices. As the Nobel Peace Laureate, President Ahtisaari said: “I have
sometimes thought that development co-operation is actually not that different from what we are doing in our
home country: we educate people, support regional equity and implement these, could I say, Nordic values.
These values are central also in development co-operation”.
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As for the UNESCO headed International Hydrological Programme (IHP; its VII Strategy Plan (2008) states,
for instance, that “water-related education for sustainable development is essential. Indeed, Water education
is the strategic entry point in developing a new ethic for water governance and management”. In this context
we hope to be able to make our positive contribution through the UNESCO Chair in Sustainable Water Services just established at TUT.
Tapio Katko
Editors. From left: Petri Juuti, Riikka Rajala & Tapio Katko.
Toimitus. Vasemmalta: Petri Juuti (päätoimittaja), Riikka Rajala & Tapio Katko.
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Toni T. O. Jaatinen, Tapio S. Katko, Sanna T. Pynnönen & Joni S. Vihanta
Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland – Analysis of
Vesitalous Journal, 1960-2009
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Abstract
The aim of the paper was to explore the trends in water management and to reflect the historical changes in
water sector through articles published in 1960–2009 in the Finnish Vesitalous journal for water sector professionals. The articles were divided into seven categories according to their subjects and eight categories by
authors´ interest groups. The relative changes in the number of articles dealing with each category were explored and the major themes and topics of each decade were presented. The interest groups of the authors
were analysed and also presented in this paper. Over the years the diversity of topics and themes has increased indicating multidisciplinarity as well as transformation in technology, society and governance. The
backgrounds of the authors have also varied throughout the analyzed time period, and all interest groups
have published articles somewhat equally about all of the subjects.
Keywords: water management, trends, Finland, professional journal, water, Vesitalous.
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Introduction
Publication of the Vesitalous journal for Finnish water sector professionals started in 1960 with the purpose
of disseminating information on issues related to water management in the country. From the beginning, it
has focussed on national topics and themes while also keeping an eye on international developments.
The aim of this paper was to explore the major trends and development of water management in Finland
from the early 1960 until 2009 covering water supply and sanitation and other water-related topics.
The study focused on Vesitalous journal and its articles during the fifty years from 1960 to 2009. The journal
has been, and still is, the major Finnish professional journal on water management. For our purposes, a decade covers the period from 1960 to 1969, and so on.
The first task was to develop a classification method for the articles based on their themes and contents. The
second task was to explore the contents of the articles and possible changes of focus over the decades. The
following research questions were posed in relation to the latter task:
(i)
When did certain topics come up for the first time?
(ii)
What have been the “hot” topics of each decade?
(iii)
How are the article topics related to other literature in the field?
In addition, we have explored the question on the contributors: what kind of interest groups have the authors
represented and how have these possibly changed over time? With this study, we would like to show that
professional journals, such as Vesitalous, provide an excellent opportunity to explore the changes in development in water sector. In addition, we would like to encourage colleagues to conduct similar studies in their
own countries since it would be interesting to see, whether there are similar trends to be identified in different countries during the same period.
The main aim of the journal is to share knowledge among professionals and to promote discussion about
current water related topics of each time. While the Vesitalous journal has high academic standards for writers, the articles are often practically oriented. In 2000, a peer review system was introduced to the journal
and in 2001 a new graphical layout. In 2004 special theme issues were introduced, often with an invited
guest editor. It is estimated that some 90 per cent of the water sector experts have access to this journal. It is
read by water sector experts and decision makers as well as students and academic staff. The editorial board
of the journal includes, for example, water engineers, hydrologists, water sector professors and specialists on
water law. The authors of papers represent a diversity of water expertise.
In the beginning the journal volume had four numbers per annum, since 1964 five and since 1967 six numbers per annum. From 1960 to 2009 a total of 2,660 papers have been published by the journal. Vesitalous is
meant for water sector professionals and throughout the decades the print run of the paper has been around
2 000 copies: it has not changed much until today. All the articles published by Vesitalous have been in
Finnish. It has been a conscious decision to publish in Finnish since this is the major professional water sector journal in the country. Right from the beginning in 1960, abstracts in English concerning some of the
articles were published. In the ´80s there was a period of time when only a few English abstracts could be
found while in the ´90s they started to appear again for almost every article.
Before studying the articles, their context and changes of focus as well as their authors and interest groups,
we will provide a general framework on Finnish water legislation and its evolution in the 20th and the early
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21st century. After this we will describe the methodology used in the analysis and then present the results by
each decade. We will also discuss about certain hot topics of each decade in more detail. Finally we will
present the results obtained and concluding remarks.
Background on water management in Finland
In this section, the major legislation that has shaped or been introduced to water management in Finland over
the last century is outlined. A study by Katko et al. (2006) on the key long-term strategic decisions related to
the evolution of water services in Finland and the views of 13 senior national experts indicate that the most
important decisions concerned legislation, particularly water pollution control. The 1902 Water Rights Act
emphasised the utilisation of water bodies for economic purposes, but paid hardly any attention to pollution
control requirements. The Water Act that came into force in 1962 meant the start of modern water pollution
control. For the first time, the act forced communities and industries to apply for discharge permits for their
wastewaters, which became stricter as technology developed over time. In the 1960s and ´70s a large number
of wastewater treatment plants were constructed in Finland modernising the country's wastewater treatment.
Water Pollution Control was further promoted by a special Wastewater Surcharge Act in 1974.
Interestingly enough, smaller communities and townships were the first to introduce wastewater treatment –
some of the biggest cities were among the last. Furthermore, the pulp and paper industries, the largest polluters in terms of biological oxygen demand (BOD), did not start modern wastewater treatment before the mid1980s. (Katko et al. 2005) From the nature conservation point of view that is illogical. Yet, it shows the reality of decision-making: water pollution control started with the “easiest” cases and expanded to the more
difficult ones. It is also an indication of the relatively powerful influence wielded by the forest industries in
the country over the years.
In 1970 the Water Administration and the National Board of Waters were established which together with
the water districts of that time gradually evolved into regional environmental authorities. Later, water legislation and administration has paved a way to the development of wider environmental legislation and administration in the country. In 2002 the Water Poverty Index, which grades countries according to water resources, access, capacity, use, and environment, ranked Finland number one in the world (Lawrence et al.
2002). The high ranking was earned especially based on management related criteria, not as a result of the
relatively large amount of water resources available per person.
Methodology
In this study, a bibliometric analysis was used and citations were explored in the particular journal. The classification of articles by subject was done in two phases: first, all relevant articles were combed and tentative
categories formed on their basis. Thereafter, all articles were reinvestigated and placed in their final categories.
The articles of Vesitalous were divided into seven categories based on topic. Already in the 1960s, the topics
of the articles were diverse, and their multi- and interdisciplinarity has increased over the years. Therefore, it
was in some cases difficult to classify the articles without distorting their numbers because they could have
belonged to multiple categories. Based on the assessment above, we chose the following seven categories:
Water Supply, Sanitation, Water Resources Management, Protection, Legislation, Education and Others,
defined in Table 1.
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Table 1. Identified categories of papers with definitions.
Water Supply: It includes topics like sources of community water supply, treatment methods, water pipes
and networks, water pricing, water crises, water quality requirements, and pollution of drinking water. It
also includes disinfection, pipe corrosion, groundwater use, natural organic matter, iron and manganese
removal and artificially recharged groundwater.
Sanitation: It covers topics related to wastewater treatment and sewerage, sewers, and nutrients and pathogens removal as well as articles on the activated sludge process, industrial waste water, sludge treatment and
disposal, filtration waters of sanitary landfills, wastewater treatment of sparsely populated areas and dry
sanitation.
Water Resources Management: This category covers a highly diverse field of water resources use and topics such as hydropower, the regulation of water bodies, trenching, peat and its use, dams, fishing and fish
farming, hydrological modelling, agriculture and its runoffs. It also covers irrigation, timber floating, water
equivalent of snow, climate change, flooding, and artificial lakes and forestry.
Protection: It covers protection, conservation and preservation of water and the environment including environmental pollutants, recreational values, eutrophication, algae and cyanobacteria, groundwater protection, the impacts of dredging and the conservation of the Baltic Sea.
Legislation: This category includes acts, guidelines, rules, standards, environmental crimes, various types of
treaties, the European Union and its legislation, environmental politics and policies, and costs of pollution
prevention and fines.
Education: Related articles discuss water sector education, various types of programmes and courses, symposia held, academic education, congresses and exhibitions, annual water and wastewater utility seminars,
and educational material.
Others: This category is the most diverse one, covering various kinds of construction works not directly
related to water supply and sanitation, swimming pools, waste management, articles covering several
themes, privatisation, incorporation of water utilities and articles on the journal itself.
Although the seven categories undoubtedly represent a simplification of reality, they hopefully give good
insight into the weight afforded to various themes and topics over time. Yet, the assessment does not fully
consider changes at the level of individual topics of articles, although changes within categories have been
discussed through demonstrated examples. These have been selected according to their representativeness
regarding each decade rather than by the order of category magnitude. In any case, the categorisation, and
the analysis and the examples are based solely on the views and interpretations of the authors.
The articles were also divided into categories based on the interest groups of their authors. For this task the
following eight categories were identified: Regional Environmental Authorities, Consulting Engineers, Universities, State´s Environmental Authorities, Water And Wastewater Utilities, Non-Governmental Organizations Companies and Others. The categories are somewhat self-explanatory, but a few that may cause confusion are explained below.
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The category of Regional Environmental Authorities covered authors working in all environmental organizations that operated in regional offices in Finland and were controlled by Finnish state´s ministries. Universities category included authors working or studying in Finnish or foreign universities. State´s Environmental
Authorities category included authors working at some nationwide environmental organization in Finland,
such as Finnish Environmental Agency or Finnish Ministry of Environment. Companies category covered all
authors who worked in private sector but could not be classified under category Consulting Engineers. And
finally category Others included all authors that could not be fitted to any category above.
Each article was assigned a category primarily according to its first author. In case of multiple authors in
alphabetical order the category was assigned according to the interest group that covered the majority of the
authors. In most cases the authors represented the same background organization.
Findings and discussion
In this chapter, the overall findings are presented and subsequently the trends by decades will be discussed
further. The total number of articles published over five decades in Vesitalous is presented in Fig. 1. The
number of articles published annually increased since the 1960s and 1970s – the total by the end of 2009 was
2,660.
800
700
600
Articles
500
400
300
200
100
0
1960-1969
1970-1979
1980-1989
1990-1999
2000-2009
Fig. 1. Number of articles published in Vesitalous journal by decade.
In Table 2, the number of articles in each of the seven categories per decade are presented. This serves as a
background to later comparisons and percentage distribution during decades and between categories. Fig. 2
shows e.g. that the relative share of Water Resources Management has increased a bit in the 2000s, while
those of both Water Supply and Sanition have decreased. It also shows that a lot of articles on Protection
were written in the 1990s. The proportion of Others has increased continuously.
14
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Decade
Water
Supply
1960-1969
1970-1979
1980-1989
1990-1999
2000-2009
76
80
75
108
117
Sanitation Water Resources Management
57
53
73
55
96
77
84
84
95
133
Protection
72
68
67
149
126
Legislation Education Other
34
27
67
34
50
23
13
32
32
46
66
58
121
123
189
Table 2. Number of papers in each subject category by decade.
2000-2009
Water Supply
1990-1999
Sanitation
Water Resources Management
1980-1989
Protection
Legislation
Education
1970-1979
Other
1960-1969
0%
20 %
40 %
60 %
80 %
100 %
Fig. 2. Percentage share of articles in each subject category by decade.
In Fig. 3 the relative share of articles categorized according to the authors´ background organization is presented. This figure shows e.g. that the relative amount of articles published by Universities has increased
during the decades, while the share of articles published by State´s Environmental Authorities has remained
somewhat static. The number of articles in each of the eight interest group categories by decade are presented in Table 3. This data is used as a background information in future discussion. Throughout the years
Vesitalous has contained articles the author or background organization of which could not be determined
(some editorials etc.). This explains the different total number of articles in Table 2 and 3.
15
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Decade
Regional
Env. Authorities
Consulting
Engineers
30
46
40
27
75
20
46
45
25
73
44
74
94
13
25
40
34
50
90
114
125
18
34
27
38
58
58
188
165
18
35
41
41
40
79
202
204
47
82
40
19601969
19701979
19801989
19901999
20002009
Others
Universi- State´s
ties
Env. Authorities
Water
and Wastewater
utilities
NonComGovernmen- panies
tal Organizations
Table 3. Number of papers in each author category by decade.
Regional environmental authorities
2000-2009
Consulting engineers
1990-1999
Others
Universities
1980-1989
State´s environmental authorities
1970-1979
Water and wastewater utilities
Non-governmental organizations
1960-1969
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Companies
Fig. 3. Percentage share of articles in each author category by decade.
The 1960s: Interest towards water supply and sewerage increases
Already in the 1960s many articles were written about Protection thus indicating the awaking global interest
on water pollution control (Fig. 2). Sanitation and Water Resources Management were also popular topics,
while Legislation and Education received less interest. Topics falling in the Others category were very popular, too. This set-up indicates how already at that time the topics of articles were quite diverse – not easily
classified. In the 1960s many of the technologies that are still in use were presented, such as artificial
groundwater, activated sludge treatment and flotation.
16
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In the 1960s approximately 20 per cent of the articles were about Protection. By then, a large portion of the
hydropower potential had been developed in Finland, and other aspects of the environment, especially its
recreational use, were being discussed. This points to a shift from the idea of considering water merely as a
source of wealth and energy towards less direct benefits – or at least recognition of that possibility.
In the first issue of Vesitalous, Kalliola (1960) already pondered the future impact of the journal. He described how countries, where development of the humanized landscape had progressed further than in Finland, paid a lot more attention to nature conservation in connection with earth and water construction activities. Conservation and landscape management were an important part of technical education in those countries, and they did thorough research in the field. Kalliola hoped that the journal could promote parallel actions in Finland and co-operation between engineering and biological experts.
Niinivaara (1960) pointed out that the Government had agreed to establish a new Water Protection Office
under the National Board of Agriculture, which was the beginning of water and ground water protection.
Manner (1961) discussed current water protection issues and acknowledged that the upcoming Water Act
would solve a lot but not all of the problems, such as the development of the administration of water protection and its funding. Manner stated that effective management of water protection issues requires that administration is not too dispersed. As an example, he mentioned the monitoring of water systems which would be
more effective if the responsibilities of the various parties were defined more accurately. He was also heavily
involved in developing international water legislation and the Helsinki Rules of 1966, one of the cornerstones of transboundary water management. 1
In the 1960s Water Supply was the topic in 20 per cent of the articles, many of them dealing with networks,
water tanks, and pipe materials (like asbestos-cement, cast iron and steel, plastic). It was also a decade of
rural migration, expansion of cities and construction of suburbs.
Vesitalous 2/1963 was a handbook of water protection (Vesiensuojeluneuvottelukunta 1963). Its fifth chapter, in particular, emphasised water protection and policies, and enlightening of citizens and raising of their
awareness of the need for water protection. One of the journals missions was to raise more discussion on
water protection issues.
Peräkylä (1960) discussed the impacts of wastewater treatment on the state of water bodies in Finland in his
article “Water conservation, a current problem in Finland”. The state of the water systems needed to be studied and the impact of wastewaters reliably assessed. High performance wastewater treatment systems were
quite rare in the cold Finnish conditions then, which is why he argued for efficient wastewater treatment.
Peräkylä reminded the readers that water protection should also promote correct and suitable uses of water
systems.
Metsälampi (1965) assessed the prospects of water protection three years after the Water Act came into
force. In his view, water protection issues had been managed well, and the future did not seem as hopeless as
some years earlier. He encouraged the development of new treatment technologies, but acknowledged that
more was needed to improve the situation of water systems. It was not enough to cut down current pollution,
but – co-operation between authorities and public and voluntary organizations also had to be promoted.
Metsälampi also talked about keeping the water systems in good condition for future generations thus showing that he recognized the importance of sustainability.
1
More information on the Helsinki Rules of 1966, see pages 629-630 (Salman 2007):
http://www.internationalwaterlaw.org/bibliography/articles/general/Salman-BerlinRules.pdf
17
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About 15 per cent of the 1960s´ articles dealt with Sanitation. Most described current methods and plants or
new ideas, such as activated sludge treatment, which are still in use. In the mid-1960s fish-farming was introduced to Finland, and in the late 1960s public and private swimming pools gained popularity. The topics
of hydropower construction, trenching and timber floating faded out by the end of the decade.
Borenius (1962) discussed the effects of the new Water Act on the forest industry and how to introduce
wastewater discharge permits for forest industry that pollutes waters. According to him, the Finnish forest
industry had been a forerunner by developing its processes even before the act came into force. Therefore,
Borenius argued, authorities should consider the views of the forest industry and not put excessive demand
on this sector which provides a livelihood for so many. Yet, according to Katko et al. (2005), efficient biological treatment was not introduced by the pulp and paper industries before adequate social pressure was
exerted and the public expressed its opinion in the 1980s.
Almost 15 per cent of the articles in the 1960s dealt with Water Resources Management topics, often agricultural and rural development. They showed keen interest in drainage of swampy areas for agricultural and
forestry use as well as in regulation of water bodies including artificial lakes for hydropower, flood prevention and timber floating.
Järnefelt (1961) described the development of limnology in Finland and its obvious relationship with water
protection. He emphasised the impacts of treated wastewater on the water systems, and described the difference between the environmental conditions in Finland and other countries due to cold winters and high humus content of water. According to him, the solutions of other countries should be implemented only where
applicable – a highly relevant viewpoint also as concerns the currently developed directives of the European
Union (EU).
The most active interest group publishing articles in the 1960s were State´s Environmental Authorities (75).
The authors of this category were typically representatives of various ministries or their sub-organizations
and districts. Consulting Engineers, Non-Governmental Organizations and different Companies contributed
around 45 articles each. These values are above average for each of them compared to other decades. This is
probably due to the fact that topics related to environmental protection, water treatment and different processes were rather new, and these interest groups had knowledge related to these subjects. It should also be
noted that the share of articles published by people categorized to the interest group Universities was really
low, only 27, compared to other decades.
The 1970s: Water as source
Articles dealing with Water Supply and Sanitation were most popular in the 1970s (Fig. 2). Protection was
third most popular although its share declined a bit. The Water Supply articles were mainly related to raw
water – groundwater dominated with over 43 articles, while some also discussed surface water (6) and artificial groundwater (4). According to Katko (1997), the share of groundwater increased approximately fourfold from the ´60s to the ´70s and almost doubled by the ´80s. The use of surface water did not increase as
much in the same period. Another major trend in Finland in the 1970s was the expansion of sewerage systems.
Pönkkä (1971) was among the first to write about groundwater formations, and he also discussed locating the
formations (Pönkkä 1972). Vesitalous 1/1973 was dedicated entirely to groundwater. Wihuri (1973) and
Hyyppä (1973) were interested in the formation, flowing and geochemistry of groundwater. Mälkki (1973)
discussed the importance of groundwater and the fact that it was an undervalued natural resource and wanted
to promote related education and research.
18
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Mälkki (1977) wrote about the seasonal variations in groundwater quality. He proposed that changes in the
oxygen content, redox potential and conductivity of groundwater are somehow connected to its formation
and occurrence. Groundwater remained a popular research topic throughout the decade: Rönkä (1977) studied the quality of groundwater made of surface water, Hooli (1977) discussed groundwater as a part of the
hydrological cycle, and Niini (1977) wrote about the groundwater in bedrock. Rönkä and Koskinen (1979)
presented experiences from making artificial groundwater. They emphasised the importance of planning:
establishing the correct location of the necessary facilities and ensuring that the groundwater is not polluted
e.g. by a nearby gravel pit.
Rönkkömäki (1977) discussed the dangers threatening groundwater formations, especially oil. So-called
safety zones for groundwater intakes had already been defined and regulations concerning infrastructure
given. Muinonen (1979) talked about securing groundwater areas used for water supply. Surface waters also
received attention and e.g. Lehtonen (1979) was interested in protecting surface waters for community water
supply purposes.
Articles on Sanitation formed roughly 20 per cent of all articles, meaning a five percentage point increase
from the '60s. The 1970s was a decade when many Finnish municipalities were expanding their water supply
and sanitation system.
Kettunen and Korhonen (1975) were interested in nutrient dissolution from sewage sludge. They discovered
that when a chemical precipitation mediated process was used to treat their experimental sludge, far less
phosphorus was dissolved than in the case of untreated sludge. In the case of nitrogen, the situation was just
the opposite: the more chemical precipitation was used, the more nitrogen was dissolved from the sludge
compared to untreated sludge.
Määttä and Lindström (1977) studied the cleansing of herring processing plant wastewaters with the biological activated sludge process including ferric sulphate precipitation. Their study showed that the activated
sludge process is adequate for cleaning such process wastewaters. Removal of nutrients started in Finland in
the 1970s and so-called simultaneous precipitation has been the most common method in activated sludge
plants. The professionals in Finland and Sweden often argued about the feasibility of simultaneous precipitation. After a decade or so, the simultaneous precipitation system proved as efficient as post-precipitation, the
advantage of the former being the lower tank volumes required. (Katko 1997, 60)
Water Resources Management was still the topic of 15 per cent of the articles, most of them dealt with hydrological phenomena. There were some articles on fishing and water regulation as well. Protection articles
decreased in the early 1970s and made up 17 per cent of the total. Around that time the Water Administration
started to monitor the quality of water bodies mainly according to physical-chemical criteria. Around year
2000, biological criteria replaced them. Prevention of harmful compounds from entering water and their
removal were also popular topics in the 1970s, often linked to the protection of groundwater.
The first article on integrated management of water resources by Hirsto (1973) was published in Vesitalous
in 1973. He pointed out that by multipurpose planning of water resources it was possible to achieve economic growth, improve environmental protection, better social conditions, and promote development of the area
in question. Many western countries like Finland and Sweden introduced multipurpose water use and comprehensive water resource planning in the 1960s and 1970s, while the United States as early as the 1930.
Bringing about these changes in Finland was also one of the tasks set for the Water Administration established in the country in 1970. Some 25 years later the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM)
19
______________________________________________________________________________
principle incorporating many similar ideas entered the international agenda (Katko et al. 2010). According to
Biswas (2004), the concept of IWRM was around for as long as 60 years, only to be rediscovered in the
1990s.
In the 1970s the amount of articles published by Universities almost tripled from 27 to 74, becoming the
second largest interest group of the authors of Vesitalous journal in the 1970s along with Consulting Engineers. State´s Environmental Authorities published most of the articles also in the 1970s. The amount of
articles published by all the other interest groups decreased in the 1970s while the total number of articles
published in the journal increased. Since the 1970s authors belonging to interest groups Universities and
State´s Environmental Authorities have published roughly half of the overall articles by each decade. In the
1970s the amount of articles published by Water and Wastewater Utilities plummeted to the level at which
they would remain for the next two decades.
The 1980s: Increasing co-operation and concerns about health risks
In the 1980s, the two dominant categories were Sanitation (18 % of the articles) and Others (23 %, Fig. 2).
One reason for the large share of the latter category is that in the 1980s papers dealing with merged water
and wastewater utilities started to emerge, which is also verified by Katko et al. (2010).
In Vesitalous 4/1980 inter- or supramunicipal co-operation between water and wastewater utilities was mentioned for the first time. Saari (1980) introduced various modes of co-operation and pondered the need for
co-operation in the future. Riihimäki (1984) discussed the issue of liability insurance for water and
wastewater works, utilities´ responsibilities towards their consumers, and compensation for consumers when
accidents happen.
Nousiainen (1984) talked about consideration of water issues in town and regional planning. Haume (1986)
and Laherto (1986) discussed the development needs and future scenarios of water and sewage works and
the importance of plant size. Haume emphasised the responsibilities of municipalities, problems caused by
the joint treatment of municipal and industrial wastewaters, water protection and the ageing infrastructure
and networks. Laherto focussed on the automation of processes and how much easier they will make process
control.
Markkanen (1988) talked about the development of supra-municipal water and wastewater organizations. He
stated that larger system size and co-operation between municipalities can reduce costs and improve public
service. In the early 2000s that became almost a mantra in the water sector. Kurki et al. (2010), for their part,
showed that several options exist from bilateral contracts to a variety of supra-municipal systems most of
which operate on wholesale basis.
During the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade, 1981-90, many national and international activities were organized in Finland, including a review of the futures of water supply and sanitation
(Saviranta 1989).
A lot of attention was paid also to Sanitation in the 1980s. The main focuses were sewers, wastewater sludge
and its treatment, and simultaneous precipitation. Nutrient removal from wastewaters was also becoming
more prevalent. Education of staff and process automation started to assume more importance in wastewater
treatment. Sanitation in sparsely populated rural areas was also written about. Articles concerning the rehabilitation of pipelines and treatment plants started to appear in the 1980s which drew attention to leakages,
their detection and control.
20
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Water Resources Management articles also started discussing climate change. As early as in 1987, Holopainen (1987) talked about the greenhouse effect and how it impacts the hydrological cycle. He stated that
the true extent of the greenhouse effect seems to be hidden by the large, normal natural variations in temperatures. He also predicted that the next few decades would be crucial in verifying global warming. This agrees
with the results of Kuusisto (1989) who also stated that snow and ice might become non-renewable resources
in Finland in the future.
