A Muslim Princess in the Temples of Visnu

A MuslimPrincessin the Templesof Visnu
RichardH. Davis
I begin this essaywith a story.rIt rells of rhe daughterof the }"Iuslim Sultan
of Delhi who falls in love with an icon of the Hindu god Visnu and follows it all
the way to southernIndia. where she dies and gains posthumousbeatitude
within the Hindu temple.The tale is preserved.in slightly differing versions,
in severalpre-BritishSouthIndian Vaisnavatexts atrd primarily relatesto two
major Sdvaisnavatemples,the temple of Visnu Radganathaat Srirangamnear
Trichi and the Nlrlyar,rasvdmitemple at X,Ielkotein Karnataka.2The Delhi
pnncessalso turnsup in other SouthIndiantemples.as we will see.viewing the
Sultdn'sdaughterin her medie'al setting,I would like to show how this
narrativeoff'ersreflectionson the problematicrelations of conrendingHindu and
N{uslimelites,the incorporativepossibilitiesof bhakti, and the spaceaccorded
to Islam within the establishedHindu templesof late medieval Southlndia.
THE TULUKKA NACCIYAR'S STORY
In the Srirangamtemplechronicles,the Ko)il Oluku, the sroryopensduring the
fourteenth-century
invasionof SouthIndia by the forcesof the Delhi Sultanate.
The Turkic army plundersthe Srimngamtreasuryand takes arvay among the
booty the main processionalidol of the temple, known as Alakiyamanavdla
Perumal,Visnu as the "HandsomeBridegroom.,'Asthe troopsheadback north,
a woman from a nearbyvillage disguisesherselfand follows their camp. She has
taken a vow never to eat before t\g image is fed, so she has a personalstake in
the fate of rhe icon. Back in Delhi, the sultan locks up all the lootedidols in his
palacestoreroom.The village woman observeswhat has happenedto Handsome
Bridegroomand returnsto Srirangamto tell the temple authorities.
The eldersof Srirangamcloseup the temple,suspencl
ali festivals,and travel
InternntionalJournalof Hindu Studies8,1-3 (200,1):137_56
O 2005 by the Worid HerirasepressInc.
138 / RichardH. Davis
toDethitoseektheirdivineimage.NleanwhiletheSultan'sdaughterdiscovers
the handsomeimage of Visnu lying in the storeroomand takesit to her roorn
village
as a plaything. \\rhilc the temple elclersnegociatewith the Sultdn,the"playing
rvomangainsentry to the wonten'squaflersand discoversthat Visnu is
with the princessduring the ilay in the fomr of an icon, and at night in his full
too
splendoras a human incamation"(Hari Rao 196l:26) The chroniclesare
discreteto describejust whatthey do at night.
the
The temple singersand dancersof Srirangamput on a performancefor
Sultanand so pleasehim lhat he otTersthem a treasureOf coursethey ask for
The
iheir icon, and the king ordersit brought from the storeroom'It is not there
will
visitorsinform him that it is now kept il the princess'bedroom The Sultdn
"You yourselves
not allorv them to enterthe haremand insteadchallengesthem:
rvill have to call back your god." The Sultan is putring to the test the Hindu
claimthattheiridolsareinfactlivingdivirrities,Thetemplerecitersirrgsan
invocationofVislu.FromtheharemHandsomeBridegroorrrhearsthecall'puts
so
the princessto sleep,and comes out to rejoin his devotees'The Sultan is
amazeclthat he allows the Vaislavas to departwith their treasuredicon'
TheNtelkoteversionrelateclinthePrapannllmrtalikewisefeaturesaconfrontationin the Sultin's couft. Here it is Rimanuja, fbunderof the Nardyanaimageknown as
svlmi tenple, who goesto Delhi in searchof the processional
looted
Ramapriya.The Sultdn shorvsRdmlnuja his treasureroom filled lvith"If
this
icons, but Ramapnyais not aunongthem. The SultantauntsRamanuja'
Visnu Ram&pnyais your god, and you have summonedhim, rvhy has he not
1966:96) That night Visnu appears
comeback to 1ou?" (Ramananarayanacarya
in
to Rdmanujain a dream and infomrs the despondentasceticthat he is staying
thebed-chamberoftheprincess.ThenextmorrringtheSulranesconsRamlnuja
yellow
into the women's quafters,and thereindeeclstandsRamapnya,dressedin
with musk on its foreheadand adomed rvith beautiful jewelry. The princess
the
has lavishedher royal attentionon the statueand unknowingly mimicked
servicesof Hinclu image worship. Overcomes'ith love, Ramanujaexclaims'
"Beloved Son," and the imagejumps into his lap' They embrace The Sultln is
gives it to
so impressedwith the miraculousleap of the idol that he immediately
RamAnuja.
the
The next moming. in the Kolil Olll<u recounting,the princessleams rhat
father
object of her affectionshas been taken away She is heartbroken Her
The
obser.resher state ancl decidesto send troops to capture the Vaisrlavas'
are
princessaccompaniesthem.The Srirangamtemple servantslearn that they
being pursued and manage to elude fhe iroops' They send the Handsome
Bridegroomimage,alongwirhthr.eeBrdhmanser.Vants,intohidinginthehills
the
aroundTirupati.Finally the princessreachesSrirangam'but when shefinds
A Muslim Princessin the Templesof Yisnu / 139
gateslocked and her belovedHandsomeBridegroomabsent,she dies from the
acutepainof separation.
The illelkote version allows the princessa more congenial end. Here she
actuallyaccompaniesthe Vaisnavason their joumey south.The SultAnhonors
the icon and Rdmdnujaand permits his daughterancl son to accompanythe
Vaisnavason their journey back to Melkore.Along the way, the Beloved Son
icon mysteriouslyappeal'sin the palanquinof the princess,and thenthe princess
is seenno more. She has becomeone rvith Visnu, explains the text, and the
entire party is astonishedby her devotionalapotheosis.lVhen the Vaisnavas
reachMelkote and consecrate
the processional
image,Ramanujadecidesthat an
imageshouldbe madeof the Sultan'sdaughterso shecould continueto worship
at the god's feet.He sendsthe brotherbackto Delhi to inform the Sultan,who is
saddened
but alsoamazedby the newsof his daughter'sdevotionaldemise.
