international human solidarity day

Transcription

Nº 10
ISSN 2255-033X
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN
SOLIDARIT Y DAY
DECEMBER 20, 2014
Con el apoyo de la
Oficina de
Santiago
Organización
de las Naciones Unidas
para la Educación,
la Ciencia y la Cultura
THIS EDITION AIMS TO PROMOTE FRATERNITY BETWEEN NATIONS
Malala Yousafzai
Nobel Peace Prize 2014
1
HUMANISFESTO: The Biomimetic Symbiosis Between
Ecological Sustainability and Human Rights
S
olidarity is a trans-dimensional phenomenon that goes beyond the
ontological essence of human nature. In fact, when we analyze the connections
between the microcosm and the macrocosm, we perceive that human beingsare not
involved in chaos and arbitrariness, but belongs to the large network of interdependencies, complementarities and reciprocities that constitute life. The emergence of life on
Earth, around 3,8 billion years ago, was a complex process of exceptional natural
phenomena, inherent in all living systems. A process which is expressed through unlimited creativity: mutation, gene exchange, and symbiosis. From a cosmo-biological
perspective, we can understand a new conceptual dimension of life, where all living
beings share same basis of genetic code: the twenty amino-acids and four phosphatic
bases. In fact, the diversity of living beings is caused by the combination of this
cosmo-bio-genetic basis.
This trans-dimensional perspective has a deep ecological and spiritual sense
for our worldview because the human evolutionary adventure is the latest stage of life
on Earth. The modern human being is a vertebrate animal, mammal, belonging to the
primates, which emerged 200,000 years ago. In recent centuries he has imposed its
anthropocentric, industrial and capitalist vision to the detriment of Pachamama (and
Indigenous goddess known as earth mother). We consume around 120% of the
natural resources that Earth Mother regenerats annually. Our consumer behavior is
immersed in a fatalistic dynamic with a destiny to climate change (deforestation, loss
of biodiversity, ozone, etc.), and our own self-destruction as a species.
There is an urgent need to get beyond the cognitive fallacy that the mental
structures of social Darwinism and capitalist postulates of the 19th century have
historically constituted, because they only understand natural and social systems as
warmongers and competitive processes whereby species diverge from each other. The
Darwinian concept of adaptation to the environment has become outdated with the
scientific demonstration of the Gaia theory, which recognizes the Earth as an
autopoietic whole, where living and nonliving systems intertwine in the same net of
interdependence. In this way, the evolution of living organisms is linked with the
environments'evolution: adapting mutually in a unique process of co-evolution.
The co-evolution recognition as an ontological phenomenon has deep
philosophical implications that involve a revolution in the current civilization model
of values. We cannot maintain the current capitalist socioeconomic order because it is
incompatible with the planet's limits. The global economic crisis is actually a crisis of
planetary civilization. The world-society of the 21st century needs new tools and
memes to understand reality and to transform it. In this sense, the concept of
biomimicry is a streetlight that illuminates the path of emerging global citizenship.
Biomimicry (mimicking biology) tries to understand the operating principles of life
in all different levels with the goal to imitate nature in the reformulation of new
human production systems, which are sustainable with the biosphere.
Life has taught us that it has not evolved on Earth because of big wars but by
symbiogenetic alliances between independent agencies that have cooperated for more
than 3,5 billion years, constantly forming new organic identities. The concept of
biomimicry invites us to build symbiotic bridges between nature and culture: that is,
between ecosystems and human systems. Although it is true that the constitution of
the United Nations represented itself as an effort of intergovernmental cooperation
and plural unity of human diversity, creating a planetary consciousness of belonging
to a community with a common destiny, the achievement of the Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs) forces us to create new symbiosis between ecological
sustainability and human rights. In this sense, the SDGs of the post-2015
development agenda of the United Nations represent an innate opportunity for the
emergence of a new biomimetic civilizational paradigm, since it is essentially an
authentic Humanifesto: it is characterized by the universal declaration of human
reconciliation with the environment. It presents a challenge of global governance
without historical precedent, where solidarity and human cooperation are the
symbiotic key to integrate ecological bioethics as civilizational meeting-points. The
time has come to walk together towards a new civilization paradigm. Are you ready?
The challenge starts now. I invite everyone to meet me on this path bound for a
transformation....
Javier Collado Ruano
Director of Edition
3
HUMANIFESTO: La Simbiosis Biomimética entre la
Sustentabilidad Ecológica y los Derechos Humanos
L
a solidaridad es un fenómeno transdimensional que ultrapasa la esencia
ontólogica de la naturaleza humana. De hecho, cuando observamos las conexiones entre
el microcosmos y el macrocosmos, percibimos que el ser humano no está en medio del
caos y la arbitrariedad, sino que pertenece a la gran red de interdependencias, complementaciones y reciprocidades que constituyen la vida. El surgimiento de la vida en la
Tierra, entorno a 3.800 millones de años, es un proceso complejo de fenómenos naturales
excepcionales, inherente a todos los sistemas vivos, que se expresa a través de una creatividad sin límites: mutaciones, intercambio de genes y simbiosis. Desde una perspectiva
cosmobiológica podemos observar una nueva dimensión conceptual de la vida, donde
todos los seres vivos compartimos la base de un mismo código genético: los veinte aminoácidos y las cuatro bases fosfatadas. En efecto, la diversidad entre los seres vivos es
originada por la combinación de esta base cosmo-bio-genética.
Esta perspectiva transdimensional tiene un profundo sentido ecológico y espiritual
para nuestra visión del mundo, ya que la aventura evolutiva humana es la etapa más reciente de la vida en la Tierra. El ser humano moderno es un animal vertebrado, mamífero,
del orden de los primates, que surgió hace 200.000 años; y que en los últimos siglos ha
impuesto su visión antropocéntrica, industrial y capitalista, en detrimento de la Pachamama. Consumimos entorno al 120% de los recursos naturales que la Madre-Tierra regenera anualmente. Nuestro comportamiento consumista está inmerso en una dinámica fatalista con destino al cambio climático (deforestación, pérdida de biodiversidad, capa de
ozono, etc.) y a nuestra propia autodestrucción como especie.
Es de urgente necesidad superar la falacia cognitiva que las estructuras mentales
del darwinismo social y los postulados capitalistas del siglo XIX han constituido históricamente, pues únicamente comprenden a los sistemas naturales y sociales como procesos
belicistas y competitivos donde las especies divergen entre sí. El concepto darwinista de
adaptación al medio ha quedado desfasado con la demostración científica de la teoría
Gaia, que reconoce al planeta Tierra como una totalidad autopoiética donde los sistemas
vivos y no vivos se entrecruzan en una misma red de interdependencia. De este modo, la
evolución de los organismos vivos está vinculada a la evolución de su entorno: adaptándose mútuamente en un único proceso de co-evolución.
El reconocimiento de la co-evolución como fenómeno ontológico tiene implicaciones filosóficas profundas que implican una revolución en los valores del modelo de civilización actual. No podemos mantener el orden socioeconómico capitalista actual, pues
resulta incompatible con los límites del planeta. La crisis económica global es en realidad
una crisis de civilización planetaria. La sociedad-mundo del siglo XXI necesita nuevas
herramientas para comprender la realidad, y herramientas para transformarla. En este
sentido, el concepto de biomímesis representa un farol que ilumina el camino de la emergente ciudadanía global, pues trata de comprender los principios de funcionamiento de la
vida, en sus diferentes niveles, con el objetivo de imitar a la naturaleza en la reformulación de nuevos sistemas productivos humanos sostenibles con la biosfera.
La vida nos enseña que no evolucionó en la Tierra por grandes combates, sino por
alianzas simbiogenéticas entre organismos independientes que han cooperado, durante
más de 3.500 millones de años, para formar constantemente nuevas identidades orgánicas. El principio de biomímesis nos invita a construir puentes simbióticos entre la
naturaleza y la cultura, es decir, entre ecosistemas y sistemas humanos. Si bien es cierto
que la constitución de las propias Naciones Unidas representó un esfuerzo de cooperación
intergubernamental y de unidad plural de la diversidad humana, creando una consciencia
planetaria de pertenencia a una comunidad con destino común; la consecución de los
Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) nos obliga a crear nuevas simbiosis entre la
sustentabilidad ecológica y los derechos humanos. En este sentido, los ODS de la agenda
post-2015 de las Naciones Unidas representan una oportunidad innata para la emergencia
de un nuevo paradigma civilizatorio biomimético, pues constituye, en esencia, un auténtico Humanifesto: caracterizado por la declaración universal de reconciliación
humana con el medio ambiente. Un reto de gobernabilidad global sin precedentes históricos donde la solidaridad y la cooperación humana es la clave simbiótica para integrar la
bioética ecológica como metapunto de encuentro civilizatorio. Ha llegado la hora de caminar juntos hacia un nuevo paradigma civilizatorio. ¿Están preparados? El reto comienza
ahora. Les invito a todos a encontrarme en este camino con destino a la transformación...
Javier Collado Ruano
Director de Edición
4
Prof. Dr. José Cláudio Rocha
6.- A REINVEÇÃO SOLIDÁRIA E PARTICIPATIVA DA
UNIVERSIDADE: OUTRO MUNDO É POSSÍVEL
UNESCO Director
General Irina Bokova
14. Second UNESCO Forum on
Global Citizenship Education
(GCED)
16. Por la primera vez una red
colombiana de defensa de los
derechos de las mujeres recibe
la más alta distinción sobre
refugiados en el mundo,
Francisca Fontanini (ACNUR)
Editada en
Almansa,
España, por
ONGD Educar
para Vivir
e com a parceria do DMMDC
(Salvador, BA, Brasil)
18. Carta a las y los jóvenes
de México. Boaventura de
Sousa Santos
19. Women at COP 20 Blast
Failure for Real Action in
Lima
21. La solidarité est la valeur
essentielle pour grandir
ensemble, Sonia Colasse
Research Papers:
32.Millennium
Development Goals
57. Global Citizenship
Education
78. Transversal Studies
23. Other Place on the Globe.
Education of Children in
Montenegro
28. The Deterioration of
Human Rights in Iran
continues: Interview with
Shabnam Assadollahi
Share GEM to raise awareness!
107. Letters to the Editor
Follow us!
5
© GEM
13. Statement of the
UNESCO DirectorGeneral After the Attack
Against a School in
Pakistan
Nº 10
International Human Solidarity Day
A REINVEÇÃO SOLIDÁRIA E
PARTICIPATIVA DA
UNIVERSIDADE: OUTRO
MUNDO É POSSÍVEL
1.Introdução
N
o ano de 2001 propomos ao doutorado da Faculdade de Educação (FACED) da
Universidade Federal da Bahia (UFBA) um projeto de investigação que tinha como objetivo
estudar um novo movimento que estava acontecendo dentro das universidades brasileiras.
Como extensionista me chamou a atenção o grande número de grupos que começavam a se
organizar em redes de extensão, mas também de pesquisa e ensino, contando quase sempre
com a participação de entidades do terceiro setor e movimentos sociais. Esses grupos que se
reuniam de forma espontânea e autogestionada fundavam suas ações em princípios de
solidariedade, alteridade e de produção coletiva e colaborativa, bem como de respeito e promoção dos direitos humanos e cidadania.
O que nos chamou a atenção desde o início, foi essa nova forma de organização do
fazer acadêmico (até que porque os melhores projetos de extensão – em nossa modesta
opinião – vinham desses grupos e não das ações programáticas propostas pelas pró-reitoras de
extensão) que apostava na solidariedade como promotora do desenvolvimento econômico e
social; na ética da participação; na formulação de políticas públicas; na afirmação dos direitos
humanos e da cidadania como situação indispensável a dignidade humana, enfim, toda uma
série de novos ingredientes, para uma nova forma de se fazer política, que não quer somente
ser pública, mas quer ser também participativa, crítica e solidária.
Essa nova forma de organização do fazer acadêmico, fundada na organização de redes
acadêmicas: de incubadoras universitárias; de assessoriais jurídicas universitárias; de extensionistas; de pesquisadores; entre outras, revelava ou revela um novo modelo de gestão
crítico, no sentido em que questiona as formas tradicionais de dominação e propõe a emanci-
www.globaleducationmagazine.com
pação individual e coletiva das pessoas como forma de libertação dos indivíduos, na descolonização dos modelos de desenvolvimento, em que os atores rompem com o modelo tradicional
de gestão capitalista.
Esse novo modelo aposta na solidariedade como promotora do
desenvolvimento econômico e social, rompendo com a visão
tradicional capitalista em que o individualismo, o egoísmo a
competição dão lugar ao coletivo, a participação e a colaboração
como estratégia de construção do desenvolvimento. Nesse sentido,
começamos a apostar na tese de que o século XXI nos traria não só
uma revolução nas Tecnologias de Comunicação e Informação
(TICs), mas a possibilidade de uma mudança de valores e comportamento na sociedade, mas focada nos valores da solidariedade. Em
outras palavras, passamos a pensar a hipótese de que a
solidariedade e a colaboração seriam tão ou mais estimulantes à criatividade, produção e inovação do que a competição, como apregoado
pelas visões tradicionais capitalistas.
Com isso, em 2006 defendemos no programa de pós-graduação em educação da
FACED/UFBA a tese intitulada a Reinvenção Solidária e Participativa da Universidade: Um
Estudo sobre Redes de Extensão Universitária no Brasil, depois de passarmos cinco anos no
universo das redes nas universidades. A tese analisou não só universo das redes da
universidade, mas prestou-se a estudar três redes de extensão universitária no Brasil: a Rede
Nacional de Extensão Universitária (RENEX), formada pelos docentes extensionistas; a Ação
Nacional de Extensão Universitária (ANEXU), formada por estudantes extensionistas e a
Rede Universidade e Cidadania (UNICIDADANIA), formada por universidades e
organizações de direitos humanos.
As informações que apresentaremos deste ponto em diante são conclusões a que chegamos ao final de elaboração da tese. Passado mais de oito anos da defesa podemos perceber
cada vez mais fortes os indícios de que o caminho viável para a construção da paz e da justiça
social no planeta é o caminho da solidariedade, da participação, da alteridade, da colaboração
e da luta contra todas as formas de dominação sacramentada na luta pelos direitos humanos.
Chegamos no estágio tal que o planeta e as relações sociais não suportam mais comportamentos egoístas e individualistas.
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2. A Reinvenção solidária e Participativa da Universidade
O estudo desenvolvido na tese apontou para a necessidade de uma reinvenção da
universidade frente as mudanças que ocorrem no mundo, ou seja, as novas tecnologias e
comunicação e informação, a organização em rede, o trabalho colaborativo, a solidariedade
como estratégia de desenvolvimento econômico e social, tudo isso revela que o mundo mudou, as pessoas estão mudando e com isso a universidade precisa mudar, precisa ser mais participativa, mais solidária, mais comprometida com a vida das pessoas.
Constatamos que antigas visões acadêmicas passaram a se confrontar com uma estrutura social inteiramente nova e desafiadora, trazida em primeira mão pelos estudantes, que
tem nos movimentos sociais seus principais atores e potenciais responsáveis, em um momento
em que os sindicatos e os partidos políticos parecem ter esgotado seu potencial com agentes
autônomos dessa transformação. Ficou evidente a dificuldade que temos em romper com certas barreiras e valores pré-definidos pelos grupos hegemônicos na comunidade cientifica, sempre muito resistente a mudanças em processos e estruturas acadêmicas já consolidadas
(ROCHA, 2008).
Existe por parte, sobretudo, dos alunos e da comunidade, uma grande cobrança quanto
ao compromisso social da universidade e pelo delineamento de novos campos de atuação
profissional voltados para o atendimento de populações carentes e em situação de risco social.
Esse movimento consiste na consistiu na invocação da “responsabilidade social das universidades” perante os problemas do mundo contemporâneo, uma responsabilidade raramente assumida no passado, apesar da urgência desses problemas e das universidades terem acumulado
sobre eles conhecimentos preciosos.
Essa reivindicação pela responsabilidade social assumiu tonalidades distintas ao longo
do tempo, se para alguns se tratava de criticar o isolamento das universidades e de omissão a
serviço da sociedade em geral, para outros tratava-se de denunciar que o isolamento era tão-só
aparente e que o envolvimento que ele ocultava, em favor das elites dominantes, era social e
politicamente condenável. Diante disso, a universidade passou a ser criticada, quer por raramente ter cuidado de mobilizar os conhecimentos acumulados para solucionar problemas
sociais, quer por não ter sabido ou querido pôr seu conhecimento e prestigio a serviço de
grupos sociais dominados e de seus interesses (ROCHA, 2008).
Para alguns o compromisso social da universidade tem a ver com os problemas mundiais em geral e onde quer que ocorram, a exemplo da fome no terceiro mundo, a preservação
ambiental, o desarmamento, o apartheid. Para outros, o compromisso social deveria ser com
os graves problemas nacionais como a criminalidade, o desemprego, a degradação das ci-
dades, a habitação, ou mesmo com problemas regionais ou locais da comunidade imediatamente envolvida (Santos, 1999, p.205).
Entre as reformas exigidas está à aproximação, cada vez maior, com a sociedade
fazendo da sua atuação uma contribuição efetiva para a consolidação de um espaço público
dentro da universidade, da democracia, da cidadania, da participação, enfim, de uma cultura
política democrática em nosso país. A extensão universitária tem um papel decisivo a cumprir
frente à construção desse novo paradigma do conhecimento, assim como no que diz respeito à
ampliação dos vínculos com a sociedade (ROCHA,2008).
Para que o compromisso social da universidade aconteça, do ponto de vista da extensão, é preciso investir em iniciativas dentro dos programas e projetos de extensão que, de
alguma maneira, estimulem uma relação mais orgânica entre universidade e sociedade, favorecendo que a comunidade passe a ser sujeito do processo e não apenas se beneficie dele.
Parece importante incentivar as iniciativas voltadas para a democratização da universidade
através da formação de núcleos interdisciplinares, com trabalhos voltados para a construção e
socialização do saber, fugindo à fragmentação imposta por lógicas ultrapassadas.
Por outro lado, é preciso estudar maneiras de readequar as estruturas de funcionamento das universidades, tendo em vista transformar o conhecimento de maneira a torná-lo
menos elitista, mais ativo, mais envolvido nas questões de cidadania e menos dependentes dos
programas e das necessidades do capital. Naturalmente, que perspectiva como essa, tem
impacto sobre a própria noção de universidade que se deseja, isto é, um paradigma em que os
modelos de universidade de qualidade, de excelência acadêmica, não se esgotam no ensino e
na sua produção cientifica, dependendo, também, da gênese e do destino desta produção e da
qualidade com que as pessoas e instituição tornam os conhecimentos acessíveis aos alunos e a
sociedade, sobretudo, as camadas mais vulneráveis da população.
Nessa perspectiva, diante das questões até agora levantadas, podemos afirmar que para
chegarmos a uma universidade mais democrática é preciso Reinventar a Universidade porque
não é possível construir o novo a partir do que está aí, quanto a isso não temos uma resposta
pronta e acabada. Não obstante, existem alguns pontos comuns, indícios veementes, de uma
nova estrutura social a realinhar as instituições como as universidades. Nesse sentido, a busca
de uma nova proposta para a universidade é um desafio coletivo posto à sociedade brasileira,
não existe uma resposta única ao desafio, ou um modelo exclusivo a ser adotado. A busca é
árdua, mas promissora.
As universidades chegaram à complexidade de hoje, tendo a sociedade como sua referência normativa e valorativa, ao mesmo tempo em que buscam diferenciar-se por lógica
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própria, ainda que venham sendo cada vez mais submetidas à dinâmica da interdependência
global. Não restam dúvidas, de que a universidade para existir, em um mundo em constante
transformação, tem de estar em constante mudança, em perpétua transformação, sendo capaz
de mudar a si própria e reinventar seu saber-fazer a cada dia, sob pena de se tornar uma instituição fora do seu tempo.
Seria impossível discutir sobre universidade e extensão universitária, sem uma articulação
com a sociedade (globalização) e com o Estado na medida em que essas questões estão intricadas e se constituem em recíproca condição de possibilidade. Não há democracia sem uma
universidade autônoma, publica e gratuita. Tão pouco há universidade autônoma, pública e
gratuita fora do processo democrático.
Nesse processo de reinvenção da universidade a extensão universitária tem um papel
importante a cumprir no que concerne à constituição desse novo modelo do conhecimento,
assim como no que diz respeito à ampliação dos vínculos com a sociedade. Para tanto, tornase necessário que a própria extensão universitária seja reinventada, legitimando a
universidade, o que se cumprirá quando às atividades ditas de extensão se aprofundarem tanto
que desapareçam como tais e passem a integrarem as atividades de investigação e ensino.
Essa fórmula da práxis, ao nosso olhar, pode ser invertida onde a pesquisa e o ensino possam
acontecer dentro das atividades de extensão.
Nesse contexto, o resultado de uma reflexão sobre o mundo globalizado pode ser desanimador ou esperançoso e encorajador. Podemos enfatizar os obstáculos que obstruem velhos caminhos já conhecidos, ou identificar, nos contemporâneos campos de possibilidade, novos caminhos que se abrem em meio a elas. Frente a tanto sofrimento, exclusão e injustiça
social, redes de colaboração solidária se multiplicam, em diversos países, implementando alternativas que correspondem simultaneamente a demandas locais e globais, firmando novos
valores e condutas, integrando ecologia e economia, ética e política, razão e afeto, na promoção do bem-viver das pessoas.
Em virtude disto, as discussões que fizemos sobre a extensão universitária vêm na
trilha das transformações que verificamos em toda a sociedade. Nesse particular, cabe a advertência feita por Jean-Claude Guillebaud (2003, p.15) que “reinventar o mundo não é
somente resistir à barbárie, é Redefinir com lealdade o que nos une e para que futuro queremos caminhar”. Por isso, é que buscamos investigar em que bases é possível reinventar a
universidade através da prática da extensão universitária.
Considerando as questões levantadas acima, é que investigamos como as redes de extensão universitária podem contribuir para a construção e socialização do conhecimento,
numa perspectiva democrática, cidadã e emancipatória dos sujeitos históricos. Buscamos adotar uma nova visão cientifica para estudar a universidade – a partir da extensão universitária –
suas redes, e inter-relações com a sociedade em geral.
Como propor uma nova institucionalidade que possibilite as pessoas viverem juntas e
em paz? Sobre quais fundações (re) construir o edifício de nossos códigos, convicções
comuns, princípios partilhados, certezas admitidas, projetos definidos, fidelidades herdadas?
Refundar não é repatriar valores e tradições sem antes reinventá-los: mas a partir de que base
se pode dar essa reinvenção? Como discernir as oportunidades adormecidas nas dobras do
presente e nos apoderarmos do que está em mudança para reconstruiu e/ou recriar um futuro
melhor, em que ainda se possa crer e apostar? Em que medida podemos reinventar uma
realidade em que a falência das instituições, a subordinação do político ao econômico, e aos
interesses do mercado, tornam uma interrogação a própria democracia? Um desafio, pois, o
planeta do futuro não será nossa herança e sim nossa criação ou invenção. O mundo que nos
espera não está para ser conquistado, está para ser (re) inventado.