Water Supply articles started expressing concerns about water quality. In the 1980s, the issue of disinfection
by-products and trihalomethanes was raised, and the mutagenicity of drinking water became a growing concern.
Sipilä (1981) was among the first authors to raise the issue of the disinfection by-products forming in water
treatment processes. Her article mentioned the formation of trihalomethanes and other by-products of chlorination. She also gave some examples of methods that could be used to minimize their impact such as activated carbon filtration or oxidation. She concluded that water treatment processes should be modified to use
less chlorine, while still minimizing the risk of bacterial growth in pipelines. Pesonen and Toivanen (1983)
also studied the formation of trihalomethanes in water treatment.
The concern about microfauna in filters and pipelines increased as well, and Seppänen (1982) introduced the
most common species found there. He noted that some of the microfauna that a consumer can see with the
naked eye easily lead to public reactions.
Seppänen (1981) pointed out the significance of organic matter to water treatment processes. He talked about
the reactions between organic matter and substances used for chlorination: together they form organic chlorinated compounds that are harmful. Pääkkönen (1981), again, pointed out the under- and overdosing of
chemicals as part of treatment processes. It is important to use just the amount of disinfection chemicals
needed. Reinikainen (1983a, 1983b) studied precipitation and the characteristics of humic substances in water. Removal of humic substances is the key to diminishing the organic content of treated water.
Reinvall and Halme (1981) studied the concentrations of trihalomethanes in tap water in Rauma. They noticed that the point of chlorination has an effect on them: the farther away the point, the less trihalomethanes
were found in the pipelines. Hiisvirta (1986) discussed the mutagenicy of drinking water as did Vartiainen
and Kauranen (1988). They found that the concentration of humic substances in water closely correlates with
the formation of chlorinated compounds and mutagenicity. Långvik (1989) was among those who studied
mutagenic chlorinated compounds in drinking water. Her focus was the MX compounds forming in paper
industry wastewaters, but she also investigated humic substances.
The share of Protection category articles increased from 1985 on; the focus was on nutrient loads, natural
values and environmental accidents. This emphasizes the growing importance of environmental issues in the
1980s. During the decade a lot of articles were written on the automation of water and sewerage systems and
treatment processes.
In the 1980s the amount of articles published by Others peaked up to 90. Regional Environmental Authorities, State´s Environmental Authorities, Non-Governmental Organizations and Water and Wastewater Utilities increased their share in published articles, while that by Consulting Engineers and Companies decreased.
The amount of articles published by Universities (114) increased substantially.
21
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The 1990s: The golden decade of environmental protection
In the 1990s the Protection category was the most popular one containing almost 25 per cent of published
articles (Fig. 2). Munsterhjelm (1995) discussed EU legislation concerning the treatment requirements for
wastewater and the kinds of treatment objectives set for wastewater treatment to protect the Baltic Sea. After
the collapse of the former Soviet Union, protection of the Baltic Sea became more active with external support, e.g., from the Nordic countries and Germany.
The articles of the Others category dealt with the increasing regional co-operation between water and
wastewater works, the development of their operations, and rehabilitation of facilities. Multidisciplinary
approaches and transboundary water management were also talked about as well as water supply and sanitation in development co-operation.
Koivukoski (1990) talked about public utilities, their history and the principles by which they should be
managed. He stated that the input of municipalities in arranging water supply and wastewater management
has increased while the number of water supply co-operatives had decreased. The latter is likely not true,
since according to Takala (2007), there are some 1,500 water and wastewater associations in Finland, mostly
co-operatives. These user-owned systems are usually rural and small compared to municipal waterworks,
while some of them may supply up to 10,000 people.
Lindberg (1991) discussed the co-operation between water and wastewater works in Helsinki metropolitan
area and assessed that the annual savings from a merged public company would be approximately two-fold
compared to bilateral co-operation. Although the benefits of co-operation are not necessarily distributed
equally between the partners, cooperation would be beneficial to all parties. (Lindberg 1991) This may be
true, but the effects of synergies and transition costs should not be forgotten, either. Since January 2010,
Helsinki Region Environmental Services Authority has produced water and wastewater services for the
whole region (HSY 2011). Yet this decision, interestingly enough, was mainly politically driven.
Lihavainen (1993) wrote about the financial performance of water and wastewater treatment plants. He stated that with so many available assessment methods, principles for comparisons could be developed (called
bench-marking). Katko (1993) described the various options and their use in regional co-operation between
water and wastewater services. In relation to that, Kiuru (1997) discussed regional co-operation in repair and
maintenance of utilities. Hemánus (1995), an external expert, discussed public relations and the reputation of
water and wastewater utilities: how important it is to gain positive publicity and not appear in the headlines
only when something goes wrong with the system. Another highly relevant observation as regards current
development needs.
The articles of the Others category, which includes waste disposal, increasingly dealt with landfills and
waste management in the '90s. Kettunen et al. (1994) reviewed the properties of landfill leachates and their
biological treatment. In their study, they found biological treatment to be quite effective in treating landfill
leachates. Ettala and Rossi (1994) introduced a new evaporation technique for the treatment of landfill
leachates. The technique provided good results and was cheaper than other effective alternatives.
Articles on Water Supply constituted the third largest category with almost 18 per cent of the total in the
´90s. More focus was given to treatment of disinfection by-products in drinking water such as MX and bromine compounds. Uusluoto and Backlund (1990) discovered that by using a mixture of chlorine and chlorine
dioxide, instead of using merely the latter, the formation of chlorite can be decreased. Thereby the concentrations of mutagenic compounds, such as MX and E-MX, remain lower. The same effect can also be achieved
by using chloramines.
22
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Seppänen (1991) compared the infective doses of various pathogens and emphasised that a certain percentage of inactivation in itself is not enough to guarantee the safety of water in the case of pathogens that can
cause infection at low doses. Seppänen found that chloramines do not form harmful organic chlorine compounds, but their disinfection effectiveness is weaker, and they are not as effective against viruses as free
chlorine. He also mentioned ultraviolet (UV) light and ozone as new disinfection techniques. Ozonation was
reviewed extensively by Tuhkanen (1992). The effect of UV light was further investigated by Ala-Peijari
(1992) who recognised the need for chlorination after UV treatment to guarantee the safety of tap water.
Kulovaara et al. (1994) discussed UV treatment and its effect on organic matter in water.
Vartiainen (1991) found that the mutagenicity of tap water was very high in 1985–1987 but decreased in
1987–1991 to one third along with the use of chlorine. Kiuru (1994) talked about chlorination and the health
risks of tap water. In line with Vartiainen, he stated that health risks had been almost completely eliminated
by reducing the use of chlorine in disinfection. Vartiainen et al. (1991), once again, highlighted the importance of the point of chlorination in the process and its significance to the formation of disinfection byproducts. Their findings are in agreement with those of Reinvall and Halme (1981).
Hiisvirta and Sauri (1994) conducted a study on bromine compounds in Finnish waters and recommended
that they be monitored at surface water treatment plants. Sallanko (1998) discussed the relationship between
ozonation and formation of bromine compounds. He stated that activated carbon filtration would be beneficial after ozonation due to the increased assimilated organic carbon content of Finnish water. Nissinen et al.
(1999) studied the occurrence of bromide and bromine compounds in Finnish tap water and noted that concentrations were quite low (< 20µg/l) at most treatment facilities.
Disinfection, and especially chlorination, are presented as complex phenomena in Vesitalous. The writers of
articles see chlorination as a necessity for pathogen inactivation as well as the source of harmful compounds.
According to Långvik (1993), chlorine disinfection would save a lot of lives in developing countries, but we
in the developed countries are mainly concerned about its drawbacks. Chlorination, on the one hand, reduces
the risk of pathogen exposure while, on the other, exposes people to carcinogenic compounds.
In the 1990s sanitation topics continued to decrease relatively. Restoration of bodies of water and nutrient
loads and their effects on water bodies and water quality were discussed a lot. One main topic of the ´90s
was the protection of the Baltic Sea and related legislative requirements. Articles on Sanitation in the ´90s
discussed more frequently the issue of wastewater treatment in sparsely populated areas. Articles on Water
Resources Management in the ´90s dealt broadly with modelling, regulation of waters, and fish farming.
Articles related to Legislation pondered the effects of joining the European Union in 1995 with a peak
occurring in 1992–1994. The EU Water Framework Directive (1998) was also discussed widely. In 1993 the
effects of European harmonisation became apparent. Tanttu (1993) criticised the regulations of the European
Community and the limit values set for Finland concerning drinking water production. Puolanne (1993)
studied the effects of the new legislation, focusing this time on sludge and its reuse. Sahrman (1994) wrote
about the effects of the European Union on the municipal sector. This was the first time the effects of joining
the EU were discussed in the journal; Suomela (1998) was first to bring up the issue of the EU’s Water
Framework Directive and how it should be incorporated in Finnish legislation.
In the 1990s, the share of articles written by Regional Environmental Authorities, Consulting Engineers,
Water and Wastewater Utilities and Non-Governmental Organizations remained somewhat the same as the
decade before, while the number published by Others (58) decreased substantially. The articles by
23
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Universities, State´s environmental Authorities and Companies increased substantially in the 1990s, each
increasing by almost 50 per cent compared to the previous decade.
The 2000s: Gazing into the future
In the 2000s the theme issues were introduced. The 21st century's most dominant categories seem to be Water
Resources Management, Protection and Water Supply (Fig. 2). The number of articles in the Others category
increased to as much as 25 per cent by the end of 2009. The Others category has increasingly included articles on multidisciplinary issues, co-operation between water and wastewater treatment plants, and issues of
social importance. The importance of history was also brought to public attention (Juuti and Katko 2004).
Several articles discussed sanitation abroad, especially in the developing countries.
Articles of the Water Resources Management category dealt with hydropower and revealed a growing concern about climate change. The 5/2007 theme issue covered mainly the effects of climate change. Kuusisto
(2007) wrote about the impacts of climate change on water supply providing some examples from various
countries around the world. Veijalainen and Vehviläinen (2007) studied the effects of climate change on the
regulation of watercourses and dam safety.
Protection-related articles paid special attention to the conservation of the Baltic Sea. Laakkonen (2001)
emphasised the relevance of environmental history in protecting the Baltic Sea. ‘The Sea and the Cities’
project concentrated on the importance of cities to the states of the Baltic Sea Region. Kohonen (2001) reminded that it is also important to reduce nutrient loads of communities in sparsely populated areas. That is
important since roughly half of the permanent and recreational homes in sparsely populated areas of Finland
are located so that they contribute to the load to the Baltic Sea.
The 2/2005 Baltic Sea theme issue noted that the EU’s chances of affecting the state of the Baltic Sea improved when its membership increased. Yet, Laamanen (2005) still saw demand for more goal-oriented and
topical approaches to Baltic Sea monitoring. In the 2/2006 theme issue Joas and Bonsdorff (2006) pointed
out how environmental policy strongly influences on how the state of the Baltic Sea is controlled. Kuosa et
al. (2006) emphasised that research on the Baltic Sea has advanced to a state where changes in the catchment
area, the internal load of the sea, and the ecosystem data can be integrated.
Water Supply included many articles related to crisis communication, disinfection, and safety of water abstraction. Preparation for epidemics and microbial growth in pipes was also looked at. Vartiainen et al.
(2001) discussed the causes of water epidemics. On one occasion the cause of the epidemic were viruses that
had passed through the water treatment process into the network. In another case various kinds of bacteria
and viruses were found in the drinking water. There, the main cause was wastewater leakage to the tap water
network. Miettinen et al. (2001) talked about the prevention of epidemics and emphasised the use of preventative measures. The location of the water intake in relation to any possible sources of contamination as well
risk assessments were considered important.
Disinfection was the theme of the 4/2007 issue. According to Valve and Isomäki (2007), chlorine in its various forms was still being used in water disinfection although, for example, UV disinfection had become
common in small water treatment plants. They must naturally also be prepared for chlorine disinfection in
special conditions.
Nevalainen and Rautio (2008) talked about crisis communication. They said that crises inevitably occur, and
it is important to inform people properly about them. Communication after a crisis is more important than the
24
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incident itself. Clear and simple instructions are needed for the whole water supply organization. Nowadays
reputation management by water utilities is a vital part of public relations.
Munsterhjelm and Auvinen (2008) introduced factors that need to be taken into account to secure water supply. Small water treatment plants are generally not as capable at providing water in special conditions as
larger ones, since many small plants are dependent on a single raw water source. As the population increases,
water treatment plants are forced to complement groundwater with artificial groundwater and surface water
as raw water sources. Climate change can also have a detrimental effect on water supply. Drought and flooding can impair groundwater quality. Another threat to water supply quality is land use. Excessive discharge
of rainwater into sewers can lower the yield of groundwater. Protection of groundwater areas is also important in land use planning. The reliability of service in water supply depends greatly on the rehabilitation
of networks and treatment plants (Munsterhjelm and Auvinen 2008). According to Heikkinen (2008), water
utilities should increase their rehabilitation investments and develop a related financing plan.
In the 2000s Universities and States Environmental Authorities kept their leading positions in the number of
published articles (202 and 204 respectively), although the increase settled compared to previous decades.
The number of articles by Consulting Engineers declined, while the number of articles by Water and
Wastewater Utilities and Non-Governmental Organizations more than doubled from the 1990s. Other categories remained somewhat the same.
Fig. 4 shows the number of articles categorized according to their subject. The categories of Others, Water
Supply and Protection comprise the largest number of articles while Sanitation and Water Resources
Management also did well.
600
Number of articles
500
400
300
200
100
0
Fig. 4. Total number of articles in each subject category, 1960–2009.
25
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Figure 5 summarizes the number of articles categorized according to the interest group of their authors over
the analyzed decades. The articles published by Universities and States Environmental Authorities contributed roughly half of the overall articles, with the increasing amount of articles published by universities, peaking in the 1990s. Articles published by Consulting engineers, Others, Non-Governmental Organizations and
Companies comprised roughly ten per cent shares each, with a decreasing trend in the articles published by
Companies.
700
600
Number of articles
500
400
300
200
100
0
Fig. 5. Total number of articles in each author category, 1960–2009.
Discussion
One of the key driving forces behind overall water development during the studied period was the Water Act
that came into force in 1962. Additional acts and regulations concerning the protection of nature and waters
were also passed during the period, and several directives introduced and adopted after Finland joined the
EU were incorporated in Finnish legislation.
Early observations that became hot topics. Discussion on climate change and its impacts on the hydrological
cycle started around 1987. In the 1990s, attention was directed to its impacts on water resources. In the
2000s, the melting of arctic glaciers was discussed, and a related theme issue was published in 2007.
Epidemics and preparations for special conditions were discussed already in the 1980s. In the ´90s microbial
growth in pipes drew interest, and a lot of papers on crisis communication, emergency conditions and water
safety were written, especially after the incident in Nokia in 2007.
Continuously discussed issues. The selection of a raw water source has stayed on the agenda although
groundwater, and later artificial recharge, have dominated since the 1970s. As for drinking water quality,
discussion about the byproducts of disinfection started in 1981. People were concerned about natural organic
26
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matter (NOM) and the trihalomethanes that chlorine can form in the presence of NOM. In the late 1990s
bromine compounds were also discussed.
Wastewater treatment facilities started improving their activated sludge processes and biological nutrient
removal in the 1980s including de-nitrification/nitrification in connection with simultaneous precipitation.
Nutrients were linked to the eutrophication of the Baltic Sea, and nitrogen removal is still a topic of discussion. Articles on sludge and its treatment and usage appeared in each decade indicating that sludge treatment
and final disposal/use are still largely unsolved problems.
Small scale sewage treatment plants were highlighted in 1982, and in 1985 Vesitalous carried articles about
wastewaters in sparsely populated areas. In the 1990s, attention was paid to land filtration and treatment of
wastewaters in rural areas. In the 2000s, the issue became a hot topic due to the decree of 2003 on sparsely
populated areas and their wastewater treatment, and the debate continues.
Passé issues. Due to changes in water use purposes and their priorities, timber floating has almost ceased and
is paid hardly any attention.
Passé issues likely to come back. In 1988 and 1994 a few articles concerning the energy perspective of water
regulations appeared. Still, it was not until in the 2000s, when hydropower, related legislation, its
environmental effects and bioenergy started to get more attention. In 2008, a theme issue on hydropower was
published. It is possible that the issue will return in some form.
Issues that have gained focus in the last decades. Use of IT and automation in process control started in
1981, and the 1980s as a whole was the golden era of treatment process automation. In 1983 computer aided
design of wastewater treatment plants began to get a foothold. Remote monitoring and automation of
expanding network operations also received attention.
International co-operation. Over the years some comparative papers on various topics have been written, for
instance, about Swedish development. Several cases describing developing countries have also been published. Since 1990 concern for the state of the Baltic Sea and its protection has increased, and in 2005 and
2006 the theme issues on the matter were published.
Over the decades, the Others category has expanded indicating the increasing diversity of topics and themes
published in the journal. In fact Maasilta (2010), the editor-in-chief, noted that originally one of the proposed titles for the journal was ”Technology and society” which in terms of water and on the basis of our
results, has been highly relevant over the years, and still is.
The analysis of the number of articles published by various interest groups through the history of Vesitalous
provided some interesting results. While the topics discussed in each decade seem to vary quite a bit depending on the decade, the relative shares of the articles written by different interest groups stayed somewhat the
same, with only a few exceptions. Because of this it can be argued that although the specific area of interest
within the water sector has changed throughout the decades, the professionals classified to different interest
groups have each contributed articles related to wide range of these areas. Also the number of articles published by authors classified under the Universities category has increased most substantially through the decades.
The board of the journal nowadays encourages the sector professionals to submit their papers. More recently
when the theme issues have been used the role of the board has become relatively stronger. Along with this
peer review system was introduced. Thus the journal can be called “semi-academic” or “pracademic” providing a feasible space for dialogue in the water sector.
27
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Many of the papers are produced by practitioners but also by academics. In the Finnish case, perhaps due to
the small size of the country, a clear distinction between academics and other sector professionals is not that
clear or obvious as in many other countries. Same persons typically may have several types of duties over
their careers including academic. In relation to the 50th anniversary of the journal held in 2009 in the general
discussion several experts commented that such a “semi-academic” journal is what is needed in the sector.
We believe that our results show an increasing and accumulating awareness in the water sector regarding
water related issues. Pointing out the major challenges of each decade might give an impression of crisis.
However, we tend to think that in reality they rather show that identified constraints and challenges are noticed and alternatives for overcoming or alleviating them are explored and proposed through better awareness among the professionals.
Several international comparisons of the water and environmental sector has placed Finland near or at the
top. Among others, these include Water Poverty Index (WPI, 2002), Water Reuse Index (WRI, 2009), Relative Water Stress Index (RWSI, 2009), Environmental Performance Index (EPI, 2010), Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI, 2005), and Human Development Index (HDI, 2009). The list could be expanded to
include areas such as ”transparency” and “good governance”. Although the high ranking can partly explained by the relatively low population density and abundance of water resources in Finland, they also include many management and governance related criteria. It can be foreseen that lessons from such a country
like Finland – that used to be a hinterland of Europe before the WW II but developed fast ever since – could
bring valuable lessons and policy implications for other countries and regions.
Concluding remarks
Our analysis of the journal topics over the decades cannot predict the futures as such, but some trends may
be established. We are not so sure whether the Vesitalous journal is ahead of its time and is forecasting the
future trends in the field, or whether it reflects more the developments of the present and the past. It probably
does both or more likely shows the way for the futures. Still, based on our results, such trends were
established especially when novel technologies that were put to use later were discussed in the journal. In
2010 Vesitalous had a special issue on rehabilatation and maintenance, the importance of which is likely to
grow due to the aging infrastructure in Finland as well as in most of the other western countries and regions
of the world.
Over the years the diversity of topics and themes has increased indicating multidisciplinarity as well as
changes in technology, society and governance. The article topics over the years tell us about increased
awareness and reactions of the authors on topical issues.
The journal continued to have theme issues also in 2011 on some of the same topics as in previous decades:
sludge decomposing and biogas production (Sanitation), town planning and administration and financing of
water and wastewater treatment plants (Others), as well as water and energy and stormwater drainage (Water
Resources Management). All in all, the journal has actively responded to developments and social needs
through a variety of interest groups and water related articles produced by professionals of the water sector.
Acknowledgements
Language check-up by Jorma Tiainen, and the comments by Timo Maasilta, the Editor-in-Chief of the
Vesitalous journal, and the peer reviewers are highly appreciated. The financial support from the Academy
of Finland (decision no. 135843) is gratefully acknowledged.
28
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29
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30
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31
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Authors
Toni T. O. Jaatinen is a MSc in Environmental Engineering graduated from Tampere University of Technology. His majors were Environmental Biotechnology and
Water and Waste Management Technology. At the moment, he is working as a Design Engineer in Pöyry Finland Oy. His work mainly consists of street and water
supply engineering.
Tapio S. Katko is Adjunct Professor (DTech, Civ.Eng) and UNESCO Chairholder
in Sustainable Water Services at Tampere University of Technology. His main research interests are long-term development of water and related infrastructure as
well as institutional, management, policy and governance issues of water and sanitation services. He is the author of several books and papers and the leader of
CADWES research team at TUT (www.cadwes.org). Email: [email protected]
Sanna T. Pynnönen is a MSc in Environmental Engineering and she has BEng
degree in Chemical and Environmental Engineering. Her majors were Water and
Waste Management Technology and Environmental Biotechnology. Currently, she
is working as a researcher at Tampere University of Technology and studying for
her DrSc degree in the field of Environmental Engineering. She is also working as
a secretary in the Finnish Society for Environmental Science.
Joni S. Vihanta is a MSc student at Tampere University of Technology. His majors are Water and Waste Management Technology and Water Management. He is
currently working with his Master of Science thesis concerning large water cooperatives in Finland.
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Pekka Masonen
_____________________________
Abstract: The Naked Japanese and the Western Gaze
The Japanese public bath (sentō) was an institution that both excited and horrified the Western visitors who
began to arrive in Japan after the re-opening of the country in 1854. There hardly exists any late nineteenthcentury Western book on Japan without a reference to the public baths.
What made the institution so fascinating was the practice according to which men and women were bathing
together and naked. This was seen as contrary to the Western practice according to which bathing was regarded as private and the exposition of one’s nudity to others shameful. Thus the Japanese custom was considered both weird and promiscuous.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the Western opinions of Japanese public baths and nudity in public
space during the Bakumatsu and early Meiji periods and further to analyze, how uniform these opinions actually were – and how far these opinions were shaped by the observer’s contemporary national cultural milieu. That is, how “Western” the Westerners really were (and are)? I began to contemplate this question
while reading modern English literature on the Western encounter with Japan, such as Ian Littlewood’s The
Idea of Japan. Western images, Western myths (1996).
Being myself a member of sauna culture, which bears many similarities to the Japanese sentō, I wanted to
know, what a nineteenth-century Finnish visitor might have thought of seeing naked Japanese men and
women relaxing together in a public bath. Would he have run out, cursing like the American lieutenant Edward Yorke McCauley? Or would he have felt the scene homelike? What about the Russians and Swedes, to
whom the sauna culture is also familiar? Or the Italians and Portuguese? Attitudes towards nudity were not
identical in the United States, Great Britain, and continental Europe.
The significance of the question – how uniform the Western opinions of Japanese public baths were – is that
it allows us to focus on the negative aspects of anglocentrism in the current research on cultural encounters,
not only in the context of Japan but in other areas, too. By anglocentrism I mean the tendency of anglophone
scholars to restrict themselves only in sources written in English and to make far-reaching conclusions on
grounds of these texts, which are then generalized to stand for “Western”, although these conclusions, in
reality, often represent nothing but the peculiarities of the Anglo-Saxon culture and mentality.
But whose opinions, then, define the “Western” gaze? The only way to achieve a “Western” view of another
culture in a certain historical moment – be it the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa, India, China, or Japan – is
to adopt a wide linguistic approach. By comparing sources representing many Western languages and cultures, we may be able to distinguish which factors really constitute the general “Western” gaze and which
views are more likely affected by the observer’s particular national background. However, the impact of
national cultures on the way in which the Westerners have met and seen other peoples has gained relatively
little attention amongst the Western and non-Western scholars.
Keywords: anglocentrism, history of Japan, public baths, 19th century, cultural encounter.
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Kun Japani kytkettiin maailman talouteen ja politiikkaan vuonna 1854, maahan alkoi pian saapua runsain
määrin eurooppalaisia ja amerikkalaisia diplomaatteja, kauppiaita, lähetyssaarnaajia, seikkailijoita, onnenonkijoita sekä asiantuntijoita, joita palkattiin perehdyttämään japanilaisia moderneihin keksintöihin. Monet
heistä tallensivat kokemuksensa kirjaksi; olihan 1800-luku matkakirjallisuuden kulta-aikaa.