Temple authoritiesat both Srirangamand Melkote establishedshrinesin the
temple precinctsto commemoratethe devotionof the princessfrom Delhi. In
Srirangarnthe shrineof the Tulukka Nacciydr("Turkic queen")occupiesone of
the inner enclosuresof the temple complex_According to local tradition, the
SultAnhimself was supposedto have donateda large land-grantof fifty_seven
pillai 1965: 34). There is no
villages to maintain rhe shrine (Somasundaram
image of the princessbut rather a painting depicting her modestly covered
with a shawl. A divan standsbeforethe painting.When the portableimage of
HandsomeBridegroom visits the shrine,he is treatedto a lvluslim-inJlectedfomr
of puja, much as he might have been during his sojouru wirh the princessin
Delhi. Visnu wearsa ludgr, and he is sened the ro!1.capAt, cold milk, and
green grarmddl typical of a North Indian breakfast.His betel leaf is smearedon
the front side of the leaf, in the l.rannertypical of local Muslims.3
In Nlelkote the shrine of the Turkic princesswas located in a less central
position.In the early ninereenthcenturythe British ofhcial FrancisBuchanan
observedit duringhis suwey ofTipU Sultan'sfonner teritones:
She [Tulukka Ndcciy€r] no soonercame near the idol than she disappeared,
and is supposedto have been taken into its immediatesubstanceiwhich, in
this country, is a common way of the gods disposingof their favourites.A
monumentwas built for the princess;but as she was a Turc, it would have
beenimproperto placerhis buiiding within the walls of the holy place;it has
thereforebeenerectedat the foot of the hil1, under the most &bruptpart of the
rock (1807,2:7l; emphasisin original).
The shrine.suchas it is, is somedistancefrom the main sanctum.However.the
Ndcciylr also residesmuch closer to her lover, in the form of a small metal
140 / RichardH. Davis
lmage that is located at the feet
of the main temple icons.a
The love of the princessfro'r Derhi
r". r,iirrr" i, lrro rememberedaround
Nlelkote in folk sougs. According
to these retelrings,visnu i' the
form of
Beloved Son heard of the princess'
great beauryan tr.avetedto
Delhi to see
for himself' Disguisinghimself
as a menclicanr,
i" *1.o, to her palaceand fell
in love with her (named Varanandi
in the folk u.rrioor) and she with
him.
Beloved Son would pose as a beggar
cluringthe day, $,hile at night he
wourd
reveft [o his real fonrr to
",t"
rerurnedroMerko
te,",,n
;"'i J::ffi"iili,.
:Tlixli;,l",
-,; I ".,"rritiJl
Hindu
deities at Tirupati,
N;;j;;;;a,
and Channagiri_to
.srirangapauana,
auendrhe weddingceremonies.
They refused,,uyi;g;; had brought
disgraceto
the family. Not dissuaded,Belovecl
Suo ..t.t.ut.Jii,
_u_ur. to the Tulukka
anyway' and great numbersof
his devoteesatrendedthe testivities.5
I-:tttl
Sirnilar folk narrativesare maintained
at Tirupati.
Though theseare the beslknown
Southindian incarnatronsof the princess
from Delhi, she appearsin the traditions
of ornl.,"o'ff", as well. Our heroine
tulxs up again in the Cirtirai festival
of i\,{adurai.,h" gr.o, double festival
rnvolving both the Saivaremple
of Sir a SundareSu".,"oa the goddess
Vllnaksi
ln the center of the city and the Visnu
elata, t"mpt" tr""tu. tnrt., north of
town.
According to Dennis Hudson
0977), the Cittirai festival took on irs
cunenr
shapeprimarily during the dme
of Tirumalai Ndyakkar, ruler of N{adurai
in the
sevetrteenth
century'During the celebrationsvisnu
Alakar (the ,.beautifulone,,)
in his processionalfbrm journeys
from his orvo i"_pt. to atrend the
marriage of
Siva to his sister Minaksi. Unfonunately
tre trrs t"en nrrsinfbrmedabout
rhe
tlme of the wedding,andjust as
he is aboutto crossthe Vaikai River
into lown
he learns
the cercmony
alreadytakenplace,Angrily he turns
.that
around,
_has
headsupriver to the nearbyhan
er of i,anai1,r.,,"; ;;." spends
rhe night in
the local Visnu temple known
as Virarlghava perumdl. During
the
night he
enjoys the companyof his conson.
Trilukka*;;;;r,
belbre
starring
back
towards his own home temple. At .the
the Viraraghavap.,.,l_at temple
there
is no
permanentshrineof the princess
or any physicalsign of her presence
at
all.
The story of the princessfrom Delhi
resrsupon"someled nisrorical evenrs.
In
the early part of the founeenthcenrury,
the Delhi suriuor" mrer .Alr al_Din
Khalji attemptedto bring the entire
subcontin.o,uoa..D.tti,s control.
and his
armresled by N'alik Khrn invaded
southemIndia in 1310.The sultanate
forces
made camp in Kannanu, near Srirangam,
anO tnef *iO"otty plundered the
Radganerha
temple.Cenaine
ex'e,
and
itisi*ery
il;H:,iil';ffi:,T:li';11.,:#r?TijHJ
refuge
in the hills of Tirupati during rhe
disruprionsot,h. roua..oth century.
For severaldecadeslvluslim regimes
controlledthe main centersof southelx
A MusLimPrincessin the Templesof Visnu I 111
India, but in the latterpafl of the fourreenthcenturyrhe expanclingVijayanagara
Empire basedin upland Kamatakaextendedits dominion over Tamilnad. An
inscription on the inner courtyard wall in Radganathatemple, dated 1371,
records hor.vone Gopanabrought an image of Radganalhafrom Timpati back to
Srirangamand had it reconsecrated
in the temple sanctum(Hultzsch 1900l90l).6 Other details in the Tulukka Ndcciylr's story may seem historically
inplausible to us. but it is clearfrom her multiple appearances
in the traditions
of major South Indian Vaisnavatemplesthat the apocryphalstory touchedon
themesand concernsimponant to devout Vaisnavaaudiencesin South India
following the Turkic invasionsof the fourteenthcentury.i
T\\-O THENIES
I rvas initially interestedin the srory of the Tulukka Ndcciyar becauseit
concertrsa religiousimage that is looted and returned.I had been working for
severalyearson biographiesof imagesthat have beendislocatedand relocated
in various ways, and in this story I particularly admired the image's own
initiativein making his way back to Srirangam.But this is not just rhe taleof the
image.The K1yil Oluku endsirs accounrwirh the HandsomeBridegroomimage
reinstalledon his throneat Srirangamdistdbutingtitles and honorsto all who
haveseruedhim duringhis exile: the village rvomanrvhofollowed him to Delhi,
the temple musicianswho channedthe Sultan,the old Brahmanwho watched
over the image rvhile it was a fugitive in the Tirupari hitls, and the deceased
princessfrom Delhi. I take this final sceneas the interpretivekey. The na[ative
centerson the Visnu image, but its primary purposeis to celebratea seriesof
devotional relationshipsbetweenhuman devoteesand the iconic god. What
makes this scenestriking is that a N,Iuslimprincessis included in the select
groupof Vaisnavadevotees.