Desta forma, as grandes transformações ocorridas na sociedade implicam, sempre, em
reconceituações que possam, de alguma forma, responder às novas demandas. De um lado, as
relações concretas de poder que vão se desenvolvendo em ritmo frenético, seja na política, na
economia ou na educação; do outro, as exigências éticas de regulação dessas relações para
que a sociedade humana ainda possa ser reconhecida como tal.
Em nossa pesquisa verificamos o desenvolvimento da extensão universitária no Brasil,
que já vem se organizando em redes de pesquisadores, estudantes, movimentos sociais,
ONG’s, em todos os níveis, mesmo que essa realidade ainda não seja facilmente percebida
pela maioria das pessoas, por conta da predominância de um padrão cartesiano mecanicista de
ciência, que ainda domina o pensamento científico moderno e que crê na importância de estruturas hierarquizadas e em sistemas de normas vinculantes para o desenvolvimento da
universidade e da extensão universitária.
3. A Extensão em rede (solidária e participativa)
Nesse sentido, buscamos articular criativamente uma metodologia emancipatória e a
teoria da complexidade para tratar dos principais aspectos da chamada revolução das redes,
que conjuga as mais diversas práticas solidárias nos vários continentes, para tratar os elementos de um novo paradigma propício ao desabrochar destas redes, nas quais a colaboração solidária entre pessoas, empresas, organizações políticas, sociais e culturais e universidades permitem construir novas mediações humanas, criativas e livres, garantindo-se a cada pessoa as
condições materiais políticas, educativas e informativas requeridas ao ético exercício de sua
liberdade, ressaltando de maneira vigorosa a realização das liberdades públicas e pessoais, na
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dialógica construção coletiva da sociedade moderna. Portanto, adotamos uma concepção que
vê a extensão universitária como uma rede que tem como base os seguintes pressupostos:
1. Um novo paradigma da ciência: a complexidade x a unidade analítica. Desde o início deste trabalho defendemos que as mudanças na universidade e na extensão universitária passam por uma nova visão da ciência mais integral ou holística. A visão sistêmica ou complexa é a nova forma de compreender a realidade e os problemas que afligem o mundo. A
complexidade deve ser o ponto de partida dessa nova visão social.
2. O princípio da não hierarquização das relações sociais. Esse também é um pressuposto
indispensável para essa reinvenção. A crise de legitimidade da universidade deu lugar a
uma visão de construção plural e democrática do conhecimento, onde a universidade é um
importante lócus de produção do conhecimento, mas, não é o único. Não há hierarquia
entre o saber científico e o saber popular e o conhecimento só pode ser produzido em interação com a sociedade.
3. O estímulo ao conhecimento dos problemas e do mundo presente a partir do entorno da
universidade. Essa também foi uma questão importante no nosso trabalho. O redimensionamento do local nos levou a crer que uma universidade que realmente se preocupa
com as questões sociais começa trabalhando pelo seu entorno.
4. Ação coletiva. Parte da convicção de que ninguém conseguirá mudar nada sozinho. A
ação, solidária e colaborativa é que poderá superar os problemas sociais.
5. A interdisciplinaridade e articulação e o diálogo entre saberes. A especialização do saber
está dando lugar a uma visão inter, transdisciplinar de produção do conhecimento.
6. A concepção de que uma obra só se realiza a partir do ator (teoria da recepção). Com esse
princípio a sociedade passo a ser um ator fundamental no processo da extensão. A
sociedade deixa de ser destinatária para figurar como agente principal da extensão. No
entanto, não se trata em verdade de induzir a formação de redes de extensão universitária
no Brasil, mas de retirar os obstáculos ao florescimento desse processo, que ainda existem, e são fruto da resistência às mudanças que temos nas organizações. O comportamento organizacional é a resultante entre a relação que há entre as barreiras e as
habilidades para transpô-las.
7. A passagem do sujeito individual do direito para o sujeito coletivo do direito. A preocupação da extensão deve ser, sobretudo, com as ações coletivas que envolvam grupos.
A universidade tem sido concebida, sobretudo como produtora de conhecimentos e
formadora de especialistas para responder as demandas sociais. Talvez estejamos no momento
adequado para problematizar essa concepção, sobretudo, porque é preciso ter consciência, que
hoje, longe da exclusividade e talvez mesmo da hegemonia, participamos, com outras instituições, da produção e reorganização do conhecimento. Por isso o papel da extensão universitária assume um lugar de destaque na relação universidade e sociedade.
Prover as condições e produção do conhecimento sim, mas, acima de tudo é inadiável
implodir e romper as barreiras da difusão do saber acumulado pela ciência e estocamento na
academia. Formar os jovens, cultivar o senso de cidadania e justiça social, arquitetar o
protótipo do profissional que atuará na sociedade do futuro é, uma meta compulsória do trabalho acadêmico. É preciso ultrapassar a solidez da partilha com os que estão dentro da
academia, para atar os nós da religação com Ágora maior da qual fazemos parte.
Neste cenário a ampliação da extensão universitária tem um significado muito especial, no momento em que o capitalismo global pretende funcionalizar a universidade e, de
fato, transformá-la numa vasta agência de extensão ao seu serviço, a reforma da universidade
deve conferir uma nova centralidade às atividades de extensão, com valorização nos currículos e nas carreiras dos docentes, e concebendo-as de modo alternativo ao capitalismo global,
atribuindo às universidades uma participação ativa na construção da coesão social, no aprofundamento da democracia, na luta contra exclusão social e a degradação ambiental, na defesa da
diversidade cultural.
A extensão pode cobrir uma vasta área que atinge grupos sociais populares e suas
organizações, movimentos sociais, comunidades locais ou regionais, governos locais, o setor
público, o setor privado. Para que a Extensão cumpra este papel é preciso evitar que ela seja
orientada para atividades rentáveis com o intuito de arrecadar recursos extra-orçamentários.
Neste caso, estaremos diante de uma privatização da universidade.
Fugindo desse óbice, as atividades de extensão devem ter como objetivo prioritário,
sufragado democraticamente no interior da universidade, o apoio solidário na resolução dos
problemas da exclusão social e da discriminação social e de tal modo que nele se dê voz aos
grupos excluídos e discriminados (SANTOS, 2003).
Uma extensão universitária participativa consiste na definição e execução de projetos
e programas com ativo envolvimento das comunidades, movimentos sociais, organizações
populares, ONGs, no enfrentamento de problemas cuja solução pode beneficiar-se dos
resultados da pesquisa e da Extensão.
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Neste caso, os interesses sociais são articulados com os interesses científicos dos
pesquisadores e a produção de conhecimento científico ocorre estreitamente ligada a satisfação de necessidades dos grupos sociais que não têm poder suficiente para pôr o
conhecimento técnico e especializado a seu serviço pela via do mercado. A luta contra a mercantilização e transnacionalização da universidade só é possível com a construção de uma alternativa que marque socialmente a utilidade da universidade, mas formule-a de modo contrahegemônico.
Por esse ângulo, é imperativo criar uma nova institucionalidade na universidade, sobretudo, na extensão universitária, afirmar a identidade da universidade como espaço público
onde o debate e a crítica a o longo prazo das sociedades se possa realizar com menos
restrições do que se mostra costumeiro. È por isto que se faz urgente implementar na
universidade essa nova institucionalidade visando robustecer a legitimidade num contexto da
globalização alternativa. É com esse objetivo que a ideia de rede, de democratização da
Universidade interna e externa e a avaliação participativa ganham vigor.
A rede tem como foco sedimentar a universidade no seu conjunto ao criar mais polivalência e descentralização. A reforma com vista a uma globalização solidária da universidade
como bem público tem de partir da mútua e da cooperação no interior da rede de universidades, deve estar integrada com universidades estrangeiras e apostar nas formas de interatividade que valorizem o cidadão e não o mercado. Obviamente que essas relações já existem,
só que precisam ser intensificadas até o ponto de serem tão constitutivas da rede que deixam
de ser consideradas exteriores.
A reflexão sobre essas questões de fundo. É fundamental, nunca é demais lembrar que
em nossas hipóteses está a ideia de que a difusão da lógica de rede na extensão universitária
modificaria de forma substancial a operação e os resultados dos processos produtivos e de
experiência poder e cultura dentro das universidades, públicas ou privadas, permitindo uma
autônoma transformação cultural em que se implanta uma ética e visão de mundo mais solidária. São essas questões que veremos a seguir.
A primeira questão que precisa ser esclarecida para a formação de um conceito de extensão em rede é que a extensão universitária em seu uso mais comum está ligada à ideia de
existência de um centro intelectual do qual irradiam o conhecimento, a ciência, a tecnologia e
a arte. Com essa concepção é inevitável a consagração de uma relação de subordinação e dependência na qual o mundo universitário (pessoas, instituições e valores) se sobrepõem ao
mundo extra muros, ou seja, a comunidade.
Essa definição é a senha para uma conduta individual na qual se impõem modelos
sociais e se transferem padrões de comportamentos para a sociedade, tal visão não corresponde às necessidades sociais atuais seja no plano global, nacional, seja no plano regional.
Sob essa égide da extensão universitária tem-se no mínimo um tipo de relação paternalista,
que inclui em sua forma velada uma relação de subordinação, uma relação de hierarquia do
conhecimento científico sobre o conhecimento popular. Ao prevalecer esse tipo de relação de
hierarquia entre o saber científico e o saber popular, a universidade procura decidir unilateralmente o que a comunidade precisa e executa. A universidade se comporta como a instituição
superior que representa uma alta forma de cultura e de vida e a comunidade, como receptora,
representa em seu conjunto a inferioridade à carência de cultura e vida.
Percebe-se inevitavelmente um laço de dominação entre universidade e a comunidade
circunvizinha. Na ótica da extensão universitária em rede essa lógica precisa ser quebrada e a
universidade passar a reconhecer que não existe um centro de produção do conhecimento,
pois, ele pode se produzido em toda a sociedade. Em suma, para que a extensão universitária
possa ser autêntica e emancipadora deve ser capaz de colocar todas as pessoas em condições
de poder contribuir como seres autônomos na criação cultural e na libertação social. A extensão como toda educação deve ser autêntica realização humana, deve ser libertadora, conscientizar e emancipar .
Ao lado disso, cabe introduzir uma nova institucionalidade, capaz de promover a genuína convivência de todos os componentes das comunidades educativas que existem nas universidades. Criar relações educativas deve ser o diálogo permanente entre universidade e
sociedade civil, propiciando a abertura da instituição no que implica ao acesso amplo e livre e
uma comunicação constante com a comunidade em um sentido horizontal e integrador.
A sociedade da informação e a organização em rede podem proporcionar o contato
imediato com o desenvolvimento desse novo cenário educativo, onde está presente o paradigma da educação permanente que poderá nos permitir ter a chance para ingressar no novo
milênio. Os programas de extensão universitária devem nos ajudar a fazer frente aos novos
produtos de uma época, sujeita a rápidas mudanças que afetam, inclusive, a própria estrutura
do conhecimento e nos obrigam a educar para as mudanças e para as incertezas .
Dessa forma, a articulação da extensão universitária em rede, em contato com outras
sociais, pode ser uma ferramenta valiosa para criar os ambientes de aprendizagem multireferenciais e interdisciplinares que a nova realidade social demanda, criando um novo ethos
acadêmicos. Por essa razão, as novas tecnologias representam uma grande oportunidade para
ampliar e fortalecer a função da extensão das instituições de ensino superior, daí a
necessidade de introduzir a cultura informática no fazer de nossas universidades. A extensão
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em rede favorece uma participação mais ativa e democrática da sociedade. Dessa forma, a
extensão universitária poderá cobrir uma vasta área que atinge grupos sociais populares e
suas organizações, movimentos sociais, comunidades locais ou regionais, governos locais, o
setor público, o setor privado, juntamente com esses parceiros há também toda uma outra área
que tem a sociedade e a comunidade como destinatárias.
Entretanto, para que a extensão cumpra este papel é preciso evitar que ela seja orientada para atividades rentáveis com o intuito de arrecadar recursos extra-orçamentários, senão
estaremos em face de uma privatização da universidade. Para evitar isso, as atividades de extensão devem ter como objetivo prioritário, sufragado democraticamente no interior da
universidade, o apoio solidário na resolução dos problemas da exclusão social e da discriminação social e de tal modo que nele se dê voz aos grupos excluídos e discriminados.
Uma extensão universitária em rede pressupõe a definição e execução de projetos e
programas com ativo envolvimento das comunidades, movimentos sociais, organizações
populares, ONG’s, no enfrentamento de problemas cuja solução se beneficie dos resultados
da pesquisa e da extensão. Os interesses sociais são articulados com os científicos dos
pesquisadores e a produção de conhecimento científico ocorre assim estreitamente ligada à
satisfação de necessidades dos grupos sociais que não têm permissão para pôr o
conhecimento técnico e especializado ao seu serviço. A extensão universitária é concebida
como uma via de mão dupla.
A luta contra a globalização econômica dentro da
universidade só é possível com a construção de uma alternativa
que marque socialmente a utilidade social da universidade, mas
formule essa utilidade de modo contra-hegemônico. Nessa
perspectiva, é preciso criar uma nova institucionalidade na extensão universitária. É preciso afirmar a vocação da extensão
universitária como espaço público onde o debate e a crítica se
pode realizar com muito menos restrições do que é comum no
resto da universidade.
É por isto que se faz necessário implementar na extensão universitária uma nova institucionalidade visando firmar a legitimidade da extensão num contexto da globalização alternativa. Nesta oportunidade a ideia de rede ou padrão de rede surge com veemência total a revelar uma nova forma de organização social que vem sendo experimentada há muito tempo pelos movimentos sociais e que agora começa a chegar nas universidades.
Sob essa posição é urgente a criação de redes locais, estaduais, regionais, nacionais e
mundiais de extensão universitária, sobretudo, nas universidades públicas, porque a construção de uma rede de universidades implica em compartilhar conhecimentos, saberes,
recursos, equipamentos, mobilizar estudantes e professores com a possibilidade de construção
de planos, projetos e programas coletivos, além da adoção de uma avaliação participativa
realizada pelos seus integrantes priorizando as especificidades locais.
A manutenção das especificidades se valorizamos no interior da rede. A rede tem
como seu objetivo fortalecer a universidade no conjunto ao criar mais polivalência e
descentralização. A reforma com vista a uma globalização solidária da universidade como
bem público tem de partir da solidariedade e da cooperação no interior da rede de universidades. Essa rede deve estar integrada com universidades estrangeiras e apostar nas formas de
integração que valorizem o cidadão e não o mercado. Obviamente a existência dessas
relações já é um fato só que precisam ser intensificadas a ponto de serem tão constitutivas da
rede que deixaram de ser consideradas exteriores.
As universidades caracterizam-se como redes de conversações acadêmico-cientifica.
Essas conversações são, realmente, condutas consensuais que implicam tanto na reflexão
quanto na ação. A universidade apresenta em sua estrutura uma abertura para o novo que deverá ser, necessariamente, reelaborado segundo sua lógica interna e então absorvido. Esta capacidade de reinvenção e criação do novo tem acontecido mediante pequenas modificações
nos mesmo através de grandes mudanças estruturais.
Para Andrade e Silva, a universidade ganha com isso uma dinâmica de criação, de reinvenção, a partir da inclusão do que se definia antes como fora da instituição. Assim, ela se
nutre do que lhe era estranho, afirmando-se como processualidade instituinte e não só
realidade instituída. A universidade enquanto subsistema do sistema social do país reflete o
modo geral das relações sociais, contribuindo decisivamente para a sua reprodução, conferindo e recebendo legitimidade e sendo legitimada pela sua importante função educativa.
Contudo, as redes de conversações cientificas existentes na universidade nem sempre
legitimam ou reproduzem aquelas existentes na sociedade e, então, a universidade se reveste,
ou passa a ser, potencialmente, um foco original de mudanças estruturais da sociedade. Como
parte integrante da sociedade a universidade não pode se contrapor ao movimento da
sociedade, sob o risco de anacronismo ou extinção. Em razão de sua autonomia, a
universidade também não pode se submeter mecanicamente a todo e qualquer movimento da
sociedade é essa capacidade de sinergia e autonomia em relação ao meio que constitui o
desafio primário de uma universidade que deseja autonomia e democracia.
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A universidade influencia o seu meio ao mesmo tempo em que é influenciada por ele.
A manutenção dessa dialógica é o desafio para uma instituição moderna. Tratando da extensão,
partimos do pressuposto de que tanto a universidade quanto à sociedade podem ser compreendidas como uma rede, ou seja, encontram-se interligada. Nesse sentido, ela está interconectada
com outras redes sociais. Seguindo essa linha de raciocínio, a sociedade é tanto uma totalidade
detentora de outras sub-redes dinâmicas, incluindo a universidade, quanto como um meio no
qual a universidade opera como uma sub-rede ou sistema.
A fronteira, entre as duas, não é uma barreira física como muros da universidade, mas
uma barreira conceitual, uma dinâmica diferenciada, uma fronteira cultural interposta pelas
conversações acadêmicas cientificas, dentro da universidade, pela afirmação da sua autonomia,
como da sociedade por lhe considerar hermética, fechada. A extensão se diferencia das demais
funções da universidade por romper com essa barreira cultural, na medida que, enquanto uma
relação, permite aos seus participantes (universidade x sociedade) a construção dessa relação
de forma solidária, para resolução de problemas, sejam eles de qualquer natureza.
formas de associação civil e ampliação da participação política das pessoas. Resumindo, os
indivíduos se organizam em redes em razão da solidariedade.
Ante o exposto, por tudo quanto o foi dito, é que podemos afirmar que a extensão universitária é uma relação entre a rede de conversações científico-acadêmicas da universidade
com as demais redes sociais, em seus vários recortes, mediatizada pelos problemas do mundo,
com o objetivo de transformação da realidade, social, econômica, política e cultural, em uma
perspectiva de construção da alteridade, igualdade, solidariedade e autonomia.
José Cláudio Rocha
Professor Titular UNEB e Pesquisador em Direitos Humanos. Professor
permanente do Doutorado Multi-Institucional e Multidisciplinar em
Difusão do Conhecimento. Coordenador do OBEDHCV
E-mail: [email protected]
Freire (1992), adverte que o importante na extensão não é a resolução do problema em
si, mas, a ação a práxis. Assim a extensão é definida na ação e não no resultado esperado. A
ação extensionistas não é dirigida para, ou sobre, os objetos e, sim, para com as pessoas, das
quais se espera uma transformação cultural e, portanto, do mundo.
Deste modo, a extensão universitária favorece a sinergia entre a universidade e a
comunidade fundada na relação, que deve ser marcada pela igualdade, pela simetria. Essas
relações requerem autonomia, respeito mútuo, afirmando sua identidade na construção da alteridade, aceitando uns aos outros na convivência. Se isso não ocorrer estará negada a relação de
solidariedade entre os membros da universidade e da comunidade.
É importante esclarecer que a nossa definição acima, ao mesmo tempo em que enuncia
as bases de um conceito, propõe a explicação para a fenomenologia extensionista. Assim o
enunciado é ao mesmo tempo, conceito operacional e explicação para o fenômeno extensionista. Em outras palavras, é conceito porque cria um objeto na linguagem, é explicação porque
formula, na linguagem, um mecanismo gerativo ao mesmo tempo em que dá ao conceito proposto um caráter de movimento, recursividade, de práxis.
A discussão de rede traz á luz uma questão de fundo de maior importância. Se no passado a dimensão do conflito entre grupos opostos tendia a ser o principal recurso ideológico
legitimador de uma ação mobilizadora coletiva das pessoas organizadas em movimentos
sociais, hoje essa tendência vem mudando e a “Solidariedade” tende a ser um importante recurso ideológico para legitimar mobilizações sociais e, especialmente, para a criação de
Bibliografia
FREIRE, Paulo. Extensão ou comunicação. São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1992.
GUILLEBAUD, Jean-Claude. A Reinvenção do mundo: um adeus ao século XX. Rio de
Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, 2003.
ROCHA, josé Cláudio. A Reinvenção Solidária e Participativa da Universidade: Um
Estudo sobre Redes de Extensão Universitária no Brasil. EDUNEB: Salvador, 2008.
SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa. A universidade no Século XXI: para uma reforma
democrática da universidade. Cortez, São Paulo, 2003.
_____. Pela mão de Alice: o social e o político na pós-modernidade. São Paulo: Cortez,
1999.
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© UNESCO/Michel Ravassard
Statement of the UNESCO Director-General After the Attack
Against a School in Pakistan
Paris, 16 December – UNESCO Director-General Irina Bokova expressed her outrage and distress
following the attack on a school in Peshawar, Pakistan, that has cost the lives of some 100 children.
“Less than a week after Malala Yousafzai was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in
Oslo, this heinous attack is a crime against the future of all children and the
nation of Pakistan. It is a crime against learning and against innocence,
committed in the very place where children come each day to open their minds –
their own school. Terror will not silence the millions of voices around the world
that are demanding education to be a right and for schools to be safe. We will not
let fear nor terror have the upper hand.”
“I extend my deepest condolences to the families and friends who have lost their close of kin in this tragedy
and call on the perpetrators of this crime to be brought to justice.”
“On this occasion, UNESCO stands firmly with the Government of Pakistan in its commitment to ensure
the right of every girl and boy to a quality education.”
UNESCO’s commitment to stand up for the protection of the right to education during conflict has been
reaffirmed on several occasions recently, including through the recently released Guidance Note on the
Implementation of the Security Council Resolution 1998 (“attacks on schools and hospitals”), which calls
on Member States to prevent attacks on schools and hospitals, as well as their military use. As a member of
the Global Coalition to Protect Education From Attack, UNESCO is acting across the world to protect
schools and the right to education in countries affected by conflict.
Irina Bokova
Director-General of UNESCO
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Second UNESCO Forum on Global
Citizenship Education (GCED)
On the occasion of the 70th Anniversary of UNESCO
Second UNESCO Forum on Global Citizenship Education (GCED)
Building peaceful and sustainable societies: preparing for post-2015
In support of the UN Secretary-General’s Global Education First
Initiative (GEFI)
28-30 January 2015, Room XI, UNESCO HQ, Paris
emerging Framework of Action, and the role of GCED for peace. This is in line with the proposal of the EFA Steering Committee and that of the Open Working Group for Sustainable
Development Goals for the post-2015 development agenda, in which GCED is proposed as one
of the targets of the education goal.
The Second Forum will take place at a very strategic time, right after the UNESCO
regional consultations on EFA and post-2015 and before the Global Education Forum (WEF) in
May 2015 in Incheon, Republic of Korea. Thus, the Forum offers a unique opportunity to take
stock of the consolidated outcomes of the regional consultations and make recommendations
for the WEF. In particular, the Forum will consider current trends and future needs in the area
of GCED and will seek to identify policy priorities and strategies for the operationalization of
GCED and provide inputs to the Framework for Action on Education post-2015.