Paljon melua tyhjästä
Yksi aihe, joka toistuu lähes kaikissa 1800-luvun Japania koskevissa länsimaisissa matkakirjoissa, on japanilaisten omituinen kylpykulttuuri. Japanilaisille kylpeminen ei edustanut vain arkista peseytymistä. Se oli
myös tapa rentoutua ja tarjosi tilaisuuden sosiaaliseen kanssakäymiseen. Perinteisesti kylpeminen tapahtui
yleisissä kylpylöissä (sentō), joissa oli suuret lämmitetyt altaat, tai luonnon kuumissa lähteissä (onsen). Sukupuolia ei eroteltu vaan miehet ja naiset kylpivät yhdessä ja alasti, joskin naiset usein verhosivat alaruumiinsa ohuella alushameella (yugu). Tilana yleinen kylpylä oli säädyllinen ja seksuaaliseen häirintään puututtiin: muiden kylpijöiden koskettelua tai tirkistelyä ei hyväksytty. Yhtä kielteisesti suhtauduttiin niihin,
jotka esittelivät itseään liian näkyvästi. Useimmat japanilaiset osasivat (ja osaavat yhä) nähdä alastoman
kehon tuijottamatta sen yksityiskohtia.1
Japanilainen kylpykulttuuri vaikutti omituiselta, koska länsimaissa kylpeminen tarkoitti ensisijaisesti peseytymistä ja oli tapahtumana yksityinen. Oman alastoman kehon paljastamista muille pidettiin sopimattomana
ja julkiseen alastomuuteen suhtauduttiin kielteisesti. Yhdysvalloissa jopa alastonmaalaukset saatettiin tulkita
pornoksi. 2 Toisaalta julkinen alastomuus ei ollut länsimaissa niin harvinaista kuin viktoriaaniset moraalinvartijat teeskentelivät. Merikylpylöissä uitiin usein alasti eivätkä imettävät äidit tai vähäpukeiset työmiehet
olleet poikkeuksellisia näkyjä suurkaupunkien puistoissa ja kaduilla. Porvarillinen kulttuuri kuitenkin torjui
alastomuuden. Kun Lady Rothschild [Louise Montefiore, 1821–1910] käveli tyttärineen Scarborough’n rannalla kesällä 1858, hän järkyttyi pahanpäiväisesti nähdessään satoja miehiä ja naisia Adamin ja Eevan asuissa. Päiväkirjassaan hän julisti: “Poliisin pitäisi ehdottomasti puuttua asiaan.”3 Yhdysvalloissa pidätettiin
1900-luvun alussa naisia, jotka käyttivät miesten muodin mukaisia, ihonmyötäisiä uimapukuja, joita pidettiin
liian paljastavina ja siksi siveettöminä.4
Vielä myöhäiskeskiajalla yleiset kylpylät olivat olleet tavallisia Euroopan kaupungeissa mutta ne katosivat
1600-luvulle tultaessa. Sekä maalliset vallanpitäjät että kristilliset kirkot – katolinen ja protestanttinen – suhtautuivat kylpylöihin kielteisesti, koska niiden uskottiin levittävän tauteja sekä innostavan irstauteen. Asiassa
oli myös perää. Hygienia ei ollut aina paras mahdollinen ja monet kylpylät olivat todellisuudessa bordelleja.5
Uudestaan yleisiä kylpylöitä alettiin perustaa 1800-luvulla, kun läntisen Euroopan kaupungit kasvoivat teollistumisen myötä. Henkilökohtaisen hygienian kohentaminen auttoi torjumaan kulkutauteja ja porvarillinen
kulttuuri painotti puhtautta – eikä pelkästään moraalisena käsitteenä. Likaiset vaatteet ja paha haju todistivat
kantajansa alhaisesta elintasosta. Isossa-Britanniassa virisi 1820-luvulla porvarillisten hyväntekijöiden ra-
1
Ks. Clark 1994.
Gay 1984, 389.
3
Cohen 1935, 93. Päiväkirjoistaan kuuluisa englantilainen pappi Francis Kilvert (1840–79) törmäsi samaan näkyyn Weston-superMaren rannalla syyskuussa 1872 mutta häntä se ei järkyttänyt. Päinvastoin: Kilvert juoksenteli itsekin alasti rannalla ja kuvaili tunnetta “a
delicious feeling of freedom” (Kilvert 1939, 262; ks. myös 266).
4
Ks. Ableman 1982, kuvaliite.
5
Duerr 1988, 38.
2
34
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hoittama liike, jonka tavoitteena oli perustaa yleisiä kylpylöitä, joissa työläiset ja alemman keskiluokan edustajat voisivat pestä itsensä ja vaatteensa. Slummien taloissa ei ollut juoksevaa vettä eikä välttämättä edes
pesutiloja. Modernit kylpylät olivat käytännöllisiä ja kaikin puolin säädyllisiä. Miehet ja naiset erotettiin
omiin osastoihinsa, jotka oli edelleen jaettu ensimmäiseen ja toiseen luokkaan kiusallisten tilanteiden välttämiseksi. 6
Egyptiläinen imaami Rifa‘ā al-Tahtāwī (1802–73), joka opiskeli Pariisissa 1820-luvulla, kuvaili maanmiehilleen länsimaista tapaa kylpeä:
Pariisin kylpylöissä on useita pieniä huoneita ja jokaisessa on kuparinen amme, johon mahtuu kerrallaan vain yksi ihminen. Vaikka joissakin huoneissa saattaa olla kaksi ammetta, eurooppalaiset eivät
kylve yhdessä kuten me egyptiläiset teemme. Heidän tapansa on säädyllisempi, koska kukaan ei voi
nähdä toisensa sukupuolielimiä. Huoneissa on verho, joka erottaa ammeet, niin että kylpijät eivät näe
toisiaan. Astuessaan näihin pieniin ammeisiin kylpijä ei kuitenkaan koe samaa mielihyvää, jonka voi
saavuttaa egyptiläisessä kylpylässä. 7
Yleiset kylpylät eli hammām olivat (ja ovat yhä) suosittuja islamilaisen Välimeren alueella. Sukupuolet kuitenkin erotetaan tarkasti toisistaan: miehille ja naisille on joko omat kylpylänsä tai he käyttävät samaa kylpylää mutta eri aikoina. Vaikka kylpijät ovat peseytyessään alasti, muutoin he käyttävät erityistä kylpyvaatetta
(fūṭa), joka verhoaa ainakin heidän alaruumiinsa.
Koska japanilaiset kylpivät yhdessä ja olivat silminnähden välinpitämättömiä suhteessa alastomuuteensa –
myös kylpylöiden ulkopuolella – heidän kuviteltiin olevan poikkeuksellisen siveettömiä. Viktoriaanisten
moraalinvartijoiden mukaan alastomuus kiihottaa viettejä ja johtaa väistämättä irstauteen, koska ihminen ei
voi vastustaa alastomuuden herättämää seksuaalista himoa; siksi keho on verhottava vaatteilla kiireestä kantapäähän. Kuumalla kylvyllä on sama kiihottava vaikutus, kun taas kylmä kylpy toimii päinvastoin. 8 Käsitystä japanilaisten siveettömyydestä vahvisti heidän mutkaton suhteensa seksiin. Vaikka uskottomia vaimoja
rangaistiin ankarasti, esiaviolliset suhteet eivät olleet paheksuttuja, saati pilanneet nuoren naisen mainetta.
Neitsyys ei ollut itseisarvo japanilaisilla avioliittomarkkinoilla. Jopa entiset prostituoidut saattoivat muuttua
avioliiton kautta kunniallisiksi naisiksi, joskaan käytäntö ei ollut läheskään niin yleinen kuin länsimaiset
miehet fantasoivat päiväunissaan. 9 Yhtä hämmentävää oli se, että japanilaisille prostituutio oli elinkeino, jota
viranomaiset valvoivat ja verottivat kuten mitä tahansa liiketoimintaa. Prostituutio ei tietenkään ollut vieras
ilmiö 1800-luvun eurooppalaisille tai amerikkalaisille mutta se nähtiin eri tavalla: länsimaissa prostituutio oli
likaista, paheellista, syntistä.
Varsinkin amerikkalaiset järkyttyivät näkemästään, kuten luutnantti Edward Yorke McCauley (1827–94),
joka kävi Japanissa (Shimoda) kommodori Perryn mukana maaliskuussa 1854:
Menin yleiseen kylpylään – seitsemäntoistavuotiaita tyttöjä, vanhoja naisia, nuoria miehiä, vanhoja
ukkoja kyykki lattialla vailla rihman kiertämää, jokaisella vierellään palju, josta he kaatoivat vettä
päälleen ja samalla hinkkasivat itseään puhtaaksi, välittämättä lainkaan omasta asennostaan tai muiden
läsnäolosta – he kutsuivat meidätkin joukkoonsa kylpemään – mutta olin niin tympääntynyt koko sakkiin ja heidän riettaaseen käytökseensä että käännyin sadatellen pois.10
6
Ks. Gibson 1954 ja Williams 1991.
al-Tahtāwī 2004, 233.
8
Ks. Pearsall 1976 ja Smith 1996.
9
Seigle 1993, 182–83. Ks. Oliphant 1859, II, 494–96 (Appendix IV: Note on Prostitution).
10
Cole 1942, 108.
7
35
Pekka Masonen
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Myös luutnantti George Henry Preble (1816–85) tutustui Shimodassa yleiseen kylpylään ja hänen mukaansa
japanilaisten tapa kylpeä oli inhottava, naurettava ja sopimaton. Silti hän ei voinut vastustaa kiusausta vierailla samassa paikassa toistamiseen voidakseen – omien sanojensa mukaan – tehdä paremmin havaintoja
japanilaisten ruumiinrakenteesta.11
Kuva 1. Shimodan yleinen kylpylä saksalais-amerikkalaisen taiteilijan Wilhelm Heinen silmin. Kuva ilmestyi
kommodori Perryn retkikunnan vaiheita kuvaavan raportin (Narrative of the expedition of an American
squadron to the China Sea and Japan in the years 1852, 1853 and 1854 under the command of Commodore
M.C. Perry) ensimmäisen osan ensimmäisessä painoksessa vuonna 1856 (Philadelphia: Duval & Co.). Kuva
poistettiin teoksen myöhemmistä painoksista, koska sitä pidettiin säädyttömänä (vrt. kuva 2).
Hankalaksi japanilaisten alastomuuden teki se, että muutoin heitä pidettiin henkisiltä ominaisuuksiltaan parempina kuin kiinalaisia, joihin yhdistettiin likaisuus, tapojen karkeus sekä takapajuisuus. Jos japanilaiset
olivat sivistyskansa, miksi he suhtautuivat alastomuuteen ja seksiin kuin Tyynen valtameren saarten villit?
Lähetyssaarnaajien ensimmäinen päämäärä oli saada havaijilaiset ja tahitilaiset pukeutumaan säädyllisesti:
isoäidin yöpaidasta innovoitu muumuu oli heidän keksintönsä.
Myös britit järkyttyivät näkemästään. Christopher Pemberton Hodgson (1821–65) toimi Ison-Britannian
konsulina Nagasakissa ja Hakodatessa vuosina 1859–60. Hänen mukaansa japanilaisten inhottavin piirre oli
heidän irstautensa, mistä todisti miesten ja naisten rietas tapa kylpeä yhdessä. Lukijoilleen Hodgson vakuutti,
että hän oli kiertänyt kaukaa nämä synnin ja siveettömyyden pesät, vaikka ei ollut voinut kokonaan välttyä
11
Szczesniak 1962, 182 ja 204.
36
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näkemästä alastomia japanilaisia.12 Samaa mieltä oli majuri Edward Barrington de Fonblanque (1821–95),
joka vieraili Japanissa 1860. Hänen tehtävänsä oli ostaa hevosia Pohjois-Kiinaan sijoitettujen brittiläisten
joukkojen käyttöön. Edeltäjiensä kuvausten innoittamana hänkin tietysti vieraili yleisessä kylpylässä ja hänen mukaansa japanilaiset olivat joka suhteessa kieroutuneita ja siveettömiä. Jopa lapset leikkivät riettailla
leluilla, jotka saivat englantilaisen herrasmiehen punastumaan. Toisaalta hän kuitenkin julisti japanilaisten
olevan kaikista Aasian kansoista hengeltään vapaimpia ja ehdottomasti parempia kuin orjasieluiset kiinalaiset. 13
Barrington de Fonblanque ei ollut ainoa, jonka mielipiteet japanilaisista olivat ristiriitaisia. Amerikkalainen
William Elliot Griffis (1843–1928) vietti Japanissa neljä vuotta (1870–74) ja hänen teoksensa Mikado’s Empire (1876) oli suosittu sekä Yhdysvalloissa että Euroopassa. Griffis tietysti huomasi – muiden tavoin – japanilaisten omituisen kylpykulttuurin sekä mutkattoman suhtautumisen alastomuuteen, seksiin ja prostituutioon. Hänen mukaansa japanilaiset rypivät paheissa, synnissä ja saastassa, vailla mitään käsitystä moraalisista
hyveistä (emt. 568). Vain kaksi sivua myöhemmin Griffis kuitenkin hehkuttaa lukijoilleen, kuinka japanilaiset ovat rehellisiä, luotettavia, ystävällisiä, avuliaita ja käytöstavoiltaan oikeasti parempia kuin monet kristityt. Kaikki ei ole kohdallaan – paitsi, jos ymmärrämme Griffisin inhoamien paheiden tarkoittavan tekopyhyyden puutetta.
Griffisin omista moraalisista hyveistä kertoo se, että julkisesti hän väitti aina olevansa tinkimätön raittiuden
ystävä ja paheksui japanilaisten holtitonta alkoholin käyttöä. Hänen päiväkirjastaan löytyy kuitenkin merkintöjä, joissa hän valittaa päänsärkyään vietettyään iltaa japanilaisten seurassa, puhumattakaan lauseesta: “Felt,
as usual, after a wine dinner, very stupid”.14
Yksi yli muiden
Englanninkielisessä tutkimuskirjallisuudessa japanilaisen kylpykulttuurin kauhistelu esitetään aina yhtenäisenä länsimaisena reaktiona. 15 Japanilaisille se puolestaan toimii argumenttina, joka tukee myyttiä heidän
kulttuurinsa ainutlaatuisuudesta. Toisin sanoen, länsimaalaiset järkyttyivät, koska japanilainen kylpykulttuuri
oli heidän silmissään niin erilaista että he eivät voineet ymmärtää sitä. Onkin mielenkiintoista, että japanilaiset eivät edelleenkään viihdytä länsimaisia vieraitaan viemällä heidät kylpylään – siinä missä suomalaiset
pakottavat vieraansa saunaan kansallisuudesta riippumatta. 16 Tärkein syy on se, että japanilaiset olettavat
länsimaalaisen tuntevan olonsa epämiellyttäväksi joutuessaan paljastamaan muille alastoman kehonsa. Vaikka miesten ja naisten julkinen yhteiskylpeminen on päättynyt Japanissa, kylpylöissä toimitaan kuin suomalaisen uimahallin pesutiloissa eli uimapukua ei käytetä.
Lukiessani englanninkielistä tutkimuskirjallisuutta pysähdyin miettimään, kuinka yhtenäinen edellä kuvattu
reaktio todellisuudessa oli. Olenhan itse saunakulttuurin edustaja ja tottunut kohtaamaan alastomuuden lapsuudestani lähtien. Kauhistelivatko kaikki Japanissa 1800-luvulla vierailleet länsimaalaiset japanilaisten
alastomuutta yhtä jyrkästi vai oliko suhtautumisessa eroja, jotka selittyisivät paitsi vierailijan persoonallisuuden myös hänen kansallisen kulttuurinsa erityispiirteiden kautta? Olisiko esimerkiksi Venäjän laivastossa
palveleva suomalainen upseeri järkyttynyt yhtä pahasti kuin McCauley ja Preble nähdessään alastomien japanilaisten naisten ja miesten kylpevän yhdessä? Ainakaan suomalaiset lähetystyöntekijät eivät erityisesti
tuominneet japanilaisia kylpylöitä, vaikka he suhtautuivat kielteisesti moniin muihin japanilaisen kulttuurin
12
Hodgson 1861, 251–52.
Barrington de Fonblanque 1862, 46–47, 133–35 ja 162. Riettaat lelut olivat oikeasti falloksia, joita myytiin shintolaisissa pyhäköissä.
Ne eivät olleet leikkimistä varten vaan uskonnollisia kulttiesineitä. Vrt. Humbert 1870, II, 269.
14
Rosenstone 1988, 105.
15
Kawano 2005.
16
Vesterinen 2001, 92–93.
13
37
Pekka Masonen
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piirteisiin. Silti julkisen alastomuuden kohtaaminen oli heillekin hämmentävää. Saavuttuaan Japaniin tammikuussa 1939 Tuulikki Korpinen nolostui, kun hän näki äidin imettävän lastaan junassa: “Suomessa eivät noin
tekisi muut kuin mustalaisakat – tuskin hekään.”17
Venäläisten sotalaivojen mukana Japanissa kävi suomalaisia meriupseereja mutta he eivät dokumentoineet
kokemuksiaan matkakirjoiksi. 18 Ensimmäiset suomalaiset lienevät käyneet Japanissa hollantilaisten laivojen
mukana jo 1600-luvulla. Ensimmäinen suomalaisen kirjoittama omakohtainen kuvaus Japanista sisältyy
Adolf Erik Nordenskiöldin kertomukseen Vega-laivan purjehduksesta. Paluumatkallaan hän vietti Japanissa
vajaat kolme kuukautta syksyllä 1879. 19
Entä venäläiset ja ruotsalaiset, joille saunakulttuuri on myös tuttu?20 Tai muut eurooppalaiset? Suhtautuminen alastomuuteen ei ollut yhtenäistä 1800-luvun Euroopassa ja Pohjois-Amerikassa, kuten se ei ole nytkään.
Hyvän ajankohtaisen esimerkin tarjoaa Michel Ocelotin palkittu lasten piirroselokuva Kirikou ja paha noita,
joka sai ensi-iltansa Ranskassa 1998. Yhdysvalloissa sen esittäminen aiheutti ongelmia, koska afrikkalaiset
naiset esiintyvät elokuvassa rinnat paljaina ja mikä pahinta, pikku-Kirikou ja muut vesselit vipeltävät pippelit
vilkkuen. Niinpä ohjaajaa pyydettiin valmistamaan siistitty versio, jossa naisille on lisätty rintaliivit ja viikareille pöksyt. Ocelot tietenkin kieltäytyi. Lopulta elokuvateatterit varustettiin julisteella, jossa vanhemmille
kerrottiin elokuvan perustuvan vanhaan afrikkalaiseen tarinaan ja sisältävän tahdikkaasti kuvattua alastomuutta (“tastefully-rendered cartoon nudity”). Vastaavaa ei tapahtunut missään manner-Euroopan maassa; ei
edes Pohjois-Afrikan maissa. 21
Länsimaalaisten suhtautuminen japanilaisten alastomuuteen tarjoaakin mielenkiintoisen näkökulman pohtia,
kuinka yhtenäinen länsimainen kulttuuri oikeasti on? Käsitteenä “länsimaat” saa eri yhteyksissä hyvin erilaisen sisällön, puhujasta ja tilanteesta riippuen. Toisaalta länsimaat kuitenkin nähdään usein – sekä myönteisessä että kielteisessä merkityksessä – monoliittisena superkulttuurina, joka pakottaa kaikki kerhon jäsenet
ajattelemaan ja toimimaan samalla tavalla. Tällöin kulttuurien kohtaaminen latistuu binaaristen oppositioparien törmäykseksi ja matkakirjat pelkäksi kolonialistisen projektin diskurssiksi. 22
Kun englantia äidinkielenään puhuva tutkija puhuu “länsimaiden” ja muiden kulttuurien kohtaamisesta, hän
ei välttämättä näe aihettaan samalla tavalla kuin ranskaa tai saksaa äidinkielenään puhuva tutkija. Anglosaksinen näkökulma on usein kapeampi, mihin kielen ohella vaikuttaa se insulaarinen mentaliteetti, joka vallitsee sekä Isossa-Britanniassa että Yhdysvalloissa, kun taas Euroopan mantereella länsimaisen kulttuurin monimuotoisuus ja monikielisyys tiedostetaan paremmin. Pahimmillaan englannin kieleen perustuva anglosentrismi johtaa amerisentrismiin, joka korottaa Yhdysvallat länsimaiden perikuvaksi, ja tällöin eurooppalaisten
kulttuurien “länsimaisuus” määräytyy sen perusteella, missä määrin niistä löytyy vastaavuuksia amerikkalaiseen elämäntapaan.
Hyvän esimerkin anglosentrisen näkökulman ahtaudesta tarjoavat ne englanninkieliset tutkimukset, jotka
väittävät tarkastelevansa länsimaiden ja Japanin kohtaamista. Yksi tällainen on Patricia Barrin vuonna 1967
17
Korpinen 1949, 33.
Yksi heistä oli vara-amiraaliksi kohonnut Hampus Furuhjelm (1821–1909), joka osallistui Jefimi Putjatinin johtamaan retkikuntaan
vuosina 1853–54. Toinen oli niin ikään vara-amiraaliksi kohonnut Oskar Wilhelm Enqvist (1849–1912), joka solmi 1893 Nagasakissa
pitkäaikaisen suhteen Omatsu-nimisen japanilaisen naisen kanssa (ks. Guzanov 1992).
19
Nordenskiöld 1881; ks. 2. osa, luvut 17 ja 18. Ruotsinkielinen alkuteos Vegas färd kring Asien och Europa ilmestyi Tukholmassa
samana vuonna.
20
Venäläinen Sergei Vasiljevitš Maksimov kävi Japanissa 1850-luvun lopulla ja hänen silmissään yleiset kylpylät muistuttivat yleisiä
saunoja hänen kotimaassaan. Myös Venäjällä miehet ja naiset, munkit ja nunnat olivat muinoin saunoneet yhdessä, vaikka nyt tapa
rajoittui vain “keisarikuntamme syrjäisiin ja takapajuisiin seutuihin”. Maksimovin matkakirja ilmestyi 1864 (На востоке. Поездка на
Амур). Ks. Russian views of Japan 2004, 139.
21
Ocelot 2003, 144–45.
22
Driver 2001, 7–8.
18
38
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ilmestynyt Coming of the barbarians, joka on alaotsikkonsa mukaan “a story of Western settlement in Japan
1853–1870”. Kirjasta on ilmestynyt useita uusintapainoksia (viimeksi 1988) ja siihen viitataan yhä ahkerasti.
Sinänsä tutkimus on pätevä mutta ei lunasta alaotsikkonsa lupausta, sillä Barr analysoi vain brittien ja amerikkalaisten kokemuksia, kun taas hollantilaiset, venäläiset, ranskalaiset ja saksalaiset ovat äänettömiä ja
passiivisia sivustakatsojia.
Samaa voi sanoa Neil Pedlarin tutkimuksesta Imported pioneers, joka ilmestyi 1990. Alaotsikkonsa mukaan
teos käsittelee “Westerners who helped build modern Japan”. Kaikki kirjassa esitellyt henkilöt ovat kuitenkin
brittejä sekä amerikkalaisia, vaikka Japanin hallitus värväsi 1800-luvulla neuvonantajia runsaasti myös
Ranskasta, Saksasta, Italiasta, Sveitsistä, Alankomaista, Ruotsista ja muista Euroopan maista.23
Mielenkiintoinen on myös vuonna 2003 ilmestynyt Gary Leuppin tutkimus Interracial intimacy in Japan,
joka alaotsikkonsa mukaan käsittelee länsimaalaisten miesten ja japanilaisten naisten suhteita 1500-luvulta
1900-luvulle. Tarkastellessaan aikakautta ennen Japanin avautumista 1854, Leupp erottaa portugalilaiset,
hollantilaiset ja englantilaiset toisistaan sekä tuo esiin, kuinka erilaisella tavalla he kohtasivat japanilaiset.
Vuoden 1854 jälkeen hän kuitenkin rajoittuu vain brittien ja amerikkalaisten kokemuksiin ja mielipiteisiin.
Kirjassa ei juuri lainkaan pohdita, kuinka ranskalaiset tai venäläiset suhtautuivat japanilaisiin naisiin – tai
miksi esimerkiksi saksalaiset miehet solmivat enemmän virallisia avioliittoja japanilaisten naisten kanssa
kuin amerikkalaiset? 24
Kuva 2. Yleinen kylpylä Tokiossa: huomaa miesten puuttuminen (teoksessa Humbert, Le Japon illustré,
1870, osa II).
23
24
Japanisten tutkijoiden näkökulma on tässä suhteessa monipuolisempi. Vrt. Muramatsu 1995.
Koyama 1996.
39
Pekka Masonen
______________________________________________________________________________
En väitä, että olisi olemassa jokin anglosaksinen salaliitto, joka pyrkii pimittämään Totuuden. Usein englantia puhuvien tutkijoiden rajoittuminen vain heidän omalla äidinkielellään kirjoitettuun aineistoon tapahtuu
vailla tietoista tarkoitusta. Kun ihminen elää yksikielisessä ympäristössä eikä osaa muita kieliä, on luonnollista sivuuttaa merkityksettömänä informaatio, jota ei kykene ymmärtämään. Varsinkin, kun maailma näyttäisi olevan englanninkielinen. Tuoreen tilaston mukaan 51 prosenttia Ison-Britannian koululaisista ei opiskele yhtään vierasta kieltä, kun taas manner-Euroopan maissa lähes kaikki koululaiset opiskelevat ainakin
yhtä vierasta kieltä; monet kahta tai useampaa.25 Yksi kieli helpottaa toki globaalia kanssakäymistä mutta
myös sulkee paljon aiheita keskustelun ulkopuolella. Kaikkea ei aina sanota englanniksi ja se, mitä ei sanota
englanniksi, ei ole aina merkityksetöntä.