In one sense,the story of the Tulukka Ndcciydr and her HandsomeBride_eroomfits neatly into the thematicframe of Indian devotional hagiography.
Divine seductionand humaninfatuationwith the deity consideredas a particularly beguilingand often capriciouspersonis one of the most commontropesof
"emotional
bhakti." NIale devotional poets like the Tamil Vaisnava saints
Nammalvlr and TirumadkaiAlr er chooseoftentimesto sing in a female voice
to expresstheir feelingsof passionateaffectionfor their god. And for female
saints.love. marriage,and frnal union with the deity by merging u,ith his iconic
form is a spiritualpath frequently'traveled(Ramanujan1982).The best-known
South Indian female devotee of Visnu, Antul, fell adamantly in love with
l,{2 / RichardH. Davis
girl and refuseclall human suitors' Her
Radganethaof Srirangamas c youllg
accounts'As her father became
story is related in numeroushagiographical
storyg-oes'Vi;qu appearedto him in a
anxiousabouther mamagep'o'p"t'l the
Antal as his bride at Sdrangam'
clreamand informed him that he would accept
and escofiedher from Villiputtur to
"", i*0., dressedAltll in rvetldingclothes
climbed up onto the altar' grasped
Srirangam,where she enteredthe tuottu-'
in
into the image of Visnu Antal's shrine
the feet of the icon, and disappeared
is now one of the most popularin
the flfth enclosureof the tajganatha tempie
the temPlecomPlex.
goes, she intoned the names of
when the infant Antll babbled,the story
a tender age' so the princessln
\rislu. Just as Aqta| loves Radganathafrom
imageof Vis4u' The Tulukka Nlcciydr
Delhi falls in love as soooa' shele"' the
There are no direct referencesto
traclitionis not explicirly a story of conversion
the princessis not shown abandoning
Islam as a distinct religious lbrmation' and
Antal' the Tulukka Nlcciylr need not
any other form of rvorshipor love Unlike
passionfor god Nevertheless'while
reject any human suttors to pursueher
finds successtulconsurnmaRadganalha
A+tfl's innocentinfatuationrvith Visqu
to more ambiguousresults'There
tion, Vis!u's seductionof the princessleads
lover ends with her
recaptureher r'va-vward
the heroine'sdesperateu*t-p"o
she achievesin
outsidethe tocked gatesof the temple' but
anguishedc.lemise
her shrinewithin the ternpleprecincts
death-through Visnu's regularvisits to
from him in life'
-the continuing recogDitionand loving attentionshesought
all the other Visnus of lndia"
Antll's prefetencefor Visnu Radganatha'over
the appelationof Radganltha'spoflis no accident,nor is 1t a coincidencethat
"HandsomeBridegroom."of all South Indian image-incamations'
abie icon is
lover' In addition
Visnu Radganlthaof Srirangamwas lr particularly-enchanting
and Cera princesses'also married
to Aqlal, t-hedaughtersof i'vo rulers' COla
rvithin the vicinity' The Cera pnncess
Vi.qu ui S.iroogam,and both have shrines
Radgandthatemple' right next to the
residesin the secondenclosureof the
Lak;mr occupiesher own shrine
Tulukka Nacciyar, while the c6!a princess
the old site of Urail'ur (now in Trichi)'
on the other side of the Kiv€n River' 'tt
and wait; he
capital'8And Radgandthacloesnot onlv recline
;;;;;;a;ia
forrn of his processionalicon' and
actively goes out from the temple' in the
(1982: 633-34) shows' much of the
p,,rr".:; fti, affairs. As Paul Younger
celebrationof the temple' revolves
Padkupifestival,the preeminentcalendrical
one of the visits he pays during the
aroundvisnu's pursuit of romance.and
f e s t i v a l i s t o t h e s h r i n e o f t h e C o i a N d c c i y d r i n U r a i y u r , w h e r e t h ethe
loverssit
EkadaSlfestival'
Vaikuntha
the
During
pavilion
mamage
togetherill the
its palanquin) break into a
prlcessionat image (and the Brahmanscarrying
shrine'so excitedis the Handsome
galtopa:;they approachtbe TulukkaNlcciydr
A Mu.slimPrincessin the Templesof Visntt / 113
j
j
l
I
Bridegroomto seeher (Subrahmanian
1996).Radganntha
evensenta love letter
declaring his desire to Antll in Villiputtur, which is norv inscribed on rhe
pavilionin front of Antll's ternplethere(Dehejia1990:16t-63).
Visnu Radganatha
is so profligate,in fact, that accordingto one local tradition
he has tr.velvewives in all. In additionto the oneswe would expect,suchas his
"formidable wife"
Radkandyakiand \risnu's pan-Indian rvives Laksmi and
rve
Bhldevi,
find in this list somemore surprisingwives, such as the KAvCn
River figured (as Indian rivers alwavsare)as a beautifulwoman and the female
poeticpersonaeof the male devotionalpoetsNammAlvarand Tirumrdkai Alvlr.
There are four daughtersof rulerslisted as u'ell: the COlaand CEraprincesses.
Antal identified as the daughterof the Pandil'apruler, and the Delhi Sulran's
daughter.eThe Tulukka Nacciyar might seem ro us an oursiderin this Hindu
harem.but SouthIndian devotionalhagiographyoften validatesthe devotionof
thoseotherwiseexcludedfrom propersociety.Just as in the story of Timppln,
an outcasteof Uraiyur rvhosedevotiouto RadganAtha
eamshim final acceptance
from Visnu, here the Turkic girl, member of another excludedcommunity,
receivesVisnu's final recognitionthroughher love for him. Bhakti is a force that
overcomeserclusions basedon social identity. Relationshipsthat would be
irnproperunderconventionalstandardsof dharma may be justified. and indeed
rarefied,by the counter-vailing
standardof bhakti.