Overarching Goal
To contribute to the discussions on global citizenship education in the post-2015
development agenda – focusing on how GCED can foster peaceful, just and inclusive societies.
Objectives
Organized by the Division of Education for Teaching, Learning and
Content, Education Sector, UNESCO, with the support of Member States
The event is organized in support of the UN Secretary-General’s Global Education First
Initiative (GEFI) and will aim to:
Background
• Elaborate concrete inputs to the emerging Framework for Action on Education post-2015 as
a contribution towards the World Education Forum 2015 and in view of the post-2015
development agenda, in which GCED is proposed as a target of the education goal.
Global Citizenship Education (GCED) is receiving increased attention, signalling a
shift in the role and purpose of education we need and want for the twenty first century. As
discussions around the post-2015 development agenda are consolidating, the international
education community is calling for an education that promotes not only cognitive skills but
also those values, attitudes and skills that are necessary for forging a more peaceful, just,
inclusive and sustainable world.
GCED acquired momentum when the UN Secretary-General launched his Global
Education First Initiative (GEFI) in 2012, recognizing the role of education in fostering global
citizenship by making it one of GEFI priorities, next to access and quality of education.
GCED is a central objective of UNESCO’s education programme, drawing on work in related
areas such as peace and human rights education, education for sustainable development and
others. UNESCO has undertaken pioneering and foundational work in order to advance the
understanding of GCED, provide intellectual guidance and technical support for its
implementation. This included the organization of the First Global Forum on GCED in 2013
in Bangkok, Thailand.
The Second UNESCO Global Forum on GCED will be organized in Paris 28-30 January 2015 at UNESCO Headquarters. The two main objectives of the 2nd Forum will be to consider GCED in the context of the post-2015 education agenda including consideration of the
• Address the key dimensions of GCED in relation to peace.
• Determine implementation strategies based on the pedagogical framework developed by
UNESCO – i.e. the GCED Guiding Framework with age-specific topics and learning
objectives – looking at innovative research and implementation practices as well as
measurement processes and indicators.
• Expand and reinforce partnerships and networking opportunities with emphasis on teachers
and educators.
As UNESCO will be celebrating in 2015 its 70th Anniversary, this Forum will also be
the occasion to reaffirm UNESCO’s unique vision of peace that is grounded in the belief that
lasting peace is more than security and freedom from violence. As it is stated in UNESCO’s
Constitution “since wars begin in the minds of men and women, it is in the minds of men and
women that the defences of peace must be constructed.” In the current global context, this
vision is more relevant than ever and sets the background for UNESCO’s current engagement
in GCED.
Expected outcomes
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• Inputs into the emerging Framework of Action on Education post-2015 in the lead up to
the World Education Forum 2015 and concrete inputs to the Framework for Action on
Education post-2015.
Global Education Magazine Will Be Attending the Congress!
• Key issues related to GCE in relation to peace discussed and documented.
• Shared good policy and practice for the implementation of GCED.
• Enhanced partnership and networking, especially among teachers and educators.
Participants
Participants at the second Global Forum will include Permanent Delegations to
UNESCO, GCED experts, teachers and education practitioners, research institutions and universities, the private sector, media, policy makers, UN agencies, civil society organizations,
youth representatives, , and other development partners. Youth related issues will be mainstreamed throughout the Forum and young participants will be fully involved as plenary
speakers, concurrent session organizers and speakers. Participation will be by invitation only.
A total number of approximately150 invited participants are expected.
Format
Extract of UNESCO´s invitation letter to Global Education Magazine
• 2.5 days
• Plenary debates and concurrent sessions
• Resource fair
• Working languages: English and French (Plenary and part of the concurrent sessions)
• Partners/supports: Republic of Korea, APCEIU, MGIEP, UNESCO Regional Bureaux,
others
Contact
Section for Health and Global Citizenship Education
Division of Teaching, Learning and Content
Education Sector
UNESCO
U R L :
www.unesco.org/new/en/global-citizenship-education
To watch the video and read more information check the following link:
http://www.globaleducationmagazine.com/global-citizenship-education/
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Nº 10
Por la primera vez una red
colombiana de defensa de los
derechos de las mujeres recibe la
más alta distinción sobre
refugiados en el mundo
Establecido en 1954, el premio reconoce el extraordinario trabajo humanitario
en favor de personas refugiadas, desplazadas internas y apátridas. El premio incluye
una medalla conmemorativa y un premio en metálico de 100.000 dólares. En estrecha
consulta con ACNUR, el ganador utiliza el premio para financiar un proyecto que complemente su trabajo con personas desplazadas.Ubicada en la ciudad de Buenaventura,
en la costa pacífica de Colombia, y formada por más de 100 voluntarias, la Red Mariposas ha ayudado hasta ahora a más de 1.000 mujeres y sus familias.
Colombia se sitúa en el segundo puesto mundial, sólo por detrás de Siria, en
relación al número de desplazados internos con 5.7 millones de personas. En ningún
otro lugar del país como en Buenaventura se siente de forma tan fuerte la devastación,
fruto de cinco décadas de conflicto. Esta ciudad portuaria industrial tiene uno de los
mayores índices de violencia y desplazamiento debido a la escalada de rivalidad entre
grupos armados ilegales, de los que las mujeres a menudo se convierten en objetivo.
Los grupos violan a mujeres y niños para demostrar su poder y fuerza y, a menudo,
practican la tortura, la violación o el asesinato como venganza.
El ganador de la edición de 2014 del Premio Nansen para los
Refugiados de ACNUR – Alto Comisionado de Naciones Unidas
para los Refugiados – es el grupo colombiano de defensa de los
derechos de las mujeres “Red Mariposas de Alas Nuevas
Construyendo Futuro”, cuyos miembros arriesgan sus vidas
para ayudar a las supervivientes del desplazamiento forzado y
abusos sexuales.
Estas mujeres realizan un trabajo extraordinario en un contexto extremadamente
difícil. Cada día ellas tratan de curar las heridas de las mujeres y niños de Buenaventura y, para ello, ponen en riesgo sus propias vidas. Su valentía va más allá de las
palabras. La situación en Buenaventura ilustra el impacto devastador del conflicto en
las familias y hasta qué punto resulta esencial el trabajo de Mariposas. En su batalla
por ganar nuevos territorios, los grupos armados ilegales en Buenaventura tratan de
destruir el tejido social de las comunidades. Violan a los más vulnerables mediante
agresiones sexuales, secuestros y asesinatos. Las voluntarias de Mariposas acogen a las
personas desplazadas y víctimas de abusos bajo sus alas y las ayudan a rehacer sus
vidas y reivindicar sus derechos.
Dotadas de unos recursos extremadamente limitados, estas mujeres desempeñan
su labor a pie, en autobús o en bicicleta. Tomando las máximas precauciones posibles,
recorren los barrios más peligrosos para ayudar a las mujeres a acceder a atención
médica y denunciar los delitos. Este trabajo dentro de las propias comunidades es el
que les permite llegar a las mujeres más vulnerables, pero al mismo tiempo también
16
Nº 10
Restaurar la confianza en este tipo de entornos es un proceso lento y difícil. Mariposas funciona sobre la base del ‘comadreo’, que tiene un significado especial en la cultura
afrocolombiana y que implica una mezcla de respeto, confianza, solidaridad y confidencialidad. La piedra angular de la asistencia que ofrece Mariposas son los talleres que organizan para ofrecer formación general y sensibilizar a las mujeres sobre sus derechos. De esta
forma, las mujeres se reúnen y se dan cuenta de que no están solas en su sufrimiento, y
poco a poco van recobrando su autoestima y su fuerza.
El Premio Nansen para los Refugiados cuenta con un amplio palmarés de ganadores, como Eleanor Roosevelt, Graça Machel, Médicos Sin Fronteras, “Mama” Hawa,
la hermana Angélique Namaika y otros héroes menos conocidos que han trabajado en
contextos peligrosos para salvar vidas y velar por desplazados forzosos.
Francesca Fontanini
Regional Public Information Officer UNHCR Americas
entraña peligro y amenazas de los grupos armados ilegales. La piedra angular de la asistencia que ofrece Mariposas son los talleres que organizan para ofrecer formación
general y sensibilizar a las mujeres sobre sus derechos. De esta forma, las mujeres se
reúnen y se dan cuenta de que no están solas en su sufrimiento, y poco a poco van recobrando su autoestima y su fuerza
La violencia sexual es una práctica sistemática y generalizada
en el conflicto armado colombiano. Las mujeres que viven en
los barrios más pobres de Buenaventura a menudo tienen
miedo de denunciar la violencia sexual y las pocas mujeres que
se atreven a hacerlo quedan desprotegidas, ya que a menudo
viven cerca de sus agresores.
Conozca más noticias sobre los Premios Nansen de Refugiados de
ACNUR anteriores en: www.acnur.org
17
Nº 10
Carta a las y los
jóvenes de México
Me dirijo a todos mis amigos y a todas mis amigas de México. Si me
permiten, me dirijo en especial a ustedes los jóvenes y las jóvenes de
México.
U
na conmoción atraviesa todo el mundo por el horror de la masacre de los jóvenes
de la Escuela Normal de Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, y en particular por el horror de los detalles
con que se ha cometido esta acción. Comprendo su gran angustia, rabia y perplejidad: ¿Qué
tipo de sociedad es esta que permite que gente aparentemente normal como nosotros cometa
crímenes tan detestables? ¿Qué Estado es este que parece infiltrado hasta los huesos por la
narcoviolencia? ¿Qué democracia es esta que invita a la resignación ante enemigos que parecen demasiado fuertes para poder ser combatidos, mientras se aprueban leyes que criminalizan la protesta pacífica (como las leyes bala y mordaza)? ¿Qué policía es esta que es cómplice
con la desaparición forzada y tortura de ciudadanos inocentes? ¿Qué política educativa es esta
que persigue a la educación rural y no permite que estos jóvenes sean héroes por la vida
comunitaria que promueven, sino mártires por la muerte horrorosa que sufren? ¿Qué comisiones de derechos humanos son esas que existen en ese país, que están ausentes y omisas ante
crímenes de lesa humanidad mientras que los verdaderos activistas de derechos humanos son
asesinados? ¿Qué mundo es este que sigue elogiando el Presidente de la República por el
simple y único “relevante” hecho de haber entregado al imperialismo la última riqueza del
país que restaba en manos de los mexicanos?
Sé que son demasiadas preguntas, pero lo peor que podría pasar sería que Ustedes se
dejasen dominar por la magnitud de ellas y se sintieran impotentes. La contingencia de
nuestra vida y de nuestra sociedad está dominada por dos emociones: el miedo y la
esperanza. Sepan Ustedes que esta violencia desatada se dirige a su resignación, dominados
por el miedo y, sobre todo, por el miedo de la esperanza. Los poderosos criminales saben que
sin esperanza no hay resistencia ni cambio social. Sabemos que es difícil escapar al miedo en
condiciones tan dramáticas como las que viven. El miedo no se puede eliminar, pero lo
importante es no rendirse al miedo, sino tomarlo en serio para poder enfrentarlo y superarlo
eficazmente, a eso le llamamos: Esperanza. Ustedes tienen la fuerza para salir de esta pesadilla, resistir a la ilegalidad y violencia institucionalizadas y construir una alternativa de es-
peranza. Para eso es necesario organización, respaldo popular y una clara visión no solamente
política, sino también ética de una sociedad donde sea posible vivir con dignidad y en paz.
Hay varias opciones y no me sorprende que Ustedes las contemplen todas. Sé que
algunos buscan criar zonas autónomas, libres de opresión y de dominación. Tales zonas liberadas son fundamentales como espacio de educación, para que Ustedes muestren unos a los
otros que es posible vivir de manera cooperativa y solidaria para que cada uno y cada una
pueda decir: yo soy porque tú eres. Pero más allá de las zonas liberadas es necesario enfrentar
el poder político, económico y cultural que oprime y aterroriza. Para eso hay dos opciones
básicas y estoy seguro que Ustedes analizan las dos con mucho cuidado: por un lado, la lucha
armada, por otro, la lucha pacífica, legal e ilegal. Si me permiten, les digo que la historia muestra que la primera es irrenunciable solamente cuando no hay otra posible alternativa. La razón
es simple: la lucha armada difícilmente tiene respaldo popular si obliga a sacrificar la vida
para defender la vida.
La pregunta es ¿hay espacio de maniobra para una alternativa pacífica? Humildemente
pienso que sí porque la democracia mexicana, a pesar de estar muy herida y violada, está en
nuestro corazón, como bien demuestran sus luchas contra tantos y sucesivos fraudes electorales. Miren la experiencia del sur de Europa, donde el desespero de los jóvenes está dando
lugar a innovaciones políticas interesantes, partidos-movimientos que asumen internamente
los procesos de democracia participativa, donde los rostros conocidos son voceros de procesos
de deliberación muy creativos en que participan miles de ciudadanos y ciudadanas. Y subrayo,
ciudadanos y ciudadanas. Lamentablemente, en muchos países, y México no es excepción, las
tradiciones de lucha tienen estilos bastante autoritarios, estilos machistas verticales. Hay que
profundizar a ese nivel la democracia participativa, sobre todo cuando sabemos que las
mujeres han sido tantas veces blancos privilegiados de los sicarios. ¿Será posible en México
un nuevo partido-movimiento organizado por las jóvenes y los jóvenes? Ustedes saben la
respuesta. Mejor aún, Ustedes son la respuesta. No va ser fácil porque los señores del poder
van intentar criminalizar su lucha pacífica. Hay que asumir el costo de la resistencia pacífica
aunque ésta sea declarada ilegal, asumir ese riesgo en nombre de la esperanza. El miedo de la
ilegalidad tiene que ser enfrentado con la convicción de la ilegalidad del miedo. Ahí está la
esperanza.
Un abrazo solidario.
Boaventura de Sousa Santos
This article was an open letter. To know
more about the author visit his website:
www.boaventuradesousasantos.pt
18
Nº 10
Women at COP 20 Blast
Failure for Real Action in
Lima
As COP20 comes to a close, the members of theUNFCCC’s Women and
Gender Constituency, representing hundreds of thousands of women and men from
around the world, respond to the failure of the Lima outcome to reflect the urgency of
the climate crisis.
For over two weeks in Lima, WGC and Women’s Caucus members participated
directly in the negotiations, held press conferences, conducted advocacy trainings,
wrote articles, released reports and briefing papers, joined demonstrations and marches
and collaborated with dozens of colleagues from around the world who participated
through all this action in the COP in Lima or in support activities back home in local
communities. In spite of these efforts, and those of many allies in Civil Society, the
COP failed to move substantially forward towards the ultimate goal of agreeing on a
plan to avert climate catastrophe, although in the final hours it agreed to an outcome in
order to keep work moving towards Paris next year.
Bridget Burns, of the Women’s Environment and Development
Organization in the US, and co-focal point of the WGC summed up the WGC’s
evaluation of COP 20:“Governments should be immediately implementing a renewable and safe energy transformation, protecting threatened ecosystems, and ensuring
that the rights of the most vulnerable and impacted communities, including women,
children and indigenous peoples and ecosystems are respected and protected, but here
at COP 20 in Lima, in spite of working almost 2 days overtime, they did not come
close to reaching this goal.”
Although COP 20 did see the launch of the 'Lima Work Programme on
Gender', which aims to advance implementation of gender-responsive climate policies
and mandates across all areas of the negotiations, this critical initiative faced
challenges as well, with governments trading language on “gender equality” for
“gender balance.”
Burns continued: “The WGC insists that a fundamental framework of a strong
“rights-based” agreement that is focused on climate justice must be the goal for COP
21 to be held in Paris, France, in 2015. Without gender equality, women’s rights,
indigenous peoples rights and climate justice, including financing for loss and
damage, a rapid transition to safe and renewable energies, massive commitment and
emissions reductions by the developed world, and full participation of those most impacted, the programme of work to be done will be incubated and launched within an
empty shell and will do little to support the lives of millions nor protect the precious
ecosystems upon which we depend for our survival.”
Reinforcing the frustration felt by all, the words of Marina Parvin, from the
Indigenous Mundas community in Bangladesh and representing the Asia Pacific
Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) were read by Carmen Capriles
of Bolivia to bleary-eyed delegates around 3:00 AM in the closing moments of the extended negotiating session, “I have travelled all the way from Bangladesh, leaving my
home and family, hoping to see a commitment to an effective and equitable new
agreement that is binding, ambitious and transformative; a commitment to uphold
human rights, gender equality, and the rights of future generations.”
Parvin continued: “It pains me that when I go back, I will tell my people that
wealthy governments just talked about which lands will be lost, communities displaced,
cultures destroyed and which lives are less important.”
AWLPD’s Regional Coordinator Kate Lappin, based in Thailand emphasized
the key demands of the Women and Gender Constituency at COP 20, “We didn’t come
here to negotiate gender equality on a dead planet. We’re not asking for women to be
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Nº 10
half the displaced population, half of those killed, half of those who lose their livelihoods and future. Every single word of this document relates to women’s human rights
and we won’t rest until every single word is fair and serves to create a just,
sustainable and equitable future for women and men.”
Sabine Bock, Energy and Climate Director for Women in Europe for a
Common Future said, “We can only get an ambitious and adequate agreement,
if women and men equally decide, contribute and benefit from all climate policies and
actions. Provisions on Technology and Mitigation will also only be effective when
Gender Equality is included in the implementation of climate-safe technologies. And,
in fact, at WECF, we have seen in our work on a daily basis that women and men are
already jointly implementing climate solutions in local communities – for example solar collectors in the South Caucuses and Eastern Europe. These solutions must play a
major role in the Paris Agreement - and the Agreement must reject completely big hydro, nuclear and fossil fuels of any kind.”
Mrinalini Rai, an indigenous activist from India and Nepal,
added, “It is time to recognize that we need 'System Change, Not
Climate Change", and that System Change should begin by recognizing the rights of the most vulnerable and making them central
to the climate discussion, not in the periphery.”
Isis Alvarez, from Colombia and representing the Global Forest Coalition
in the WGC, found encouragement for the future outside the walls of the UNFCCC
meeting. “I am glad the Peoples’ Climate Summit was also held in Lima parallel to
the UNFCCC COP 20 negotiations. While listening and following at the latter, one
could lose all hope for real climate action and climate justice, but at the Summit, you
could actually get to know the ‘real’ people on the frontlines of climate change, listen
to their voices and hear their proposed solutions. It helps you believe again in local
and genuine actions that we can take now. If we all wait in line for an agreement
between governments (that might already come too late or not even come at all) we
might just cook ourselves together with the planet while we are waiting.”
Trish Glazebrook, U.S. Representative for Gender CC: Women for
Climate Justice,made clear: “Gender is not an “add-on issue”. Women are half the
world’s people. We are most of the world’s farmers, health-care workers and
teachers. We deserve and demand equal partnership in climate negotiations and
implementation.”
Osprey Lake of the Women’s Earth and Climate Action Network (WECAN) in the United States, where the battle over the Keystone XL Pipeline and the
development of the Alberta Tar Sands is raging, addressed the failure of the COP to
deal with the central point of ending fossil fuel extraction: “With the COP taking
place in Peru, it is the first time a UNFCCC meeting was held in an Amazon country.
Indigenous women from the Amazon echoed what social movements are demanding
worldwide: if we want to address climate change, we have to have a transition away
from extractive economies. We must leave 80 percent of the current fossil fuels reserves in the ground.”
The climate talks have again failed to reflect the daily realities of peoples and
communities around the world, and the words of Usha Nair, co-focal point of the
WGC from All India Women’s Conference, are clear. “The Women and Gender Constituency wants the agreement to focus on real solutions - not false solutions like nuclear energy, fracking, geo-engineering and mega dams. We are concerned at
increased corporate involvement in climate action that encourages profit motives and
moves away from social commitment and compassionate involvement. We urge
increased focus on public-citizen participation for more democratised actions on
climate change. We also call for sufficient finance, appropriate technology and
adequate provision for loss and damage.”
“From now to Paris we need leadership at all levels - local,
national and international. And we need leaders to deal seriously
and honestly with the crux of these talks - global inequality and
historical responsibility - and to make progress on a fair, just,
equitable and transformative global partnership to combat the
ever escalating climate crisis.”
Visit the Women and Gender Constituency website for more
information:www.womengenderclimate.org
Contact:
Contact: Claire Greensfelder +1.510.917.5468 [email protected]
Bridget Burns, WEDO +1.914.310.3270 [email protected]
Sabine Bock WECF +49 (89) 23 23 93 8 12 [email protected]
20
Nº 10
La solidarité est la valeur essentielle pour grandir ensemble
R
Read English version here
appelez-vous de notre ami Enzo!
Il y a quelques mois, Enzo vous apprenait à bien agir pour la planète où vous racontaient aussi
s e s a v e n t u r e s a v e c I s a a k e t l e s d r o i t s d e l ' h o m m e . Même si plusieurs mois ont passé, la tolérance, le respect et les droits pour chaque homme ne
sont pas toujours égaux!
Qu'est-ce que la solidarité? Pourquoi est-elle importante? Pourquoi décider de vivre une expérience de solidarité? Qu'en retire-t-on?
Notre petit Enzo et ses parents aiment voyager. La première visite au Mexique, la maman d'Enzo
s'était vu offrir l'occasion de devenir marraine et de sponsoriser un enfant pour lui permettre d'assimiler un savoir en étudiant et d'aller au bout de ses rêves. L'enfant pourrait acquérir un métier
e n g r a n d i s s a n t . Voilà qu'est une solidarité humaine!
En rentrant, la maman d'Enzo remplit immédiatement le feuillet d'inscription pour devenir marraine d'un petit garçon, Esteban. Elle ne sait pas poser de question, pourquoi refuser de venir en
aide à un enfant qui a le même souhait que les siens : devenir un homme bon et juste ! C'est
pourquoi la maman d’Enzo souhaite vivre cette solidarité et la partager avec son fils!
by Sonia Colasse
Children Bilingual Manager and
author the children bilingual book:
"The Adventures of Enzo"
e-mail: [email protected] website: www.soloinfinty.com/enzo
Lors de leur deuxième visite au Mexique, Enzo et ses parents pourront rencontrer Esteban et sa famille.
Lors d'un voyage extraordinaire, Enzo découvre de magnifiques paysages, mais surtout les sourires d'enfants de ce
pays. Les maisons de différentes couleurs représentant le bonheur.
La pauvreté se voit à l'extérieur des personnes, mais la maman d'Enzo peut lire le bonheur et la joie dans leur
cœur.
Les enfants ont un sourire heureux, car ils sont là, en vie, à courir pied nu, à patauger dans l'eau, les cheveux aux
v e n t s e t p a r t a g e r c h a q u e j e u e n t r e e u x . Cela c'est le vrai bonheur!
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Notre ami est fier de partager la solidarité de sa maman et
d'agir au lieu de dire, car l'indépendance ce n'est pas que de
la compassion. C'est aussi d'éprouver un sentiment d'humanitaire, un lien qui pousse à l'entraide sans jugement, mais
avec amour.