Ongelmalliseksi anglosentrismi muuttuu silloin, kun sen vaikutusta ei tunnisteta vaan kuvitellaan, että tutkija
on käyttänyt kaikkia relevantteja lähteitä ja hänen johtopäätöksensä ovat oikeasti “länsimaisia”. Näin esimerkiksi suomalainen lukija voi helposti yleistää imperialismin ajan brittiläiset mielikuvat ja mielipiteet
selittämään myös suomalaisten reaktioita – sen sijaan, että suomalaisten käyttäytymistä tarkasteltaisiin pohjoismaisessa tai keskieurooppalaisessa kontekstissa. Toki muillakin suurilla kielialueilla tutkijoiden näkökulma on usein yhtä ahdas mutta johtopäätökset ymmärretään luonteeltaan kansallisina. Kun ranskalainen
tutkija analysoi oman kulttuurinsa suhdetta Afrikkaan tai saksalainen tutkija maanmiestensä kokemuksia
Japanissa, he harvemmin yleistävät tuloksensa länsimaisiksi.
Mielikuvat eivät aina siirry kulttuurista toiseen sellaisenaan. Vaikka tietolähteet ja kokemukset voivat olla
yhteisiä, niiden tulkinta tapahtuu kansallisen kulttuurin kontekstissa ja siksi mielikuvat voivat muodostua
hyvin erilaisiksi.26 Esimerkiksi 1980-luvulla Japani edusti amerikkalaisille “keltaista vaaraa”, joka vähitellen
alistaa Yhdysvaltain talouselämän valtaansa. Suomalaiset sen sijaan mainostivat maataan ylpeästi “Pohjolan
Japanina”, vailla mitään ironiaa. Ruotsalaiset puolestaan kuvittelivat Japanin olevan teollisuuden saasteiden
pilaama helvetti.27
Kansallisen kulttuurin osuutta länsimaiden ja Japanin kohtaamisessa ei kuitenkaan ole tutkittu kattavasti,
vaikka asian merkitys on tiedostettu. Joulukuussa 1989 järjestettiin Tokiossa konferenssi, jossa pohdittiin
kuinka kansallinen kulttuuri on vaikuttanut Japanintutkimukseen kymmenessä eri maassa. Järjestäjien mukaan kyseessä oli ensimmäinen kerta, kun kysymystä pohdittiin vakavasti – eikä liene sattuma, että konferenssin organisoi Tokioon perustettu Saksan kulttuuri-instituutti. 28
Osa anglosaksisista tutkijoista tiedostaa ongelman, kuten Hugh Cortazzi teoksessaan Victorians in Japan
(1987). Esipuheessaan kirjoittaja pahoittelee, että hän keskittyy vain brittien kokemuksiin, vaikka Japanissa
vieraili myös muiden eurooppalaisten kansakuntien edustajia. Hän on rehellinen eikä yleistä brittien reaktioita “länsimaisiksi”. Hänen perustelunsa rajaukselleen on kuitenkin ongelmallinen. Cortazzin mukaan muiden
kokemukset voidaan sivuuttaa, koska britit muodostivat määrällisesti suurimman yhteisön Japanissa. Tämä
on totta: brittejä sekä amerikkalaisia oli yhteensä yli puolet kaikista länsimaalaisista. Silti neljä kymmenestä
Japanissa 1800-luvulla pysyvästi oleskelleesta länsimaalaisesta ei puhunut äidinkielenään englantia eikä
heidän osuuttaan voi pitää marginaalisena.29
25
Eurostat Newsrelease 137/2009 (24.9.2009).
Ks. Ōnō 1972.
27
Bert Edströmin mukaan ruotsalaisen mielikuvan taustalla oli yksittäinen Dagens Nyheterissä ilmestynyt kirjoitus (ks. Edström 1995).
28
Befu & Kreiner 1992.
29
Itävaltalaisen diplomaatin Joseph Alexander von Hübnerin mukaan Japanissa oleskeli keväällä 1871 pysyvästi 1586 länsimaalaista.
Heistä 728 oli brittejä; 229 amerikkalaisia; 164 saksalaisia; 158 ranskalaisia; 87 hollantilaisia; loput edustivat muita eurooppalaisia kansallisuuksia (Hübner 1874, I, 337; ranskankielinen alkuteos Promenade autour du Monde 1871 ilmestyi 1873). Samuel Mossmanin
mukaan Jokohamassa oleskeli 1868 pysyvästi 570 länsimaalaista, joista 260 oli brittejä ja 80 amerikkalaisia (Mossman1873, 352).
26
40
______________________________________________________________________________
Cortazzin rajaus on toki perusteltu siinä mielessä, että anglosaksien mielipiteillä oli eniten merkitystä japanilaisten kannalta, mikä perustuu siihen tosiasiaan, että Iso-Britannia ja Yhdysvallat olivat vahvasti läsnä ItäAasiassa ja Tyynellä valtamerellä, ja niiden päätökset puolestaan vaikuttivat muiden läntisten suurvaltojen
toimiin. Kiinan tavoin Japani joutui solmimaan länsimaiden kanssa epäoikeudenmukaisia sopimuksia, jotka
rajoittivat sen suvereniteettia. Yksi nöyryyttävimmistä myönnytyksistä oli eksterritoriaalioikeus, jonka mukaan Japanissa oleskelevat länsimaalaiset eivät olleet maan lakien alaisia. Sama käytäntö vallitsi Kiinassa ja
Turkissa. Rationaalinen perustelu oli se, että itämaiden oikeuslaitoksia pidettiin länsimaissa mielivaltaisina ja
rangaistuksia epäinhimillisinä.
Japanin hallituksen tavoitteena oli korjata sopimukset oikeudenmukaisemmiksi ja poistaa eksterritoriaalioikeus (mikä toteutui lopulta 1899). Tämä olisi mahdollista vain, jos länsimaat tunnustaisivat Japanin sivistysvaltioksi. Siksi Japanin lainsäädäntö ja oikeusjärjestelmä muokattiin länsimaisten asiantuntijoiden avulla
vastaamaan länsimaisia käytäntöjä.
Myös ulkonaisesti Japanin oli näytettävä sivistyneeltä. Sotilaat, virkamiehet ja poliisit saivat länsimaisen
muodin mukaiset virka-asut. Muutokset ulotettiin myös arkiseen elämään. Koska japanilainen kylpykulttuuri
järkytti anglosakseja ja sai heidät pitämään japanilaisia siveettöminä, tapoja oli sivistettävä. Jo 1869 annettiin
määräys, joka kielsi miesten ja naisten yhteiskylpemisen Tokion alueella. Kolme vuotta myöhemmin määräys ulotettiin koko maahan. Samalla kiellettiin alastomuus julkisilla paikoilla, mikä tarkoitti käytännössä, että
naisten oli verhottava yläruumiinsa ja työmiesten käytettävä peittävämpää asua kuin pelkkä lannevaate.
Kysymys ei ollut siitä, että japanilaisten oma suhtautuminen alastomuuteen olisi muuttunut vaan nykykielellä sanottuna Japanin brändistä.30 Määräyksiä vastustettiin yleisesti, sillä kansalaiset eivät ymmärtäneet, miksi
heidän oli yhtäkkiä muutettava tapojaan, jotka siihen asti olivat olleet hyväksyttyjä. Uudet määräykset kuitenkin ohjasivat vähitellen japanilaisten suhtautumista alastomuuteen vastaamaan anglosaksisia käytäntöjä,
vaikka edelleenkin japanilaiset ovat tässä suhteessa lähempänä suomalaisia kuin brittejä ja amerikkalaisia.31
Muutos ei myöskään ollut yhtäkkinen ja rajoittui vain niille alueille, missä liikkui länsimaalaisia. Suurkaupunkien ulkopuolella miesten ja naisten yhteiskylpeminen jatkui aina toiseen maailmansotaan asti.32
Toinen tekijä, joka on merkittävästi muuttanut japanilaisten suhtautumista alastomuuteen, on omien kylpyhuoneiden yleistyminen. Vielä 1960-luvun lopulla puolet suur-Tokion alueen asunnoista oli vailla kylpyhuonetta; 1980-luvun alussa enää neljännes oli kylpyhuoneettomia. Omat kylpyhuoneet tekivät yleisistä kylpylöistä tarpeettomia ja niiden määrä laski nopeasti 1970-luvulla. Samalla peseytyminen on muuttunut (länsimaiseen tapaan) yksityiseksi ja nuoremmat sukupolvet ovat selvästi häveliäämpiä kuin vanhempansa. 33
Kukin makunsa mukaan
Jos tarkoitus on tarkastella länsimaiden ja muiden kulttuurien kohtaamista, näkökulman on oltava laajempi
kuin yhden kielialueen kokemukset. Vain vertaamalla eri kielialueita edustavia lähteitä voimme tunnistaa,
Lisäksi on hyvä muistaa, että Bakumatsu–kaudella (1853–68) Japanissa oleskeli myös paljon intialaisia mutta heidänkään kokemuksiaan ei huomioida, kun aiheena on “ulkomaalaisten” (foreigners) ja japanilaisten kohtaaminen.
30
Pflugfelder 1999, 146–47. Myös suhtautuminen homoseksuaalisuuteen muuttui kielteiseksi “länsimaisten” (ts. brittiläisten ja amerikkalaisten) esikuvien mukaisesti (emt. 193).
31
Kawano (2005); ks. Toselowski 1875, 37–38.
32
Ks. Edgar Lajthan kuvaus Noboribetsun kylpylästä (1936, 72). Saksankielinen alkuteos Japan. Gestern, Heute, Morgen. Erlebnis
einer Reise ilmestyi samana vuonna (Berlin: Rowohlt) ja käännettiin pian englanniksi, espanjaksi, hollanniksi, italiaksi, ranskaksi, ruotsiksi, tanskaksi ja unkariksi. Kirja varmasti vaikutti suuresti eurooppalaisiin mielikuviin mutta omana aikamme se on unohdettu. Edgar
Lajtha oli unkarilainen toimittaja, joka kirjoitti 1930-luvun lopulla useita suosittuja matkakirjoja. Maailmanpalon alkaessa hän muutti
Yhdysvaltoihin ja toimi myöhemmin armeijan sotakirjeenvaihtajana Kaakkois-Aasiassa. Kersantti Laytha ilmoitettiin kadonneeksi Pohjois-Burmassa huhtikuussa 1945.
33
Clark 1994.
41
Pekka Masonen
______________________________________________________________________________
mitkä reaktiot olivat aidosti “länsimaisia”, siis yhteisiä, ja mitkä puolestaan perustuivat kansallinen kulttuurin erityispiirteisiin.34 Toisenlaisen näkökulman Japanin ja länsimaiden kohtaamiseen tarjoaa saksankielinen
matkakirjallisuus, joka on englanninkielisissä maissa tyystin sivuutettu, eikä syynä ole aineiston vaikea saatavuus vaan pelkkä kieli. 35
Preussi lähetti laivastonsa Itä-Aasian vesille joulukuussa 1859. Virallinen tarkoitus oli solmia kauppa- ja
ystävyyssopimukset Siamin, Kiinan ja Japanin kanssa. Preussilla, kuten muillakaan saksalaisilla valtioilla, ei
ollut siirtomaita eikä edes intressiä hankkia sellaisia. Saksalaisia kauppiaita kuitenkin toimi kaikkialla maailmassa ja he olivat jo löytäneet tiensä Japaniin. Laivastovierailulla oli myös epävirallisia tarkoituksia. Yksi
oli muistuttaa muita läntisiä suurvaltoja Preussin olemassa olosta ja toinen oli korostaa Preussin johtavaa
asemaa Saksan valtioiden parissa. Muodollisesti Preussin lähettiläs neuvotteli Saksan tulliliiton nimissä.36
Kreivi Friedrich Albrecht zu Eulenburgin (1815–81) johtaman lähetystön vaiheet kirjattiin neliosaiseksi raportiksi. Lisäksi monet lähetystön jäsenistä julkaisivat oman epävirallisen päiväkirjansa.37 Näin Preussin
lähetystö on parhaiten dokumentoitu ulkomainen diplomaattinen vierailu Japaniin 1800-luvulla. Vierailun
tuottamat kuvaukset ovat mielenkiintoisia, kun niitä vertaa samanaikaisiin englanninkielisiin kuvauksiin,
sillä preussilaiset kävivät samoissa paikoissa, näkivät samat asiat ja tapasivat samoja ihmisiä. Jos siis oli
olemassa jokin “länsimainen” tapa nähdä Japani, preussilaisten pitäisi arvioida näkemäänsä ja kokemaansa
samalla tavalla. Näin ei kuitenkaan ole.
Preussilaisia ei japanilaisten kylpykulttuuri järkyttänyt. Asia toki mainitaan kirjoissa mutta vailla moraalista
kauhistelua. Kyseessä oli vain maan tapa. Preussilaiset ymmärsivät näkemänsä oikein. Se, että japanilaiset
miehet ja naiset kylpivät yhdessä ja suhtautuivat mutkattomasti alastomuuteensa, ei tarkoittanut, että he olisivat siveettömiä. Toisaalta japanilaiset eivät myöskään olleet mitään viattomia luonnonlapsia, kuten monet
maassa vierailleet ranskalaiset kuvittelivat. Japanilaiset tiesivät kyllä, missä kulkee säädyllisen ja säädyttömän raja. Käsitteillä vain oli erilainen sisältö: se, mikä oli länsimaalaisista säädyllistä, saattoi japanilaisten
silmissä olla säädytöntä. 38 Japanilaiset, jotka vierailivat 1860-luvulla Yhdysvalloissa ja Euroopassa, pitivät
rivona miesten ja naisten tapaa suudella ja kosketella toisiaan muiden nähden.39 Aikuisten julkiset hellyydenosoitukset ovat yhä sopimattomia Japanissa, vaikka niihin ei toki puututa.
Preussilaisten erilaisen mielipiteen selittää se, että saksalaisessa kulttuurissa alastomuuteen suhtauduttiin
vähemmin hysteerisesti kuin viktoriaanisessa Isossa-Britanniassa ja Yhdysvalloissa. Samanlaisia mielipiteitä
esittivät myös pohjoismaalaiset. Tanskalainen Eduard Suenson (1842–1921) palveli Ranskan laivastossa ja
kävi Japanissa 1866–67. Häntä ei järkyttänyt japanilaisten alastomuus tai siveettömyys. Sen sijaan Suenson
paheksui brittiläisiä ja amerikkalaisia turisteja, jotka tunkeutuivat yleisiin kylpylöihin voidakseen tirkistellä
34
Japanilaisten tutkijoiden lähestymistapa on monipuolisempi, vaikka heidän kielitaitonsa ei ole välttämättä parempi. Artikkelissaan
“Länsimaalaiset ja japanilaisten alastomuus Bakumatsu–kaudella”, Rie Suzuki (1993) esimerkiksi viittaa englanninkielisen aineiston
ohella myös hollannin-, italian-, ranskan-, saksan-, tanskan- ja venäjänkieliseen matkakirjallisuuteen. Nämä teokset ovat kuitenkin japaninkielisiä käännöksiä, kun taas “ulkomaiset” lähteet ovat kaikki englanniksi. Niin ikään japanilaisten tutkijoiden näkemys maansa avautumisesta 1853–54 on monipuolisempi ja he painottavat enemmän venäläisten merkitystä, siinä missä amerikkalaiset pitäytyvät Perry–
myytissä. Eron selittää jo se, että amerikkalaiset tutkijat harvoin vaivautuvat käyttämään japanilaisia alkuperäislähteitä. Vrt. Mitani 2006
(Perī raikō, Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan 2003) ja Jansen 2002; myös McOmie 2006.
35
Dobson 2009, 112.
36
Salewski 1988.
37
Raportti ilmestyi anonyymina mutta sen toimitti lähetystön virallinen taiteilija Albert Berg. Lähetystön jäsenistä oman kuvauksensa
Japanista julkaisivat Wilhelm Heine, Johannes Kreyher, Hermann Maron, Eduard von Martens, Georg Schober, Gustav Spiess, Reinhold Werner ja Max Wichura. Muistelmissaan Japania käsittelivät Max von Brandt, Ferdinand von Richthofen sekä Hermann Rose.
Kreivi Eulenburgin Japanista lähettämät kirjeet julkaistiin hänen kuolemansa jälkeen.
38
Werner 1863, II, 71–73.
39
Kawano 2005, 156.
42
______________________________________________________________________________
alastomia japanilaisia ja tyydyttää näin moraalinen ylemmyydentuntonsa. 40 Samaa mieltä oli ruotsalainen
Anton Bæckström (1840–99), joka myös palveli Ranskan laivastossa ja vieraili Japanissa 1868. 41 Kumpaakaan miestä ei kuitenkaan mainita koskaan englanninkielisessä tutkimuskirjallisuudessa. Syy on ymmärrettävä: Suenson kirjoitti tanskaksi, Bæckström ruotsiksi. Japanilaisille tutkijoille Suenson on kyllä tuttu, sillä
hänen kuvauksensa ilmestyi japaniksi 1989.
Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld ei myöskään kauhistellut japanilaisten kylpykulttuuria vaan kävi itsekin yleisissä
kylpylöissä; ei tirkistelemässä vaan kylpemässä. 42 Hänen kuvauksensa Vega-laivan matkasta ilmestyi heti
myös englanninkielisenä käännöksenä mutta silti häntäkään ei kelpuuteta joukkoon, kun tutkimuksen aiheena ovat Japaniin liittyvät länsimaiset mielikuvat. Japanilaiset kyllä muistavat Nordenskiöldin länsimaalaisena, joka arvosti heidän kulttuuriaan.43 Yleistäen voidaankin sanoa – ja yleistys tekee aina väkivaltaa yksityiskohdille – että muut eurooppalaiset suhtautuivat japanilaisten alastomuuteen ymmärtäväisemmin kuin
britit ja amerikkalaiset, mikä herättää kysymyksen, kumpi tapa edustaa oikeasti länsimaista katsetta?
Niin ikään ne, jotka eivät kauhistelleet japanilaisten alastomuutta, suhtautuivat myönteisesti myös muihin
japanilaisen kulttuurin osa-alueisiin. Yksi oli ruokakulttuuri. Britit ja amerikkalaiset olivat tässäkin suhteessa
ennakkoluuloisempia. Laurence Oliphant (1829–88), joka vieraili Japanissa 1857 lordi Elginin sihteerinä,
kertoi uteliaisuudesta kokeilleensa japanilaisen keittiön antimia mutta varoitti maanmiehiään tekemästä samaa virhettä. Kokemuksesta viisastuneena hän tyytyi paistettuun kalaan ja riisiin. 44 Rouva Hodgsonille kelpasi vain sokerikakku. 45 Englantilainen seikkailijatar Isabella Bird (1831–1904) puolestaan julisti japanilaisen keittiön antimet syömäkelvottomiksi. 46 Preussilaisten mielestä japanilainen ruoka oli mautonta mutta
muuten syötävää. 47 Suenson myönsi, että hän oli aluksi pitänyt kypsentämätöntä kalaa vastenmielisenä mutta
voitettuaan ennakkoluulonsa hän huomasi sen olevan sangen maukasta.48 Nordenskiöld ei erityisesti pitänyt
japanilaisesta ruuasta mutta ei myöskään inhonnut sitä. Hänen ruotsalaiset matkatoverinsa söivät mielellään
japanilaista ruokaa.49
Miksi sitten anglosaksit näkivät asiat eri tavalla kuin muut? Yksi syy oli heidän vahva ylemmyydentuntonsa,
joka perusteltiin rasistisin argumentein. Myös mannereurooppalaiset tiedostivat kulttuurisen ylemmyytensä
mutta he eivät kieltäneet yhtä ehdottomasti japanilaisten mahdollisuutta sivistyä. Japanilaiset eivät olleet
takapajuisia, koska he ovat värillisiä ja siksi tyhmempiä kuin länsimaalaiset, vaan koska he olivat eläneet
eristyksissä muusta maailmasta ja jääneet jälkeen. Ranskan, Saksan ja Portugalin siirtomaissa ei ollut yhtä
jyrkkää roturajaa kuin brittiläisessä imperiumissa ja Yhdysvalloissa; olkoonkin että britit olivat kotisaarellaan avarakatseisempia kuin merten takana.
40
Suensonin kuvaus ilmestyi alun perin artikkelisarjana tanskalaisessa lehdessä Fra all lande, et månedsskrift for nyere rejsebeskrivelser (1868–70). Jostakin syystä ruotsinkielisen käännöksen (Suenson 1890) kaikki päivämäärät ovat virheellisiä: kirjoittajan esimerkiksi
kerrotaan lähteneen Saigonista Jokohamaan 5.7.1886 (po. 1866).
41
Bæckström 1871.
42
Nordenskiöld 1881,II, 286.
43
Ks. Nobuoka 1996 [“Japani Nordenskiöldin silmin”].
44
Oliphant 1859, II, 132.
45
Hodgson 1861, 110. Japanilainen sokerikakku eli kasutera on tempuran tavoin lainattu portugalilaisesta keittiöstä 1500-luvulla.
46
Bird 1880, I, 51 ja 240; vrt. Pearson 1886, 48.
47
Die Preußische Expedition nach Ost-Asien. Nach amtlichen Quellen, I, 262.
48
Suenson 1890, 39.
49
Wråkberg & Lindqvist 2002. Ruotsissa Nordenskiöld on tietysti aina ruotsalainen ja hänen suomalainen taustansa sivuutetaan. Myös
japanilaiset mieltävät hänet ruotsalaiseksi (Nobuoka 1996). Niin ikään Adam Laxman (1776–1806?) on Ruotsissa aina ruotsalainen;
japanilaisille hän on venäläinen. Laxman saapui Japaniin (Hakodate) Katariina Suuren edustajana 1792. Hänen isänsä oli kasvitieteilijänä mainetta saanut suomalainen pappi ja tutkimusmatkailija Erik Laxman (1737–96), joka muutti Venäjälle. Adam puolestaan syntyi ja
varttui Siperiassa (Barnaul). Venäläinen Adam Laxman oli siinä mielessä, että hän oli maan hallitsijan palveluksessa; suomalaiseksi
hänet tekee isän syntyperä; ruotsalaiseksi vain äidinkieli.
43
Pekka Masonen
______________________________________________________________________________
Toinen tärkeä syy oli viktoriaanisen ajan kompleksinen suhtautuminen seksuaalisuuteen. Japanilaisten alastomuus häiritsi anglosakseja, koska se herätti kiellettyjä tunteita. Elettiinhän aikaa, jolloin jopa Raamatusta
löydettiin kohtia, jotka olivat sopimattomia nuorison luettavaksi (eikä Korkea Veisu ollut ainoa). 50 Vaikka
englanninkieliset kirjoittajat kauhistelivat japanilaisten siveettömyyttä, heidän oli kuitenkin lähes jokaisen
pakko vierailla itse yleisessä kylpylässä – eikä vain kerran vaan toistuvasti. Alastomat japanilaiset vetivät
heitä puoleensa, vaikka he eivät halunneet myöntää sitä. Kauhistelu oli tarpeen, jotta lukijalle voitiin todistaa, että kirjoittaja ei ollut langennut kiusauksiin.
Matkakirjan oli myös vastattava – ja vahvistettava – vallitsevia ennakkoluuloja. Liian voimakas ristiriita
herättäisi kysymyksen kirjoittajan luotettavuudesta. Varsinkin Japania koskevalle kirjallisuudelle on tyypillistä se, että kirjoittajat auktorisoivat kuvauksensa viittaamalla edeltäjiinsä ja toistamalla heidän havaintonsa
omina kokemuksinaan. Näin samat mielipiteet ja mielikuvat kertautuvat teksteissä vuosikymmenestä toiseen;
vielä senkin jälkeen, kun ne eivät enää vastaa kirjojen ulkopuolella vallitsevaa todellisuutta.51
Japani oli vaarallinen maa. Kuten hollantilais-amerikkalainen lähetyssaarnaaja Guido Verbeck (1830–98)
tallensi päiväkirjaansa: “Tämän maan kiusaukset ovat pelottavia ja moni sellainen on langennut, joka kotona
olisi raudanluja.” 52 William Elliot Griffis kirjoitti Japanista (Fukui) sisarelleen:
Kotitaloudessani on tapahtunut toinenkin muutos. Nuori 18-vuotias tyttö, joka otin palvelijattarekseni,
osoittautui luotettavaksi, ahkeraksi ja kaikin puolin miellyttäväksi. Hän täytti kaikki toiveeni ja teki talostani kodin veroisen. Pidin hänestä paljon. Se kaikki muodosti voimakkaan houkutuksen väsyneelle
ja koti-ikävän riivaamalle nuorelle miehelle hänen yksinäisinä hetkinään. Kahden viikon kuluttua
huomasin, että hän oli liian miellyttävä ja liian viehättävä. Pidettyäni hänet 11 päivää lähetin hänet
pois, ennen kuin kiusaus johtaisi syntiin. 53
Länsimaalaiset, jotka saapuivat Japaniin, olivat lähes yksinomaan miehiä. Kun Alankomaiden konsuli järjesti
Jokohamassa tanssiaiset 1863, paikalla oli 150 miestä ja 9 naista (joista 6 oli iältään sellaisia, että tanssiminen ei heitä enää kiinnostanut).54 Toisaalta kukaan ei kuvitellut, että länsimaalaiset miehet eläisivät Japanissa
selibaatissa.