The story of the Tulukka Nacciyar connectsto anothercollmon theme in
late medievalIndian literature.in s'hich rhe agonisticrelationsof Hindu and
N{uslimruling elitesduring the periodare portrayedfigurativelyas problematic.
olien doomed, rornance.In his 1963 essay on "Epic and Counter-Epic in
NledievalIndia," Aziz Ahmad describesthe Indo-NIuslimgenreof cross-cultural
romance,exemplifiedby Amir Khusraw's coufily tale of 'Ala al-Din Khalji's
son Khizr Khan and the Hindu princessof Gujarat, Deval Rani, where the
N{uslim hero pursuesthe Hindu heroine,"assertingthe conqueror'sright not
only to love but to be loved" in the new homeland(1963:471).Hindu narratives
often reversethe protagonists'genderbut maintainthe notion of Nluslim sexual
pursuit.The IVIuslimheroinefalls in love wirh the Hindu hero, who steadfastly
rejects lrer advances.In Padmandbha'sKdnhadadePrabandha,for instance,
Sultan'.A,la
al-Din Khalji's daughter(calledSIII in the rext) becomesinfatuated
with the young prince Vlramade,son of Kdnhadade,a recalcirrantRajplt ruler
in Jalor.southemRajasthan(Bhatnagari99-t; Vyas 1953).t0The Sultanoffersto
end his war on Kdnhadadethrough an allianceof rnarriage,but Viramade deems
sucha union shameful.The princessthentravelsherselfon a diplomaticmission
to seeKlnhadadeand Viramadein Jalorand tells the princethat in six previous
lifetimes they have alreadybeenmaried. \irramadeacceptsher versionof the
past but refusesher proposal:"What you say is true, Princess,but I rvitl not
144 / RichardH. Davis
'
look at your face, nor rvill I marry you: this is my resentmentagainstyou!
(Bhatnagarl99l 61). Rebulfed,the princessreturns to Delhi and the forces
of the Sultanaterenew their attackson Jalor. The princessasks her maid to
accompanythe amly and bring Viramadeto her alive, but the young hero dies
valiantly in battle, and the maid can only bring his head back to Delhi in a
jelveled basket.As the handsomehead is brought to her, the princessreflects,
"Earlier, the Chauhanahad vorvedthat he would never look at my face. Now,
today at least,he rvill have to breakhis u'ord" (Bhatnagar1991: 101-2). But as
soonas the headis placedbeloreher it tums away. The princessis disconsolate
at this ultimaterejection,and after crematingViramade'sheadon the banhsol
the YamunaRiver,shecommitssuicidein Yamuna'sswiding waters.
Still closer thematically'and geographicallyto the story of the Tulukka
Nlcciyar is an episode related in the Paradara SotLaraRdnnna Kathe of
Nanjunda, a sixteenth-centuryKannada historical account of the Kampili
dynasty, which precededthe VijayanagaraEmpire in the southem Deccan."
Here the Sultdn of Delhi sendsout officers throughoulIndia iu searchof a
suitablehusbandfor his beautifuldaughter.Someof the officersvisit Kummata,
and decidethrt this is
capitalof King Kampila, seethe king's son Ramacandra,
the man for the princess.They havehis porrraitdrawn and take it back to Delhi.
Here. as in the story of the Tulukka Ndcciyar,it is a visual imagethat travelsto
the Nluslim capitaland enchantsthe princess.\\'hen she seesthe painting,she
immediately falls deeply in love rvith Ramacandra.The Sult1n writes a proposal
to Kampila and offers territory as part of his dau-ehter'sdorvry, but Kampila
rejectshis offer. Soon after,the armiesof the Sultanattack,seekingto capture
Rdmacandrafor the princess.but Kampila and his forcesmanageto fend them
off. A secondcampaignensues,and this time Rdmacandradies in battle.The
text breaksoff before rve can learn what becameof the Sultan's daughter'
ln all thesestories,a daughterof the Sullln of Dethi, the dominantpolitical
India, lalls in love with Hindu males,
and military power of foufieenth-century
either royal or divine. (The line betweenthe two is deliberatelyoccluded:the
KdnhadatlePrabanclhaportra"vsKdnhadadeas an incat:rationof Krsna and
the Pararlara S1dara Ramana Kathe clearly intends its audienceto identify
Ramacandrawith his divine narnesake,rvhile in the Tulukka Nicciyar narratives
Visrlu takeson humanincarnationfor his nightly enjoymentswith the princess.)
In dynastic naratives proposalsof marriagealso proposepolitical affiliation. By
acceptinga marriagealliancethe Hindu ruler u'ould gain territory and statusas a
subordinateruler within the overarchingDelhi imperial fbrmation. The poets
celebratethe rulers' refusalsas upholdingHinrlu valuesof punya anrldhanna
in the faceof greattemptationand opposition."But they also lecognizethat the
The armiesof Delhi
offer is one the heroescannotrefusewithout consequence.
A [,Iuslim Princessin the Tenrplesof l'isnu I 115
attack, the Hindu little kingdoms are defeated,and the heroes die on the
banlefield.In Aziz Ahmad's tems, such dynasticaccountsserveas "epics of
resistance"or Hindu "counter-epics"in oppositionto Indo-NIuslim"epics of
conquest."They depict the attemptsof indigenousHindu royalt.vto maintain
rutonomy during the erpansionof the Delhi Sultanate'scontrol in a heroic,
chivalric. and ultimately tragic light.
The story of the Tulukka Nicciylr, recounredin South Indian temple rexts
more concernedto celebratebhakti thanKsatriyadhanna, revisesthis standardized pkx. Visnu is not simply the passiveobjectof the princess'passion.Though
the icon is fbrcibly lootedand then selectedbl the young rvomanfrom a storeroom presumably full of handsomeHindu deities, Handsome Bridegroom
clearly participatesin a murual seduction.(Folk recountingsfrom the lVlelkote
&reatake \iisnu's initiative in the alTaira stepfurther, r'"'ithBelovedSon going
off to Delhi to meet the beautiful princessand then publicly celebratinghis
mariage to her despiteoppositionfrom orher,more conventional.\'isnus.)And
thoughhe choosesto return to Srirangamwith his longstandingtempleservants
rather than stay in Delhi with his nerv lover, he ultimately acknorvledges
and
acceptslhe princess'love, in permanentritual form. If dhartna ligures in the
dynasticepics as a value that reinforcesdistinctionsto maintain social order,
bhakti appears
hereas a meansb1'rvhichthosedistinctionsmay be transcended.