Dans les yeux d'Enzo âgé de cinq ans, la fraternité est avant
tout une belle chaîne humaine entre les hommes ou tous les
enfants de la terre se tiendraient la main vers un avenir où il
n'y aurait plus de faim, plus de misère, plus personne aurait
froid, plus personne serait malade et ou tous les enfants auraient un papa et une maman. C'est pourquoi elle est si
importante cette solidarité!
Sa maman confie à Enzo que pour elle, se soucier du bienêtre et du bonheur des autres, et peu importe d’ou ils sont et
qui ils sont, sont nécessaire au développement de notre
monde!
Quelques jours passent et enfin le grand jour est arrivé, la
maman d'Enzo et la famille vont rencontrer Esteban, chez
lui dans les montagnes.
Il y a eu beaucoup de pluies ces temps-ci et les routes sont
boueuses, mais, tant pis. Maman a décidé d'aller au bout de
ses responsabilités et d'aller apporter les cahiers et les crayons à l'école d'Esteban comme elle a promis.
C'est le cœur palpitant de joie et de bonheur que notre ami
assis à l'arrière de la camionnette découvre les vaches sur le
bas-côté de la route et les chevaux sauvages, libres à galoper
sur les hauts massifs verts.
Après trois heures à rouler dans les montagnes
caillouteuses, la voiture s'arrête entre deux chemins, lequel
prendre.
Maman pense qu'il faut aller à gauche, monter encore plus
haut, ou la brume de la pluie recouvre le haut des
montagnes. Maman a raison, il faut suivre l'instant de son
cœur. L'amour qu'elle porte déjà à Esteban l’accompagne
vers ce jour meilleur.
Enfin notre belle-famille arrive devant l'école ou Esteban
étudie. Surpris part tant de générosité, Esteban reste
ému. C'est Enzo qui tend des mains les cahiers et les crayons à l'institutrice de la classe.
Maman va demander à l'institutrice, si Esteban peut s'absenter de la classe pour la journée pour ainsi profiter un peu
de lui en donnant sa tendresse.
Esteban leur propose d'être le nouveau guide et de les accompagner chez lui.
La maman d'Enzo découvre une petite maison, une seule
pièce est partagée entre tous, avec beaucoup d'humilité et de
respect. Maman sourit appréciant ainsi les valeurs de la famille, car l'amour règne dans cette petite pièce unique!
Il n'y a pas besoin d'une grande maison quand on a un grand
Coeur. Et c’est apprendre à faire beaucoup avec peu!
Sa solidarité humaine est essentielle parce qu’elle se reconnecte à notre humanité.
Quelques heures plus tard, après quelques échanges des
deux familles, Enzo et ses parents doivent quitter les
lieux. C'est avec le cœur et rempli d'émotion qu'ils se disent
au revoir avec beaucoup de simplicité.
La maman d’Enzo n'avait plus envie de quitter cet endroit
unique de bien être.
Elle avait oublié le superficiel qu'elle vit chaque jour,
maintenant elle gardera dans son cœur la réalité et la simplicité de la vie en compagnie de gens affectueux.
Enzo offre un robot à son nouvel ami et apprend que le partage est un vrai cadeau en soi ! La solidarité humaine est la
capacité de l’humanité à réduire les illégalités!
Ils espèrent revoir bientôt tout ce petit monde.
Maman rencontre les parents, mais aussi trois autres
enfants.
Esteban a deux sœurs plus âgées et un petit frère Raoul.
La maman de notre ami va poursuivre son chemin de la solidarité humaine en continuant de voir grandir et évoluer Esteban dans ses études, correspondre avec son filleul et sa
famille.
Enzo est tout de suite complice avec le petit frère d'Esteban.
Ils jouent au ballon et se cachent.
Même si leur langage est différent, Enzo aime déjà son nouvel ami et ils n'ont pas besoin de parler pour s'apprécier.
C’est partager les différentes cultures pour mieux agir
ensemble!
Enzo est venu avec un petit sac à dos, de l'intérieur, il en
sort quelques voitures, deux robots qu'il partage volontiers
avec Raoul. La solidarité humaine est un lien fraternel et
une importante valeur sociale qui unissent le destin de tous
les hommes et comme au plus jeune âge!
Esteban va faire partit de leur vie et va poursuivre sa route
d'écolier pour devenir l'instituteur qu'il souhaite accomplir
avec l’aide de la famille d’Enzo.
Enzo et Raoul ou reçut en une journée une camaraderie qu'il
faut plusieurs semaines à atteindre dans le monde d'aujourd'hui.
Ils ont appris à jouer simplement avec les jouets des uns et
des autres, ils ont appris à se respecter sur leurs valeurs de
cœur, à s'apprécier pour ce qu'ils sont, oubliant les jeux
vidéos ou la télévision.
Donner et tendre la main, c'est tellement beau!
La solidarité humaine a commencé son bout de chemin pour
Enzo, sans le savoir, il affirme sa complicité avec un enfant
différent seulement d'apparence!
Que l'on retienne de cette solidarité humaine que l'amitié
sincère et honnête!
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Nº 10
Other Place on the Globe. Education of Children in Montenegro
AN# INTERVIEW# WITH# JASMINA# KALEZIC# A#
MONTENEGRIN# TEACHER# AND# CHILDREN#
RIGHTS#ACTIVIST#
BY:#KAVEH#TAHERI
Introduction:
U
nlike other countries of the Balkan Peninsula, Montenegro was able to
maintain its independence from the Ottoman Empire. From the 16th to 19th centuries,
Montenegro became a theocratic state ruled by a series of bishop princes; in 1852. It has
transformed into a secular principality and later it became part of the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia.
Montenegro is a nice small country in southeastern Europe; about 657,394
populations (July 2012). With the Nominal GDP (gross domestic product) $4.114 and
the GDP PPP (purchasing power parity) was $6.590 billion in 2009. Montenegrins
speak Serbian, Bosnian, Albanian and Croatian. Montenegro declared its independence
from Federation of Serbia and Montenegro in 2006.
74% Orthodox, 18% Muslim, 4% Roman Catholic are
in Montenegro; according census in 2003.
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Nº 10
Kaveh Taheri: Miss Jasmina Kalezic; As a Montenegrin teacher and children rights
2. Improvement in the Education Performance and Quality on all its’ levels-
activist, what is your opinion regarding the education and the level of improving the
awareness of the younger generation in your country?
Here, the focus would be put on the structure and context of an educational programme.
Jasmina Kalezic: The education system in Montenegro faced a lack of funding and
general neglect in all its segments within the recent decades. The system, however, continued to operate, but at a lower level. The majority
of the schools lack an adequate infrastructure and
basic teaching equipment. Furthermore, education
is not systematically monitored, and the teaching
methods are stagnated. Perhaps the problem is one
of the hardest one to eradicate. Also, with the
democratic changes that have occurred and the
new reforms that are to be implemented, there has
been significant political interference in the
educational system. This political interference
affected and continues to affect a number of
students educated within this system in the last ten
years. I believe the real improvements in the Montenegrin education system will become visible
using new reforms. But certainly changes the
educational system to be a long process because a
lot of analyzing needs to precede any
implementation. Also, teachers need to be prepared for the changes. Also, numbers of teachers are very good, and they are miserably
paid. Therefore, there has to be established some sort of a better atmosphere in which
teachers will start fostering a child-centered approach. As being the most important:
1. Democratization and decentralization of the system, a new approach towards children
and their parents, local communities, and economy, are planned. The school and
education will not exist just for people to have a place to work in, or for the state to
have someone to control over. But it will be there for new generations to be informed
about everything that Europe has to offer.
The developments of efficient systems for monitoring the quality of scholastic
achievements, at national level which are not exist at the moment. Therefore, it is not
possible to keep evidences and make comparisons with education systems in other
countries in order to constantly improve
all its segments. Also, this includes,
developing of integrated professional
system of teacher education and
professional development through modernizing pre- service teacher education.
3. The reorganization of the schooling
system in accordance with the need to efficiently contribute to the economic revival
of the country, and also democratic
development, and that European
integration. Also, I must point out
something important, a “good” education–one that contributes to the positive
development of a human being–is always
rooted in relationships. In fact, the things
we most value in a democracy–participation, community, contribution–are also about relationships. I believe the purpose of
education should always be creating good citizens. People who will be productive, but
also good family members and neighbors, informed and engaged community members,
civic-minded participants in making the immediate world a better place. The skill set
for good citizenship, and the curriculum to lead youth in those positive directions does
not, of course, align with what we are teaching in schools. As the world is changing rapidly, so should the past reasoning behind the present educational systems be
challenged? In a world that needs to be saved from history’s´ effects like war, global
warming, poverty, religion’s ideology, hyper-consumption, etc. …Today’s education
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(both classroom and beyond the classroom) has to be able
to shape concerned individuals who can learn from human
history and be more innovative than the box allows them,
to be. Reforms in the education system are not to reform
students…or to make them just expert technicians. It is to
unsettle their minds, widen their horizons, inflame their
intellects, and teach them to think straight.
Kaveh.T: How do you evaluate the training facilities in
Montenegro? Are the number of schools, kindergartens,
libraries and training books compatible in acceptable
standards according to the youths’ needs?
Jasmina.K: Montenegro has 145 primary schools and
about 70 kindergartens. I would single out two problems
that Montenegrin society must pay attention: on the situation of the education of the
Roma and handicapped children population. They are on the fringes of the society in its
every segment. Therefore, the attitudes of the society toward the population group and
also the attitude of Roma towards education, and many others obstacles need to change
and removed, in order for them to be properly involved and enroll in schools. The
Roma children are faced with the difficulties at the very beginning of their enrolment in
schools. Often they are given a test in Montenegrin language, with which they are not
familiar at such young age. Therefore, their scores are extremely poor, and those
children are then sent to the special schools for children with some handicap. These
schools are then full of Roma children who cannot get an adequate education, and the
handicapped children are those who suffer as well, like not having enough space for the
special care they need. Trying to establish lessons in Roma language, which are accepted by the director of some school, are difficult to implement. However, when it
comes to its realization the factor of intolerance and rejection is often present. At the
very end during the last ten years only the work of NGO’s and individual attempts were
helping in this problem. And that now it is of great importance that a national strategy
on this matter is established. For the handicapped children the aid was coming from
abroad, but it was only pins of sardines or flour. No literature, no expert cooperation
with Europe. Therefore, there was a lot of stagnation in
this field. A school specialized for the handicapped
children depend on the aid, offered by various
humanitarian organizations. That children enrolled are
usually coming from very poor families and therefore
do not have enough money for a minimum of existence
such as food, medicines, etc. (not to mention buying of
textbooks, and other school material). Often, they are
not just mentally handicapped, but extremely ill (diabetes, etc.). Last year these schools were receiving aid
from organizations like the Red Cross and ISA. These
children are constantly exposed to mental stress
inequality with other peers. There has to be some
education of the people about handicapped children.
The handicapped children are sometimes placed in specialized classes in ordinary
schools and in almost all the cases they are branded with names such as lunatics, specialists, morons, etc. It is not a rare case that people here, are ashamed of their children
having disabilities in their mental development. And that they will do everything that is
in their power not to send them to any of the special schools. I think that a strong media
campaign and additional education needs occur in order to reduce these stereotypes in
people’s minds. We need to explain to people that if their children are not enrolled in
proper schools on time, they will suffer throughout all their lives. And never be able to
enjoy a normal life, find a job, gain friends, etc.
Kaveh.T: What are the important subjects and references to be taught in Montenegro’s
education system? And are these subjects influence the cultural and social development
in your country?
Jasmina.K: There has been a growing debate about state versus private schooling and
particularly about the values that are taught in state schools. In debating state versus
private schooling, there has been criticism of the values that are taught in state schools.
In this context it is suggested that careful considerate be given to:
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- What students are taught to be tolerant of and the consequences of cultural
assumptions;
Kaveh.T: Have the events of the last few years in the Middle East (including war and
rebellion Extremist groups) affected the social situation of your country?
-The unrecognized dependence of liberty /prosperity on a particular ethical basis for morality;
Jasmina.K: Events unfolding in the Middle East are of deep concern. Certainly such
events put fear in everybody’s hearts and fear for the future and additional chaos. A Montenegrin nation one is based on democracy and civil liberties, and we shouldn’t allow
any serious threat to them. Since we are a nation made up of different religious
communities, we all need to take responsibility for the security of this country and our
citizens together. This is what is going to make our future and we cannot do that unless
we are open and we are hard working. We need to build open and honest community.
.Islamic “volunteers” came to our regions during the 1992-95 war, but they did not affect the outcome of any battles. They committed abominable atrocities. After the war,
they flooded intoBosnia-Hercegovina with the illegitimate aim of forcing Muslims to
“renew” their Islam by accepting the insane Wahhabiprohibitions against Mawlid,
prayers to saints, maintenance of tombs, and popular Sufi observances. The mass of
other Balkan Muslims despise the Wahhabis and will not accept their dictation. But Wahhabi, Muslim Brotherhood, and other radicals have used their money to corrupt the
Islamic leadership, with very negative consequences. The Balkan Islamists supreme
Ulema here are now viewed by ordinary believers as gangsters and enemies of the
Muslims. Also, we cannot forget impact of 500 years of the Ottoman Empire occupation
certainly has left its traces in these areas, inherited Islam. In order to global awareness
about Islam and change the habits of the global media we must educate the world about
moderate, traditional, and spiritual Islam. It’s a problematic ideology because in essence
is anti-democratic and totalitarian regime, it demands subservience to Allah, not just
from believers but from everyone. The worst trickery played in Turkey today is symbolized by Erdogan, who issued the policy statement, ‘Turkey is our mother in Balkan’
meaning that the Turks are our guardians and have a green light to interfere in our affairs and decide things on our behalf about Balkans’s Muslims. While a majority
religion can be an ally of government or a tool of government, there are of course cases
of a religion gaining control over government and effectively being government, and
this often means religion policies dominating a society – especially ‘spread the
religion’. This can mean other religions being oppressed and wars being encouraged or
started against other religions. Christian Europe saw anti-heretic, anti-witch and antiscience oppressions and Jihad wars against ‘Infidels’ motivated by the religion. And
-The values –confusion and practical failures generated by post-modern assumptions.
-The complex implications of encouraging homosexual rights.
The Federal education minister commissioned a study of values education and this identified ten values to inculcate –tolerance and understanding; respect ;responsibility;
social justice ;excellence ;care; Inclusion and trust; freedom and being ethical. Also, as a
separate topic the subject on religion was put in school… It provoked loud discussions
all over the country, among all the citizens including politicians, intellectuals, parents,
etc. A few deputy ministers for education and sport were not initially against this subject, but against the suspicious procedure under which this regulation was adopted. With
an explanation, that it is bad to integrate such subjects into the schools without previous
opinion, expert polls, and other sorts of necessary preparations. Also, it is not possible to
integrate this subject into the schools, which do not have the books, teachers, or any
programme. By some intellectuals this is a political move, not an expert one. In the end,
the Montenegrin Minister for education and Sport gave the following solution. Children
enrolled in the first year in Primary and Secondary Schools will have to choose among
three options:
1. Subject on Religion (for all the confessional groups: Orthodox, Muslims, and Catholics)
2. Subject on the Civil Society
3. And not to choose any of the two mentioned if they do not want to. A researcher
involved in that process concluded that values need to be presented in the context of a
supporting world-view (e.g. a religion) and values taught have to be consistent with
Montenegrin’s democratic system of government. However, there are some individuals
and groups who want to insert religion into the educational system.
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where a poor society had substantial support for two or more religions then fierce civil
wars have often resulted. We will see whether the consolidation of a radical Islamist
government in Ankara, under Recep Tayyip Erdogan, will change the character of Balkans Muslims. I hope it will not.
Kaveh.T: Montenegrin Muslims, being 18%, are the largest population of your country
after Christians. Has religion affected your relations, social culture, traditions and
norms?
Jasmina.K: Religious beliefs have a strong influence on the culture of a community in
Montenegro. Indeed, for many people in Montenegro, religious beliefs are central to
their culture and provide the moral codes by which they live particularly rural areas. In
generally it seems that the social impact of religions is tending to rise / fall as countries
get poor/ richer, but much of the world does still remain in poverty with religions
having much influence. In less-poor societies, religions generally are not supported as
widely or as strongly as in poor societies, and many people will generally have less
social problems also. Religions, whatever their form, can have major social impact in
some societies – for good or for evil. Despite the assertion that faith is the basis of
human nature religion has also played a role in wars and plays are that how it controls
the human. I believe that religion has created conflicts between people including whole
countries. Religion has the societal effect of dividing people into “us” and “them”. This
unfortunately has the same characteristics as any other form of discrimination such as
racialism. I do accept that there are massive people are seeking God, seeking meaning
of life and so on, but if we just concentrate on the “Religious life and sciences ”only we
will be stuck and not be able to move ahead. Where I come from, in Islam, the only
concept of God is you submit to “Him” and you obey His commands, no examiner allowed. Examiner or even asking questions mean you raise yourself to the same level as
God, and in Islam that’s the worst sin you can commit. The political side of Islam, the
power-hungry expansionist side of Islam need to be characterized as an ideology that
inspires Jihadist and totalitarianism and because of this has to be sanctioned.
Kaveh.T: In the end, please give us your opinion about social security, quality of life
and job security in your country.
Jasmina.K: I would say in order to preserve civil liberties in Montenegro ,some
Muslim schools, some of which are institutions of fascism that teach innocent kids 5+6
year old( proved with facts brainwashing ) that Jews are pigs and how to punish the infidels and non-Muslims, don’t allow such schools. Close them down. Yes, that sounds absolutist. I think ten years ago things were different, but now the Jihadi as threat, we
must be careful.
Finally, you have a situation where other Montenegrin Muslims are not saying much
about the actions of the radical sects of their faith. I am not saying they should apologize for some group’s actions, but they almost never speak out against it. That is condemning. We need to open that dialogue. Our foreign policy should be guided by
understanding and admitting the realities: We are engaged in a war of ideas, with an
ideology. Only by facing reality, we will be able to recover our civilizational selfconfidence. Of course, mankind has made mistakes– but cannot be feared to go through
painful self- examination.
However, I am an optimist. There is a moral force for good steps in Montenegro which
involve education of children and youth. I believe that education should be an
empowering process that allows and guides children to develop their passions, critical
thinking, compassion, and orientation towards wisdom for timely action. In other
words, self-cultivation should be the purpose of education. Lifelong learning is a
process we all participate in, knowingly or unknowingly, in each and every moment. We
are all interconnected with each other and with nature’s systems. Human universals bind
us together as one great global human family. The Human Universal called “the ethic of
reciprocity,” also known as “the golden rule,” expresses itself throughout the world in
varying degrees, through phrases such as, “Do not do to others what you yourself hate,”
“Do to others what you would want done to you,” “Regard your neighbor’s gain as your
gain, and your neighbor’s loss as your own loss,” and “Love your neighbor as yourself,”
to name a few. If one generation of children were to be educated with this natural law of
love and unity as the basis for all decisions, approaches, and mentalities, just imagine
the impact. Maybe then someday we would stop fighting over my space – my country –
my religion & would actually be in a position to achieve the universal goal of one world
– one family!
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Nº 10
The Deterioration of Human Rights in Iran continues:
Interview with Shabnam Assadollahi
Shabnam Assadollahi is a veteran human rights advocate who has
worked extensively helping newcomers and refugees resettle in Canada. She
has distinguished herself as a broadcaster, writer and public speaker. While
her primary and heartfelt interest focuses on the Iranian community and
events that affect both women and minority communities in the land of her
birth – she also advocates for the emancipation of women and minority
religious communities worldwide. A resident of Ottawa she is active in
community affairs including cultural, educational and humanitarian
activities.
Kaveh Taheri: In your opinion, what is the cause of the surge in executions and arrests in
Iran, and why is the regime turning a blind eye to international warnings, and to what
extent do you believe human rights activists and organizations could help prevent or end
the human rights violations in Iran?
Shabnam Assadollahi: The surge of executions in Iran has political motivation. Iran’s
president Hassan Rouhani’s promises of bringing dignity and hope to the nation, freeing
political prisoners, promoting civil rights, and bringing moderation for Iranians were broken almost immediately upon his taking office. Not only have the promises made by Rouhani to the UNHCR never been kept, but executions, persecution and human rights
violations have significantly increased.
Interview by Kaveh Taheri
According to the Latest report by Dr. Ahmed Shaheed, the UN human rights rapporteur,
ever since Rouhani became the president of Iran, a surge in executions has given Iran the
world’s highest death penalty rate per capita. Dr. Shaheed reports that at least 852
individuals were executed in the period since June of last year, including eight juveniles.
The surge in executions shows that Rouhani has failed to deliver on his campaign promises to improve the human rights situation in his country, a year after taking office. Dr.
Shaheed also states that Rouhani is unable to address the issues, unable to arrest this trend,
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and to convert his promises which spoke to arresting
this trend into action.
While the international community is focusing on getting nuclear deals with Iran, it is easy to ignore that Iran
is also one of the world’s worst human rights violators.
When the constitution of a country and the law of the
land are based on Sharia and Islamic law, inequality
between men and women, Retribution Law, Execution
for being enemy with God (Mohareb), death by hanging(1), there is no hope for condemnation for such
actions.
K.Taheri: Many human rights activists believe that the
West is using “human rights” as a tool in Iran for
political and diplomatic concessions. In what ways do
you feel that the international community and the West
could facilitate improvement of the human rights
situation in Iran?
Sh. Assadollahi: After Rouhani became President, the
U.S administrations of President Obama, and the EU,
under the pretext of diplomacy, have taken advantage of
conditions bring economic advantages for all three
parties. India and China Ignore US Sanctions Against
Iran Iran; USA Secret Talks Nuclear Deal Talks ; Iranian
Nuke Deal an Islamist Victory Iran’s State Media
Agency, Press TV Reports that France BNP Paribas accused by US of ignoring Iran Aanctions But when the
Iranian regime’s killing machine increased into
accelerating its nuclear program, people went the usual
route, from being concerned to being indifferent to
being complicit. The West probably assumed that Iran
would doubtless demand that any cooperation in with
the West in human rights be compensated for by “concessions” permitting its nuclear weapons program. The
West seems desperately eager to give Iran nuclear capability — perhaps from the pressure of business lobbies
and perhaps out of America’s panic-stricken need for a
“legacy.” What Obama does not realize is that if he does
let Iran acquire nuclear capability, his “legacy” will be
just like that of Britain’s Neville Chamberlain — a
historical laughing-stock — who held up a piece of
paper he foolishly thought assured peace with Hitler.