Japanilaiset naiset eivät suinkaan olleet rumia, vaikka lähes kaikki länsimaalaiset vierailijat korostivat, kuinka vastenmielinen oli naimisissa olevien ylä- ja keskiluokkaisten naisten tapa mustata hampaansa ja nyppiä
kulmakarvansa. Silti tässäkin suhteessa oli eroja kansallisuuksien välillä. Anglosaksit, sekä miehet että naiset, korostivat muita useammin japanilaisten naisten (ja miesten) rumaa ja apinamaista ulkonäköä suhteessa
länsimaisiin kauneusihanteisiin.55 Preussilaisten mielestä japanilaiset naiset olivat sieviä ja suloisia; samaa
mieltä olivat ranskalaiset. Nordenskiöldin mukaan “japanilainen talonpoikaistyttö, kuten tytöt yleensä, on
joko kaunis tai ruma, mutta aina puhdas ja miellyttävä, jota ei suinkaan aina käy meidän talonpoikaistytöistä
sanominen”. 56
50
Muita sopimattomia kohtia olivat esimerkiksi profeetta Joosuan kuvaus israelilaisten ympärileikkauksesta (5:2–8) sekä evankelista
Matteuksen kuvaus Jeesuksen syntymästä (1:18–25). Täydellinen lista Raamatun tuhmuuksista löytyy Pearsall 1976, 200–1 (Appendix
A).
51
Wilkinson 1983, 28.
52
Griffis 1900, 209.
53
Rosenstone 1988, 111–12.
54
Humbert 1870, II, 376.
55
Barrington de Fonblanquen mukaan japanilaiset naiset olivat “in general devoid of beauty of either form or feature” (1862, 109n.).
Isabella Bird puolestaan teilasi japanilaiset naiset: “I saw nothing like even passable good looks” (1880, I, 76). Henry Adamsin mukaan
useimmat japanilaiset naiset olivat “badly made, awkward in movement, and suggestive of monkeys” (1930, 373). Adams kävi Japanissa 1886.
56
Nordenskiöld 1881, II, 307.
44
______________________________________________________________________________
Kaikesta huolimatta japanilainen nainen kelpasi länsimaalaisen miehen vuoteeseen, kansallisuudesta riippumatta. Japanilaiset viranomaiset perustivat Jokohamaan erityisen bordellin (Gankiro) länsimaalaisia varten,
mikä tietysti sai moraalinvartijat jälleen kauhistelemaan japanilaisten siveettömyyttä: valtio ylläpitää ilotaloa! Kunniallinen herrasmies ei tietenkään vieraillut kyseissä instituutiossa – paitsi tekemässä empiirisiä
antropologisia havaintoja, kuten majuri Barrington de Fonblanque perusteli oman käyntinsä. 57 Vaikka länsimaalaisten miesten ja japanilaisten naisten yhteiselämä oli tavallista, ei suhteista puhuttu ääneen, saati kuvailtu kirjeissä kotiin eikä niihin juuri viitata matkakirjoissakaan. Ulkonaisesti elettiin mitä säädyllisimmin.
Yhteiselämä vastasi avoliittoa. Länsimaalainen mies sai seuralaisen ja kodin hoitajan, joka tunsi paikalliset
tavat; japanilainen nainen ja hänen perheensä toimeentulon. Kyse ei ollut aina prostituutiosta vaan osapuolten välillä saattoi vallita molemminpuolinen kiintymys. Virallisia avioliittoja solmittiin vähän (alle 200 vuosina 1873–97), mihin vaikuttivat sekä Japanin oma lainsäädäntö että länsimaalaisten ennakkoluulot.58 Anglosaksien oli kaikkein vaikeinta hyväksyä roturajan rikkovat avioliitot,59 kun taas saksalaiset, ranskalaiset ja
italialaiset suhtautuivat niihin myönteisemmin. Gustaf Ramstedt mainitsee muistelmissaan englantilaisen
lakitieteen tohtorin Joseph Ernst de Beckerin (1863–1929), joka oli Japanin ulkoasianministeriön palveluksessa. Becker oli naimisissa japanilaisen kanssa ja hänen puoliverisiä tyttäriään ei hyväksytty Tokion englantilaiseen kouluun. “Englantilaisille on seka-avioliitto kauhistus, ja niinpä minuakin usein varoitettiin suojelemaan tytärtäni läheisemmästä ystävyydestä Beckerin neitosten kanssa.”60 Varoituksista piittaamatta Ramstedt solmi läheiset suhteet Beckerin perheeseen. Saksalaiset miehet olivat yleensä uskollisempia japanilaiselle rakastajattarelleen eli he eivät vaihtaneet naistaan yhtä usein kuin britit ja amerikkalaiset. Saksalaiset
myös tunnustivat lapsensa ja lähettivät heidät usein kasvatettaviksi Saksaan, kun taas anglosaksit hylkäsivät
puoliveriset jälkeläisensä, joita Japanissa odotti ankea elämä. 61 Naisia, jotka elivät länsimaisten miesten
kanssa, ei arvostettu. 62
*
Olen edellä esitellyt, kuinka eri tavalla eurooppalaiset ja amerikkalaiset suhtautuivat 1800-luvulla Japaniin,
ja kuinka kansallisen kulttuurin erityispiirteet vaikuttivat heidän mielipiteisiinsä ja käytökseensä. Vaikka
joissakin asioissa suhtautuminen oli yhdenmukaista, erot ovat siinä määrin merkittäviä, että on vaikea määritellä mitään yleistä “länsimaista” mielikuvaa Japanista, paitsi että Japani oli eksoottinen ja erilainen. Tilanne
on tietenkin sama muuallakin. Jos Samuel Baker (1821–93) kiroaa afrikkalaiset alimpaan helvettiin ja Heinrich Barth (1821–65) kertoo viettäneensä erinomaisen miellyttävän illan afrikkalaisten ystäviensä seurassa,
kumpi heistä puhuu länsimaalaisen suulla?
57
Barrington de Fonblanque 1862, 45–46.
Koyama 1996.
59
Vielä 1950-luvun alussa suurin osa Yhdysvaltain osavaltioista kielsi valkoisten ja “värillisten” väliset avioliitot. Ks. Lake & Reynolds
2008.
60
Ramstedt 1950, 84–85.
61
Mees & Mees 2006, 7; ks. Humbert 1870, II, 378.
62
Nordenskiöld 1881, II, 266.
58
45
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Kirjallisuus
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_____________________________
Kirjoittaja
Pekka Masonen on yleisen historian dosentti Tampereen yliopistossa. Hänen tutkimuksellinen mielenkiintonsa kohdistuu eurooppalaisten tutkimusmatkojen ja kulttuurien sovinnollisen kohtaamisen historiaan vanhassa maailmassa. Hän on myös perehtynyt yleisemmin siirtomaakautta edeltävän Afrikan sekä modernin Japanin historiaan.
Email: [email protected]
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_____________________________
Abstract
The article tracks the general effects and trends of the military use of natural systems and natural resources in
the northern zone during and after the World War II. The demands created by the World War II made the
natural resources of the northern regions priceless and became a turning-point in the economic and environmental history of the northern zone.
The theoretical approach relates to ecological world-system analysis and the theory of the extractive economy. The article follows the synthetic tradition of environmental history and is based on general geographical,
historical and anthropological texts about the northern regions. Of course, there is only fragmentary information about the ecological costs of the war-based economic activities, and information on the northern native peoples has not been comprehensive.
It is not quite accurate to say that the exploitation of the north began during World War II, because it continued a trend already apparent for several decades in the zone. This article describes how the World War II
with its various consequences, resulted in the increasingly extensive exploitation of the world's northern
peripheries.
Three processes of the extractive economies - the resource capitalist version in Canada, the totalitarian variant of the Soviet Union and the government-led model in Finland - are distinguished. These trends continued
during the Cold War until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Now we see a trend towards remilitarization,
when the value of the northern resources is rising again and the global warming will make the Arctic ice-free
in summer.
Keywords: northern zone, World War II, environmental history, economic history, extractive economy, ecological world-system analysis, Northern Canada, the Soviet Union, Northern Finland.
49
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The World War II as a turning-point on the economic and environmental history of the northern
Canada, the Soviet Union and Northern Finland
Introduction
This article considers the northern expansion of the world economy caused by the World War II. We define
northern expansion as the mobilization of resources in the northern regions and people’s migration to those
regions. We aim at an overall picture, not a detailed description, which would not be possible in such a short
paper. The article defends the hypothesis that the world as a whole reacted to the crisis brought on by the war
by geographical expansion and by building up an associated extractive economy. The demands created by
the World War II made the natural resources of the northern regions priceless, and became a turning-point in
the history of the northern zone.
We try to see the northern zone as a whole because we are interested in the reactions of the entire worldsystem to the pressures of the war, rather than the activities of individual countries. We are tracking the general effects of trends in the war-based use of natural systems and natural resources in the northern zone.
The article follows the synthetic tradition of environmental history as defined by Sverker Sörlin and Paul
Warde. 1 Nature is seen as a large-scale actor which plays an important but unarticulated role in the history of
the northern regions. Our theoretical approach relates to ecological world-system analysis and the theory of
the extractive economy. First, the world-system theory stresses that world-systems (and not nation states)
should be the basic unit of social analysis. The history of the world-system refers to the international division
of labor that divides the world into the core, semi-periphercal and peripherical countries. Core countries focus on higher skill and capital-intensive production, and the rest of the world focuses on low-skill, laborintensive production and the extraction of raw materials, which continually reinforces the dominance of the
core countries. 2 In our case, the core countries were Canada and the United States as early as 1940-50. 3 Finland remained a borderland between core and semi-periphery and the Soviet Union was still a semiperiphery. 4
The ecological version of world-system analysis links the core, semi-periphery and periphery model into the
corresponding environmental problems. 5 The concept of the extractive economy introduced by Stephen
Bunker is often used in world-system analysis to refer the excessive and unsustainable use of natural systems
and natural resources in the peripheries.6 More recently, Jason Moore’s “world-ecology” concept shows that
the global economy has not only an economic dimension but an ecological one as well.7 The source of envi-
1
Sörlin &Warde, 2007,116-118. The “staple goods’ approach by Canadian historian Innis (1930/1975, 1979) is an early attempt to write
history from an ‘environmental’ point of view.
2
Shannon (1996) gives the basics of world-system analysis. Galois & Mabin (1982, 37-62) have used the world-system perspective in
their article.
3
While US is definitely a major core power, Canada can also be considered as a minor core power, see Shannon 1996, 87.
4
Finland’s position in the world system was definitely still semi-periphery on the eve of World War II. Chase-Dunn (1982) has seen the
Soviet Union as a semi-periphery; see also Shannon 1996, 71-45-125.
5
The ecological version of world-system analysis has evolved during recent decades; see Chase-Dunn & Hall,1997, 1-24 and Goldfrank, Goodman & Szasz 1999. Hacquebord & Avango (2009, 25-39) have used a core-periphery model in order to understand the
general trends in the history of natural resource exploitation in Spitsbergen.
6
Stephen G. Bunker (1988) uses the concept of the extractive economy at the general level in describing the relationships between
peripheral Amazonia’s local economy and industrial “productive economy’. A Finnish environmental social scientist, Jussi Raumolin
(1984) wrote in a path-breaking history of the concept of ‘Raubwirtschaft’. Ilmo Massa (1994, 1999) has used the same term to refer to
the originally German concept of Raubwirtschaft. J. R. McNeill (2003,24-25) acknowledges the Latin American concept of the Raubwirtschaft.
7
Moore 2003, 307-377.
50
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ronmental or resource conflict can be as both a resource scarcity and a resource plethora, as Thomas HomerDixon argues in his ecoviolence theory. 8
We include in the northern zone those areas that administrators and policy-makers have culturally and habitually thought of and referred to as belonging to the northern area. This often depends on the status of the
region in the country’s economy and the economic opportunities it provides, in addition to climate and geographical location. In our view, they are the internal peripheries or semi-peripheries of the concerned countries. This is a very broad definition, and some would say too broad. However, it is only possible in the context in which we try to describe the evolution of the southern limits of the circumpolar north associated with
World War II.
The northern zone may bring scarce resources to mind and to some extent this is appropriate. On the other
hand, the region has several “oases of natural resources” around which the main human activities are concentrated. A modern example of this is oil and gas resources. The strategic significance of the northern zone as a
buffer between the belligerents has added to the importance of the region.9
Fig. 1 offers a schematic and simplified representation or model of the expansion and development of the
intensive extractive economy associated with the wartime economy. Resource scarcity caused by the war is
seen as the engine driving political and economic development towards an intensive extractive economy,
which in turn aggravates the scarcity of resources and increases the possibility of conflict.
Wartime economy
Resource depletion and environmental damage
Political pressures
Economi
and technological pressures
 Increasing role of the government , resource
ministries and resource agencies
 Increasing support of private investment in
the wartime economy
 New governmental resource mobilisation
schemes and programmes
 Improving the railway and road network
 New defense and military projects
 Increasing role of the centres in the
resource frontiers and peripheries
 War -induced economic expansion
 Diminishing juridical regulation of economic
activities for private and state companies
 New markets for weapons and other
wartime products
 Increasing demand and consumption of the
resources
 Dimishing environmental contro of private
business
Th intensive extractive economy
Fig.1. The
extractive economy in the wartime economy
8
We have not systematically used the concept of ecoviolence because it would require a case-study approach and field-work based
research. By ecoviolence, Thomas Homer-Dixon (1991,1999) means both wars over resources and peaceful, natural resource-driven
conflicts. Environmental violence has no one cause, but may arise from economic, social, political, demographic factors and their interactions.
9
The interactive Arctic Environmental Service, developed by the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), presents environmental variables and parameters in the circumpolar North. (http://maps.grida.no/arctic/).
51
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To keep this text relatively short, we will look at the impact of the World War II in northern Canada, the
northern Soviet Union and northern Finland. Nonetheless, we will discuss these areas in the context of the
circumpolar North as a whole. We assume that the reader knows the main elements of the geography and
history of the northern zone. Our review will span the period from the World War II to the Cold War decades
beginning in the 1950s.
The article is mainly based on general geographical, historical and anthropological texts about the northern
regions. 10 While it is not based on systematic fieldwork, both writers have travelled extensively in the northern areas of Russia, Scandinavia and Canada. We do not know any previous environmental historical research which looks at the entire northern zone of the globe. Instead, there are a few national, provincial or
local environmental history case studies in this field.11
It is simply impossible to provide a detailed description of all the environmental damage caused by war in
the northern zone. There is only fragmentary information about the all ecological costs of the intensified
extractive resource strategies in the northern zone and information on the native peoples has not been comprehensive. Even where we found environmental information in the past, it was often quite scattered and
random. We agree with Joachim Radkau that slight and scattered material is a typical feature of nearly all
environmental history research.12
As far we know, the interaction between war and the environment has not previously been adequately studied in the circumpolar perspective. One reason may be that the historical profession has had a strong tendency to use the nation-state as its preferred bases of analysis.13 This leaves aside global analysis, which unfolds
with no regard for borders. The general works in environmental history have left out the military dimension
almost entirely despite its obvious connection with environmental history in the wider sense (for example,
toxic effects, landscape destruction, food production and security, legitimation in nature ideologies, warrelated environmental science and medicine, etc.). 14 However, the body of work is now growing and should
be open to increased interaction with contemporary history. The topic of the environmental history of the
war merits much more thorough analysis than is possible here.15
We have tried to avoid a "declenisionist narrative of environmental history” 16 according to which environmental history is perceived as a progressive downward spiral leading inexorably to collapse. In our case, this
narrative would mean that we see everything as steady and balanced until the war came and destroyed it.
World War II created a lot of economic opportunities, opened up new communication routes, and helped to
find some new resources in the northern zone. The war even swept fishing fleets from the sea and allowed
the fish resources to recover, particularly in the North Atlantic. 17 However, the sad story is mainly that the
World War II was the deadliest war in human history. Some 60 million people died, including about 20 million soldiers and 40 million civilians. 18 It also consumed a huge amount of energy and minerals and caused
major environmental problems.
10
The most important general references on circumpolar zone are Armstrong, Rogers & Graham Rowley (1978) and Rea (1976).
In Europe: Sörlin 1988, Massa 1994; Hacquebord and Avango 2009, 1-2, 25-39. In the United States and Canada: Cherest 1975 and
1980, Morissonneau 1978; Marchak 1983,Wynn 2007, Lackenbauer & Farish, 2007; Piper, 2009.
12
Joachim Radkau (2008, 32-35) argues that the object of environmental history research is still ‘Terra incognita’, unknown territory.
13
McNeill 2003, 25.
14
Sörlin 2011. John McNeill (2000) occasionally touches upon the world wars.
15
In Europe: Corvol & Amal 1994; Radkau & Uekötter 2003; Josephson 2002; Tucker & Russell 2004; Chickering,Förster &
Greiner,2005; Brady 2005; Laakkonen & Vuorisalo 2007; McNeill & Unger 2010.
16
Merchant 2003 and Wikipedia entry on ´Environmental history’.
17
McNeill 2000, 246.
18
“World War II’ Wikipedia entry; Mawdsley 2009; Liddell Hart 1970.
11
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The World War II and the northern expansion of the world economy
By the beginning of twentieth century, the idea of the Arctic as the margins of human history was being superseded by the idea of the Arctic as a frontier waiting for industrial colonization and western man. The
Norwegian explorer Fridtjof Nansen (1861-1930) and the Icelandic-Canadian-American explorer Vilhjalmur
Stefansson (1878-1962) in particular challenged the traditional view of the marginal and unproductive Arctic. 19 In fact, the geographical literature of the 1920s and 1930s contained much about the north as a promising region in other countries as well. One example is Suomi Jäämerellä (Finland at the Arctic Ocean) (1918)
by Väinö Voionmaa, in which the ideas of northern development were mixed with a nationalistic Great Finland –ideology. The idea of the northern dimension was compatible with progressive industrial ideology that
was realized under Nazism and Communism. In the USSR, active northern expansion started soon after the
revolution of 1917. 20
However, the intensive extractive economy was not generally extended deep into the circumpolar north before the World War II. During and after the war, the focus of the world economy shifted significantly towards the north, which gave rise to the extractive economy led by the belligerent states. What follow is the
summary war-induced environmental histories of Northern Canada, the Northern Soviet Union and Northern
Finland.
Northern Canada
By the end of the 1930s, the northern regions of Canada had experienced the initial stages of integration into
their provincial units and the Canadian nation, but remained still very much on the periphery. 21 World War II
represented a major turning-point in the history of the Canadian territorial and provincial north, the most
important single event being the massive attack against the United States naval base at Pearl Harbor by the
Empire of Japan on December 7, 1941. All eight battleships in the harbor were hit and more than 180 aircraft
were destroyed and others damaged. The Americans suffered 3435 casualties. Coming as a surprise, this
single event aroused such anger against Japan that it brought the United States into the war before any declaration of war. On December 8, the U.S. Congress declared war on Japan with only one dissenting vote. 22
How did the hegemony of the United States affect the position of Canada and particularly northern Canada
in the world-system during and after World War II? The United States was the overwhelmingly dominant
core country in North America and it “consolidated its role as the undoubted centre of the capitalist worldsystem” during the war particularly. 23 A Canadian economist, Kari Levitt 24, sees Canada almost as a semiperipheral state within the core-periphery system dominated by the United States. However, Canada is not a
semi-periphery, but a “minor core power” with its independent state institutions and strategies.25
Both the United States and Canada fought with the Allies against the Axis powers and Japan. War-related
projects had an impact over the whole northern region of Canada, from Labrador to the territorial Norths on
the Alaskan border. 26 During the war, there were tens of thousands of American military and civilian workers carrying out various duties in Canada “with virtually no supervision from Canadians, forming a kind of
19
Emmerson 2011, 16-17.
McCannon (1998) has written an interesting analysis of the myth of the north in the Soviet Union. For an analysis of conquest of nature and colonization of the North in the USSR, see Bolotova &Vorobyev 2007, 29-41 and Bolotova 2004,104-123.
21
Coates & Morrison 1992, 63.
22
Liddel Hart 1970, 269-278. One reason for the Japanese attack was that the United States had cut the oil and metals exports to Japan
in July 1940; see Vuorisalo & Lahdenperä 2007, 419.
23
Galois & Mabin1982,42; Kennedy 1987, 432;‘World War II’, entry on Encyclopædia Britannica.
24
Levitt 1971,23–24.
25
Shannon 1996, 87. See also Burgess 2002.
26
Zaslow 1988, 209, Lackenbauer & Farish, 2007,5-6 and Piper 2009, 8.
20
53
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friendly army of occupation”. 27 During the war, the federal government became directly involved in the uranium-mining industry; for example, through the creation of a crown corporation, Eldorado Mining and Refining, and its auxiliaries. The governments also continually intervened in electric power production, mining,
transportation and even fisheries. 28 Technological advances during the war, such as the development of
freight planes, aerial photography and nuclear power, prepared the way for the race for resources that
reached the Canadian north. 29
The greatest changes took place in the Yukon and the Northwest Territories, which had previously been
thought of as a “wasteland”. 30 The territories comprise more than 40 percent of the country’s land area, but
contain only about one percent of its population. Because of the war, the region’s military and strategic significance began to increase. Japan attacked the Aleutian Islands and occupied Kiska and Attu Islands in
1942. Nearly 4,000 American soldiers fell in the recapture of Attu. The armaments industry and defense
investment became the single most important factor that influenced the development of Alaska. Before the
war, Alaska had relatively little economic or political significance as part of the United States. The World
War II, especially the Allies war against Japan, and the Cold War from the 1950s onwards increased the
27
Coates & Morrisson 1992, 85.
Rea (1976) gives an overview of the changes brought by World War II in the Canadian North. There were, for example, several industrial fisheries supported by the federal government in Lake Athabasca, Lake Claire, Great Slave Lake and Great Bear Lake, see Piper
2009,174-179, 223, 229.
29
Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 87–88; Rea 1976, 55 and Wynn 2007, 274-275,317.
30
Rea 1976, 3–13.
28
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strategic importance of Alaska. Under the threat of Japanese invasion, the government of the United States
established the Alaskan Military Force in 1940 and built large military bases at Fairbanks, Anchorage, and
on the Aleutian Islands with several thousand personnel. Alaska was supplied mostly by sea from the
south. 31 In 1942, within only weeks of the attack on Pearl Harbour, the United States received permission
from Ottawa to construct the Alaskan Highway from Dawson Creek, British Columbia, across northern British Columbia and the Yukon territory to Fairbanks, Alaska. The stated purpose of the new road was to provide a communications and transportation link between the lower forty-eight states and Alaska that was not
susceptible to Japanese attack. The highway was approximately 2500 kilometers long and was constructed in
only one year, in 1942-1943. At its peak, 40000 men and lots of heavy equipment worked on the project. The
highway and the adjacent telephone lines and emergency airstrips were opened to military traffic in November 1943. 32
The Alaskan Highway was a major example of the so-called Northwestern Defense Projects (Canol pipeline
project, Northwest Staging Route, Haines Highway etc.), which brought great changes to the Yukon Territory and the Mackenzie River valley environments and native societies. The defense projects were built with a
series of airstrips, airports, whether stations, radar stations and radio ranging stations in British Columbia,
the Yukon and Alaska. The Canol Pipeline linked the oil fields at Norman Wells to a refinery in Whitehorse.
Three pipelines were built to take refined oil to Skagway and Fairbanks in Alaska, and to Watson Lake in the
Yukon. 33 The Northwest Staging Route, built by Canada and the US between 1940 and 1944, is an air route
from Edmonton, over northwestern Canada to Fairbanks, Alaska, which proved important for the support of
defense projects in the northwest and for delivering aircraft to Alaska and the Soviet Union (known there as
Alsib, the Alaska- SIBerian air road). Major landing fields in Canada included Grande Prairie, Fort St John,
Fort Nelson, Watson Lake and Whitehorse. 34 The Northwest Staging Route also provided a diplomatic route
between Washington, D.C. and Moscow. Diplomats, senior political figures and other government officials
shuttled back and forth along it in transports during the war. 35
The most important defense project in north-eastern Canada was the Crimson Route (also called the North
East Staging Route). This was a set of joint United States and Canadian transport routes planned for ferrying
planes and material from North America to Europe during World War II. The project ended in 1943 and was
never fully developed. However, the newly-built airfields of Goose Bay, Fort Chimo, Frobisher Bay, The
Pas, Churchill and Southampton Island in 1941-1942 opened up the Canadian Arctic Archipelago and
Greenland to air traffic. A telecommunications network was also built in association with the airfields.36
As an extension of the Crimson Route, the United States occupied both Greenland – a Danish colony - and
Iceland April on 8, 1941 to help to ensure the security of trans-Atlantic convoys to European battlefields and
the Allied supplies of the Soviet Union through the port of Murmansk. The Thule air base in Greenland and
the Keflavik air base in Iceland were witness to the hegemony of the United States in Greenland and Iceland.
This was a strategic countermove, because Germany has occupied both Denmark and Norway in the early
stage of the war. Denmark regained Greenland in 1945, but the US maintained its military presence in Thule,
in the north of Greenland. 37
31
Coates 1993, 62-80.
Coates & Morrison 1992, 63-64.
Coates & Morrison 1992, 63 and Emmerson 2011,199. The Canol was closed already in 1945, because oil was then deemed to be too
costly in the peacetime world.
34
Northwest Staging Route (http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/articles/northwest-staging-route, The Canadian Encyclopedia.
35
Hays, Jr.,1996.
36
Coates & Morrison 1992, 64-65.
37
Emmerson 2011, 124, 137. In 2006, the United States ended over half a century of military presence in Iceland and shifted the
Keflavík airbase to Iceland, see Taagholt 1952, 23-24.