The outcome here is not meant to evoke sadness.In the religious sphere,
templesand their primary icons maintain or regain their autonomy in the face of
Islamic iconoclasm,and what is more, they manageeven to seduceaway a paft
of the opposition.The story reassertsthe porverof Visnu and his icons in the
face of the chaliengeposed by Islamic aniconism.We might even see it as
offering a covertcritiqueof Nluslim devotionto an unrepresented
and unrepresentabledivinity. One cannot imagine the princessplaying dolls with Allah.
but in the vision of these South Indian temple texts Visnu does meet human
emotionalneedslbr a loving personalrelationshipwith an embodiedGod. even
for the daughterof a IVIuslimruler. Radgandtha'ssway eKtendsnot only' or,er
the threetraditionalpolitiesof the south.represented
by the daughtersof COla,
CEra,and Plndiyaq rulers as his wives, but also over the preeminentpolity of
late medieval North India, as signified by the incorporationof the Sulten's
daughterasstill anotherof his consofis.
NruSLNISPACEIN HINDURITU.{L
In contrastto the one-sidedromtncesin political narrativessucha.sKdnhadade
:
I
l
l
146 / RichardH. Davis
Prabanclha,the story of the Tulukka Nlcciyar envisions the possibility of
mutuality. While acknolvledgingconflict, it points to other less antagonistic
The Sultencan be
modesof interactionacrossreligiottsand culturalboundaries.
charmed by the arts of temple musiciansand dancers,and his daughtercan
becomeinfrtuated with a Hindu icon. A Turkic princesscan even becomea
consort of the god Visnu, and a Nluslin ruler may patronizeHindu shrines.
Emphasizing the incorporativevalue of bhakti, the Tulukka Ndcciyar story
seemsto proposea way for evel the lv{uslimelite to enterinto relationswith a
Hindu deity-on Hindu terms.
Should rve then view the story of the princess-bridefrom Delhi, and the
tenple shdnes where she coltinues her relationshipwith Visnu, as aimed at
creatingand aniculatinga spacefor Nluslimsto enter and participatein South
Indian Hindu ternples?There is a lengthy historiographydating back to the
colonial period that stressesthe incompatibilityof Nluslims and Hindus,
conceivedas contitruousreligious communities.We may have becomeaccustomed as rvell by eventsin India over the past two decadesto think of Hindu
templesas sitesof provocationand resistance,not of intefaith dialogue.This
leadsto a broaderquestion:just rvhatwere the possibilitiesfor accommodation
of Nluslim personsand practiceswithin the religious sphere of established
Hindu iemplesin medievalSouthIndia?
On Trichi Rock, acrossthe Kav€ri from Srirangam,there are trvo indentations
that local residentsidentify as fbotprints. One is revered as the footpdnt of
Visnu, while the other is said to belong lo Nathar Wali, the legendaryS[fi
saint supposedto have broirghtNluslim teachingsto Tamilnad. According to
hagiographicaltraditions,Haztrat Nathar Wali $'as a Turkish noblemanof the
thifteenthcenturywho was promptedby a dream to spreadthe word of Allah
into distantlands.After an arduousjoumey by rvay oi i\Iecca and many important Sufi shrinesin westemAsia and India, he frnaily establishedhimself in the
distant land of Trichi, rvhere his clargah is now one of the most imponant
Nluslim shrinesin South India and an impodant paft of the local sacredlandscape.Devoteescome from all over the region. from every social and ethnic
group,to sharein the barakaot sacredpowerof the saint'sshrine.
Just as Nathar Wdli sharesTrichi Rock with Visnu, I\'Iuslims share the
geographicaland cultural space of Tamilnad and have for many centuries.
ThoughTamilnadis usuallyconsideredone of tbe most thoroughl) Hindu areas
of the subcontinent,IUuslim communitieshave formed a distinct, substantial.
and intenially complexminority within the regionfor many centuries,as Susan
Throughoutthe late medieval
Bayly's 1989 study convincinglydemonstrates.
period Turkic elites adhering to Islam played significant roles in southern
politics. Islamicate regimes in northern India repeatedly tried to establish
A Muslim Princessin the Templesof VisnLt/ 117
tregemonyover the south,such as the Khalji campaignin the early fourteenth
century and the Ivlughalone in the late seventeenthcentury. and ambitious
regional govemorssometimesbroke off ro fo,- autonomousN,Iuslimpolities.
like the N{aduraiSultanateof thc fourteenthcenturyand the carnatic Narvabsof
the eighteenrh.
\\'e do not know the precise historical circumstancesduring which the
Tulukka Nrcciyar story and her shrineswere institutionalizedin the tempres
of Srirangarnand N'Ielkote.The texts recordingher story date mostly from the
seventeenthand eighteenthcenturies but may rvell retell earlier traditions.
whatever its origins,I would proposethat rhe Tulukka Ndcciyrr traditionswere
most peftinenrduring periodsof settledIsiamicatepolitical rule in SouthIndia.
when Hindu temples and Nluslim sovereignsneeded to accommodateone
another in a variety of ways. To get an idea of such arrangements,let us
consider briefly just two examplesamong many possibilities.The lValajah
Nawabs of Arcot and the I\{ysore rulers Haidar.AlI and Tip[ Sulta[ were
X.,Iuslim
r-ulersof the eighteenthceltury who gainedsovereigntyin the wake of
lr'Iughalattemptsto extendtheir contlol over the south.Theseregionalpotentates styled themselvesas subordinateswithin a distant Nlughaloverlordship
basedin Delhi. b,t they acredas mlers who rvereeffectivelyautonomous,and
therefore rhey struggled to establish their legitimacy primarily within the
culturalenvironmentof SouthIndiansociety.
In 17.19\,Iuhammad'Ali \\'alajahI declaredhimselfNar.vabof the Camaticat
Trichi and u,'enton to rule for forry-six years.with its fortified Rock a'd its
position at the head of rhe Kavcd delra,Trichi was probablythe most foughtover site in all of ramilnad- As Bayly puts it. Nluhammad'Ali's early claim to
authodty seemedto emanatedirectly fiom his control of this place, 'ot only
due to its fortifications,but also due to the fame and sanctiryof rrichi's sacred
topograph)'( I 989: 162). While N,Iuhammad.Ali brought in many eminenr
Nluslim scholarsfrom the north, he arsolavishly patronizednumerousIslamic
holy sites in his realm. especiallythe Trichi tlargah of Nathar WdlI, which
became under Walajah supporr one of the two principal Snfi dargdhs in
Tamilnad.The other great shrine.ShahHamrd Shih's dargah at Nagore. arso
benefited substantially
from Walajahgenerosity.