Anyway, therefore the U.S. did not being up the issue of
human rights at all — – even Iranian assurances to release innocent political, religious and ethnic minority
prisoners — in order not to disrupt any attempts to let
Iran go nuclear. Horrible. The U.S. and West should not
accept any compromise on shutting down Iran’s
nuclear-weapons program. It should not allow
Iran any opportunity to blackmail the West into a compromise on it on the pretext of its “helping” to fight the
Islamic State [IS]. United States Secretary of State, John
Kerry on September 20, 2014 cordially invited Iran to
play a role in arresting the momentum of IS in Iraq and
Syria: “There is a role for nearly every country in the
world in turning back the militants and debunking their
ideology, including Iran,” he said. Iran’s regime, Shiite,
would be happy fight ISIS, Sunni, anyway. Or better let
the West fight ISIS for them.
If Iran’s regime, with its open track record of duplicity,
continues to be appeased by the Obama Administration
and the P5 + 1, any “deal” will only destabilize the
Middle East — and the West. If Iran is able to have
nuclear-tipped missile pointing at Berlin, Paris and London, it will not even have to use them. The temptation
for political blackmail would be in solidly in place. Nuclear weapons would also strengthen the very terrorist
jihadist groups — the ones Iran has been funding all
along — that the West claims it is trying to counter. The
responsibility for disastrous results from any negotiations will lie at the feet of the G5 + 1 in general, and
President Barack Obama in particular. Another nail in
the coffin of his totally failed foreign-policy legacy,
starting with his laughable “reset” button with the
KGB’s [Soviet Union’s secret police] Vladimir Putin
and his promise of “more flexibility” with Medvedev.
As Garry Kasparv said the other day, the problem is,
Obama IS flexible!
K.Taheri: Many Iranian’s believe that the impact of
sanctions is not on the government and is only affecting
the lives of citizens and sanctions make life more
difficult for them. Do you think that the sanctions are
effective against the Iranian regime and will they help to
improve the human rights situation in Iran?
Sh.Assadollahi: The Iranian regime together with its
lobbyists and apologists, such as the National Iranian
American Council [NIAC] in the U.S., continue their
attempts to influence the Obama Administration to relieve sanctions and permit concessions to allow Iran to
acquire its nuclear capability. Negotiations keep being
delayed, foiled and extended by Iran. Concessions –
including billions of dollars in sanctions relief — keep
being given by the P5 + 1. For what?
To Iran’s supreme leader Seyed Ali Khamenei, this burlesque just makes Obama and his administration look
weaker and weaker. Each concession only reinforces
that perception.
Even more disturbing is that many people inside Iran
have alerted the U.S. Administration for more than two
years about more – other
– industrial facilities
secretly being built in Iran; these have not been
declared to the International Atomic Energy Agency
[IAEA].
So far, all the intelligence provided from within Iran has
been willfully ignored by the Obama Administration. At
this point, it is not possible to believe that this
information is being ignored out of ignorance. That
leaves, as other possibilities, either the successful
influence of Iran’s lobbyists and perhaps also
commercial interests exerted by individuals or
companies already counting the millions they will get
from doing business with Iran.
Iran’s human rights atrocities are also studiously ignored by the Obama administration, in favor of sitting
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down at the negotiating table with those who cause them,
not realizing, as the former Soviet dissident, Natan Sharansky explains [FN: The Case for Democracy by Natan Sharansky] : a country that does not treat its own citizens
well, will probably not treat is neighbors any better.
On November 5th, 2014, he stated that “it’s easy to prove
to the world Iran’s nuclear plan is peaceful.” No it is not.
You do not need centrifuges and enriched uranium for
peaceful nuclear energy. This is another of the Obama Administration’s breathtaking battery of lies, from “You can
keep your doctor, healthcare plan, it will cost less, not a
smidgen of corruption; the Benghazi movie, the IRS, and
now his undisclosed bid to control the internet through the
FCC.”
The regime of Iran needs to know that the international
community is serious and Iran’s Human rights abuses will
not go unnoticed, but clearly the P5+1 are not
serious. Sanctions have played the most effective role for
the Iranian regime to act on its international obligations,
and they have been lifted.
As the Honorable John Baird, Canada’s minister of
Foreign Affairs stated in May, 2014: “Iran’s new
president, Rouhani’s style stands in stark contrast to the
behavior of his predecessor, which isn’t especially hard.
All, who have long despaired about the Iranian regime,
want to believe that Iran is genuinely committed to
positive change. But we do not have the luxury of being
naive, nor do the Iranian people, who have suffered for far
too long under the regime’s nuclear ambitions. Human
rights, particularly executions, are actually getting worse
under his watch and at the hands of Iran’s so-called
“Minister of Murder. Kind words, a smile and a charm offensive are not a substitute for real action, nor are they
an effective mask to disguise the old hatred. That’s why
I’m deeply skeptical about Iran’s intentions. Until we are
given real reasons to trust their words, Canadian sanctions will remain in full force. I believe there remains a
strategic problem with the very nature and conduct of this
belligerent regime—a regime that oppresses with terror at
home and sponsors it abroad. And until the Supreme
Leader’s words and actions produce the human rights that
the Iranian people deserve, or until he ceases his sponsorship of terrorism abroad in Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere,
Canada will remain skeptical of the regime’s intentions.”
K.Taheri: What is your perspective on future U.S. negotiations with Iran, as a result of the recent election victory by
the Republican’s, who now hold the majority of seats in
both the Houses and Senate, and will it have any effect on
the situation of human rights in Iran?
Sh.Assadollahi: I am a Canadian citizen and live in Canada, but I closely follow the US policy in Iran and the
Middle East. As you may have seen, the Islamic Republic
of Iran’s horrific human rights record has been brought to
the forefront by the Iranian-American community. The
Republicans have been extremely helpful in bringing
attention to this matter.
Senator Mark Kirk & Marco Rubio introduced Iran
Human Rights Accountability Act of 2014, not only to
crack down on Iranian human rights abusers, including
Khamenei and President Rouhani, but also to support the
Iranian people’s hopes one day to have a democracy.
What does our desperation to get a nuclear deal “at all
costs” say to the modern-day Iranians rotting in Evin
prison? Or to the young social-media savvy generation
who took to the streets in 2009 after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s fraudulent re-election? The West, unfortunately, does
not seem to give a flying celo-kebab about that.
In 2009, President Obama left these Iranians questioning
The United States of America’s commitment to their
cause– apparently correctly.
K.Taheri: Finally, as a human rights activist, how do you
foresee the future prognosis for improved human rights in
Iran?
Sh.Assadollahi: The Islamic Republic of Iran continues to
arrest journalists, members of student organizations, labor
unions, and lawyers defending dissidents, members of
minority faith and cultural groups and civil rights
activists. Iran ranks second only to China in number of
executions; in the execution of juveniles, it leads the
world. Gender discrimination continues to deny women
educational and professional opportunities. Public events,
such as sports matches, remain segregated. Reports on
Iran’s Human Rights Violations by Iran Human Rights
(IHR); Chart of Executions by The Islamic Republic of
Iran-2014
The permanent and peaceful solution to this crisis is
something that only Iran’s democrats being silently murdered in the Iran’s prison cells, along with the help of the
free word and the new people elected by the good people
of America. We just saw how tired they are of being lied
to by government operatives calling them “stupid.”
Together, they can and will bring human rights back as a
crucial value: when it is denied in one place, it can soon
be denied every place.
footnote:
Qanon-e Ta’zir (Discretionary Punishment Law). Ta’zir
laws dealt not only with criminal law[19] but this law gave
judges the authority to execute and imprison those found
guilty of crimes such as ‘declaring war on God’ (equivalent
to treason/terrorism) and ‘plotting with foreign powers.’ It
also gave them the power to sentence offenders to as many
as 74 lashes to those who “‘insult government officials,’
‘convene unlawful meetings,’ sell alcoholic beverages, fix
prices, hoard goods, kiss illicitly, fail to wear the proper
hijab, and ‘lie to the authorities.’”
Qanon-e Qisas (Retribution Law) This law codified other
aspects of the sharia. It subdivided crimes into hadd - those
against God – and those against fellow beings, especially
other families. Some punishments are mandatory; others,
discretionary. “Based on the notion of lex talionis, the Qisas Law calls for ‘an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, a
life for a life’, unless the victim or his/her family forgive
the perpetrator, and/or accept compensation for the death/
injury (blood money).In 1991-1994, Iran combined all of
these laws into the unified “Islamic Penal Code”.
30
Con el apoyo de la
Oficina de
Santiago
Organización
para la Educación,
March 22
World Water Day
Submission Deadline February 15
31
Nº 10
Millennium Development Goals Section
PAGE 33
‘Sexual Violence in Mogadishu’: A Review and Analysis of Current Trends and Literature
Ifrah Ahmed
Patrick Mugo Mugo
Communication Advisor, Minister of
Women and Human Rights, Somali Federal
Government.
Director and Conflict Researcher,
Trans-Link Advisory. Specialties:
Peace and Conflict Studies.
[email protected] / @Ifrahahmedfgm
[email protected] /
@PMugoMugo
Ahmed Ismail
Director and Human Rights Researcher at
Trans-Link Advisory.
[email protected] /
@ahmedsas20
PAGE 42
NATIONAL ECONOMIC PLANNING IN THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM
Fernando Alcoforado
Member of the Bahia Academy of Education (Brazil). Engineer and Doctor of Territorial Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona
(Spain).
e-mail: [email protected]
La noche en que México ardió en llamas
PAGE 48
Gabriel Torreblanca Flores
Licenciado en Derecho con Posgrado en Fiscalización y Rendición de Cuentas. Cuenta con cursos de especialidad en Cabildeo y Producción Jurídica, Derecho Procesal
Constitucional y en Gobierno y Gestión Local. Actualmente cursa el programa de Máster en Corrupción y Estado de Derecho en la Universidad de Salamanca, España.
Email: [email protected] / Twitter: @GTorreblank / Web: estocreo-torreblak / torreblancabogados.com
PAGE 53
Cambodia at a Crossroads: New Laws Would Limit Freedoms
Michael Switow
Global Call to Action Against Poverty
Email: [email protected] / Web: www.whiteband.org
32
Nº 10
‘Sexual Violence in Mogadishu’:
INTRODUCTION
A Review and Analysis of Current Trends and Literature
Abstract: Critical to peace and stability is the question of protection of human rights of the
most vulnerable especially women and girls and where such has been violated then justice
must be administered by those bestowed with the mandate of overseeing the process. Sexual
violence and abuse during conflict or other military deployment remain an inescapable
reality and within Somalia is now a growing concern. Sexual abuse in armed conflict has a
long history and has always been considered, wrongly though, as normal wartime behaviour,
with perpetrators acting with unreserved impunity.
Keywords: Sexual Violence, Abuse, SEA, Rape, Somalia, Mogadishu, AMISOM, Human
Rights, SGBV, Exploitation, Peacekeepers, IDPs, Legal Interventions,
La‘aanWaaXukun IyoXoolo La‘aan
Meaning: Without moral and social codes, all is lawlessness and abject poverty
Ifrah Ahmed
In recent past Somali government with support from Africa Union and United
Nations has made positive strides towards resolving its two decades protracted conflict by
containing the high level of violence and its complex humanitarian crisis. Despite that, widespread violence is exposing its most vulnerable population to Sexually Gender Based
Violence. Women and girls “in Mogadishu and surrounding areas” have been victims to acts
of sexual violence1 with victims being “subject to repeated and systematic sexual violence”
and among those implicated “are members of organised armed groups and Somali security
forces” United Nation, 2013, p.14). The women and girls who participated in the focus group
discussion hailing from various IDPs2 camps in Mogadishu said that they live under fear due
to abuses by armed groups members especially when going to the bush to collect firewood
with some of them being raped or assaulted to extent that some have opted to sending their
male children or relates to the bush to collect firewood.
Human Rights Watch report3 notes that while its research hasn’t found “a pattern of
abuse that could be considered systematic” the rights body argues that the “findings raises
serious concerns about abuses by AMISOM4 soldiers against Somali women and girls” with
survivors of sexual exploitation expressing feelings of “powerless” to fearing “retaliation or
retribution, as well as the stigma and shame that the abuse could bring” and others, despite
being engage in exploitive relationships feared loosing “their only source of income” (HRW,
2014, September, p.25). The United Nations observes that when it comes to sexual violence
in Mogadishu “between January and November 2012, over 1,700 rape cases” were registered
by various service providers and notably, “almost one third of the recorded incidents” being
perpetrated against children “some of them boys.” The reports made notes of the correlation
between the “spike in the numbers of incidents recorded between April and July” in 2012 and
the “intensification of military operations against Al-Shabaab” (UN, 2013, p.14) within Afgoye and Bala’d corridors near Mogadishu.
Patrick Mugo Mugo
Communication Advisor, Minister of
Women and Human Rights, Somali Federal
Government.
Director and Conflict Researcher, TransLink Advisory. Specialties: Peace and
Conflict Studies.
[email protected] / @Ifrahahmedfgm
M u g o @ t r a n s l i n k a d v i s o r y. c o m /
@PMugoMugo
Ahmed Ismail
Director and Human Rights Researcher at
Trans-Link Advisory.
[email protected] /
@ahmedsas20
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Prevailing violence, stigma, fear of retaliation, armed groups and failed states
institutions does also complicate the quest for justice and protection by most victims, if not all
in Somalia. Legal Officer with Legal Action World Wide Claire Brown says’ “the very first
problem actually is that at the moment no body even wants to go to the court. So even if you
need urgent medical attention first you have to go to the police station – where the police may
harass you, they may not accept the claim– there is so much likelihood that she will be harassed at the different stages – and there is so much likelihood that the case would be dropped
at any one of these stages” and in the end women are very reluctant to pursue any prosecution
due to the trauma that the process might exposes. Moreover, the woman’s pursuit for justice is
compounded by fact that there “is only one hospital in Mogadishu that provide medical certificate and it is military hospital. So if the attack is by someone from the military or the security
forces the doctor would probably not provide the certificate” yet the woman or the girl after
going all the handles has to go back to the police for them to determine if there is case to be
investigated.
In context, the “unequal status of women and girls” within Somali society “sharply
increases their vulnerability” to many forms of violations key among them “gender-based
violence during humanitarian crisis” as with any individual or family displacement more so
due to conflict and drought, existing “community support structures” are disrupted exposing
them to “unsafe physical surrounding” (Ibid) thereby increasing their vulnerability to
exploitation. In view of Human Rights Watch the “extreme vulnerable” of Somalia women
and girls and the “differential power relations” (HRW, 2014, September, p.28) between those
who are supposed to protect them has created an environment of ‘sexual exploitation5’ that
has all the hallmarks as defined by the United Nations 2003 brief.
Research Methodology
The research applied qualitative method and in this case desktop review and interviews
were employed during collection that was later analysed between October and November
2014. The literature review was done through analysis of reports, books, journals, conference
proceedings and presentations in effort to gather information on trends of sexual violence,
exploitation and abuse in Mogadishu. Data collection was done through interviews and focus
group discussion based on non-probability sampling with victim of sexual violence, relatives,
community members, government officials, UN, AU and human rights activist. Those
interviewed included five interviews with victims of SGBV within the youngest being aged 9years and the oldest being 55-years woman. The rest of the individual interview were with the
Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General (DSRSG) for Somalia, The Prime
Minister Spokesperson, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights,
Women, and Humanitarian Affairs, Spokesperson of the Somali military court, the then Somalis Police Commissioner Hassan Sheikh. Then from the civil society; the programme officer
with Somali’s Women’s Development Centre6 (SWDC) and Officer at Women’s Development
Organisation7(IIDA), Legal Officer of Legal Action World and a questionnaire submitted to
AMISOM upon request had not been replied to by the time of research publication. On the
Focus Group Discussions, there were two FGD held on 13th and 14thOctober 2014 at Al Cadaalo IDP camp. There were 25 participants from various IDPs camp within Mogadishu of
whom 15 were women and girls aged 16-25 years of whom 6 were victims (3 girls and 3
women) and then the rest 10 participants were men aged 15-29 years.
Methodological Considerations
The insecurity within Mogadishu was a key factor and curtailed the freedom of the researcher on the ground but also critically the freedom of those FGD and individual interviews
respondents. Key consideration of the research was the need to exercise sensitivity and precaution when conducting the interviews with victims whose privacy and condition warranted the
need to conceal their identity and location. A challenge to the research was failure by
AMISOM to respond to questionnaire despite being implicated by rights agencies on sexual
exploitation and abuse, key thematic area of the study. In effort to compensate for that, the
research had to review AMIOSM and member’s countries statements and action. The prevailing violence and stigma associated with the rape victims within Mogadishu and Somalia was a
key restricting factor and all efforts were put in place so as not to risk the life of those who had
agreed to participate in the research.
SEXUAL VIOLENCE AND ABUSE IN SOMALIA
Since 1991, Somalia has had no credible functioning centralised governing authority
and in its absence, the protracted conflict has evolved into “violations of the laws of wars,
including unlawful killings, rape and torture” that have been orchestrated by “all parties to the
conflict” thereby “causing massive civilian suffering” (Ibid). In context, the “unequal status of
women and girls” within Somali society “sharply increases their vulnerability” to many forms
of violations among them “gender-based violence during humanitarian crisis” due to disruptions of “community support structures” exposing them to “unsafe physical surroundings”
thereby increasing their vulnerability to exploitation (Ibid). In view of Human Rights Watch
the “extreme vulnerable” of Somalia women and girls and the “differential power relations”
(HRW, 2014, September, p.28) between those who are supposed to protect them has created an
environment of ‘sexual exploitation8’ that has all the hallmarks as defined by the United
Nations 2003. Despite this, United Nations and partners have “established referral systems for
basic psychological support and health services” and even with such, the “Task Force on
Sexual Violence” set up by Transitional Federal Government in December 2011 (UN, 2013,
P.14) hasn’t achieved much.
Plight and Vulnerability of IDPs in Mogadishu
Internally displaced persons in Mogadishu face risks to their lives, safety, security and
dignity and are at disproportionate risk of gross human rights abuses especially women and
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unaccompanied children. The displaced Somalis who fled to Mogadishu have been subjected
to a range of serious human rights abuses, including rape, beatings, ethnic discrimination, and
restrictions on access to food and shelter and freedom of movement. United Nations Security
Council report on Sexual Violence in Conflict argues that the spike in cases of sexual violence
in August (2012) was “linked to the presence of armed elements” within the IDPs settlements
and “surrounding areas in the run-up to the selection of the post-transition leadership” (UN,
2013, p.14). The extent of sexual and gender based violence (SGBV) against displaced
women and girls is difficult to assess but is believed to be widespread though largely underreported throughout south-central Somalia. Victims of SEA are also at risk of other forms of
gender-based violence including domestic violence, female genital mutilation (FGM), and
early forced marriage9. Fifty-five years ‘Mumina Maadeey’ says she was gang-raped in broad
day light on June 5, 2014 while collecting firewood in Afgooye Lower Shabelle ;{…}When three men approached me and I never thought the men would rape me.
They ordered me to put the woods I had collected down and despite pleading with the
men and shouting I am your mother, I am your mother please. They attacked me and
then raped me. At my age, I could even be their grandmother we need the government
to protect us. I am old woman and I shouldn’t be talking about this. I feel sick and I
hate myself. This has to stop, we left our homes and came to the camp (IDP) because
of war and now we have other enemy, the men who are raping us.
Beyond stigma when its comes to reporting rape cases there is also the fear even
among witnesses due to reprisals attackers. Asha a resident of Al Cadaalo IDP camp during
the FGD narrated how she witnessed a woman being ambushed;{…} a woman who was collecting firewood got ambushed by two men, who then beat
her for trying to resist. One of the guy’s kept watch while the other raped her before
they changed turns. The woman hasn’t reported to the police nor told other people due
to social stigma and shame.
In another FGD forum 17-years old Mohamed collaborates Asha when she narrated
how 18-years old woman was raped and no one could run to her rescue “despite her screams,
we couldn’t help her fearing that the attackers might be armed”. Ali, a resident of Al Cadaalo
camps says being uprooted from home and forced to live within camps has taken away IDPs
ability to protect themselves;{…}if you are displaced then you have no power, we are powerless and that is the
reason why our sisters and mothers are getting raped and sometimes we feel like we are
helpless and also tired and sad to see women getting raped.
Somalia’s clan based social system doesexpose women and girl from socially and
economically marginalised clans “to violence due to their social isolation, poor living
conditions and work opportunities” (Ibid).
{…} Nine-years old ‘Shamso Hussein’ had been sent to go and fetch water by her
mother within Ex-Control camp on September 10th 2014 only for the mother to see her
daughter being brought back by a resident. When she was placed in the floor , her
mother says “she looked like she had passed away and was bleeding badly and I started
crying. I never thought this was going to happen to my daughter. We had just arrived at
the camp (IDP) from Galween in Lower Shabbele. She couldn’t move. I waited for her
father to come back and I told him what had happened. All he could say was that Allah
should give our daughter justice and went out to look for help.” The mother adds “I
didn’t have money to take her to hospital. I used traditional ways to treat her and tried
to put her legs together. She was unwell for 30-days.” The mother says the family has
yet to receive any help from anyone.
The IDP population in camps across Mogadishu has repeatedly fallen victim to a
culture of sexual violence that those working to tackle SGBV points out as being too pervasive warranting national and international attention.
FROM PROTECTOR TO PERPETRATOR
In the context of Somalia as regards sexual violence and exploitation, those
significantly implicated as being perpetrators are Somalia government security officers and
AMISOM peacekeepers10 same institutions entrusted to protect civilians in the war-torn
country. Despite the developmental and conciliatory objectives, AMISOM peacekeepers in
Mogadishu have been subject to allegations of serious sexual abuses and violations. Human
Rights Watch report11documented “twenty-one incidents of sexual exploitation and abuse by
Africa Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM)12soldiers” that according to the report occurred
“primarily on two controlled bases in Mogadishu” one by “The Uganda People’s Defence
Forces13 (UPDF)” and another by “The Burundi National Defence Force14 (BNDF) contingent” of camps located within the “compound Somalia national university.” The same reports
notes that in “most of the cases documented” by rights body “involved a Somali intermediary”
who due to language barrier of AMISOM soldiers acted as “an interpreter” and that through
such channels recruit or sources “women and girls directly from IDP camps” and helps them
to access the AMISOM bases. (HRW, 2014, September, pp. 25-29). In the past, the hype masculine culture deriving from a predominantly male environment has produced a tolerance for
extreme behaviours such as SEA and a tradition of silence. Such extreme behaviours include
cases where women and girls are a target from “members of state security forces, operating
with complete impunity, sexually assault, rape, beat, shoot, and stab women and girls” (HRW,
2014, March, P.1). In 1992 allegations that the UN peacekeepers were involved in cases of
sexual abuse against local women were met by the infamous statement “Boys will be Boys”
(Martin, 2005) by Yasushi Akashi, the then head of the UN’s Transnational Authority in Cambodia. This type of thinking has been equated with the equally infamous view of Nazi
Propaganda Minister, Joseph Goebbels, that “Men should be trained as warriors and women
as recreation for warriors and anything else is foolishness” (Kesic, 2001). This view has for
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long exemplified prevailing official perceptions regarding cases of sexual abuse by
international troops (Ballesteros, 2007, p.125).