32
33
55
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Rising demand for agricultural products (wheat, flour, and bacon) produced a three- to fourfold increase in
Canadian exports of those commodities between 1939 and 1945.38 Demand for canned and cured freshwater
and saltwater fish also increased sharply because of the wartime exigencies which encouraged further expansion of fishing operations and the intensification of fishing with the federal government support.39
After the war, the United States, which had escaped the ravages of war, became an economic and military
superpower. 40 It became the “locomotive” for post-war economic reconstruction in Western Europe and Japan as well as the world economy as a whole. Thus the US consumption of raw materials also rapidly increased. The World War II and the Korean War had exposed the gaps in U.S. raw materials procurement.
Canada’s role as a raw material supplier to the United States grew significantly after the war, and the country’s abundant natural resources were also needed for the reconstruction of Europe. This had its effects in the
Canadian north as well. 41
In the Paley Report,42 commissioned by the U.S., Canada was considered the most reliable supplier of 13 of
the 22 indispensable raw materials (nickel, copper, lead, zinc, asbestos, iron ore, sulphur, titanium, cobalt,
oil, natural gas, newsprint and aluminum). In line with the policies outlined in that report, Canada became
increasingly close integrated into the U.S. sphere of influence as a specialized producer of raw materials.
Canada’s own post-war governments participated in paving the way for this “American resource capitalism”,
as, for example, Prime Minister John Diefenbaker’s Roads to Resources programme (1959–1970) shows. 43
The programme included improving the railway and road network of Canada’s northern provinces. The goal
was to channel the natural resources of this region, called the “Middle North”, to benefit industry. 44
Almost all provinces had their own northern development programs, which had different emphases. In British Columbia, the first post-war government to undertake promoting new economic activity was the LiberalConservative coalition administration that ran the province from 1941 to 1952. The Coalition government
worked to foster northern resource use and transportation development throughout its term in office. John R.
Wedley 45 describes the Coalition government’s northern interest as follows:
The first post-war government to undertake the challenge of promoting new economic activity in
northern B.C. was the Liberal-Conservative coalition administration that ran the province from 1941
to 1952. Led by Premier John Hart and, after 1947, by Premier Byron (Boss) Johnson, the Coalition
government worked diligently to foster northern resource use and transportation development
throughout its term in office. In so doing, it launched a post-war governmental assault on the north that
would proceed without interruption for nearly twenty-five years.
The Coalition's interest in the north of British Columbia was also aroused by a comprehensive northern resources survey, begun in 1943 by a special U.S.-Canada Economic Committee, called the North Pacific
Planning Project. Its aim was to jointly develop a huge territory encompassing northern B.C., Alaska, northern Alberta, the Yukon, and the Mackenzie region of the Northwest Territories. Both the United States and
Canada eventually lost interest and withdrew from the project, but the North Pacific Planning Project in its
38
Wynn 2007,274.
Piper 2009, 174-179, 194-195.
Shannon 1996, 86.
41
Zaslow 1988, 237. Tucker (2007, 135-150 has an interesting story on how World War II caused an strategic crisis in the U.S. rubber
supply and the associated rise of synthetic rubber.
42
Resources for freedom 1952.
43
Marchak 1983, 39 and Wynn 2007, 315.
44
Zaslow 1988, 253.
45
Wedley 1990-91, 58-92 gives an extensive report on the northern policy.
39
40
56
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early phase, around 1943-44, caused considerable excitement in the province and encouraged the Coalition
to believe that the time was ripe for industrial expansion on the northern frontier. 46
The Coalition's role in northern development has also been overshadowed by the high level of activity that
took place during the ensuing Social Credit administration of Premier W.A.C. Bennett. The Opening of the
North -program centered on the development of the wood-processing industry, the mining industry and hydroelectric power. An important project in the program was revitalising the Pacific Great Eastern railway
plan as a reaction to a good market in raw materials in the 1950s. 47 The underlying reason for all these projects was the channeling of northern natural resources for the use of industry in the southern centers.
In Manitoba, since the transport network of the northern regions was fairly well developed even before the
World War II, the main focus was on improving it. The foundation of the system included the water transport
system on Lake Winnipeg, the Hudson Bay Railway (completed as far as Churchill by 1929) from The Pas
to Churchill and highways to The Pas and Flin Flon. A route to the considerable ore and mineral deposits of
northern Manitoba and Saskatchewan had thus been opened up. For example, a nickel mine near the Hudson
Bay Railway, coppermines at Lynn Lake, Fox Lake, Ruttan Lake and Flin Flon were developed. In the late
1950s, the huge Nelson River Hydroelectric Project was founded, later including the diversion of the upper
Churchill River into the Nelson River and the transformation of Lake Winnipeg, the world's 11th largest
freshwater lake, into a hydroelectric reservoir. The eutrophication of Lake Winnipeg it is not primarily
caused by the war, but nitrogen and phosphorus emissions from cities, agriculture and livestock rising. However, Manitoba Hydro’s dams have compounded the problem by controlling flow and preventing the surplus
nutrients from travelling downstream. 48
In Quebec, the building of the St. Lawrence Seaway in 1954-1959 was directly linked to the post-war American interest in Canadian resources. The Seaway is the usual name for a system of locks, canals and channels
that permit ocean-going vessels to travel from the Atlantic Ocean to the North American Great Lakes, as far
as Lake Superior. The declining iron ore deposits in the Mesabi Ranges of Minnesota had provided a major
impetus to Seaway construction, an interest which grew when the iron ore deposits of the Ungava District of
the Labrador-Quebéc border region were discovered. The Iron Ore Company of Canada was formed to exploit the new reserves. The Company built a 575 kilometer long railroad from Sept-Iles on the St. Lawrence
River to Knob Lake, where the town of Schefferville was erected as the center of mining operations.49 In
Quebec, World War II also prompted an economic revival. Kenneth McRoberts and Dale Posgate describes
the province’s northern drive because of the war: 50
The armed forces, in spite of Quebec’s political resistance to conscription, provided one type of escape
from unemployment for 120,000 French Canadians. The war also opened up Quebec’s interior. It contained the strategic resources to feed the industrial boom in war production, was vulnerable to attack,
and reasonably close to the industrial centres. Quebec’s raw materials played an important part in the
development of the continental economic structure that began to emerge in Canada during the war
years.
In Quebec, the most important new investments were made in the Manicouagan-Outardes system on the
North Shore and in the James Bay region to support the building of hydroelectric power plants. The factor
46
Wedley 1990-91, 65, Bradbury 1982,349.
Bradbury 1982, 349-354, Marchak 1983, 38–40.
48
Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 86, 89-90, see also Casey 2006.
49
Wynn 2007, 281-291.
50
McRoberts &Postgate,1980,38.
47
57
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driving the development of the Quebec-Labrador iron ore mines was the increase in demand for steel caused
by the war. 51
The post-war resource boom in Newfoundland was particularly influenced by Premier Joseph Smallwood’s
policies, which were based on exploiting the province’s natural resources by giving private big business relatively free rein. For instance, in 1952 the Premier presented the British Rothschilds with the idea for an integrated development project for Labrador’s natural resources. The Rothschilds considered the plan “somewhat remote”. However, they established, a development company called Brinco, for the purpose of exploiting mineral, hydroelectric and forest resources in Labrador and Newfoundland. Brinco later implemented
one of the largest hydroelectric power schemes in the world by harnessing the falls of the Churchill River. 52
The diversion of water through the power station has meant “the virtual elimination of the Falls and its associated unique environment”. 53
In Canada the new resource-based industrialization caused quite a few local environmental problems although no major catastrophes happened. Graeme Wynn 54 describes the social and environmental effects of
highway construction being as “enormous” as new diseases, the melting of permafrost, fires, waste, fuel oil
spills and decreasing stocks of fish and wildlife followed the huge projects. The native people were also excluded from their traditional hunting territories. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of the highway
in opening up regions previously accessible only to canoes, barges, and bush planes. British Columbia, in
particular, benefited from the construction of the Alaska Highway, which made it possible to build the first
road to the Peace River region, with the aim of being able to harness hydroelectric power.
In Canada, defense projects briefly destroyed game hunting as a livelihood across large areas. Forest fires,
which broke out as result of the projects, were an important reason for the decline in the game stocks. Thousands of military personnel and civilians decimated the game stock by overhunting. 55 P. Whitney Lackenbauer and Matthew Farish 56 describe the environmental and health effects of these military projects in the
western sub-Arctic:
These military mega-projects radically transformed the human and physical geography of the
North. Bulldozers tore permafrost off the ground, disrupting ecosystems and creating impassable
quagmires. Forest fires, logging, over-hunting, and over-fishing depleted resources in the region.
Immigrant workers brought diseases, from measles to VD, which devastated indigenous population [sic].
The traditional cut-and-run forestry continued because there was no shortage of forest reserves, and there
was not enough political pressure to adopt ecologically sound forest management. A descriptive term quite
commonly used in critical Canadian forest research is “forest mining”, which refers to efficient felling regardless of forest management aspects. The forest industry has faced increased opposition from indigenous
peoples and nature conservationists since the 1950s. This opposition made conflicts more common in the
Canadian forestry regions. 57 In all, there were tens of thousands of American military and civilian workers
carrying out various duties in Canada during the war, with virtually no supervision from Canadians, forming
a kind of friendly army of occupation. The greatest changes took place in the Yukon and the Northwest Ter-
51
Rea1976, 58–60; Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 89, Wallace 1982, 383.
Newfoundland 1980, 4–12; Neary 1980; Wynn 2007, 311-312.
53
Crabb 1973, 334.
54
Wynn 2007, 281-283.
55
Zaslow 1988, 209.
56
Lackenbauer & Farish 2008, 5-6.
57
Marchak 1983, 67–80.
52
58
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ritories, which had previously been thought of as a “wasteland”. During the war, the changes confronting
native people in the provincial and territorial north were small and localized, but after that they saw a great
deal of turmoil and upheaval, much of it in the name of progress, charity and social engineering.
After the war, Canada’s own post-war governments participated in paving the way for this “American resource capitalism”. Almost all provinces had their own northern development programs, which had different
emphases. The many signs of progress include: highways, railways, radio and television, schools, recreational and cultural facilities, airline services, thousands of new jobs in resource and service industries, all favorable for modern businesses. But this development had its extractive features as more and more peripherical
lands were opened up to war-induced modernization.
In North America, there is a resource capitalist version of the extractive economy. The economic centre of
gravity shifted to the North, and almost the whole of northern North America, from Labrador to Alaska,
came under the influence of the various war projects. This resource capitalism proceeded in harmony with
the aims of the provinces and/or federal governments trying to attract new investment to their areas.
Northern Soviet Union
Christopher Chase-Dunn portrayed the Soviet Union’s position in the world-system during and after World
War II as an authoritarian and repressive semi-peripheral state. It attempted to improve its competitive position relative to the core as part of a drive to become a great socialist world power. In the 1930s, starting with
a very limited industrial base, the Soviet state embarked on a policy of rapid, forced modernization and industrialization, including high capital accumulation obtained by limiting consumption, forced collectivization of agriculture to extract the maximum surplus and necessary food production from the peasantry, and
forms of coerced labour. Its centrally planned economies were plagued by bureaucratic mismanagement and
burdened by massive military expenditures.58
During World War II, the Soviet Union, however, developed into a “military giant and at the same time,
economically poor, deprived and unbalanced” as Paul Kennedy puts it.59 The Soviet Union was clearly a
semi-periphery economically, but a core in the military sectors. It concentrated upon military-industrial production and made drastic decreases in every other sector, like consumer goods, retail trade, and agricultural
production. In the military area, the Soviet Union was the largest defense establishment in the world.
World War II represented a major turning-point in the history of the Soviet Union and, consequently, the
northern and eastern part of the country. For our analysis of northern expansion in the Soviet Union, we will
also focus somewhat on the eastern territories of the country. There are two main reasons to enlarge our perspective: the harsh climatic conditions in most of the eastern USSR, which make living conditions there the
equivalent of the circumpolar regions 60 and the general importance of the East for the Soviet war economy.
Official Soviet rhetoric often referred to the east as the “strong people” and the considerable natural resources of the east helped to save the country from German occupation.
58
Chase-Dunn (1982) sees the Soviet Union as a semi-periphery. See also Shannon 1996, 71-45,125.
Kennedy 1987, 362-363.
60
For the territorial conceptualisation of the Soviet North we follow the official Soviet demarcation of the ‘Far North’, and ‘Regions
equated to the Far North’, which also included a large part of the eastern territories. This concept was officially used from 1932 to
calculate of subsidies for people working in the remote northern and eastern regions (‘Polozhenie ... 1932). Slavin (1982, 12-13), an
influential soviet economist, later divided the northern part of the Soviet Union into far and near northern economic zones, which
depended on the status of the region in question in the country’s economy and the opportunities for economic development this region
provided.
59
59
______________________________________________________________________________
Before we move on to the war-induced changes in the Soviet north and east, we comment briefly on the prewar northern expansion and effects of the revolution and the Gulag system, which were also essential during
World War II. The northern extension of the Soviet economy during and after the World War II was firmly
based on the consolidation of Soviet power during the pre-war period. Soviet authorities started to pay special attention to the northern periphery of the country soon after the revolution of 1917: Lenin first supporting scientific explorations in the Arctic in 1918 while Stalin continued this trend involving the northern territories into the industrialization campaign. In the words attributed to Stalin by a Deputy Chairman of the
Council of Peoples Commissars in 1936: “The Arctic and our northern regions have colossal wealth. We
must create a Soviet organization which can in the shortest period include this wealth in the general resources of our socialist structure.” 61 The ruling Soviet elite prioritized development of natural resources in
the northern and north-eastern parts of USSR with the intention of reducing dependence on the raw materials
of the capitalist countries and also to earn foreign currency to acquire machinery for industry. 62 The indigenous people of the North should have taken part in the industrial development and turned into useful and
productive citizens, with little heed paid to the preservation of their ethnic cultures. 63
The distribution of industrial production in the pre-war Soviet Union was rather unbalanced, almost all industries being concentrated in a few highly industrialized regions in the European part of country. 64 The
northern periphery mainly supplied raw materials for industries situated in the milder climatic conditions.
Several new industrial complexes for production of mineral resources were built in the North before the
WWII, but only for development of the most valuable and rich deposits, since the Soviet authorities then
61
Na priyeme v Kremle 1936, 6-27, cited by Armstrong 1965,154.
Popov 2002, 4–10.
63
Vakhtin 1992, Appelbaum 2004 and McNeill 2004,162-166.
64
Kantor 1991, 88-89.
62
60
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prioritized quick resource extraction at the lowest possible cost. 65 The major industries built in the northern
regions before WWII were situated in the European part of the northern periphery: three mining complexes
on the Kola Peninsula (Murmansk Oblast) – Kirovsk, Pechenga and Monchegorsk, a shipyard in the Arkhangel region in Molotovsk (now Severodvinsk), and several paper mills in Karelia and the Arkhangel Oblast. There were also several other large enterprises under construction, but they were not finished before the
war. There were also many small-size enterprises constructed with minimal infrastructure alongside the mineral deposits in order to process minerals and transport those southwards to a production site. 66
The extremely poor transport communications in all northern regions of the USSR meant that the northern
expansion before WWII was primarily focused on construction of transportation networks of all kinds: automobile, railroad and sea transport routes. Only a very few automobile roads in bad condition existed in the
northern and eastern peripheries before Soviet times. There were two major railroads constructed shortly
before the revolution of 1917: the Petrograd – Romanov-na-Murmane railroad (later Leningrad - Murmansk)
and the Trans-Siberian Railway, both of which were completed in 1916 and opened up North-West Russia,
Siberia and the Russian Far East to economic development. 67 The Leningrad-Murmansk railway, renovated
in the early 1930s, enabled transportation of nickel and apatite from Monchegorsk and Kirovsk to the south
and stimulated the economy of the entire North-Western USSR. Another important railway was the Pechorskaya railway, Konosha – Kotlas – Vorkuta (1,558 kilometers), built by the labor of prisoners in 19401941. The main purpose was to transport coal from Pechora and oil from Ukhta (the Komi Republic) to the
north-western Soviet Union.
65
Bolotova &Vorobyev 2007, 29-41.
Slavin 1982, 155.
Marks 1991, Heywood 1999.
66
67
61
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One of the best-known and most ambitious constructions of the pre-war period was Belomorkanal – the
White Sea–Baltic Sea Canal opened in 1933, which was built by the labor of Gulag68 prisoners. This canal
connects the Baltic Sea with Lake Onega which is further connected to the White Sea. 69 Another important
waterway was the Northern Sea Route in use from 1932, which goes along the Arctic coast connecting the
Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Its administration became an influential factor in the development of the Arctic
coast of the Soviet Union.
The work force of the industrialization process in the northern and eastern part of the USSR was to a large
extent based on the labor of Gulag prisoners. There were already prison camps in Siberia in the tsarist era,
but the actual forced labor camp system was established during the Soviet era, particularly under Stalin,
starting from the late 1920s. The secret police (OGPU - NKVD) shouldered a considerable responsibility for
the economic development of the Soviet Union, especially in mining and wood production. It controlled the
vast territory from the Solovetski Islands to the Kamchatka Peninsula, which was very thinly populated. The
Gulag labor camps served the goal of coping with the lack of a work force in the remote northern and eastern
regions. The Gulag system was a flexible one from the point of view of production, since camps could be
quickly moved to sites suffering from labor shortages.70
The Gulag not only developed into a network of penal establishments but also into an economic system. 71
The duties of the penal colonies and economic organizations were united and managed by regional departments of the secret police. In the northern and eastern regions such organizations often had absolute power.
The majority specialized in the mining industries, but in practice they controlled all activities in the region. A
striking example of such a regional organization was Dalstroy in the Far East of the USSR, which administered more than 130 prison camps in an area that stretched over more than 2 million square kilometers in the
Magadan region. The total area ruled by Dalstroy reached its peak in 1951, when one seventh of the area of
the Soviet Union was under its control. 72
Before we consider the development of the northern and eastern peripheries during WWII, some important
historical facts should be mentioned. On August 24, 1939, the Soviet Union signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop
Pact with Nazi Germany. In a secret clause of the pact, Finland, Estonia, eastern Poland, Latvia and Bessarabia (part of Romania) were shifted to the Soviet sphere of influence. The Soviet Union used the early years
of the war to strengthen its position in its “own” sphere. On 30 November 1939, the Soviet Union attacked
Finland, called in Finland the Winter War (Fin. talvisota) and the Soviet–Finland War 1939–1940 in the
Soviet Union. The following year, the USSR annexed the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, as
well as parts of Romania. 73
However, the Soviet Union did not avoid war with the Axis powers (Germany, Italy, Japan, Hungary, Romania, and Slovakia). On June 22, 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, effectively ending the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. The Japanese leadership was also interested in oil and other natural resources in Siberia. Despite its non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union, it considered an invasion of Siberia, if the Soviet
68
Gulag is an abbreviation of Glavnoe upravlenie lagerey, the main camp administration.
More than 170,000 prisoners participated in building the White Sea–Baltic Sea Canal. Thousands of people perished during its construction but from the government’s viewpoint the project was a great success and was completed in less than two years, an amazingly
short time. Later, the construction of the canal was used for advertising Soviet efficiency. After this experimental stage in Soviet Karelia,
the Gulag system began to develop very quickly, particularly in the northern and north-eastern regions of the Soviet Union. Ruder
(1998) gives number of 126,000 prisoners working at the construction between 1931 and 1933. See also Chukhin (1990).
70
The origins and expansion of the Gulag system, Bacon (1996), 42-47, 55.
71
Borodkin, Gregori & Khlevnyuk 2005.
72
Norlander 2005,239–254.
73
Liddell Hart 1970, 16-17,54-61.
69
62
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Union was sufficiently weakened by the war. 74 The Soviet Union became one of the main members of the
Allies, a huge anti-German coalition at the start of the war. After October 1941, the country was also eligible
for lend-lease, according to which American deliveries of aircraft, tanks, and other supplies began to flow to
the USSR. 75
It is said that Germany destroyed 1,500 towns in the Soviet Union and more than 25 million people were
moved to regions such as Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Siberia. The evacuation of Soviet industry to the eastern and northern peripheries began at the end of June 1941 and continued until the end of December. In order
to save the war industry, 1,523 large industrial plants were moved east during the war and 3,500 new ones
were also built. Industrial plants that hitherto produced non-military items were also converted to serve the
armaments industry. 76 In general, all production was re-oriented to military interests. Nearly half of the
evacuated factories went to the Urals, the rest to the Volga region, Western Siberia, Kazakhstan and Central
Asia, while a handful travelled still further to Eastern Siberia. A permanent eastward shift in the Soviet defense industry’s center of gravity resulted. Because of the war, the industrial output of the country’s economic heartland plummeted to a fraction of what it used to be. 77
The Ural Mountains region became one of the industrial heartlands of the Soviet Union because its mineral
deposits were fairly well mapped out and the transport network was already developed. Major transfers of
industrial plants included moving the Kirovskiy plant from Leningrad to the Ural region and moving two
aluminum factories, one from Dnepropetrovsk, Ukraine, and the other from Leningrad to the Ural region.
The Severonikel plant was moved from Monchegorsk to Norilsk in the Komi Republic, and to Uzhuralnikel
(another Soviet nickel plant) in the southern Ural region. Ironworks were also transferred to Uzhuralnikel, in
addition to the Amur Valley in the Soviet Far East.78
The evacuation of the factories was directed more eastwards than northwards in the Soviet Union because of
the very poor transportation networks, harsh climate and long distances in northern regions. Nevertheless,
northern and north-eastern regions played a very important role during the WWII period, providing minerals
and ore for machinery and other industries that started to work intensively in the eastern regions in 1942
once the evacuation process was completed. The orientation to development of military-oriented production
required intensification of natural resource extraction. Gold was the most important ore in the northern Far
East (Kolyma, Aldan), which was called “metal number one” by the Soviet media. It paid for imported machinery and equipment, airplanes and food.79 The war added the task of finding volumes of specific raw materials for military production. Aluminum was a very important mineral in the war conditions because it is
necessary for arms production. Another important mineral which belongs among the so-called 'strategic minerals' was nickel. At the end of WWII, two more minerals, uranium and diamonds, became very important.
As huge defense and metallurgical factories were transported to the remote interior, sparsely settled rural
communities were required to develop rail and road links, electric power lines and generating capacity,
homes and services for workers, in a brief period of weeks and months. Prison labor was used to build
transport networks, such as roads, railways and airfields, in the northern regions. The Northern Sea Route
74
Vuorisalo & Lahdenperä 2007, 412.
Harrison 1994/2008, 250. According to a barter agreement concluded by the Soviet Union and the United States, the Soviet Union
bartered natural resources, such as gold, tin, timber, furs and caviar for tanks, cars, oil products, railway engines and rails, food and
clothing; see Butenina 2004, 104–106, 292.
76
Voznesenskiy 1948, 42–43; Narodonaselenie. Entsiklopedicheskiy slovar’ 1994, 561; Velikaya otechestvennaya voyna, 1941–1945.
Entsiklopediya. (Encyclopaedia of the Great Patriotic War), 1985, 739.
77
Harrison 1994/2008, 250-253.
78
Slavin 1972.
79
The Trans-Siberian Railway was completed in 1916 and opened up Siberia and the Russian Far East to economic development, see
Marks 1991and Butenina 2004, 104–106, 292.
75
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was essential to the war effort because war materials and food could be imported from the west through it.
This shipping route was complemented by river navigation to the interior of Siberia.80
Railways had great military and strategic importance because they made it possible to transport heavy vehicles and troops. In the northern periphery, two routes were particularly important: the Leningrad – Murmansk railway and the Pechorskaya railway line. When the Donbass coal mines in Ukraine were lost to the
enemy and new sources of coal were needed for energy production, the Pechorskaya railway was used to
transport coal from Pechora to central Russia. The first coal train from Pechora arrived in Leningrad in December 1941. 81
Several important roads were built during the war, once again by using the labor of Gulag prisoners. The
Kolyma road from Magadan to Ust’-Nera, which was more than 1,000 kilometers in length, was constructed
because of the gold deposits found in and around the River Kolyma. An enormous number of people died of
cold and starvation during its construction. The road came into use during the war but it was not fully completed until 1953. 82 The most important air-traffic route created during the World War II was the 4,850 kilometer-long Alaska–Siberia route (ALSIB). It was used in 1942–1945 to transport destroyers from the United
States to the Soviet Union. Several thousand prisoners participated in building the airstrips. After the war,
information on this air route was classified as highly secret in the Soviet Union. 83
Special reindeer-transport brigades run by indigenous people – the Saami, Nenets and Komi - were organized at the front on the Kola peninsula and some other places. These brigades were used for transportation
of military goods, sending the injured back from the front line, contacts with partisans and other needs. During the war, more than 10,000 people were evacuated from the front line by indigenous reindeer herders.