Operatingin a largely Hindu society, Nluhammad.Ali was careful also ro
fulfill the traditionalIndia' royal obligationto prorectand endow Hindu hoty
places.Sriran-ramhad sufferedfrom occupationand plunderingby the French
during the camatic wars, and both x,IuhammadAli and his successor
umdatu,l
Umara assistedin rcstoringthe shrine.They made donationsand adjudicatecl
in
disputesover remplehonors.N,Iuharnmad'Alralso coordirated the tiining of
annualfestivalsheld by the Nathar wdli shirne and the srirangamtemple,so
1,18/ RichardH. Davis
there would be no conflicts betweenthem, and sharedhis ro)'al accouterments
with both religiousinstitutions.The Walajahrulers also patronizedother major
Hindu temples in their dominion, including Tirupati. At the Saiva temple in
Cilanpararnthe Narvdbinten cneclnhen Saira priesrshld obstructedu,orshipat
the shdne of Visnu Govindarlja and forced them to restore\/isnu's shrineand
recommence
olTeringsto hirn (Swaminathan
1975).
In tr{ysore,Tip[ Sultanoperatedaccordingto marry of the sameprinciples.
The Hindu \\'odeyar dynastythat his farherHaidar'Ali had supplantedconsidered the Narayanasvlmitemple at I\tlelkoteas one of the most sacredsites in
their reaLn.One Wodeyarking even made an annLralpilgrimageto the temple,
as the JesuitmissionaryJoachimDias obsened (Subrahrnanyam
lggg: 223fn).
Tip[ kept up the tradirion of royal patron&geat jUelkore,donatingelephanrs
and silver vesselsto the Visnu temple.lr\\'hen ruo sectsbecameinvolved in a
dispute at the temple,TIp[ assumedthe royal duty of maintainingorder and
acted as mediatorin resolving rhe conflict. .{r rhe Sir a temple of Nanjangud,
Tip[ evenset up a greenishjadite icon, afterwardsknorvnas the padshlhLidga.
As Kate Brittlebank(1993:49-53; has argued,Tip[ had good reasonro exercise
"conspicuouspiety"
at the most esteemedHindu sitesin his domain as a means
of gaininglegitimacyrvirhinSouthIndianconventionsof properro1'alconduct.
Nluslims ruling in the predominantlyHindu areasof medieval South India,
then, found it expedient.at the least,to ertend their patronagetotvardsimpor,
tant Hindu sites.To find occasionsof broaclerN{uslim participationin Hindu
temple life, though.u'e needto considerthoselloments ."vhenthe iconic cleity
goes outsidetlte temple walls, during festival processions.
The signilicanceof
theseprocessionsin SourhIndian templesis most often explainedin terms of
god's extensivegrace.By leaving the precinctsof the temple to tour the larger
sphereof the town, the deity ma)/ grant his grace to thoseordinarily unableto
enterthe inner sanctumlDavis l99l: 7l-72). Nlany haveobseryedthat festivals
offer settingsin rvhich normal con.munity boundariesbecomeless rigid. As
JamesPrinsepcommentedotr the festivalsof Benaresin the I 830s. ,.On most
occasionsof festiveand multitudinousassemblage.
the distinctionsof religion
gile r,vay,and the scenebearsmore the chtracter of a fair than of a religious
meeting" (cited in Freitag 1989: 206). Prinsepmisleads us. horvever.if we
imagine from his obsenrationa kind of amorphouscomnmtita.su,heremarkers
of identity and statusare dispensedwith entirely. N,Iorecommonly, in South
India at least,paniciparionis broadenedbut still imbricatedwith hierarchiesof
community identity.
Parricipationby imporrantHindu comnunities might be strucruredinto S[fi
public ceremonial.Under Walajah rtrle the kant ri vr'/atook shapeas rhe main
event in the sacredcalendarof the Nathar \\, all darsah. This festival co[lmemo-
'v
i'
t
...1
A trIuslirnPrincessin the Templesofltis1tu I 149
ratesthe deathof the S[fi saintentombedin the shrineand represents
the saint's
deathas a joyful rnarriagewith God. During the festival,vesselsof sandahvood
paste are carried to the saint's tomb on decoratedrvoodenchariots,much as
imagesare caried out from templesin Hindu processions.
While manl' groups
are allorvedto bring the sandalwoodchariots to the tomb, there are clear (and no
doubt highly cotrtested)
rulesof priority.First comesthe contributionof the elite
Muslim Pilzddi families who presideover the site. Next, however,from the
main bAzdr comes the sandalwood chariot of the leading Hindu Cettiydr
merchantfamilies of Trichi. As Bayty (1989: 115*46)notes,the guardiansof
Ihe dargclhinsist that rhe preparatiorland offering of sandalwoodto Nathar lVaI
is a ceremonialprivilegethat l\Iuslimsand Hindusalike share.Yet thev also,not
suryrisingly,resen'efirst priorityto N,Iuslimdevotees.
We find a parallel concern ao establishritual interactionsacrossreligious
lines,hereinvolving local X,Iuslimresidentsin a Hindu procession,
in the annual
festival of the sixteenth-centu
ry Vaisnavatemple of Sri XIushnaul,near
Citamparam.la
.\s the icon of Visnu Bhuvaraha(the "Boar incarnation")travels
in processionto the sea, it stops at the Slfi dargah of HazaratRahamatulla
Walliulla Suthariin the rown of Kilhi. The N{uslimresidenrsgreetVisnu wilh
bandmusic. The 4a:l recitesfrom the Quran.the locals presentfood and other
ofTeringsof pujo to the Visnu icon, and the Vaisnavapriestsredistributethe
IeftoverprasadcLto the descendants
of the Nau'ib who patronizedthe site. One
of Visnu's garlandsis placedon the romb of the Slfi saint and camphoris lit.
That night Hindusand N,Iuslinsrogetherenjoy the fireworksshow.Here we find
a closeritual refleclionof the TulukkaNdcciylr tradition:a Visnu icon visits the
home of a Nluslim saint,Visnu is worshipedwith the bestcnlruralproductshis
hostscan offer (like readingsfrom rhe Quren),and rhroughrirual exchangethe
saintis reco,enized
and honoredas a true devoteeof Visnu. Accordingto local
tradition. a Nluslim nrler of the area long ago endowedland to celebratethe
VisnLrfestival and first establishedthe pattern of annual ritual interactions
bet$,eentempleanddurgah,Hintlugod andNluslimprr.