The Consequences of SEA to Peacekeeping Operations
The violation of codes of conduct may damage the impartiality of missions in the eyes
of the local population, which, in turn, may impede the implementation of its mandate. The
indiscipline engendered by SEA also degrades the effectiveness of AU peacekeeping operation,
especially in times of crisis. Instances of sexual exploitation and abuse constitute violations of
international humanitarian law and international human rights law. AU peacekeeping operation
cannot legitimately advise Somalia government on adherence to international human rights
standards and legal and judicial reform if its own peacekeeping personnel are engaging in acts
of sexual exploitation and abuse, including such crimes as rape. Sexual misconduct also
increases the incidence of medical problems including the risk of contracting or transmitting
sexually transmitted diseases and victims having to deal with possible psychological trauma as
a result of their experiences. Babies born from liaisons between victims and peacekeepers may
face stigmatisation by their families and communities, which may deprive them of economic,
social and emotional support, which in turn may result in victim’s being driven into further exploitative relationships with peacekeepers in order to survive (UN, 2005, p.8). The Deputy
Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General (DSRSG) for Somalia Fatiha Serour on
the need to tackle the prevailing perceptions that victimize the victim, observes that during
preparations for London Summit on Somalia, a religious leader noted that “if a girl who was
raped becomes pregnant, there is need to remove the child from the girl as the baby represents
something evil.” Deputy Special Representative argues that such statement only reveals that
the girl in this context is seen as the one who is wrong yet in reality the girl’s rights and dignity
has been violated.
Impunity as an Obstacle to Tackling SEA
Taking action against alleged perpetrators of sexual violence in Somalia is, however,
beset with difficulties. A major underlying problem is the limited control that the AU has over
individual peacekeepers as the AU has no disciplinary authority over them but are subject to
discipline only by their national authorities. In an interview with the late Somali Police
Commissioner, he eluded that Somali police hands are tied due to absence of protocol with
countries providing soldiers to AMIOSM operations even on how to prosecute or returning
“the accused soldiers to Somali to face justice” observing that “while AMISOM is helping to
protect civilians, something Somali’s respect we shouldn’t accept civilians to be abused.” In
reality, AU personnel in Somalia enjoy immunity from local jurisdictions. On the other hand
the Africa Union Commission has not shown with action its desire to follow to the letter its
Code of Conduct that specifies that peacekeepers should not “indulge in acts of sexual,
physical or psychological abuse or exploitation of the local population” and that “any
exchange of money, employment, goods or services” for sex must be punished. Somali’s Police
Commissioner Hassan Sheikh says there is need for “Somali government and AMIOSM to
establish police committee to deal with sexual violence and exploitation” and that “Somali
government should have a “policy that would guide and stipulate how to tackle crimes and
violation committed by AMISOM peacekeepers.” This could help tackle the perception among
peacekeepers that they are immune to prosecution for crimes they may commit while being
deployed. The lack of host nation jurisdiction gives these troops de facto immunity from prosecution in Somalia.
POLICIES AND LEGAL INTERVERVENTION AND IMPEDIMENTS
To this day, Somalia knowsthreedifferentmajor lawsystems15. Most ofthe time,thesesystems coexist in the sameareaandthey are often contradictory.As a result,the Somali peoplehave
the right to choose whichlawthey applyinany given case,a decision made on the basis ofselfinterest,while bearinginmind that when it comes to the securityandpeace the decision will
provide forthe inter-clan relations.Most of the victims of sexual exploitation don’t file
complaints with respective “authorities because they fear stigma, reprisal from family, police,
and the Islamist insurgent group” while others “did not belief authorities would be able or willing to take any effective action” (HRW, 2014, September, p.35) a predicament that confines the
victims to silence and anguish. Maryan Daqal Xussen of Somali’s Women’s Development Centre (SWDC) says they receive about 5 to 8 cases of rape every month committed by men aged
between 18-30-years old and there challenges is the stigma factors in some cases all they can is
to “inquire from them if they want to report the case, but most women feel ashamed and shy”
making it difficult for them to pursue prosecutions.
Claire Brown the Legal Officer with Legal Action World Wide says “in practice the Attorney General’s office has very little capacity” and that the lawyers they work with have informed them that “the CID and the Attorney General office decide not to investigate in up to
85 per cent of cases” adding there also handles that beset the 15 per cent of cases that see the
light of the day as the probability of perpetrator being convicted is incredibly low “last year
there was 1,600 rapes reported and we can only find evidence of two that was successfully convicted.” Maryan Daqal Xussen says all is not lost as there cases they “have taken to court and
won but still, our judiciary need training as sometimes it’s not easy to get justice.” The gender
activist says through the collaboration of the family they were able to prosecute a relative who
had raped a baby girl while the mother was away shopping and by working with “the Criminal
Instigation Department, the rapist was jailed for 15-years.” Consequently, there is a widespread
Somali distrust regarding these various systems, since it cannot be guaranteed that all people
will be treated equally before the law, a violation of basic human rights that all are entitled16
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Challenges and Opportunities within State Legal System, Customary Law (or Xeer)
and Sharia Law
The centrality of traditional practices in Somali society is such that most of the legal
interventions even when it comes to sexual violence tends to be undertaken by clan or
community authorities through the customary laws structures. Resolutions through this
means are often sought out by survivors because of their accessibility, speed of action, affordability and because survivors wish to adhere to tradition in order to maintain their social
credibility and honour. By comparison, the state legal system has a very poor geographical
coverage, and is beyond access for large sections of the population. Gerstle and others argues
that “restricted access to schools, roads, books, and other means of development, many, if not
a majority of Somalis live their lives without encountering the state justice system” Gerstle,
Warsame, Ismail, & Nuh, 2007, p.82). On its part the UN notes that within customary law
there are inherent gender inequalities.
Maryan Daqal Xussen opines that there negative cultural practices where families
“seek to have the rapist marry the victim.” In this regards, the rights of the victims are seen
through the context of the need to maintain the male-oriented clans interest. In IDP camps,
there cases where the perpetrator is allowed to remain in the community through a
community settlement out of a fear that the perpetrator would be given a lengthy service in
the formal justice system, putting survivors at risk of reprisals and further sexual violence.
Within Somalia, the sought of justice that victims of rape attain through the customary justice
does contrast with the actual outcomes of customary justice elsewhere. In Mogadishu IDPs
camps, rape cases involving a known perpetrator are addressed by clan leaders who negotiate
compensation between the survivor and perpetrator families without due consideration of the
rights and needs of the survivors. The relative disadvantages and advantages of customary
laws have been best summed up by UN report that although “it has contributed to fostering
degrees of peace between clans” its uncertain “if customary law works for girls and women
(Ibid). The report finding concluded that customary laws can be extremely prejudicial for
girls and women. Access to informal justice, especially for IDPs, is not guaranteed and seems
to depend on clan affiliations and status.This is one of the many drawbacks of customary law,
as it is built upon the links amongst clan and sub-clan groups. As Gundel notes, “the xeer
[customary law] is efficient for the regulation of inter-clan affairs” but a drawback among
individuals as such people “may not have the same rights and protection, because xeer is
linked to clans and their area” (Ibid). Further, access to informal justice is also hampered by
low level of education, as women who lack the relevant knowledge about customary law
processes.
Sharia law has co-existed with Somali customary law throughout Somalia’s history
and in comparison to customary law, its protective when it comes to women’s rights. In
theory, Sharia law does not permit violence against women. As with customary law, qadis
(Sharia legal judges) are male and the same concerns exist regarding the rights of women in
such a context;
[…] it cannot be taken for granted that all of the qadis in the Somali Republic are cognisant of, or observe, all international human rights, particularly when the Somali Republic
is not a signatory of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence against
Women (Academy for Peace and Development, 2002)
In reality, women perceive Sharia law positively (similar to customary law) in terms
of trust and for its ability to respond quickly. However, in some cases pertaining to sexual
violence, the testimony of a woman can be excluded from consideration. This is a major limitation of Sharia law in addressing sexual violence as UN reports argues that women often
lacks the relevant knowledge regarding how Sharia law processes can protect and support
their rights and case (UNDP, UNPOS & UN Women, 2012, p.87).
Challenges and Opportunities within National and International Legal Frameworks
At the national level, the equality of rights for Somali citizens has been recognised by
the recent constitution17 of the post-transitional Federal Republic of Somalia. Equality of
rights is also safeguarded in the 2008 Constitution of the Puntland State of Somalia and the
2001 Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland. Somalia government with UN agencies and
other partners are in the process of drafting a gender policy that will promote gender equality
and hopefully mainstream preventive and responsive measures against sexual and gender
based violence in all governments’ plans (Draft Gender Policy of Somalia, 2014). The
Ministry of Women and Human Rights Development is in the final stages of finalizing a
Sexual Offences Bill that will playa critical role in prevention and protection of vulnerable
persons including women and children in Somalia. The ministry is also working with other
ministry towards the establishment of an Independent Human Rights Commission at the federal level. Such a commission could address the absence of an oversight body within Somalia
that could monitor, assess and evaluate the existing legal frame works and above all their applicability and implementation. The UN’s Deputy Special Representative for Somalia
challenges the ministry to work with other ministries on issue of human rights terming it a
“cross cutting issue.”
The Somali Penal Code, applied throughout Somalia includes punishments for rape,
assault, incest, and ‘hurt’ (UNDP, UNPOS & UN Women, 2012, p.80). The formal system
can in theory hold perpetrators of violence to account yet in practice sexual violence cases
are rare due the preference of women for more accessible and culturally relevant customary
law. Of the three forms of legal resolution in Somalia, ‘formal’ justice is accessed the least by
women. UNDP found that less than five per cent of female youth reported crimes such as
sexual violence, rape, abduction, and forced detention to the authorities. The same report
found that 54 per cent of those it interviewed reported having very easy access to community
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elders for seeking justice, whereas almost 50 per cent reported that access to legal courts and
police was difficult (UNDP, Somalia Human Development Report, 2012). Whilst the lack of
geographical coverage offered by formal law courts is a major factor behind the preference of
customary law, so too is the lack of trust in formal justice. Formal justice is often turned to
when other community-based options have been exhausted (Ibid). Other reasons given by
women for not pursuing formal justice include fear of shame due to having rape incidents
being made public and thus damage to their social standing, as well as inadequate protection
and difficulties encountered during prosecution due to evidence tampering and witness withdrawal. UN attributes this to “perceived weaknesses in the formal justice system” (Ibid).
Maryan Daqal Xussen says while as an NGOs they have taken cases to court, notes
that judiciary staff, “need training as sometimes it’s not easy to get justice” and this could be
coupled with an increased number of female judicial officers. The Police Commissioner Hassan Sheikh notes also that there is also need for training of police officers “on human rights
something the junior officers lacks and needs” as in reality any effective and credible prosecution will need the police force. The Somalia government will also will need to ratify the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
Such a move could boost the effectiveness of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’
Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa that Somalia has already ratified. The charter commits the government to countering all forms of discrimination against women, including
violence, via the appropriate legislative and institutional measures.
the allegations (AU, 2014, September, 8, pp.1-2). Beyond questioning the report, the AU
Commission has deployed “an investigation team to look into allegations of Sexual
Exploitation and Abuse levelled against” the AMISOM personnel and “establish the facts”
and the team was expected to complete its investigation by November 30 2014 (AU, 2014,
October, 17, p.1). Through interview The Deputy Special Representative of the UN SecretaryGeneral (DSRSG) for Somalia Fatiha Serour says its “important to expose these cases” and
that the UNSOM has written to AU and that those who have more information or cases should
share.
The UN’s Deputy Special Representative noted that while the UNSOM wants to see
the allegations investigated, stressed upon the AU to contemplate a joint probe to due to the
“need for transparency” adding “it is the responsibility of the troop contributing country to
carry out the necessary criminal investigations, in a transparent manner.” Uganda in early
November (2014) suspended 15 military officers including two generals who previously commanded Uganda contingent in Somalia serving under the auspices of the AMISOM. Further,
Uganda military has banned all the accused army officers from future Somalia deployments.
Uganda said the suspended officers were under investigation for “sexual exploitation” in
Somalia but Burundi whose troops were also implicated in the SEA had given the matter a
dead silence. However, the seriousness of the Uganda action can be questioned after its army
spokesman Lt. Col Paddy Ankunda down played the seriousness of sexual exploitation allegations made by Human Rights Watch by saying “reports of sexual exploitation are a small
matter” (Daily Monitor, 2014, November, 6).
5.0 RESPONSES AND INTERVENTIONS
Since March 2014 when the rights agencies and civil societies groups raised the alarm
over increasing cases of sexual exploitation and abuse in Somalia. The Somalia government,
Africa Union and United nation have been finding ways to either take action or explain their
intentions. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamudwhile speaking to military cadets at a
training camp in Mogadishu on April 10th 2013 stated that “security forces who rape and rob
our citizens must be fought and be defeated just like Al-Shabaab.” The President said that his
government had indicated its resolve on tackling the matter by creation of relevant ministries
and supporting deliberations towards legislations seeking to promote human rights, gender
equality and sexual reproductive rights programmes in Somalia.
The Africa Union as the custodian of AMISOM in response to the Human Rights
Watch report has stated that the “allegations will be thoroughly investigated” and “appropriate
measures” taken. However the AU Commission registered its “deep concern” over what it
called as “imbalance, inaccuracies and partial view contained” in the report. The Commission
argued that the report used “a small number of cases to arrive at a generalized conclusion”
and secondly, that report was “contradictory” by making “sweeping general assertions about
AMISOM culpability” before “exhaustively interrogating the scale and prevalence” and
thirdly, that “report lacks coherence in its account of AU’s efforts to prevent and respond” to
In previous occasion where AMOSOM troops have been implicated in sexual
exploitation as with December 2012 following “media reports of shops on the AMISOM
base” being used as conduit for “exploitative sex” the then AMISOM force commander “ordered the closure of the shops” and further “banned Somalia women from the camp base”
(Ibid). However the owners of the shop “refused to relocate” as ordered by the AMISOM commander but Human Rights notes that the commander directive could only have “merely relocated the problem to a new area” HRW, 2014, September, p.31). While United Nations Secretary General in his 2013 report to Security Council noted that sexual violence acts in countries
like Somalia tantamount to violations of the “Security Council resolution 1960 (2010)” that
among other things calls for “timely investigation of alleged violations in order to hold
perpetrators accountable.” Almost one year on, the victims of Somalia sexual violation are
still waiting for the UN’s Secretary General words to be turned into action. The Security
Council resolution does accord the Secretary General powers that if exploited could to SEA
perpetrators prosecuted. The level of violence and weak governance structures shouldn’t be
allowed to derail the path towards prosecution and prevention of SEA. The same violence that
has subjected women and girls to ‘double victimisation’ should not be let to take away or
prevent their access to justice and protection.
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RECOMMENDATION AND CONLUSION
As Somalia undergoes transition from a two-decades of protracted conflict, the tackling of
sexual violence in will involve several approaches;
Somali Federal Government
• Embark on security sector reform involving the vetting to make sure that those implicated
or involved in SEA are not part of the new security staff members namely the armed forces,
the police, and intelligence service and privates security guards.
• Create a National task force that oversees the implementation of the daft Gender policy and
sexual offenses bill and evaluate the progress of implementation.
• Train police and other security personnel on responding to sexual violence, international
human rights standards and humanitarian law Guidelines and the African Union Convention
for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa.
• Recruit more female police /army officers and community police initiative to act as focal
points in police stations near the IDPs and conduct outreach to strengthen trust in the police
so that more cases of sexual violence and other crimes are reported.
• Take all necessary measures to ensure that sufficient, competent, and trained police are deployed to protect IDPs in Mogadishu and its surrounding areas, giving priority to camps/
settlements gender based violence and human rights abuses are common.
• For AMISOM to be forthcoming and accountable, donors to its operations in Somalia,
namely United Nations, United States, European Union and Britain need to demand action
on sexual exploitation and abuse if there are to continue funding AMISOM operations. The
policy of ‘carrot and stick’ should be applied in order to protect Somali women and girls
from further exploitation and abuses.
• Revisit MOU with Somali government and align it with the revised standard Memorandum
understanding between troop countries and the UN’s Department of peacekeeping
operations so as to oversee, prevent and punish forces that are involved in misconduct
against civilians.
• Expedite the commission of inquiry investigating allegations of sexual abuses and exploitations by AMISOM forces and take the appropriate measures to punish those responsible for
abuses and misconducts in Somalia – Troop countries implicated in the various reports
should follow Uganda footsteps and suspend officers involved in these regarding abuses
against Somali women and girls.
• Adopt a common understanding and definition among the troop contributing countries with
regards to sexual exploitation and abuse since Kenyan and Ugandan MoUs don’t define
while Burundi MoU with government defines.
• Respect and implement UN security Resolution 2093, which requests AMISOM to take
adequate measures to prevent sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuses by applying policies consistent with United Nations zero tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and
abuses in the context of peacekeeping.
• Creation of effective and harmonious structures that all agencies within government and in
NGOs working on human rights can exploit and partner through for better coordination and
maximum utilization of available resources.
• Seek ways of economically empowering women and girls as their economic vulnerability
has been noted as being a contributing factor towards SGBV and associated culture of silence among the victims
• Strengthen and empower Somali police and IDPs community police watch groups and
volunteers in the IDPs camps and continuously monitor their performance and train them on
criminal investigations.
• The Ministry of Interior and Local Government in collaboration with Ministry of Women
Development and Human Rights should develop clear and credible government policies and
responses to SEA in IDPs and generally in Somalia.
African Union/AMISOM/UN
39
Nº 10
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BIOGRAPHY
Academy for Peace and Development (2002), Women’s Rights in Islam and Somali
Culture, UNICEF, Hargeisa, Somaliland, December
Africa Union (2014, October, 17) The Africa Union (AU) Establishes Team to Investigate
Allegations of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) by the AU Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), published by Africa Union Media, Addis Ababa, Accessed 2014, November 4,
.
http://amisom-au.org/2014/10/the-african-union-au-establishes-a-team-to-investigate-alleg
ations-of-sexual-exploitation-and-abuse-sea-by-the-au-mission-in-somalia-amisom/
Africa Union (2014, October 16) Report of the Chairperson of the Commission on
the Situation in Somalia, Published by Africa Union during the Peace and Security Council
462nd meeting, Addis Ababa, Vol SC/PR/2.(CDLXII),
Africa Union (2014, September 8) The Africa Union Strongly Rejects the Conclusions Contained in the Report of the Human Rights Watch on Allegations on Sexual Exploitation and
Abuse by AMISOM, Publication- AU Press Release, Addis Ababa, Accessed November 4,
2014 http://amisom-au.org/2014/09/the-african-union-strongly-rejects-the-conclusions-con
tained-in-the-report-of-the-human-rights-watch-on-allegations-on-sexual-exploitation-andabuse-by-amisom/
Ballesteros, A (2007). “Trafficking in human beings and international peacekeeping missions: The 2004 NATO THB Policy” Connections 6/3. 2007. 125.
Daily Monitor (2014, November 6), Army names officers suspended over abuse, by
Daily Monitor on November 6, 14, Accessed November 6, 14
http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Army-names-officers-suspended-over-abuse/-/68
8334/2512306/-/tykui9/-/index.html
Gerstle, D.J., Warsame, M.O., Ismail Ali, A.K., & Nuh, S.O., (2007), Under the Acacia
Tree: Solving Legal Dilemmas for Children in Somalia, UNDP & UNICEF. p. 47. Quoted
in Violence in the Lives of Women, UN, UNPOS, UNDP UNDP, & UN Women, 2012.
p.82.
Human Rights Watch (2014, September) The Power These Men Have Over Us: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by African Union Forces in Somalia, Published by Human Rights
Watch, Washington DC, Vol ISBN: 978-1-62313-1876, pg 98
Human-Rights-Watch (2014, March), “Here, Rape is Normal” A Five-Point Plan to
Curtail Sexual Violence in Somalia.United States of America: Human Rights Watch. P:1
Kesic,V (2001).“The statusofrape as awarcrime
ininternationallaw:Changes introduced after the wars inthe former Yugoslavia
andRwanda”, M AThesis, New SchoolUniversity, New York.
M a r t i n , S ( 2 0 0 5 ) B o y s M u s t B e B o y s ? E n d i n g S e x u a l Vi o l e n c e
andAbuseinUN PeacekeepingMissions.Washington,DC:Refugees International
Mugo Mugo (2014, March) Rape in Somalia: Women and Double Victimisation. Pubulsihed by Global Education Magazine, pg
11 http://www.globaleducationmagazine.com/rape-somalia-women-double-victimisation/
United Nations (2013). Somalia: Sexual Violence in Conflict: Report of the SecretaryG e n e r a l , a t U N ’s G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y 6 7 S e s s i o n A g e n d a I t e m 3 3 Prevention of Armed Conflict, New York, March 14, 2013, Vol A/67/792 S/2013/149, P.
14
UN (2005, March, 24) Comprehensive review ofthe whole questionof peacekeeping operationsin alltheir aspects, UN General Assembly, New York, (A/59/710) P. 8
UNDP, UNPOS & UN Women, (2012) Violence in the Lives of Girls and Women in the Somali Republic, 2012. P.87.
INTERVIEWS
• Claire Brown, Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal Interview, Legal Officer, Legal Action World Wide, Interviewed in Mogadishu, 18th November 2014
• Duniyo, Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, Officer at Women’s
Development Organisation (IIDA), Interview in Mogadishu on 27, October, 2014
• Focus Group Discussion, Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Group Interview, 25 participants
hailed
• from various IDPs camp within Mogadishu, interview at Al Cadaalo camp, Mogadishu,
October 13, 2014
• ‘Mumina Maadeey’ Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, 55-years old raped
at
• Afgooye in Lower Shabelle on June 5 2014, Interview at Ooryoley in Mogadishu on
12, October, 2014
• Muslimo Muudeey’ Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, 27-yrs mother of
two raped on June 2014 at Saidka IDP camp, interview Mogadishu, 10 October 2014
• Jaamac Maryan Aweeys, Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, Chairperson of
the Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights, Women, and Humanitarian Affairs,
Interview in Mogadishu
• ‘Shamso Hussein’ Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, Interview conducted
in the presence /assistance of her mother for needs of details and clarification, Raped
on October 11, 2014, interview on Ex-Control, Mogadishu, 10th September 2014
• Sheikh Hassan,Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, Somali Police Commissioner who died two weeks after the interview, Interview in Mogadishu on 20, October,
2014
• Serour Fatiha, Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General (DSRSG) for Somalia, Interview in Mogadishu on
30, October 2014
• ‘Xalimo Hassan’ Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, Raped on October 12,
2014
• Owdhele, Lower Shabbele, interview Mogadishu, 16 October 2014
• Xussen, Maryan Daqal Interview by Ifrah Ahmed, Personal interview, Gender Officer
and Member of Somali’sWomen’s Development Centre, Interview in Mogadishu on 1,
November 2014
40
Nº 10
NOTES
1In the context of this publication, the definition of “Sexual Violence” will borrow from UN
reports that defines it as: Rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced
sterilization and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity perpetrated against
women, men or children with a direct or indirect (temporal, geographical or causal) link to a
conflict. This link to conflict may be evident in the profile and motivations of the perpetrator,
the profile of the victim, the climate of impunity or State collapse, any cross-border dimensions
or violations of the terms of a ceasefire agreement. See…United Nations (2013). Sexual
Violence in Conflict: Report of the Secretary-General, at UN’s General Assembly 67 Session
A g e n d a I t e m 3 3 Prevention of Armed Conflict, New York, March 14, 2013, Vol A/67/792 S/2013/149, p. 12
2United Nations estimates there 1.1 million IDPs in Somalia of whom at least 369,000 in Mogadishu (Ibid) due to protracted conflict, drought and famine etc.