Besides, 17,000 tons of weapons and military goods were delivered to the front through off-road areas. Indigenous people were also used for fishing and hunting for military purposes.84
During the World War II, many people were driven into internal exile within the Soviet Union, contributing
to the northern expansion. The purposes of the forced migration were both to reduce security risks to the
Soviet state and to sovietise conquered peoples. According to Anne Applebaum, the expulsions constituted
ethnic cleansing that was carried out under the pretence of war. The forced migrations were based on Stalin’s
grand plan for “settling the northern regions of the USSR”. An estimated two million people were exiled
from their home districts and transported to Central Asia and Siberia. The largest group among the many
different peoples and ethnic groups were the 1.2 million Volga Germans, who had been recruited to Russia
as immigrants in the 18th century. They were transported to Central Asia and Siberia because the authorities
claimed that there were “thousands and thousands of dissidents and spies among them” [sic]. 85
In addition to the internal “administrative transfers” (the term used by the official propaganda), hundreds of
thousands of people from the Soviet-occupied areas were transported to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the
placement of hundreds of thousands of prisoners of war that resulted from the defeat of the Axis powers also
fuelled the northern expansion. According to calculations by Applebaum, the total amounted to approximately 760,000, the largest group of which comprised people exiled from Eastern Poland. 86
80
Spasskiy 1996, 9–10.
Azarov 2012.
82
See Shirokov 2000, 145–146.
83
Paperno 1997, 2, 125–126; Negenblya 2000.
84
Kiselev 1995. A Swedish ethnographer Kerstin Eidlitz (1979, 184) writes, somewhat ironically in this context, that the Soviet Union has
never accepted nomadism, but has always striven to get the nomads settled or restricted as far as possible.
85
Appelbaum 2004, 383–387. For experiences of Finnish prisoners, see Vettenniemi 2001.
86
Appelbaum 2004, 383.
81
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The significant turning-points in the Germany’s total defeat were in Stalingrad on January 31, 1943 and the
lifting the Siege of Leningrad on 27 January 1944, 872 days after it began. The USSR then launched a new
offensive from the east, recapturing the areas which Germany had occupied. On May 2, 1945, Soviet troops
completed the capture of Berlin and all remaining German troops surrendered within a few days. The war in
Europe was over.
However, the wartime Soviet economy was not dismantled, continuing as actively as ever after the war and
during the Cold War. One of the most ambitious projects was thought up by Stalin himself, claims a Russian
modern historian. 87 This was to dig a tunnel from the Soviet mainland to Sakhalin Island. The decision to
excavate the 10 kilometer tunnel and build a 1,000 kilometer railway, which was to join it to the Komsomolsk-na-Amure and Pobedino was made by the Supreme Soviet in 1950. This project also used prison labor. The project and about 20 other mega-projects (railways, the Arctic Circle road, etc.), which exploited
the labor of hundreds of thousands of prisoners, were abandoned only in 1953 when Stalin died. The Arctic
Circle railroad, still visible in the northern tundra, was later known as the “Road of Death”, as a monument
to Stalin’s tyranny. 88
The Gulag system reached its height after the World War II, covering the entire country although it was at its
most intense in the country’s northern and eastern regions. In 1950, the Gulag system accounted for as much
as seven percent of the Soviet gross national product. A total of approximately 1.7. – 2.7 million people lost
their lives in the Gulag Archipelago. 89
The main objective of the military industry after the World War II was the development of nuclear weapons,
destroyers, missiles and radar technology. To this end, three special committees (Glavks) were established
within the military industry complex. They had nearly unlimited financing and almost absolute power in the
Soviet Union. All organizations in the country were bound to immediately meet the requests of these super
ministries. As a consequence, the entire Soviet economy was subordinated to the needs of the armaments
industry at the expense of other industries.90
The Soviet nuclear bomb project had already been launched during the war. The first uranium mine was
opened in 1942. A secret uranium mine complex was also built during the war in Central Asia, in addition to
a laboratory in Moscow for developing the bomb. After the Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear bombs had
been dropped, work continued more urgent than ever, and the mightiest of all the super-ministries, led by L.
Beria, (Glavk №1) was established. The first Soviet nuclear bomb tests were carried out in 1949 and the first
“peaceful” nuclear power plant were commissioned in 1954. 91
Uranium prospecting was extended to the entire Soviet Union, and in 1946 uranium of relatively poor quality
was discovered near the Kolyma River in the Soviet Far East. However, the problem was not solved until
1950 when significant uranium deposits were discovered in Central Asia. Soviet uranium output, once again
produced by prison labor, doubled between 1945 and 1950. In 1949, Stalin decided to establish several uranium and plutonium plants, located in the eastern Soviet Union, as far as possible from a dreaded attack by
87
Kostanov 2012, 15.
Armstrong 1965, 135-141, Gritsenko & Kalinin 2010.
Popov 2002,122; Kokurin & Petrov 2002. Many scholars have speculated about the number of the victims in the Gulag. About 28
million people passed through the Gulag system. A minimum number of victims might be 1.7 million during the entire Soviet era, which
seems fairly small. Edwin Bacon (1996, 24) gives an exact number of 2 561 351 (based on the Russian sources) when number of
prisoners of Gulag camps and colonies was at its highest in 1950. Appelbaum (2004, 515-522) estimates the number of victims at 2.7
million, but seems to believe that the true figure is higher.
90
Pyzhikov & Danilov 2002,109.
91
Pyzhikov & Danilov 2002, 122; Simonov 1996, 191.
88
89
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the United States. The first plutonium-producing plant (Krasnoyarsk-26) was dug into rock in Krasnoyarsk
using prison labor in 1949. The second plant, which produces nuclear materials, was established near Tomsk
in the same year. 92
After the death of Stalin, during the Cold War period the incoming migration to the northern peripheries
continued, but on a voluntary basis, stimulated by the authorities with special northern benefits and incentives and powered by new industrial schemes and technology. Enormous post-war infrastructure projects,
such as the BAM railway, hydroelectric power stations in Siberia, military, air and radar bases, industrial
cities, nuclear and space research centers, and oil and other energy projects also meant internal expansion
towards the north and east. It is no miracle therefore that the population of Siberia increased four- or fivefold
over the 1926–1956 periods. 93
The World War II demonstrated that modern development was not possible without cheap fossil fuels. The
first oil deposits in the northern Soviet Union had been discovered in the 1930s in Komi. 94 After the war,
deposits were discovered in the West Siberian plains between the Ob’ and Yenisey rivers in 1953. The exploitation of the oilfield, which later proved to be one of the largest in the world, began in 1963–1964. In the
following decades, enormous natural gas fields were discovered in West Siberia and the Yamal Peninsula
(such as Urengoy, Yamburg and Bovanenko), which have been calculated to contain a third of the known
gas reserves in the world. In addition to West Siberia, oil and gas were also pumped in the Pechora River
valley west of the Urals. 95
In all, the totalitarian and repressive version of the extractive economy developed in the Soviet Union during
World War II. It can be called the forced extractive economy with the Gulag system as its main economic
and political organization. However, the Soviet Union made a significant contribution to the defeat of the
Nazis and emerged from the war as one of the two post-war military superpowers. One of the most important
reasons why the Red Army was able to defeat the Wehrmacht was the northern and eastern shift and expansion of the industrial heart of the country. The transport connections of the northern and eastern peripheries
of the country greatly improved as a result of the expansion. This expansion was based on forced labor and
prison camps, but, at least after the War, with some real financial benefits. In this highly centralized system,
little thought was given to the huge human and ecological cost of this expansion.96
Northern Finland
At the outbreak of World War II, Finland’s position in the world-system was a minor borderland between the
core (Germany) and the semi-periphery (the Soviet Union). 97 The weak position of Finland in the world system is illustrated in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 24 August 1939 between Germany and the Soviet Union. In a secret clause of the agreement, Finland (with eastern Poland, Estonia, Latvia and part of Romania) was shifted to the Soviet sphere of influence. This pact was to be the start of the Finnish involvement
in the World War II. 98
92
Kruglov 2002, 21-31.
Eidlitz 1979; Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 45–53.
Appelbaum 2004, 90–92. Large-scale oil exploration started in the Russian Empire in 1870 around Baku on the Caspian Sea. In the
Russian arctic, some wells were drilled near Ukhta between 1869 and 1917. The Russian Empire still led the large-scale world oil production at the turn of the century, see McNeill 2000, 292 and Emmerson 2011, 197.
95
Armstrong , Rogers and Rowley 1978, 31-36; Goldman 1980, 34–35. Currently, the expansion of the Siberian oil and gas industry on
the continental shelves of the Arctic Ocean seems probable. The Russian oil and gas business is gravitating towards the control of
American–Russian joint ventures. The latest trend is cooperation between China and Russia in harnessing the energy reserves in Siberia.
96
Armstrong 1965, 171.Traditional Soviet policy towards the northern peoples has been to promote their material well-being as judged
by Soviet standards and, if neccessery, using force, but to inhibit their political and cultural development.
97
Shannon 1996, 61,86-87.
98
Jakobson 1961;Spring 1986.
93
94
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The Winter War against the Soviet Union began with a Soviet offensive on 30 November 1939 – three
months after the start of World War II and the German invasion of Poland – and ended on 13 March 1940
with the Moscow Peace Treaty. During the Winter War, 23,000 men were killed and more than 43,000
wounded in Finland. However, the Soviet Union suffered much greater casualties and failed to conquer Finland. This might be the most important root of the misconception that the USSR was not a first-class military
power, and that Germany no longer needed to view the Soviet Union as a serious military or economic
threat. 99
The focus of the Winter War was not in northern Finland but in the Karelian Isthmus. In the Moscow Peace
Treaty, Finland lost the Karelian Isthmus and the cities of Viipuri (Ru. Выборг, Vyborg), Käkisalmi (Ru:
Приозе́рск, Priozersk) and Sortavala (Ru: Сортавала), all in the eastern heartland of the country. More than
400,000 Karelians were evacuated to other parts of Finland. The treaty was seen in Finland as very unjust
and had an influence on the Finnish war-related decisions and activities later on.100
In the Continuation War (25 June 1941 – 19 September 1944), Finland not only recaptured territory lost in
1940 but also continued its offensive deeper into the Soviet Union. To this end, Finland allied actively with
Nazi Germany, which has its own interest in enlisting Finland as its co-belligerent in its advance towards the
Soviet Union. It also had a keen interest in the nickel deposit at Pechanga (Fin. Petsamo) and a copper mine
at Outokumpu. German self-sufficiency in copper during the war was only 30% and in nickel it was almost
non-existent. Germany hoped that Pechenga would satisfy 70% of its entire war-time nickel requirement.
Finland, in turn, was able to acquire armaments and even everyday bread by selling its copper and nickel to
Germany. 101
At the same time, the German occupation of Finland was a part of penetration of German forces into other
Nordic countries, Denmark and Norway, on 9 April 1940. The most important reason for the invasion was
to control of the Baltic Sea and the North Atlantic naval and shipping routes. On 19 August 1940, Finland
agreed to grant access to its territory to the Wehrmacht, the agreement being signed on 22 September. Initially this was for transit of troops and military equipment to and from northernmost Norway, but soon for minor bases along the transit road that eventually would grow in preparation for Operation Barbarossa as well.
The German troops were given the responsibility of defending the northern and eastern part of the country.
In the Finnish Lapland, Germany’s main goal was the capture of the key Soviet port at Murmansk through
attacks from Finnish and Norwegian territory. This operation, Silberfuchs, was unsuccessful and the port of
Murmansk continued to operate throughout the war. Finland's own military forces could then be saved for
the south-western front in Karelia. However, Finland kept its army outside the German command structure
despite numerous German attempts to knit them more tightly together.102
Sweden was only Nordic country which remained formally neutral, but it did permit transit of German military goods and soldiers by an agreement reached on 18 June 1940. Germany’s interest was to secure the
export of Swedish iron ore from Kiruna (northern Sweden, Fin. Kiiruna) through Norway’s rail terminus and
the port of Narvik. A total of 2.14 million German soldiers, and more than 100,000 German military railway
carriages crossed Sweden before this traffic was officially suspended on 20 August 1943.103
99
Reese 2008,852.
Finland was also partly dependent on food and armament shipments from Germany. She did not participate directly in the Siege of
Leningrad. William R. Trotter (1991) has written a solid history of the Winter War. There is, of course, a lot research on the Winter War
written in Finnish; for example, Manninen 1994.
101
A Finnish historian, Markku Kuisma (1985, 222-228, 234-235) has analyzed Germany’s interest in Outokumpu’s copper and the
Finnish response to that.
102
Vehviläinen 2002.
103
Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 212–213;Emmerson 2011, 125.
100
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After German losses in Stalingrad in 1943 and later after the Normandy landings on 6th June 1944, Finland
made several efforts to end the Continuation War, with no result. On 9 June 1944, the Red Army launched a
massive attack on Finland. The fact that the enemy had vast numerical superiority and had managed to surprise the Finnish army led to a retreat approximately to the same positions as the Finns were holding at the
end of the Winter War. By September 1944, the Soviet Union had forced Finland into a cease-fire treaty. 104
The Moscow armistice signed by Finland and the Soviet Union on 19 September 1944 ended the Continuation War, though the final peace treaty was not to be signed until 1947 in Paris. The conditions for peace
were similar to those previously agreed in the 1940 Moscow Peace Treaty, with Finland being forced to cede
parts of Finnish Karelia, part of Salla (in Finnish Lapland) and islands in the Gulf of Finland. The new armistice also handed the whole of Petsamo over to the Soviet Union. Finally the armistice also demanded that
Finland drive German troops out of its territory. This demand was the cause of the third successive war in
Finland, the so-called Lapland War. 105
The World War II drastically altered the social and environmental conditions in the Finnish north. The Germans took responsibility for a 500 km stretch of the front in Finnish Lapland, stationing over 200,000 German soldiers in Northern Finland at the peak of the military buildup.
Including the German and Soviet troops in Norway and Soviet Lapland this figure amounted to at least a half
million more inhabitants. The World War II thus emerges as a highly exceptional, absurdly vigorous time
from the point of view of the north. Such a time inevitably left ecological, genetic and cultural traces. The
Germans even built close to 100 labor camps in the area, and imprisoned some 30,000 USSR soldiers there.
There were also some Finnish labor camps in the north. Since Lapland’s infrastructure was very poor, the
prisoners were used as a workforce for tasks such as building and improving roads and bridges. For example,
roads from Karigasniemi–Kaamanen and Muonio-Kilpisjärvi were constructed in this way. 106
The Lapland War resulted in a comparatively small number of casualties, about 1,000 men killed and 3,000
wounded in all. Most of the civilian population of Lapland, totaling 168,000 people, was evacuated to Sweden and Southern Finland, including a total of 2000 Sami people.107 However, material losses were enormous. As they retreated, the German forces devastated large areas of northern Finland with scorched-earth
tactics. As a result, some 40–47% of the dwellings in the area were destroyed, and the provincial capital of
Rovaniemi was burned to the ground, as were the villages of Savukoski and Enontekiö. Two-thirds of the
buildings in the main villages of Sodankylä, Muonio, Kolari, Salla and Pello were demolished, most of the
bridges were blown up, all main roads were mined, and telephone lines were destroyed. 108
The Germans destroyed not only their former bases and camps, but also burned down every Finnish minor
village within their reach, some 16,000 buildings in total. Over 1,000 road bridges, some 100 railroad bridges and 40 ferries were blown up; 170 km of railroad, 9,500 km of road and almost 3,000 culverts were destroyed; and most electricity poles cut down. Tens of thousands of head of cattle and reindeer were killed,
and over 130,000 landmines and other explosives planted across the terrain. In the years after the end of the
war, these mines would kill about 2,000 people.
104
Vehviläinen 2002, 65.
Ahto 1980.
Ursin 1980, 398. As to the prison camps in Lapland, see Seitsonen & Herva 2011.
107
Vehviläinen 2002, 257.
108
Ursin (1980, 395-412) has studied the destructions wreaked by the Lapland War in great detail. Veli-Pekka Lehtola (2007) describes
the fate of the Sami people during the war.
105
106
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Losing Petsamo cut off Finland’s access to the Arctic Ocean and crushed the dreams, particularly prevalent
among right-wing circles, of Finland as a new northern power. However, the key territory Finland lost in
WWII was not in the north, but the Karelian Isthmus in the south-east of the country. The mining of nickel in
Petsamo is connected to the history of the World War II, in many ways. The war made nickel a strategic
metal fought over by the belligerents. The upshot was that Finland lost its nickel mines and finally the whole
Petsamo area to the Soviet Union. 109
109
Eloranta & Nummela 2007, 322–345, see also Vuorisjärvi 1990.
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The war created the basis for extractive exploitation of natural resources in Finnish Lapland.110 Finnish elite
circles have entertained nationalistic and romantic ideas about the north as the “land of the future” as early as
the Finnish autonomous era (19th century), and such ideas were fuelled by the cultural atmosphere of the
early 20th century. 111 The known value of natural resources in Lapland – forests, hydroelectric power, arable
land, and minerals – was still negligible in the 1920s and 1930s. During the World War II, Finnish geographer Ilmari Hustich, for example, clearly saw not only Finnish Lapland but the whole of the northern zone as
a huge region of untapped natural resources, suggesting that the northern countries should take advantage of
these richers. 112The impact of the war was evident in both the 1951 report of a national industrial committee
and in a book by the then Prime Minister, Urho Kekkonen, published in 1952, Onko maallamme malttia
vaurastua? (Has our country the patience to prosper?).
The post-war cession of territories to the Soviet Union, the loss of hydroelectric power from the Vuoksi river
and the expanding forest economy meant that the unharnessed rivers in Northern Finland began to interest
power companies. Opportunities for the cultivation of new arable land in Lapland were also once more considered because the food situation was so poor after the war and domestic politics dictated that promises
made during the war to give to war veterans their own land had to be fulfilled.113
In forestry, areas offering zero profit disappeared and ecologically valuable old-growth forest began to be cut
down. The logic behind clear-felling, the increasingly efficient regeneration of forests, proved to be untenable when the seedling stands planted did not grow as well as expected. 114 Harnessing the Kemijoki river for
hydroelectric power from the estuary upwards put an end to the industry based on anadromous fish in the
river and, with that, an end to the salmon peasant culture. 115 The northward expansion of settlement proved
to be state-subsidized poverty because most of the settlements emptied as the population escaped poverty
and unemployment, either to Sweden or Southern Finland.
The programme of the Finnish government’s industrial committee began with the resource needs of the
country’s government and business life. 116 The underlying motivations were industrialization and compensation for the cession of territories to the Soviet Union caused by the war. The programme did not take into
consideration developing the traditional local means of livelihood in Lapland or the conservation or protection of natural resources. In this sense, it represented intensification of the extractive economy. However,
immediately after the war Lapland was an economically active area with positive net migration, thanks to
new major industrial projects. The loss of migrant fish in Kemijoki aroused much widespread criticism.
Nevertheless, there was no united opposition to the power plants since the mainstream population and the
municipalities gave them their support because of the local jobs they created.117
Northern Norway occupied by Germany suffered from the ravages of war, as well. During the war, the towns
of Kirkenes, Vardø, and Vadsø were bombed. The Germans also built camps for about 75,000 mainly
USSR prisoners of war between 1941 and 1945. About 13,000 – 15,000 of the prisoners were killed. However, it was not until the German retreat in late 1944 that the area between Southern Varanger (Nor: Sør-
110
The following discussion on Finnish Lapland’s development is mainly based on Massa (1994). Ilmari Hustich (1946) gives an unique
overview on Finnish Lapland based on a field trip through the whole area just after the war. Kustaa Vilkuna (1974) gives an idea of how
the whole of the fishing culture in Lapland was lost directly because of the war.
111
Klinge 1982.
112
Hustich 1946, 216. Hustich continued to return to the idea of Finland’s northern natural resource reserves, particularly in his writings
from the 1950s, see Hustich 1953.
113
Varjo 1971, 47-74 and Varjo 1974.
114
Järvinen,Kuusela &Väisänen 1977.
115
Järvikoski 1979 ; Vilkuna 1974.
116
Teollistamiskomitean mietintö 1951.
117
Massa 1994, 234-247.
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Varanger) and Lyngen were nearly completely destroyed. The scorched-earth policy was extended to Finnmark and Troms in Norway and the result was complete destruction of all property and means of communication as the Germans withdrew.Almost the entire population (50,000) had to be evacuated south from
Troms. 118
Consequently, a development plan for Northern Norway was drawn up in the same year (1951) as a similar
plan in Finland. The core of the plan consisted of supporting the mining and extractive industries, particularly the iron and steel works complex in Mo i Rana. Harnessing the hydroelectric power of Northern Norway
was not only intended to the electrify the larger rural areas but also to support aluminum production and
other electrochemical industries.119
The adoption of the northern reserves of fossil fuels, oil and natural gas, is partly connected to the World
War II because the war had exposed the vulnerability of the energy economy of the industrialized western
world. The history of the exploitation of the oil and gas reserves in the continental shelves around the North
Sea and other northern seas began in 1959 with the discovery of the second largest natural gas field in the
world in Slochteren, northern Netherlands. The gas was discovered in sediments, which geologists estimated
would continue west and north, from Dutch coastal waters to the North Sea, all the way to the continental
shelves off Britain and Norway. 120 It was the offshore technology, tested on Lake Maracaibo, in Venezuela,
the Gulf of Mexico and other places in the 1960s, that made the commercial exploitation of offshore oil possible. The discovery of the Ekofisk oil and gas field in 1969 was a turning-point in the history of the North
Sea oil economy. After this, new oil and gas fields were discovered under both the Norwegian and British
continental shelves.
In all, the war history of the Finnish Lapland is in many ways special case. Finland like Denmark, Norway
and to a lesser degree Sweden were colonized by Nazi Germany and became, at least partly, its peripheries.
Finland tried to maintain its independence between the pressures coming from not only from Germany but
also from the Soviet Union. After three wars, the entire infrastructure of Finnish Lapland was destroyed and
some key areas lost. After the war, the country tried to get itself straight to compensate for the loss of Karelia
and put the most prolific natural resources to use, not considering the traditional industries and the conservation of resources. This reaching out towards the north was an attempt by Finland’s government to solve severe economic problems brought on by the Winter War, the Continuation War and the Lapland War, separately and in combination. As a consequence, the economic focus in Finnish Lapland shifted between 100
and 200 kilometers further north than before the war, which is why we can talk about the government-run
extractive economy in Finnish Lapland developing particularly after World War II.
Conclusions
This article defends the hypothesis that the world as a whole reacted to the crisis brought on by the World
War II by geographical expansion and by building up an associated extractive economy. In general, the war
and its various consequences resulted in increasingly extensive exploitation of the world’s northern peripheries. However, it is not quite accurate to say that the exploitation of the north began during World War II
since it continued a trend already established over several decades in the circumpolar north.
We followed the trends in the three separate national and sub-national regions in the circumpolar north
whose position in the world system were different. The main players were Germany, the United States (to-
118
Mead 1974, 32 and Rea 1976, 181-182.
Paine 1982.
Lind & Mackay 1979, 10.
119
120
71
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gether with Great Britain) and the Soviet Union, all exercising powerful influence in the circumpolar world.
The first important shift was Germany’s penetration in Denmark, Norway, and Finland, somewhat lesser
extent Sweden and finally in the Soviet Union. The second was the penetration of the Soviet Union first into
Finland during the Winter War and then towards its own northern and eastern peripheries, particularly after
the attack by the Nazi Germany. The third was the decision of the United States to take part in the war and
consequently to colonize, more or less benignly, Canada, Iceland and Greenland to counter-attack the Axis
powers.
The most important trends were the following. First, the war alerted the belligerent core governments to the
strategic, economic, political and geopolitical importance of the northern regions. Second, there was the direct impact of combat on the northern environment in the form of scorched-earth tactics and increased levels
of pollution. Third, the dwindling resources of the belligerents increased reliance on northern sources.
Fourth, because of the advances in weapons technology, nuclear weapons in particular, the Arctic Ocean
became the intermediate sea across which the former Allies, the United States and the Soviet Union, would
have been able to attack each other’s heartlands. Fifth, after the war the southern parts of the northern zone
were opened up for extractive industrialization. The industrial extractive economy seems to have had a relatively marked effect in the northern zone because the resistance to the developers has traditionally been quite
low. The ecological costs of development were totally ignored during war as well as during the decades of
post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth.
The extractive economies of the centers produce many political and economic variations in the various parts
of the northern zone. Fig. 2 shows three types of intensive extractive economy associated with World War II.
First, in North America there is a expansive resource capitalistic type. The economic centre of gravity shifted
to the North and almost the whole of northern North America from Labrador to Alaska, after which Greenland and Iceland came under the influence of the various war projects. This resource capitalism proceeded in
harmony with the aims of the provinces and/or federal governments which were trying to attract new investment to their areas. Second, there is the Soviet expansive totalitarian variant of the extractive economy based
on forced labor and prison camps, and later with some genuine financial benefits. In this highly centralized
system, little thought was given to the increasing costs and risks of production on northern nature and native
peoples. Third, there is a defeated Finland, which almost fell victim to the war between the Soviet Union and
Germany and then tried to put itself straight thorough the government-run extractive economy. This happened with little regard for the traditional industries and the conservation of resources.
The end of the Cold War led to a steep decline in the Arctic strategic significance when NATO’s emphasis
was shifted from territorial defense against the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, its famous northern fleet was decommissioned. In 2006, the United States pulled out of the Keflavik airbase in
Iceland.
The remilitarization of the Arctic states is now under way in the cores, the United States and Canada and
Russia. Outside of them, Denmark and especially Norway have developed considerable naval strength and
military presence in the Arctic.121 A reason for renewed militarization might be that the value of the northern
resources is rising again as a raw material source of timber, minerals, and especially fossil fuels. One reason
for this is the global warming which could make Arctic ice-free in summer, perhaps more rapidly than the
climate models are projecting. Multinational companies and “circumpolar” governments are waiting impatiently to tap the huge natural resource potential of the circumpolar north. The core countries will support the
resource companies and give them generous support, because they want to protect their high-energy socie121
Emmerson 2011, 136-137.