The patlernof royal patronage,the festivalinteractionsat Sri N,Iushnam,
and
the traditionsof the Tulukka Ndcciyarat Srirangamand Nlelkoteall represent
ef'fortsin late medievalSouth India to articulatespacewithin which N,Iuslims
could participatein the liturgical and devotionallife of Hindu gods and their
temples.For Nluslimmiers in the southseekingto estabiishstableregimes,this
interactive spacerepresenteda crucial area in which to gain credibility as
legitimateruler amongimponant groupswithin a predominantlyHindu social
order.For the keepersof Hindu templesthey sen,edan imponant role as well.
lf a great temple like that of Visnu Radgandthaat Srirangamclaimed to be a
conplete Visnu-ruledcoslnos,thetrit was necessaryto provide spacewithin it
150 / RichardH. Davis
for Muslims.As universalsovereign,Visnu could nol entirel) ignorethe Turkic
politiesgovemingnofihemIndia or the importantX{uslimcommunitiescloserto
home. As the storiesol the Tulukka Nlcciyar indicate,though, they were not
portrayedas a distinctreligiouscornmunity.Rather,they appearedas an ethnic
group s'ith its own distinct cultural practices.u'hich could neverthelessbe
lvithin the encompassing
incorporated
dominionof Visnu.
THE NACCIYAR'SRETURN?
The situationnowadaysis much difl'erent,of course.The British defeatedTipu
Sultanin 1799 and supplantedthe Walajahsin the early nineteenthcentury.In
"Hindu" and
nineteenth-and twentieth-centuryIndia, religious identities of
"NIuslim" were solidified,in part through British administrati\eprcctices.
lndigenousrefbrm movementsas well aimed to purif,vHinduisrnaud Islam of
"extraneous"elements.Nlore recently Hindu nationalist mobilizations have
attemptedto reinforceboundariesseparatingthesereligiouslybasedidentities.
All this has reducedthe scopeand relevanceof interactionrvithin the religious
sphere.At the Cittirai festival in Nladurri, \'isnu Alakar continuesto enjoy his
annualrendezvouswith his N,Iuslimconsort.but since 19.17local \'{uslims do
not atlend.At the Srirangarntemple.a nervdresscodepolicy severalyearsago
prohibited temple entry by personsrvearingladgrs, the male lor.vergannentworn
publicly in Tamilnadmainly by non-Hindus.Visnu may rveara /rdgl r.vhenhe
visits the Tulukka Nacciyar,but no ftrdgi-wearingnon-Hindumale will get near
the princess'shrine.
Recentlytemple complexesand rituals acconmodatingNluslirnsas well as
In Tirupparankundram
nearlVladuraiis a
Hindushavecomeundernew pressure.
large X,Iuruka4ternple,and or the twin-peakedhill behind the lemple stand a
small templeof Ganeia and a Ir'Iuslimshrinecontainingthe tomb of Sikandar.
Hindus as well as N{uslimshave long visited Sikandar'stourb.and it has been
a part of the annual Karttikai festival. Startingin 199.1,however, the Hindu
Nlunnani,a regionalHindu nationalistgroup,has agitatedto excludethe lvluslim
shrine from its role in the festival. While the courts have decided against
Nlunnaniclaims,the festivalitself haslost considerablepopularityas a resultof
the disturbancesand the resulting police presence.Throughout India. Hindu
"purily'" shrine lnd festivals that afe
nationalistgroups have sought to
religiouslyshared.l5
Still, though, the Tulukka Nlcciydr continuesto receive her Hindu lover
inside Srirangam.and her storiesremainas both residueof late medievalmutu-
A fuIuslimPrincessin the Templesof Visnu / l5l
ality and its future possibilitl,..At least into the 1970s,folk songsat \,Ielkote
continuedto proclaima Hindu deity of notablyecumenicalvision,who rventall
the wav to Delhi to manJ the daughrerof a i\'Iuslimruler againstthe objections
of his divine kinsmen.As onc professorof vaisnava studiesobsened in IndicL
Today,the Tulukka Nacciyar "is an insranceof the flexibility of Hinduism"
(Subrahmanian
1996).There is ahvaysthe possibilitythat the TulukkaNrcciydr
may find nerv life and ner.vsignificanceirr responseto the contemporaryrelig_
ious climatein India.
Notes
l. I presentedearlier versions of this paper in 1995 at rhe Universiry of
Pennsylvaniasouth Asia Seminarantl ar the annualconferenceof the America
Academy of Religion in Philadelphia.I am grateful to Allison trIackenzie.
Nlargaretx'Iills, and SandhyaPurohir for rheir initiar encouragementof this
projectand to audiencesat both meetingsfor their questionsand comments.The
written draft was completedin r996, for a volurneon "Islamic spacein South
Asia." rvhichdid not reachpublication.This essayerpandson a brief sectionof
chapter;lin my book.Livesof Indian Images(L997).which discusses
Srirangam
and late medievalnanativesof displacedimages.I $'anralso ro thankthoservho
correspondedrvith rne about Varioustopics in this essay: Kate Br-itrlebank,
Andrerv Cohen, Rich Freeman.William Jackson,George Nlichelt, Vasudha
Naravauan.
LeslieOrr, David Shulman,CynrhiaTalbot,andphillip Wasoner.
Sincethis paperwas initially composed,a number of imponant studieshave
appeareddealing with Hindu and N{uslim iclentitiesand interactionsin late
medieval South India. Particularlynoteworthy are: Gilmartin ancrLawrence
(2000): Naray'anaRao, Shulman, and Subrahmanyam(2003 and Wagoner
);
(1999).\\'agoner(2000)dealsu'irh two of the narrativesdiscussedin this essay.
Finally. Dutta (2003)analyzesthe narrativesof the Tulukka Ndcciyarin considerable detail and locatesthem in terms of the construcftionof a network of
Srivaisnavareligious centersin later medieva] South India. I am qrateful to
RanjeetaDuttafor giving me a copy of this essay_
2. The primary sourcefor the Srirangamversion of the story is the Kd1,i/
Oluku, temple chronicles maintainedby local priests and temple servanrs(Hari
Rao l96l; KirusnasvamiAyyankar Svarni 1976). The version availableto us
resultsfrom the attemptsof Josephwallace, British collectorin Trichi in lg0l.
to establisha single authoritativete\t from the multiple versionsin order to
mediateconflictingclaimsof competingtempleofficials over rights and honors
(Parrhasarathy1954). For Nlelkote, the primary version is the sevenreenth-
152 / RichardH. Davis
1966).
centurySanskrittext, Propannantrldof.A.nantas[ri(Ramanarayanacarya
(1906:
189-90) retellsthe story fi'om the local templehagiograGovindacharya
phy, the Yaclavagirilvldhdtmya.The story is also relatedin the KLutLporuntparaof Prabhikara
prapavam (Narayanan1985: 56-57) and in the Yavantparirya,ta
(Govindacharya
Piilai (1965: 1Ofn)refers to
1906: l90fn). Sornasundaram
Pillailokan Ciyar's Yattntiraprarandprdpal'dn as still alother sourcefor the
story.Dutta(2003)citesstill more sources.which I havenol beenableto vierv.