3 Human Rights Watch – The Power These Men Have Over Us: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse
by African Union Forces in Somalia, released on September 2014
4AMISOM force in Somali comprises of 22,000 soldiers from Uganda, Kenya, Burundi, Sierra
Leone, Djibouti and Ethiopia and has been fighting alongside Somalia transitional government
troops an insurgent war against Al-Shabaab militants since 2007.
5Sexual Exploitation – “any actual or attempted abuse of a position of vulnerability, differential
power, or trust, for sexual purposes, including, but not limited to, profiting monetarily, socially
or politically from the sexual exploitation of another”.See UN’s Secretary General’s bulletin
ST/SGB/2003/13, 9 October 2003. http://cdu.unlb.org/Portals/0/Documents/KeyDoc4.pdf
(accessed August 15, 2014) cited in Human Rights Watch, 2014, September, p.28
6Somali Women Development Centre (SWDC), an NGO established in 2000. The Somali
Women’s Development Centre, or SWDC. Works to improve the situation for women in
Somalia. SWDC’s guiding vision is the belief that, with support, women can become
empowered to make positive changes in their lives. SWDC strives to minimize the number of
women who are subjected to violence by empowering them through access to knowledge and
greater economic independence. SWDC programs focus on women at the grassroots level, in
areas of intervention, prevention and advocacy together with networking of women’s groups for
community Development and peace.
9 See, for example, UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence
against women, its causes and consequences, Rashida Manjoo, Mission to Somalia,
A/HRC/20/16/Add.3, May 14, 2012
10 Chairperson of AU’s Commission report on the situation in Somalia, 16 October 2014:
AMISOM peacekeepers in Somalia in conjunction with Somali government undertake a wide
variety of complex tasks, from helping to build sustainable institutions of governance, to human
rights monitoring, to security sector reform, to the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration
of former combatants
11 HRW Report: The Power These Men Have Over Us: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by African
Union Forces in Somalia, 2014, September
12In 2007 the Africa Union Peace and Security Council was mandated by UN’s Security Council
to provide protection to Somalia government officials, the infrastructures and humanitarian
operations. (The UN Security Council passed Resolution 1744 in February 2007. AMISOM
mandate were expanded by Security Council Resolution 2036 (2012), paragraph 1 and 2 authorizing AMISOM “to take all necessary measures as appropriate in those sectors in coordination with
the Somali security forces to reduce the threat posed by Al-Shabaab and other armed opposition
groups in order to establish conditions for effective and legitimate governance across Somalia.”
Despite the resolution allowing the AU to increase its forces from 8,00 0 to 17,731 it denied
AMISOM the right of civilian protection despite pressure from the African Union. See from
United Nations Security Council, Resolution 1744 (2007), S/RES/1744 (2007),
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/sc8960.doc.htm (accessed November 6, 2014). See also
United nations Security council 2036 (2012)
13UPDF: The Uganda People’s Defence Force is the armed forces of Uganda and was previously
known as the National Resistance Army and according to International Institute for Strategic
Studies its land forces and air wing force (2007-2011) was at 40,000 – 45,000. See IISS Military
Balance 2007, 297: IISS Military Balance 2011, 44
14BNDF: The Burundi National Defence Force or the state military organisation responsible for
the defence of Burundi. See International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) (2012). The
Military Balance 2012. London: IISS. ISSN 0459-7222
15Customary law, Sharia legal systems whilst also considering international and national level
legal frameworks
7Women’s Development Organization (IIDA); An NGO founded in 1991 in Mogadishu by a
group of Somalia women leaders, presently with one of the largest grassroots movement in
Somalia and work towards fostering sustainable development.
16Article7statesthat “allpeopleareequalbeforelawand
entitledtoequalprotectionofthelaw:,seeUNGeneralAssembly,UniversalDeclarationofHumanRights,
1948,December10,217A(III),art.7
8Sexual Exploitation – “any actual or attempted abuse of a position of vulnerability, differential
power, or trust, for sexual purposes, including, but not limited to, profiting monetarily, socially
or politically from the sexual exploitation of another”.See UN’s Secretary General’s bulletin
ST/SGB/2003/13, 9 October 2003. http://cdu.unlb.org/Portals/0/Documents/KeyDoc4.pdf
(accessed August 15, 2014) cited in Human Rights Watch, 2014, September, p.28
17 The Federal Republic of Somalia, Provisional Constitution, August 2012, Mogadishu, Somalia,
Article 11:1, ‘All citizens, regardless of sex, religion, social or economic status, political opinion,
clan, disability’
41
Nº 10
NATIONAL ECONOMIC PLANNING IN THE
CAPITALIST SYSTEM
PLANEJAMENTO ECONÔMICO NACIONAL NO
SISTEMA CAPITALISTA
Abstract: This article aims to present: 1) the differences between national economic
planning in system of market economy and national planning in economy system planned by
State; 2) the national economic planning in a mixed capitalist economy state and private
system; 3) the outline of a rational and democratic governance of economic system of a
country; and, 4) how to manage the chaos in the dynamics of the capitalist system.
Resumo: Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar: 1) as diferenças entre o planejamento
econômico nacional em sistema de economia de mercado e sistema econômico planejado
pelo Estado; 2) o planejamento econômico nacional em sistema econômico misto estatal e
privado; 3) o esboço de um sistema racional e democrático de governabilidade econômica de
um país; e, 4) como administrar o caos na dinâmica do sistema capitalista.
Keywords, National economic planning, Economic Governance System of a Country
Palavras chaves: Planejamento econômico nacional, Sistema de governabilidade econômica
de um país.
Fernando Alcoforado
Member of the Bahia Academy of Education (Brazil). Engineer and
Doctor of Territorial Planning and Regional Development from the
University of Barcelona (Spain).
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1. The national economic planning in system of market economy
The market economy is the social system based on division of labor and private
property of the means of production. All economic agents act on their own. This system is
driven by the market that guides the activities of economic agents in ways that enable better
serve the needs of investors. The State uses its coercive power solely for the purpose of
preventing people undertake detrimental to the preservation and proper functioning of the
market economy. Thus the State creates and preserves the environment in which the market
economy can function safely. The Marxist slogan that characterizes the capitalist system as
anarchic correctly depicts this social structure.
Fernand Braudel (1982) said that the global capitalist economy consists of a top layer
of a structure on three levels: a lower layer, a wider, of an economy extremely elementary
and basically self-sufficient that he called material life, the layer of non-economic, soil
where capitalism plunges its roots, but which can never penetrate. Above this layer is the
field of market economy, with its many horizontal communications between the different
markets in which there is an automatic coordination linking the supply, demand and prices.
After this layer and above it is the zone of anti-market where circulating large predators and
the law of the jungle prevails. This - today as in the past, before and after the Industrial
Revolution - is the real home of capitalism (Alcoforado, 2005). What is termed usually a
market economy incorporate, considering the approach of Braudel, also the anti-market
which is composed of large corporate monopolies that exert domination of national and
global markets.
In the market economy, the majority of economic output (goods and services) is
following the decision by private companies controlled by private citizens in industry,
commerce, infrastructure and service delivery. In the market economy, the state interferes in
economic activity primarily to regulate and in some countries, provide services in sectors
such as energy, security, education, health, among others. The state planning of the economy
is only indicative. The desired performance standard of a nation is measured in a market
economy, basically by its performs in the economy using as benchmarks of progress the size
and growth of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and inflation rate. The absence of an effective
planning framework and state control in a market economy causes it to become very large
deviations between the occurrence of the desired standard of performance and the
achievements of the economic system. This explains why the world capitalist system is
always subject to crisis of local and global character, such as occurred in 1870, 1929 and
2008.
2. The national economic planning in economy system planned by State
The planned state economy is an economic model that includes the state control over
the economy. The economy is planned when the state interferes in the commercial affairs of a
country, deciding issues such as production and planning of this production. This model
became known after its application for more than 70 years in the former Soviet Union. In
planned state economy, most companies operating in the state's economy, ie, belongs to the
state. Unlike what happens in a market economy where the capitalists dictate trade laws, in
planned state economy is for the government to take decisions about production and
distribution.
In planned state economy, economic production is directed by the State. The factories,
the trade and services are controlled by state companies. The workers are state employees.
Only the state owns the means of production. In this system, the economic output of the
country is planned by a central organ of the State, to meet the social needs that clearinghouse
planned. There are no private companies competing in the market, selling its products.
In planned state economy, the government prepares plans that, in the Soviet Union,
were called "five year plans" having the function of promoting economic growth through the
expansion of the productive sector. With the planned economy, the government sought to
raise levels of production and at the same time, ensuring full employment and income
distribution for the population. Currently, only China, Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam and
Myanmar adept the planned economy. The decline of this model at present is connected to
the end of the USSR.
In all countries that adopted socialist planned state economy, the formation of a class
or ruling elite, linked to the State, which held greater social privileges was observed. This
coupled with the fact that the populations of these countries have been marginalized from
decisions of dictatorships situation as well as the failure in planning their economies, led to
the demise of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in Eastern Europe. With their
economies in decline, to avoid the same fate of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in
Eastern Europe, China and Cuba opened their economies to international capital, especially
China. Despite the opening of these countries to international capital, their economic systems
continue to be designed in which the state acts as regulator of private and state economic
activity.
It can be concluded from the above that a major difference between the market
economy and state planned economy comes down to the level of regulation as the economic
and productive activity is carried out by the State. If the State takes an interventionist
position it relates to a planned economy, while the State only controls and collects taxes
resulting from economic activity, would be referring to a market economy. Another major
difference lies in the fact that in market economies not be possible to achieve rationality in
the operation of the economic system of a country because the state does not exercise with
effective planning and control of the economy, while in state planned economies this
rationality can be performed in the formulation of objectives (performance standards) either
in the correction of deviations between what was planned and what was achieved through the
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action of the State. However, despite this, in the planned state economies, socialists, they
sinned because did not provide civil society participation in government decisions.
3. The national economic planning in a mixed capitalist economy system state and
private
The market economy or capitalism, as it is commonly called, and the socialist
economy are mutually exclusive because, at first, capitalists are holders of the means of
production and in the second, the means of production belong to the State. There is no
possible or imaginable mixture of the two systems. Is not there something that can be called a
mixed economy, a system that would be partly socialist and partly capitalist. The production is
directed by the market or is by State. If, in a society based on private ownership of the means
of production some of these means are company owned and operated by a public entity,
whether by the government or one of its agencies, this does not mean there is a mixed system
combining socialism and capitalism. If, based on a majority state ownership of the means of
production, ie, the government or one of its agencies, some of these means of production are
owned and operated by private entities, it also does not mean there is a mixed system
combining socialism and capitalism.
The fact that the State own and operate some kind of industrial facility does not alter
the essential characteristics of a market economy. These public companies are subject to the
sovereignty of the market. Have to adjust as buyers of raw materials, equipment and labor,
and as sellers of goods and services to the dynamics of the market economy. They are subject
to market forces and therefore depend on the consumers who can give them or deny
preference. Must strive for profits or at least to avoid losses. The government can cover the
deficit of their companies by using public funds. But this does not eliminate or diminish the
supremacy of the market. Therefore, it is the market that determines the functioning of these
public companies. Nothing that is somehow related to the functioning of the market can be
called socialism. This means that China, for example, isn´t more a socialist country and not a
country of mixed economy. In China prevails the State capitalism.
It is clear that in a capitalist mixed economy predominantly state or predominantly
private, the rationality in the operation of the economic system of a country can only be
achieved in formulating goals (performance standard) and correction of deviations between
what was planned and what was achieved if the State act in the governance of the system as a
regulator of economic activity and as a mediator between the capitalists and civil society
ensuring its participation in government decisions.
4. The outline of a rational and democratic governance of economic system of a country
It can be stated that every country is possessed of 5 major systems: 1) science and
technology; 2) economic; 3) social; 4) environmental; and, 5) political and moral. At present,
the desired performance standard of a country is measured by what is accomplished only in
the economy using as reference the size and progress of the growth of GDP (Gross Domestic
Product) ignoring the other systems. This is a big mistake because the desired performance of
each of the five systems described above should take into account the five patterns described
below:
The standard of scientific and technological performance required to consider should
be the following: 1) increase of the productivity of the economy that is measured by the
relationship between global GDP and sectoral GDP and resources used in production
processes (raw materials, supplies and labor); 2) reduction of the costs of agricultural,
industrial production, and services; 3) increase in investments in R&D; 4) innovation of new
products and processes that is measured by its advance over previously used products and
processes; 5) increase of the durability of products / services; 6) increase of physical safety of
products / services provided to people and users; and, 7) decrease in the levels of
technological dependency of the country from the outside. These indicators allow to evaluate
if the performance of scientific and technological system is contributing to the increase of
wealth and well-being of the population.
The standard of economic performance required to consider should be the following:
1) increase in the growth rate of GDP; 2) reduction in the rate of inflation; 3) reduction in the
relation Public Debt / GDP; 4) increase in the balance of trade and balance of payments; 5)
decrease in the tax burden; 6) increase of the investments in infrastructure of energy, transport
and communications; 7) decrease in the levels of economic dependence of the country from
the outside; and 8) increase in the indicator of the Genuine Progress (GPI indicator - Genuine
Progress Indicator), which takes into account the parameters welfare and the environment
using the same methodology for calculating GDP, but unlike this, the calculation adds items
such as housework and voluntary and subtracts the costs arising from factors such as crime,
pollution, environmental degradation and commitment of resource and natural systems (See
GPI posted in the website
<http://www.compendiosustentabilidade.com.br/compendiodeindicadores/indicadores/default.
asp?paginaID=26&conteudoID=324>). These indicators allow assessing whether the
economic system is contributing to the increase of its wealth, the fall in its public debt,
reducing levels of inflation, the generation of surpluses in the trade balance and balance of
payments, the decrease in tax burden, the conquest of independence or reduction of economic
dependence of the country on the outside and the achievement of a genuine economic progress.
The standard of social performance required to consider should be the following: 1)
the achievement of full employment or reduction in the unemployment rate; 2) increase the
income distribution measured by the Gini index; 3) reduction of the levels of crime in society;
4) increase in service levels of education, health, housing and transport to the population; 5)
increase of the investment in infrastructure, education, health, housing and sanitation; 6)
increase in the HDI-Human Development Index, used by the United Nations, which takes into
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account GDP per capita, the longevity of people and their education (measured by illiteracy
rate and the enrollment rates at various levels of education); and 7) increase of GNH (Gross
National Happiness) indicator, which analyzes 73 variables that contribute most to the goal of
achieving the well-being and satisfaction with life (See GNH posted in website
<http://www.grossnationalhappiness.com/>). These indicators allow to evaluate if the social
system is contributing to the achievement of full employment and reducing unemployment,
increasing income of the population, the decline in indicators of crime, increased provision of
educational services, health, housing and transportation of the population and the increase of
human development and their well being.
The standard of environmental performance required to consider should be the
following: 1) the elimination or reduction of emissions of greenhouse gases; 2) increase of
basic sanitation services provided to the population; 3) the elimination or reduction of
deforestation and burning of forests; 4) reduction in the consumption of fossil fuels; 5) increase
of the share of renewable energy in the energy mix; 6) the elimination or reduction of land
pollution, air, ocean and water; 7) increase of energy efficiency or energy saving in agriculture,
industry and transportation in general; and 8) increase of recycling of materials. These
indicators allow to assess whether the system is contributing to the defense of the local and
global environment for the benefit of its people and their well being.
The standard of political and moral performance required to consider should be the
following: 1) increase of solidarity among the inhabitants of the country; 2) increase in the
practice of social justice by organs of government and civil society; 3) increase in the
distribution of income and wealth among the population; 4) increase of measures to preserve
and care for nature; 5) increase in policies for integral development of education in accordance
with the highest human values; 6) advances in the realization of the collective will of the
citizens; 7) improvement of political institutions; 8) success in combating corruption measured
by its reduction; 9) increase in the exercise of citizenship with the effective participation of
citizens in government decisions and fight for expansion of their rights; and 10) increase of
contribution of public and private organizations to the political, economic, social and
environmental development of the country. These indicators allow to evaluate if the political
and moral system is contributing to the inhabitants are mutual solidarity, economic and social
justice is practiced, education contributes to form true citizens, civil society participation in
decisions of government and corruption is eradicated in the country.
The achievement of the desired standard of performance for each of the 5 systems
(scientific, technological, economic, social, environmental and political and moral) of a
country requires the existence of a structure for planning and control associated with them
which allows to make the results of their activities correspond to the desired standard of
performance for the country. Compete with that structure planning and control: 1) to determine
the level of resources needed to achieve the desired standard of performance of each system in
terms of raw materials, supplies, labor, financial resources, etc.. 2) to exercise control of work
processes for each system to identify differences between its implementation and the desired
standard of performance and, if necessary, decide on the corrections to be made in processes
and / or the input of resources necessary to operation of the system; and, 3) to exercise
performance monitoring of the results obtained at the output of each system to identify
differences between its implementation and the desired standard of performance and, if
necessary, decide on the corrections to be made in the work processes of each system and / or
the input of resources necessary for the operation of each system.
Figure 1 shows how scientific and technological, economic, social, environmental and political
and moral systems must operate on a rational basis to reach your goals or a desired standard of
performance.
It can be seen from the above, that the purpose of planning and control structure would
be to prevent or minimize the occurrence of deviations between what was planned (standard
system performance) and what was done (the output of system execution). This would be the
"modus operandi" of the structure of planning and control that can streamline operations and
ensure good governance of the scientific and technological, economic, social, environmental
and political and moral systems of a country. However, to be democratic, it would be
necessary, however, that the governance of these systems count on the active participation of
the population and civil society organizations in formulating goals (performance standard) to
be pursued, as well as in policy or decision rules seeking to correct deviations between what
was planned and carried out.
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5. Managing chaos in the dynamics of the capitalist system
Capitalism is a complex, dynamic, adaptive and nonlinear system because it has
elements or agents that interact in large numbers together forming one or more structures that
arise from interactions between such agents. Complex systems are systems that are
characterized by being dynamic as key features that have their sensitive dependence on initial
conditions for which, minimal differences at the beginning of a process whatsoever, can lead
to completely opposite situations over time.
Ervin Laszlo (2006) said that "a dynamic system, whether occurring in nature, in
society or in a computer simulation, is governed by attractors. These define the 'phase portrait'
of the system: how it behaves over time. Stable attractors pull the trajectory of system
development into a recurring and recognizable pattern, taking it to converge at a given point (if
the system is governed by point attractors) or describe cycles through different states (when it
is under command of periodic attractors). However, dynamical systems can also achieve a
state in which the attractors that emerge are not stable, but 'strange'. Are chaotic attractors".
It should be noted that an attractor is the set of points in phase space to which a system
tends to go as it evolves. The attractor can be a single point, a closed curve (threshold cycle)
which describes a system of periodic behavior, or a fractal (also called strange attractor), when
the system presents chaos. In chaotic systems the motion never repeats itself, though often
having to occur within certain limits. Thus, only an infinitely complex figure - a fractal - can
handle represent this trajectory that never repeats itself in phase space. Change and time are
the two fundamental aspects of Chaos.
system evolves to a state in which it has a processing capacity of intensified information and
more efficient use of free energy as well as more flexibility, greater structural complexity and
additional levels of organization".
Figure 2 below shows what happens to a dynamic system such as the economic system
of a country when it is subject to "fluctuations" that leads to a bifurcation point from which the
system reaches a new dynamic stability (forward revolutionary) or collapses. Figure 2 shows
that the bifurcation point of the system has to be restructured or will collapse. When is subject
to "fluctuations", a dynamic system such as economic system of a country leads to a
bifurcation point from which the system reaches a new dynamic stability (breakthrough) or
collapses. At the bifurcation point, the system has to be restructured or collapse.
This is the situation faced by many countries, including Brazil, which, after the crisis that
erupted in 2008 in the United States and spilled over the planet, where there wasn´t a
restructuring of the national economy systems. The path of breakthrough that would lead to
overcoming the global economic crisis that erupted in 2008 and was not resolved until today,
require the restructuring of the world economic system by turning it into an open complex
system, self-organizing and sensitive feedback that, contributing for the exchange of input or
energy with the environment, become the system susceptible to changes resulting from
feedback, adapting to the new environment and learning through experience.
Chaos mainly refers to something that evolves over time. Chaos theory explains the
operation of complex and dynamic systems. In such systems, many elements are interacting in
unpredictable and random. This is the case of the capitalist market economy because there is
no effective governance of the economic system. Note that, Ilya Prigogine (2002),
commenting about bifurcation points in chemical reactions, states that "they demonstrate that
even in our macroscopic level prediction of the future mix determinism and probability. At the
bifurcation point, the prediction is probabilistic, whereas among the bifurcation points, we can
speak of deterministic laws.
It´s the thesis of Ervin Laszlo (2006) that "the systems go into a state of chaos when
fluctuations that were until then corrected by negative feedbacks self-stabilizing get out of
control. The development trajectory becomes nonlinear: prevailing trends collapse and in its
place various complex developments arise. Rarely chaos is a prolonged condition; in most
cases is only a transitional period between more stable states. When the fluctuations in the
system reach levels of irreversibility, the system reaches a critical point where it collapses into
its individual components stables (collapse) or undergoes a rapid evolution toward a resistant
state fluctuation that destabilized (breakthrough). If this path of breakthrough is selected, the
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Instead of breakthrough that would lead to overcoming the global economic crisis, the
scenario of the global economic collapse was predicted by the great thinker and French
economist Jacques Attali (2010) who predicts the occurrence of four steps to the unfolding
economic crisis that erupted in 2008 in United States and that spilled over the world: 1) the
public debts become heavier; 2) the failure of the euro and the global depression; 3) the failure
of the Dollar and the return of global inflation; and, 4) the depression and ruin of Asia.
Currently, the world economy is facing step 1 in which public debt swelled worldwide.
According to Jacques Attali, the international financial system no longer works. The
neoliberal model that ruled the world in the last 40 years died and there will be depression that
will last many years. Given the existence of chaos that dominates the world economy, it is time
for each country and humanity equip themselves as urgently as possible the tools necessary to
take control of your destiny. To have control of your destiny mankind must exercise their
governance of the national economic systems and of the world economy. This is the only
means of survival of the human species.