72
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The resource scarcity
World War II
-Expansive northern
economy and natural
resource sector
-U.S. based multinationals
-Northern development
programs
-New defense and military
projects, extensive traffic
networks
The northern Soviet
Union’s
-Stalin’s totalitarian regime
- Forced extractive
economy
-The forced migrations
- The GULAG system as an
economic organization
- Mining for precious
metals and transport
networks.
Northern Finland
- The total ravages of
war
- Intensive state-run
extractive economy
- State-run development
programmes
- Hydroelectric power
stations, intensive
forest ry, marginal
agricultural
colonisation.
T
Norhern Canada
The intensive extractive economy
Fig. 2. The processes of extractive economy caused by the WW II in northern
Canada, the Soviet Union and Northern Finland
ties. The peripheries are once again the peripheries and semi-peripheries in the circumpolar north. The development of more accessible and more economically important Arctic hydrocarbons is of global, economic,
environmental and geopolitical significance.122 The Arctic will become much more integrated into the industrialized world, becoming its economic engine and raw material source. It has become important to study the
northern regions, take military control of them and develop new defensive weapons for a possible threat
from the north. It is also important to see that the Arctic Ocean has become an important area for cooperation in the solving the sea’s pollution problems. In 1996, the Arctic Council was formed. The 1990s were a
time of unprecedented cooperation between northern countries operating at many different levels. 123
The large-scale historical exploitation of the northern zone fits in very well with the model we constructed in
the introduction. However, this model has its weaknesses, being an idealized description of general
relationships that tends to miss differences in scale and power between various core regions. However, we
hope that our article will stimulate new interest in research and discussion on these important problems.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank anonymous referees for their comments on the previous version of the article. A
starting-point of the article is Ilmo Massa’s article “Toinen maailmansota ja maailmantalouden pohjoistuminen” in Simo Laakkonen and Timo Vuorisalo (eds) Sodan ekologia. Sodankäynnin ympäristöhistoriaa. Ilmo
Massa has written the theoretical and methodological sections and the chapters on Northern Canada and
Northern Finland. Alla Bolotova is responsible for the section concerning the Soviet Union. The maps have
been drawn by Tarmo Virtanen. Finnish Academy has supported Ilmo Massa’s work.
122
Emmerson 2011, 219
Smith 2011, 248-261.
123
73
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Wynn, Graeme: Canada and Arctic North America: An Environmental History (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2007).
Zaslow, Morris, The northward expansion of Canada 1914–1967 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1988).
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Authors
Docent, Associate Professor Ilmo Massa ([email protected]) is an environmental
social scientist in the University of Helsinki, Department of Environmental Sciences.
He has written the first doctoral theses related to environmental history in Finland (Pohjoinen luonnonvalloitus, The Northern Conquest of Nature, 1994) and has been pioneering in other areas of environmental social science, as well.
Alla Bolotova, PhD candidate, University of Lapland. Alla is a qualitative sociologist
interested in human-nature relation and environmental history of Soviet industrialization. She studied sociology at the European University at St. Petersburg and worked at
the Centre for independent social research (St. Petersburg, Russia) and the Arctic Centre (Rovaniemi, Finland).
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Petri Juuti
_____________________________
Abstract: Cheap Price or Good Service?
Management of water resources and water services is currently a subject of public discussion worldwide. A
multidisciplinary “Water and society” series of seminars focusing on long-term development of water services and communities were held in Tampere 2011-2012. The seminar series aim at creating and promoting
discussion and presenting the views of researchers of various fields to decision-makers.
The seminars were co-hosted by the International Environmental History Group (IEHG) at University of
Tampere, the Capacity Development in Water and Environmental Services (CADWES) team at Tampere
University of Technology, and the joint International Centre for Environmental Services Governance Research (ICES) formed by the IEHG and CADWES teams. Some of the presentations were held in English by
invited international experts. Argumenta funding is intended to stimulate dialogue between researchers of
different fields of science on important current research topics. From time to time, the Finnish Cultural
Foundation requests proposals from university departments or scientific organizations for initiating Argumenta projects. Our Water and Society (In Finnish: Vesi ja yhdyskuntien kehitys) Argumenta series received
funding for six seminars, 2011–-2012.
The fifth Argumenta seminar was held at the University of Tampere on December 11th 2012. The seminar
theme was “Cheap price or good service?” The topic was approached from various perspectives by six lecturers. The lecturers were: Prof. Johannes Haarhoff, University of Johannesburg, MA Viktor Pál, University
of Tampere, Adjunct Prof. Tapio Katko, Tampere Univesity of Technology, Dr. Riikka Rajala, University of
Tampere, MSc Ossi Heino, Tampere Univesity of Technology, and Adjuct Prof. Pekka Masonen, University
of Tampere. The last seminar Water myths and facts is 21st of September at University of Tampere. More
about it in next issue.
Keywords: Argumenta, IEHG, CADWES
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Petri Juuti
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IEHG-ryhmä, YKY, Tampereen yliopisto, isännöi 11.5. Vesi ja yhdyskunnan kehitys -seminaarisarjan viidettä seminaaria. Yhteensä päivän aikana tilaisuutta saapui kuulemaan reilut 30 henkilöä.
Tietoa ja koulutusta tarvitaan
Päivän ensimmäisen esitelmän piti professori Johannes Haarhoff, University of Johannesburg: "Social equality and opportunity versus environmental concerns: a political dilemma".
Työkaluja water governanceen eli hyvään vesihallintoon tarvitaan kipeästi. Tarvitaan myös mallia veden
hinnan muodostamiseen ja veteen liittyviin arvoihin, korosti Haarhoff. Water policy, vesipolitiikka, ei riitä
yksin, ei myöskään säätelyinstrumentit eli regulointi. Tarvitaan laajempaa tietoisuutta asioista sekä koulutusta. Malli veden hinnoitteluun voi muodostua useista eri asioista. Ensin täytyy kuitenkin määritellä, onko vesi
erityistapaus? Savanije 2002 toteaa, että vesi on erityinen, sitä on vähän, sitä ei voi tehdä lisää eikä sitä voi
vangita, vesi on systeemi, emme voi pakata vettä pienempään tilaan, se on mitä on ja se ei ole vapaasti liikuteltavaa tai kaupattavaa ja kaiken tämän lisäksi se on monimutkainen asia.
Veden hinta koostuu useista eri komponenteista (supply cost, economic cost, full cost). Veden arvo myöskin
koostuu lukuisista komponenteista. Haarhoff myös haastoi kuulijat miettimään mikä on kestävää kehitystä.
Ovatko "cost of water" & "value of water" miten syhteessa toisiinsa. Veden arvo on huomattavasti enemmän
kuin veden hinta on.
Professori Haarhoff myös käsitteli Etelä-Afrikan taustoja, ihmisiä, ympäristöä, vesivaroja ja vesivarojen
hallintaa. Etelä-Afrikassa on hyvin paljon terveyteen liittyviä ongelmia, mm. imeväiskuolleisuus on huomattavasti suurempi kuin muissa keskitulon maissa. Etelä-Afrikan imeväiskuolleisuus on 13 kertaa suurempi
tällä hetkellä kuin Suomessa. Myös elinikäodote on huomattavasti alhaisempi, naisilla hieman yli 50 vuotta
ja miehillä n.50 vuotta. Myös työttömyys on erittäin vakava ongelma.
Noin 40% eteläafrikkalaisista elää köyhyydessä. Nämä ja monet muut ongelmat saadaan ratkaistua vain poistamalla köyhyys. Ympäristöongelmia on useita. Esimerkiksi kaivosteollisuus aiheuttaa runsaasti ympäristöongelmia. Acid mine drainage, AMD, on valtava ongelma. Vesi täyttää hylätyt kaivokset ja saastunut vesi,
joka sisältää paljon sulfaatteja, metalleja ja jopa radioaktiivisia aineksia, pääsee vesistöihin.
Seuraava esitelmöitsijä oli MA Viktor Pál, TAY, IEHG, otsikolla:
"What was cheap in state-socialism: To pay the pollution fine, or to modernize waste-water treatment? A
history of water pollution fines in Hungary in the 1960s." Esitelmä perustui hänen loppusuoralla olevaan
väitöskirjaansa. Esitelmä julkaistaan myöhemmin lehdessämme.
Kohti kestävämpiä vesihuollon periaatteita
Päivän kolmannessa esitelmässä dosentti Tapio Katko, TTY, puhui aiheesta: "Kohti kestävämpiä vesihuollon periaatteita". Katko kertoi muun muassa, että pitkän aikavälin tarkastelua tarvitaan. Nyt monet asiat esitetään suurimpina haasteina koskaan, vaikka pitkällä aikavälillä tarkasteltuna suuria ratkaisuja on tarvinnut
tehdä aiemminkin. Vesihuolto on muutakin kuin yksityinen tai julkinen hyödyke. Vedellä on lukuisia funktioita. Erityisesti kehittyvissä maissa jokaisen tulee maksaa vedestä tavalla tai toisella. Ei välttämättä kuitenkaan samaan aikaan, samaa määrää tai samalla tavalla. Kustannusminimi on äärimmäisen harvoin edullisuusoptimi. Sen sijaan, että puhutaan kustannuksista, pitäisikin puhua arvoista. Mitä me todella haluamme?
80
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Pitkälti epäonnistuneita politiikkatason asioissa on ollut mm. ilmaisen veden politiikka ja yksityistämispolitiikka. Ne hyvin pitkälti osoittautuivat epäonnistuneiksi. Kansalaisen kannalta on kehityksessä tässä asiassa
menetetty puoli vuosisataa vaikka pitkää historiallista kokemusta olisi ollut käytettävissä hyvin pitkältä aikaväliltä.
Vettä, voita vai sähköä?
Seminaaripäivän neljännessä esitelmässä luennoi TkT Riikka Rajala, TAY: "Vettä, voita vai sähköä?". Veden hinnasta Rajala käytti esimerkkinä Hämeenlinnan veden hintaa. Hän käsitteli hinnan vaihtelua 100 vuoden aikana. Vesilaitos perustettiin Hämeenlinnaan 1910. Indeksikorjatun hinnan muodostus meni siten, että
alussa vesi oli suhteellisen kallista. Alkuvuosien jälkeen hinta halpeni kunnes se 1970-luvulta alkaen alkoi
taas kallistua. Tällä hetkellä vesi on suurin piirtein yhtä kallista elinkustannusindeksillä korjattuna kuin 1910.
Lähtökohtaisesti vesi on aina mitattu ja laskutus on perustunut kulutukseen. Nyt myös kerrostaloihin saadaan
huoneistokohtaisia mittareita.
Veden lämmittäminen noin 55 -asteiseksi maksaa n.4-5 euroa. Sähkön hinnalla on suuri merkitys kokonaisuuden kannalta. Sähkön hinta on muuttunut rajusti alkaen tarkastelun alkuvuodesta 1911. Aluksi sähkö oli
hyvin kallista, mutta vuoteen 1995 mennessä hinta oli laskenut noin yhteen kahdeskymmenesosaan elinkustannusindeksillä korjattuna. Vuodesta 1993 alkaen nykyhetkeen tarkasteltuna kotitalouskäyttäjän ja sähkölämmittäjän hinta on noin kaksinkertaistunut. Voita on jatkuvasti saanut ns. työmiehen palkalla tarkasteluaikana enemmän ja enemmän. Kulutukseen vaikuttavat kuitenkin monet muutkin tekijät kuin hinta. Esimerkiksi voin kulutus on laskenut yli 10 kilosta vuodessa per henkilö noin kolmeen kiloon. Asenteet vaikuttavat
myös veden kulutukseen, ei vain hinta. Asumiseen ja energiaan menee yli neljännes menoista tällä hetkellä.
Kylmä ja lämmin vesi on noin 18 % näistä menoista, sähkö n. 6 %. Esimerkiksi Ylöjärvellä nyt saa yhdellä
eurolla kylmää vettä ja jätevedenpuhdistusta 250 litraa, voita 330 g tai yleissähköä 9,6kWh. Kuluttajan näkökulmasta muuten kehitys on ollut toivottavaa, mutta sähkön osalta viime vuosien kehitys on ollut epätoivottava.
Tuleeko halpa vesi kalliiksi?
Päivän viides esitelmä: DI Ossi Heino, TTY: "Tuleeko halpa vesi kalliiksi? Heino aloitti esitelmänsä kahta
ongelmakenttää kuvaavalla lainauksella: "Meiltä ei koskaan puutu rahaa, kun on kyse mieliteoista ainoastaan
hyödyllisen ja välttämättömän hinnasta me marisemme". Näin totesi Honoré de Ballzac. Alf Rein puolestaan
kertoi, että hintakäsitys muodostuu siitä, mihin on totuttu. Heinon mukaan veden hinnoittelu ei ole pelkästään taloustieteellinen ongelma, vaan moniulotteinen ja kompleksinen asia. Vesi on myös elämän ehto, sitä
ilman ei voi elää. Suomessa olemme tavallaan mukavan ongelman edessä, sillä meillä on vettä saatavilla
johonkin hintaan.
Halvan veden hinta on historiallinen ilmiö, erityisesti 1950-l Yhdysvalloissa keskusteltiin vesialan ammattilehdissä laajasti siitä, että vesi on liian halpaa. Pohdittava olisikin, mitä eroa on hinnalla ja kustannuksilla.
Vertaa autokauppaan, kustannukset eivät pysähdy kaupankäyntiin. Jos taas verrataan virallista autokauppaa
ja autojobbaria, jobbarilta saa auton halvemmalla hinnalla, mutta kustannukset voivat koitua todella kalleiksi. Sama analogia pätee veteen. Adam Smith mietiskeli, miksi ihmiset ovat halukkaita maksamaan timanteista paljon enemmän kuin vedestä, vaikka vesi on elintärkeää, timantit eivät. Kyseessä on ns. vesiparadoksi.
Vesihuollolta ei puutukaan rahaa vaan prioriteetteja ja arvostusta.
Elämme sosiaalisten ja markkinatalouden pelisääntöjen maailmassa eli kahdessa maailmassa samaan aikaan.
Kun maailmat sekoittuvat, ollaan ongelmissa. Niin kauan kuin maailmat ovat erillään, ei tule ongelmia. Vesihuoltoon liittyy hyviä ja lämpöisiä, rahassa mittaamattomia arvoja. Samalla kuitenkin vaikuttavat taloustieYmpäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012
81
Petri Juuti
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teelliset realiteetit. Ollaan epämukavuusvyöhykkeellä. Uutisjutun saa tehtyä kun esimerkiksi kyseessä on
suuri näkyvä, äänekäs, skandaalimainen asia. Hiljaisista, mukavista asioista on vaikea saada uutista. Dobellin
2010 mukaan on olemassa asioita, joita on helppoa aliarvostaa ja yliarvostaa. Esimerkiksi joidenkin kymmenien kuolema vuosittain lento-onnettomuuksissa on suurempi uutinen kuin miljoonien kuolema vesi- ja sanitaatio-ongelmissa. Jos hiljaisia tapahtumia ja vähemmän mediaseksikkäitä asioita ei uutisoida niin todennäköisyys suurien ongelmien kärjistymiseen entuudestaan kasvaa entisestään.
Lyhyen tähtäimen ratkaisuja on helpompi tehdä kuin pitkän aikavälin ratkaisuja. Alf Rehnin mukaan todellinen johtaja pystyy tekemään pitkän aikavälin ratkaisuja vaikka ne lyhyellä aikavälillä toisivatkin ns. lokaa
niskaan. Hitaissa prosesseissa on vaikea tarttua päätöksien tekoon vaikka seuraukset toimettomuudesta olisivatkin tiedossa. Nyt verkostojen ikääntyminen on monella tapaa vaikea asia tarttua. Aristoteles on todennut,
että on todennäköistä, että jotain epätodennäköistä tapahtuu. Kannattaisi kehittää järjestelmä, joka kestää
muutoksia mahdollisimman hyvin. Kannattaa pelata varman päälle.
Puhdas keho, epäpuhdas mieli
Päivän viimeisen esitelmän: ”Puhdas keho, epäpuhdas mieli: japanilainen kylpyläkulttuuri länsimaisin silmin” piti dosentti Pekka Masonen, TAY. Katso asiasta tarkemmin tässä lehdessä julkaistusta Masosen artikkelista, alkaen sivulta 33.
82
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News
_____________________________
New water related project:
Water as Social and Cultural Space: Changing Values and Representation
The Academy of Finland has selected the projects to be included in the Research Programme on the Sustainable Governance of Aquatic Resources (AKVA). Within the AKVA programme, a total of EUR 11 million is
granted to twelve research projects. The programme is highly multidisciplinary and focuses on researching
aquatic resources and their use from various perspectives, including environmental research, law and culture
research.
The aim of the project is to understand the meanings of water and how water, as an essential life-vitalizing
element, plays a conceptual role in cultural orientation both in global and local contexts and how cultural
practices intersect with environmental concerns. Water will be understood as a geographical and physical
construct, as well as a cognitive and cultural construction. It is our aim to underline the polyvalence of meanings, and values given to water. At stake are the economic, social and political implications of the cultural
representations of water. The project aims to enlarge knowledge of the large reservoir of symbols, metaphors
and imagery of water; to enhance the capacity and competence for the future governance of sustainable water
issues; to enhance critical knowledge of the technological infrastructure as part of the social imagination; and
to create a productive methodological dialogue between literary, language and cultural studies, historical,
and environmental studies, and engineering. More information: www.uta.fi/aqua
83
______________________________________________________________________________
New books, highly recommended by YFJEH
Paperback edition: Thinking through the Environment.
Green Approaches to Global History. See at:
http://www.whpress.co.uk/TTE.html
See also:
Water Fountains in the Worldscape by Hynynen Ari
J., Juuti Petri S., Katko Tapio S. (eds)
http://www.vvy.fi/index.phtml?2173_m=2174&s=440
84
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International Environmental History Group (IEHG)
Finland is often called as the land of a thousand lakes; in fact there are some 180,000. Therefore, we are very
proud of our natural heritage and we do live close to water and nature. The home town of IEHG is Tampere,
which has a long history of pulp, paper and textile industries. Despite of her smoky past and dozens of downtown chimneys, today, our city is a dynamic centre of education, research and business, aiming to a sustainable future.
The IEH Group was set up on a chilly winter afternoon in early 2001. Their aim to research and promote
different subdisciplines of environmental history. Dr. Petri S. Juuti is the head of the IEHG. The home university of IEHG is University of Tampere. At the moment, Petri Juuti, Harri Mäki, Riikka Rajala, Vuokko
Kurki, and Viktor Pál are the members of IEHG. Their aim to research and promote different subdisciplines
of environmental history.
Our latest publication is Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History, YFJEH. YFJEH is a
new peer referee journal, published in the Internet by IEHG. YFJEH brings together scientists and practitioners from a wide scope of disciplines to examine relationships between the environment and human actions over time from the history to the future(s). Our languages are Finnish and English.
YFJEH provides a forum for peer-reviewed research in the field of environmental history. We welcome articles especially focusing to Finland but also other articles are welcomed in Finnish and in English.
More our activities: www.uta.fi/yky/tutkimus/historia/projektit/iehg/index.html
Capacity Building of Water and Environmental Services (CADWES)
Research team on Water Services
The Capacity Building of Water and Environmental Services (CADWES) research team based at Tampere
University of Technology (TUT) has been active for more than a decade.
Vision: CADWES has defined its vision to become an internationally recognised research group.
Mission: The mission of CADWES is to produce usable knowledge, based on trans-disciplinary research on
the evolution and development of sustainable use of water services and water resources in the wider institutional context of organisations, management, legislation and policy including formal and informal institutions.
Values: The team wishes to promote the following values: Global responsibility, Problem orientation, Innovativeness, Social effectiveness, Interaction, Multi- and trans-disciplinarity, Openness and encouragement,
Importance of history and futures, Equity and equality.
85
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Research approaches: The CADWES team argues that the bias in favour of a positivistic approach and natural sciences in water research results in inadequate answers to wider water governance challenges and institutional and management issues. Water research should be expanded to include diverse multi-, pluri-, cross-,
and interdisciplinary approaches in cooperation projects, while individuals could be encouraged to seek
trans-disciplinary competence. Indeed, there is increasing worldwide interest to find alternative ways for
improving urban and rural water systems and services and their governance. In addition to technology, we
need to study institutional, management and policy issues.
The current research themes deal with regionalisation, operational improvements, pricing, asset management, rehabilitation, aging infrastructure, aging workforce and tacit knowledge management, small systems
management, public-private collaboration, leadership and stewardship, more transparent decision-making
and significance of water. The team covers e.g. engineering sciences, economics, history research and futures research and is also open to other disciplines.
Contacts:
Adjunct Professor Tapio S. Katko, CADWES team
Tampere University of Technology
[email protected]; www.cadwes.org
_____________________________
ISSN-L 1799-6953
ISSN 1799-6953
Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History (YFJEH) is a new peer referee journal, published in the Internet by IEHG. YFJEH brings together scientists and practitioners from a wide scope of disciplines to examine relationships between the environment and human actions over time from the history to
the future(s). Our languages are Finnish and English.
YFJEH provides a forum for peer-reviewed research in the field of environmental history. We welcome articles especially focusing to Finland but also other articles are welcomed in Finnish and in English.
Contacts:
Home page: www.uta.fi/finnishenvironmentalhistory
email: [email protected]
Editors:
Dr.Petri S. Juuti (editor-in-chief)
Dr.Tapio S. Katko
Dr.Riikka P.Rajala
86
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Editorial Board
Dr Carol Fort (Flinders University Australia)
Professor Johannes Haarhoff (University of Johannesburg, South Africa)
Professor Timo Myllyntaus (University of Turku, Finland)
Dr Ezekiel Nyangeri (University of Nairobi, Kenya)
Dr Harri Mäki (IEHG, Finland)
Professor Johann Tempelhoff (North-West University, South Africa)
Adjunct Professor Heikki Vuorinen (University of Helsinki, Finland)
Professor Zheng Xiao Yun (Yunnan academy of Social Sciences of China)
_____________________________
Instructions for Authors
Submissions
Submission of a manuscript: only papers that have not been published before are welcomed. Please note that
publication should has been approved by all co-authors. The publisher will not be held legally responsible
should there be any claims for compensation.
Permissions
Authors are responsible for obtaining permission from the copyright owner(s) to figures, tables, or text passages that have already been published elsewhere. Permissions must be included to the relevant place next to
the item in question. If there is no reference to the permissions, all materials will be assumed to originate
from the authors.
Biography and photograph
Authors are required to enclose a short biography and photograph of the author with their manuscript. Do not
use more than 10 lines. If there are several authors, total 15 lines are welcomed.
Submission by email
Authors should submit their manuscripts by email to address [email protected].
*Include all contact details to your submission.
*Include your email address also to the article.
*Manuscripts should be submitted in Word doc format (NOT docx).
*Maximum length of the paper is 25 A4s.
*Please include a short abstract, no more than 1 page. In articles written in Finnish, use English in the abstract. Include 5 keywords to the end of the abstract page.
* Use Times Roman or Times New Roman font, size 11-point for text.
*Line spacing 1,5, alignment justified, 0 points before and after
* Use tab stops or other commands for indents, not the space bar.
* Use italics for emphasis.
* Do not use field functions.
* Use the table function, not spreadsheets, to make tables.
Headings
Please use no more than two levels of displayed headings. Spacing: 6 points before and after.
Abbreviations
Abbreviations should be defined at first mention and used consistently thereafter.
87
______________________________________________________________________________
Citation
Use footnotes.
Reference list
Line spacing 1.0. Reference list entries should be alphabetized by the last names of the first author of each
work. Write name of the publication in italic. The list of references should only include works that are cited
in the text. List also archival sources, interviews, and unpublished papers & dissertations.
Footnotes
Always use footnotes instead of endnotes. Cite references in the text by name and year. They should never
include the bibliographic details of a reference. Footnotes to the text are numbered consecutively starting
from 1. List also archival sources starting with the name of the archive, and identify the collection or group
of documents or papers. For example: National archives of Finland (hereafter NA), Risto Ryti archive file 32
(hereafter RR32), Risto Rytis letter to Hitler on the 26th of June 1944, copy from original. Subsequent reference to this source can be made as follows: NA RR32, Ryti to Hitler 26.6.1944.) List also interviews (last
name first, include full name and date of the interview) and other relevant sources.
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments of relevant institutes, people, grants, etc. should be placed in a separate section before the
reference list. Maximum 5 lines are welcomed.
Maximum size of manuscript submission
Please include a good quality photos etc. in separate files preferably in jpg-files no more that 4 Mb per file.
Maximum size of total submission is 20 Mb. Do not pack or zip files. Do not email pdf files or other formats
not mentioned in these guidelines.
Legal note
The YFJEH is not responsible for statements made by contributors. Material in the YFJEH does not necessarily reflect the views of the Editors.
The YFJEH respects the intellectual property of others and holds no claim to copyrights of content that is
owned by a third party or is in the public domain. If you believe your work has been copied in a way that
constitutes copyright infringement or you are aware of any infringing material on any of The Journal sites,
please contact us immediately.This website : www.uta.fi/finnishenvironmentalhistory and YFJEH is published in Finland and Finnish law will be used if any legal problems arise.
© YFJEH and authors
Thank you from supporting Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History (YFJEH).
Editors
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