3. For accountsof Srirangamtempleand its topography,seeAuboler (1969);
KulataLtam(.1996).As a non-HinduI rvas
Somasundaram
Pillai (1965); IkstdkLL
not alloued to enter the Radganltha temple as far as the Tulukka Nlcciylr
shrine,so I am gratefulto PremaNandakumarand VasudhaNarayananfor their
of it.
descriptions
.{. I am grateful to Leslie On for her inquiries at the lUelkole temple conceming the locationof Tulukka Nlcciylr. The nanative of Rdmanujabringing the
icon back to Nlelkote is also rememberedin a special ritual. According to
"Delhi-utsava,"in rvhich the
Vasantha(1991) the temple annuallycelebratesa
icon and an icon of Rlmlnuja processtogether.
Visnu processional
(1991:
39-40), basedon Krishnaswami(1974), a collection of
5. Vasantha
Kanlada folksongs about NlelkoteNlrryanasvlmi as Beloved Son. Vasantha
a.lsoreports an older literary account, lhe Varanandi Kalyana of poetess
Clraluvlmbe (ca. 11251 describing the mariage of Beloved Son with the
I\'Iuslim princessVaranandi.
6. The versesare repeatedin Prapannantrtc(KrishnastvamiAyyangar l9l9:
40), u'here they are identified as the composition of \redantadesika,the
Snvaigpavatheologian.Local tradition at Tirupati holds that the Handsome
Bridegroom was kept in the Radgamandapaduring his sojourn there
(Subrahmanya
Sastry1981: 85), rvhile the Koyil Oluku descibesa much more
inaccessiblebivouac in the Tirupati hills. According to the Srirangamtemple
"tied himself to Visnu with
chronicles,one of the image's Brlhman attendants
the help of roots and herbs and askedthe other two attendantsto lower him
don'n iuto the declivity by meansof a creeperfastenedto a promontoryof the
mountain.jutting out like the hood of a serpent"(Hari Rao 196I:27). The image
like this.
spentfifty yearssuspended
7. It is srriking that no similar traditionsdevelopedamong Sriva esrablishinents in South lndia, as far as I am aware. Dutta (2003) observesthat the
Vaisnava nanatives cluster around institutions associatedrvith the Tedkalai
schoolof Srlvaisnavism.
at a
8. The story of C6!a princessVasalaksmrrvho choseVisnu Radgandthan
sra)-aitvara attendedby atl rhe fonns of Siva and \-isnu is related in the
A l'luslim Princessin the Templesof\tisnu / 153
Divt'asiricoritcL,the Nisulapttri A4dhatmva,and the fifteenth-centurvSanskrit
poem,Laksmrkar,.ra
(Hari Rao 1976:9, l6; Sornasundararn
Pillai 1965:34).
9. The temple reciterat Srirangam.S. R. SampathThathachariar,
relatedthis
list of wives to me in 1995. Younger (1982: 6.{5-.16)observesrhat local
worshiperstend to conllareCOlaNaccil dr n ith .\nrtl. wirh Tulukka Nlcciyar,
and r.viththe female devotional personain whose voice Nammalvir often
speaks.
10. Padman?ibha
\r'as a Brahman poet in the coul-t of Akhairaja, a direct
descendent
of Klnhadaderuiing Jalor in the mid-fifteenthcentury.For a longer
accountof this text, seeDavis (1997: Chapter6). Indo-N,Iuslim
chroniclesalso
recountthe campaignsagainstKlnhadadeof Jalor(if not the love of the Sultan's
daughterfor Klnhadade'son).For a brief summary,seeLal ( 1967:I l6-i 9).
11. .{s far asI know the manuscriptis unpublished.
A detailedsummaryof the
text may be lbund in theAnnnal Reportof the ArchaeologicalSurveyof Mysore
for the Year 1929(Krishna 1931:36-471.I am indebteclto Phillip Wagonerfor
bringing this accountto my attenrion.A similar story relatingto rhe Kdkatiya
ruler Pratlparudra.defeatedduring the Delhi campaignsof the early fourteenth
century. is recountedin the Ra1'ar,ad
akamu and lhe Pra.taparlldracaritatnu,
wherethe Hindu princeis actuallycaptured,like the Visnu image,and takento
Delhi (\\'agoner1993: 122-23.206n18; 2000:305-15 ).
12. In an interestingreversalof this motif, the Koyil Oluku (Hli Rao l96l)
and Namburi Kesavacfula'sAcoryasiktimttk/r r,z?/i(Kri\hnaswami Al aangar
l9l9: .{0-.15
) relatedhou'. ro saverhe Radganathatempleand its prinraryicon
during the occupation. a temple tlevadasr seducesthe Turkic general ancl
dissuadeshim from further destruction.Finally she has him pushedoff one of
the templetoivers.Here the textscelebr&tethe templewoman'ssexualcrossing.
since it servesthe higher purposesof maintainingthe temple. and Handsome
Bridegroomlaterrecognizes
her devotedsenice.
13.EpigrctphiaCarnatica(197'7,6)no. l7l recordsTIp[ Sulran'sinscription
on two siher round cups and no. 197 recordsTip['s gift of twelve elephantsto
the gods Nlrayanasvdmi and Narasimhait the temple. See also Subbaraya
Chetty (19.+4)and HasanKhan (1951: 351-63) on Tipu's policl' towardsnonNluslimreligiousinstitutionswithin his realm.
14. Infonnation on Sri \'Iushnatn comes from a local publication, the
SrrmusUaAlahdtntya,by Snnivasaraghavacariar.
as relatedin Narayanan(1995:
32-33). I am gratefulto VasudhaNarayananfor sharingher unpublishedessay
with me.
15. Fuller (2003: l.{0-41) briefly relatesthe Timpparankundram
dispure.In a
footnoteFuller also refersto a similar campaignconductedby the Visva Hindu
- r y T
15,{ / RichardH. Davis
For anothersimilar campaigncarriedout by the
Parisadin southemKaranataka.
seeHansen(2001:107-8).
Shiv SenanearlVlumbaiin N'Iaharashtra,
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RICHARD H. DAYIS is Professorof Religion at B&rd College.
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