REFERENCES
ALCOFORADO, F. (2005). Globalização e Desenvolvimento. São Paulo: Editora Nobel.
ATTALI, J. (2010). Tous dans dix ans Ruines - Dette publique: La dernière chance. Paris:
Artheme Librairie Fayard.
BRAUDEL, F. (1982). The Wheels of Commerce. New York: Harper & Row.
LASZLO, E. (2006). O Ponto do Caos. São Paulo: Editora Cultrix.
PRIGOGINE, I. (2002). As leis do caos. São Paulo: Editora da UNESP.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Fernando Alcoforado , member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor
of Territorial Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a
university professor and consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional
planning and planning of energy systems, is the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel,
São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem Mundial (Editora
Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os
condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado. Universidade
de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século
XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador,
2008), The Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social Development-The Case of
the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken,
Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora,
Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011) and
Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012), among others.
47
Nº 10
The Night When Mexico Went Up in Flames
La noche en que México ardió en llamas
Resumen: Lo que comenzó con unas pocas familias exigiendo saber el paradero de sus hijos
se ha transformado en un movimiento social sin paragón en México. La desaparición de 43
jóvenes en Ayotzinapa, México, ha exaltado un sentimiento de crispación social como
resultado del desgaste de las instituciones públicas coludidas con grupos criminales; la seguridad y las libertades han sido trastocadas gravemente ante la crecida de inseguridad y
violencia. El presente trabajo es un artículo de opinión en el que trataremos de explicar
algunas de las razones que han llevado a la gradual escalada de la violencia en México en
una suerte que nos lleve a repensar el futuro del país como un problema que no es asilado y
cuyos efectos globales se traducen en el respeto y salvaguarda de la dignidad humana; partiremos de la premisa de que algunos de los planteamientos aquí abordados son juicios de valor
del proponente, de los cuales el lector podrá o no compartir, los cuales serán lógicamente deducibles de ciertos juicios descriptivos de los acontecimientos ocurridos en la última década,
y de cómo estos han propiciado una expansión de la violencia. En este sentido, la reflexión
final a la que se invita, es repasar el pasado mexicano para repensar el presente con ideas claras que el permitan a México reescribir su historia.
Palabras clave: Ayotzinapa, violencia, impunidad, dignidad humana, movimientos sociales,
México, solidaridad.
Abstract: What started with a few families demanding to know the whereabouts of their
children has become a social movement without paragon in Mexico. The disappearance of 43
young people in Ayotzinapa, Mexico, has exalted a sense of social tension as a result of deterioration of public institutions in collusion with criminal groups; security and freedoms have
been severely disrupted before the spate of insecurity and violence. The present work is an
opinion in which we try to explain some of the reasons which led to the gradual escalation of
violence in México in a way that leads us to rethink the future of the country as a problem
that is not isolated and whose global effects translate into respect and safeguard human
dignity; start from the premise that some of the approaches discussed here are value
judgments proponent, of which the reader may or may not share, which will be logically deductible certain descriptive judgments of the events of the last decade, and how these have
led to an expansion of violence. In this sense, the final reflection which is invited, is to review the Mexican past to rethink this with clear ideas that allow México to rewrite history.
Key words: Ayotzinapa, violence, impunity, human dignity, social movements, Mexico,
solidarity.
Gabriel Torreblanca Flores
Licenciado en Derecho con Posgrado en Fiscalización y Rendición de Cuentas. Cuenta con
cursos de especialidad en Cabildeo y Producción Jurídica, Derecho Procesal Constitucional
y en Gobierno y Gestión Local. Actualmente cursa el programa de Máster en Corrupción y
Estado de Derecho en la Universidad de Salamanca, España.
Email: [email protected] / Twitter: @GTorreblank /
Web: estocreo-torreblak / torreblancabogados.com
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La inquietante incertidumbre
De la descomposición al hartazgo.
México vive momentos álgidos, la violencia desatada en las últimas décadas ha dado
pauta a desapariciones forzadas inusitadas; la escalada de violencia genera desconfianza, incertidumbre y desasosiego entre la sociedad; la criminalidad ha rebasado los límites atentando contra la libertad, la vida como garantías inalienable pareciera ser letra muerta ante
crímenes de lesa humanidad acontecidos en el país latinoamericano. Lo que comenzó con
unas pocas familias exigiendo saber el paradero de sus hijos se ha transformado en un
movimiento nacional. El hartazgo generalizado ha impactado en las consciencias de los mexicanos, dando pauta a protestas que exigen el cese de la impunidad.
La descomposición institucional ha venido incrementándose desde el involucramiento
del crimen organizado en las estructuras de autoridad legalmente constituidas, el déficit y debilidad institucional producto del reciclaje de una clase política que pareciera no haber evolucionado hacia estadios de ética democrática más aceptable, aunado a la pobreza y la
desigualdad imperantes en varias regiones del país, son reflejo de un conductismo corrupto
como práctica socialmente aceptada. Más de 100.000 muertos y poco más de 22.000 desaparecidos en los últimos ocho años, entre ellos la reciente ejecución de civiles por el Ejército
mexicano en la comunidad de Tlatlaya; la masacre de migrantes en San Fernando, Tamaulipas en su éxodo al los EEUU a manos de poderosos cárteles de la droga; la imparable ola de
feminicidios en Ciudad Juárez y muchos otros hechos, que parecían asilados, son la puesta en
escena de un México sojuzgado.
Ayotzinapa, comunidad rural perteneciente al municipio de Iguala, ciudad enclavada
en el Estado de Guerrero, ha enardecido al colectivo social y volteando la vista mundial a
México ante los lamentables sucesos del 26 y 27 de septiembre del 2014, en donde un grupo
de estudiantes normalistas quienes había viajado hasta ahí, la tercera ciudad más importante
de Guerrero, a fin de cumplir con un ritual más o menos tolerado por las autoridades: el secuestro de transporte público para recorrer la zona en busca de donativos, y protestar por los
excesos y dispendio de la familia gobernante de aquella localidad. Paradójicamente aquel
lugar en donde ellos pretendían sembrar vida, encontraron la muerte; tres normalistas fueron
abatidos cruelmente y otras tres personas más murieron durante la represión. En aquel rincón
de México 43 estudiantes fueron masacrados y sus cuerpos reducidos a cenizas.
La nitidez de los acontecimientos han dejando manifiesto que la corrupción imperante
es un ir y devenir cotidiano, con los fiscales afirmando que las fuerzas policiales [contrario a
su cometido] secuestran a los jóvenes para entregarlos a organizaciones criminales por ordenes de la propia autoridad local. El proceso de investigación iniciado ha sido lento, plagado
de omisiones y silencios que atentan contra la transparencia y la confianza institucional. Organismos comoHuman Rights Watch y la relatoría de Naciones Unidas sobre desapariciones
forzadas han cuestionado la capacidad del gobierno mexicano para actuar con prontitud. Un
reclamo legitimo por Ayotzinapa se esparce por todo el mundo, un eco de solidaridad para
pedir el esclarecimiento de los hechos, exigir el respeto a la dignidad humana y la reconstrucción de un clima real de paz y tranquilidad para los mexicanos.
La desgracia de los 43 estudiantes termino el mito de un Estados fuerte y unificado: la
evidencia de unos partidos y una administración pública, allá al servicio de los delincuentes,
aquí, inconexa, sin reflejos, enajenada por su propia retorica y por la imagen que ha construido de sí misma. Todo ello dibuja un cuadro inquietante de una clase dirigente y un Estado
debilitados, muy atrás del país real y muy lejos de entender y encarar la gravedad de los
hechos sucedidos en Iguala.ii Este es un momento crucial para México, la gente exige un
cambio, exige solidaridad y sensibilidad para hacer frente a problemas públicos que los han
rebasado.
Bajo este escenario, Ayotzinapa pusó al descubierto la capacidad de perversión del
poder a cargo de los cárteles de la droga. En el los asesinatos rutinarios,iii disimulados en
fosas que escondían el homicidio como señal eficiente para mantener el terror y el control de
ciudad con estructuras fuera de la ley, se da prueba latente del grado de prostitución al seno
del aparato gubernamental y la indudable convivencia entre policías, autoridades y bandas
delincuenciales, generando un prototipo de democracia delincuencial bajo la cultura del engaño, la maquinación y la opacidad. Un Estado que ante los ojos del mundo se preciara de
respetuoso de los derechos humanos y, liderar la estrategia multilateral de Gobierno Abiertoiv, simple y sencillamente ha demostrado la retorica de un discurso lleno de buenos
propósito para sólo ocultar una realidad, y es que las cosas en materia de seguridad no son
muy halagüeñas. Las instituciones encargadas de brindar seguridad a la sociedad, actúan arbitrariamente, sin reglas, dilapidado derechos, atentando contra ciudadanos inocentes y, en contra partida, su opacidad para enfrentar la realidad y tomar acciones rápidas y eficaces para
contrarrestar la infiltración del crimen organizado en el tejido de las estructuras políticas nos
habla de conductas faltas de ética condicionadas a intereses de grupos o personas que hace
insostenible un régimen democrático.
Por ello, México duele, ante tal impunidad que no debe quedar en investigaciones tortuosas que sólo lleven a evadir la responsabilidad de los culpables de tales atrocidades. Ser
sensibles a la opinión pública, sin duda, es condición necesaria pero no suficiente para hacer
justicia en un país sumido en el miedo y la raigambre de la impunidad, repleto de dudas, de
fosas con decenas de cadáveres y una larga lista de personas desaparecidas. Resulta pernicioso, pensar que únicamente con modificaciones a las leyes, designación de comisionados
especiales o la solicitud de licencia de un gobernante, se dará solución ante el grave problema
de inseguridad que azota al país. Sin duda, un reto mayúsculo que requiere iniciar por humildad para aceptar el estado de las cosas, la corrupción que invade a los círculos del quehacer
público.
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Rehabilitar al Estado mexicano exige de un análisis exhaustivo de lo que acontece, y
reclama de respuestas claras a las muchas interrogantes que se plantan a diario las víctimas de
la delincuencia.
Ayotzinapa: altos niveles de atención y pocas expectativas de justicia.
Estos son los hechos y sus actores. 43 jóvenes que tenían un proyecto de vida, deseos
de transformar su realidad y aportar desde su trinchera a la construcción de un país consumido
por la violencia, no tuvieron la suerte de vivir para ver esa transformación. Han pasado más de
sesenta días desde la muerte de seis personas y la desaparición de 43 estudiantes de la escuela
normal de Ayotzinapa, en el estado de Guerrero.v De acuerdo con la más reciente encuesta
nacional en vivienda realizada por la casa encuestadora Parametría, nueve de cada diez mexicanos se enteraron de este lamentable evento, el cual ha ocupado las primeras planas de
diarios nacionales y extranjeros.vi Las principales consignas de las múltiples marchas que se
han detonado en distintas partes del país exigen continuar con la búsqueda de los 43 normalistas y castigar a los responsables de este hecho que ha cimbrado al país.vii No obstante, en la
opinión pública mexicana, siete de cada diez entrevistados (66%), consideran que las
autoridades no atraparán a los responsables de la desaparición de los estudiantes. Únicamente
26% confía en que se haga justicia en el caso. Datos que nos hablan de la poca certeza que
hay en México sobre la impartición de justicia y el respeto al estado de derecho. El dato que
resulta alarmante es que para 63% de los ciudadanos mexicanos, los recientes hechos de
violencia ocurridos en algunos estados del país ponen en peligro la gobernabilidad. Por el
contrario, tres de cada diez (31%) consideran que eventos como el de Ayotzinapa no tienen
efectos sobre la relación entre gobernados y gobernantes. El porcentaje de personas que consideran que la gobernabilidad del país está amenazada por estos eventos, es mayor a lo registrado en el año 2006, cuando se vivieron enfrentamientos entre mineros y la policía federal y
estatal en la siderúrgica Lázaro Cárdenas, en el Estado de Michoacán, dejando dos muertos y
más de 40 heridos.viii Así como el choque entre floricultores de Salvador Atenco y la policía
local y federal, el cual derivó en decenas de heridos, dos jóvenes muertos y más de 20 mujeres
violadas.ix
Pero las violaciones a los derechos humanos no se dan en un contexto aislado. Según
evaluaciones de organismos internacionales, en el país, es frecuente la vulneración de las
garantías individuales y la violencia. La vinculación de autoridades con grupos delincuentes,
la omisión, tardanza y la irresponsabilidad del aparato gubernamental para prevenir y resolver
demandas sociales como ésta, los casi 22,000 desparecidos en los últimos años según datos de
Presidencia de la República y los cadáveres humanos que se descubren constantemente en fosas clandestina, tiene constantes que no han sido analizadas en su justa dimensión.
La explosión de violencia de los últimos años ha significado un brutal cambio de tendencia. El periodo de disminución de la violencia terminó en 2008. En ese año, el número de
homicidios dolosos creció́ 58%, al pasar de 8,867 a 14,006. Ello implicó un brinco en la tasa
de homicidio de 8.3 a 12.9 por cada 100 mil habitantes. La trayectoria se mantuvo en los dos
años siguientes: para 2010, la tasa de homicidio se había casi triplicado en comparación con la
de 2007. El incremento del número de homicidios entre 2007 y 2010 fue mayor al experimentado por Colombia en los primeros años de la guerra contra Pablo Escobar (1984-1991). Detrás de ese ascenso vertiginoso está el crecimiento geométrico de lo que la Presidencia de la
República llama “fallecimientos por rivalidad delincuencial”, es decir, homicidios presuntamente vinculados a la delincuencia organizada. Ese tipo de asesinatos pasó de 2,806 en 2007 a
15,273 en 2010, un incremento acumulado de 440%. Ello explica 80% del alza en el número
de víctimas de homicidio. Los especialistas en seguridad señalan que la situación de seguridad
en México se compara aun positivamente con la que prevalece en diversos países de América
Latina y de otras regiones de África. Sin embargo, enfatizan que lo que preocupa en México
no es el nivel absoluto de delito violento, sino su trayectoria de crecimiento. Lo cual se explica por diversos factores que van desde explicar que la delincuencia organizada es más que
tráfico de drogas dado que las bandas del narcotráfico han diversificado sus fuentes de ingreso
y participan en actividades como el secuestro, la extorsión, el tráfico de personas, robo y piratería, lo cual se potencializa por las debilidades e insuficiencias del sistema de seguridad y
justicia que padece México al grado de facilitar la persistencia de diversas formas de delito
ante la falta de enjuiciamiento de los infractores.x
Pero que fue entonces lo que cambio en México en los últimos años. Alejandro Hopexi
explica que a partir del arribo al poder del presidente Felipe Calderón se inicio una cruzada
mucho más agresiva para perseguir a las bandas de la delincuencia organizada. En términos
prácticos, cinco medidas específicas pudieron haber incrementado involuntariamente los niveles de violencia:
a) El despliegue masivo de fueras federales. Diversos analistas han mostrado que parece
existir una correlación robusta entre el inicio de los operativos conjuntos y el disparo
de violencia en los estados involucrado. Fernando Escalantexii sugiere que la presencia de elementos federales pudo haber roto arreglos preestablecidos entre autoridades
locales y grupos delictivos.
b) Incremento del número de agencias involucradas en el combate al narcotráfico. El
crecimiento acelerado de la Policía Federal a partir de 2006 y la participación más activa del Ejército y la Marina en la persecución de delincuentes transformó ese panorama, ello pudo haber tenido un efecto desequilibrante en las relaciones entre el Estado
y el narcotráfico: al no existir ya un punto focal para la persecución de las bandas, posiblemente dejó de tener sentido, desde la perspectiva de los narcotraficantes, la corrupción sistémica por lo que paradójicamente llevo a la seducción del aparato político
y dio pauta a la narco – política al establecer una red de políticos a fines a grupos delincuenciales. De este modo pareciera que la guerra emprendida por el Gobierno contra el
narcotráfico ‘está perdida’ porque el narcotráfico ha permeado en la sociedad, arraigado como la corrupción que envuelve hoy día a muchos políticos.
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c) Decapitación de organizaciones delictivas. En espacio de cuatro años, el gobierno mexicano logró la captura o abatimiento de 21 de los 37 principales dirigentes de los cárteles, además de un número no cuantificado de operadores medios. En términos
generales, una política de decapitación de los principales cárteles de la droga como la
implementada pudo conducir a la violencia por tres canales: a) provocando una disputa
sucesoria al interior de la organización, b) incentivando la ruptura de mandos medios y
la creación de nuevas organizaciones, y c) generando vacíos que fueron aprovechados
por grupos rivales.
d) Interdicción marítima y aérea más intensa. Estas acciones pudieron haber tenido el
efecto de desviar los flujos de cocaína hacia la frontera con Guatemala y Belice y, por
tanto, de alargar las rutas terrestres en México. Con rutas más largas, probablemente
creció́ el número de bodegas intermedias y de transportistas, intensificando la
necesidad de control armado en más zonas del país. Y finalmente,
e) El incremento en el número de extradiciones a Estados Unidos. De acuerdo a datos de
la Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, el número de personas extraditadas de México a
Estados Unidos pasó de 12 en 2006 a 107 en 2009. Ese cambio en la política del
gobierno pudo haber intensificado la violencia por tres vías: a) eliminando el control
que algunos de esos dirigentes ejercían sobre sus organizaciones desde cárceles mexicanas, b) aumentando los riesgos de captura y con ello, la disposición a la violencia preventiva (contra rivales o informantes potenciales), y c) convirtiendo a algunos capos en
informantes de la justicia estadounidense y generando con ello disputas internas en las
organizaciones.
International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) reporta que aunque México ha hecho
esfuerzos concertados para reducir la corrupción en los últimos años, está sigue siendo un
problema grave.xiii Recientes esfuerzos para combatir la corrupción incluyen promover le profesionalismo de los cuerpos de seguridad como primera tarea así como la inclusión de lecciones de Derecho en su entrenamiento, han sido insuficientes ante la depuración constante de las
fuerzas encargadas del orden desde el nivel local por las evidencias graves de su poca confiabilidad para llevar acabo tan encomiable tarea. Así, podemos ver que las causas de la crisis
son por naturaleza complejas, diversas, transversales, debido a que afectan aspectos fundamentales de la vida pública y como hemos señalado líneas arriba, no se configuraron de la noche a
la mañana. Determinar sus soluciones requiere de un esfuerzo de reflexión sin tapujos capaz de
fijar altura de miras para rescatar a un país en el que reina la hostilidad, en el que pende de un
hilo la libertad y la dignidad humana como valores supremos de la convivencia social.
Parafraseando a la escritora Elena Poniatowska, Galardonada con el Premio Cervantes en
2013:
“Queremos un mundo donde no haya asesinatos, donde toda la gente tenga las mismas
oportunidades. No podemos seguir así, sentados sobre huesos, sobre fosas. Tenemos una
causa común, la causa del amor que le tenemos al ser humano y a nosotros mismos y el
cuidado de los que vienen después, no sólo de los hijos propios, sino de todos los niños
del mundo: ¿Qué les estamos dejando, qué les vamos a decir cuando nos pregunten y tú
qué estabas haciendo?”.xiv
Se antoja una suerte de estado difícil y compleja, la putrefacción ha corroído hasta la
médula a las células primarias del contacto gobierno – ciudadano, los municipios.xv El caos y
la incertidumbre parecieran ser una constante. El hombre posmoderno no ha dado solución a
problemas latentes, la ambición desmedida por la banalidad del poder en su diversas facetas, el
trasiego de drogas como baluarte del dominio de unos sobre los otros; los improperios a la
libertad en el presente siglo son una reminiscencia histórica que parecía haber sido erradicada,
la desigualdad constante y el abatimiento irresponsable del libre mercado frente a los valores
de igualdad y dignidad humana laceran a nuestra sociedad.
Ayotzinapa es un ejemplo más de la brutalidad que nos llama a despertar las consciencias y a genera un nuevo debate solidario sobre la legitimidad del poder público y su actuación
frente al avance y cooptación por factores reales de poder.
El derrumbe de la retórica.
El retraso de reformas a los mecanismos de rendición de cuentas han logrando nimios
avances en materia de seguridad pública confirmando la podredumbre de las instituciones mexicanas; la falta de claridad de planes de contingencia con información real del grado de persuasión que los cárteles de la droga tienen sobre autoridades públicas así como el cambio
paulatino [sexenio tras sexenio] de las estrategias de seguridad nos hablan de una situación
fuera de control que el Estado mexicano ha sido incapaz de atender integralmente desde todos
sus ángulos, perdiendo credibilidad hacia dentro pero también hacia el exterior, por la poca
claridad que se ha tenido para generar una política eficaz de seguridad nacional.
Ante los exabruptos, las líneas de comunicación gubernamental han tenido que pasar
del olvido y la retorica de las grandes transformaciones, al énfasis, nuevamente [como fuera
tan cuestionado en el sexenio del ex Presidente Felipe Calderón, de 2006 a 2012], en la
necesidad de superar la delincuencia y la violencia desatada en el país, constituyendo ello un
nuevo punto de inflexión para modificar urgentemente el enfoque de la estrategia nacional de
seguridad. La desafección a la calidad de la democracia y la incertidumbre del rumbo de
México están “a flor de piel” y el reto de superar pronto la crisis de seguridad es una demanda
legitima para garantizar la estabilidad económica pese a la expectativa positiva de crecimiento
que el país tienen, la paz como baluarte de orden y tranquilidad social, la justicia como ideal
insatisfecho y la dignidad política alejada del utilitarismo electoral.
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Nº 10
El futuro de México es una tarea común, una tarea que no puede soslayarse en la veleidad de la retorica y obliga a abrir un nuevo debate sobre la consagración del imperio de la ley
como fuente primaria de producción jurídica y garantía de imparcialidad y generalidad frente
al eventual abuso del poder por parte de quien lo detenta, de modo que todos sin exclusión queden sometidos a la voluntad racional que representa la ley como expresión de la voluntad popular; evitando información irresponsable y contradictoria que inunda las redes sociales y que
sólo enardece a las multitudes al despertar sentimientos contradictorios que propician más
violencia. La veracidad de la información y el escrutinio público de las fuerzas políticas es un
paso para el reforzamiento del Estado de Derecho, partiendo del principio de que un gobierno
que se sabe vigilado actúa responsablemente, por lo que es fundamental que los gobiernos en
México necesitan evolucionar para estar a la altura de las demandas de la sociedad, las viejas
formas de aproximarse a los problemas ya no son suficientes y revertir la espiral de violencia
criminal debe ser por tanto una prioridad nacional y una acción colectiva y solidaria.
Esta lectura de la realidad mexicana conlleva una cuota de crispación que no puede ni
debe esquivarse, pero también ofrece la oportunidad de repensar el presente para proyectar la
edificación de estrategias puntuales de seguridad pública y lucha contra la impunidad, partiendo de que en democracia, cualquier crítica a los gobernantes es en realidad una autocrítica
de los ciudadanos como sostiene Fernando Savater. Así, la protesta como medio más efectivo
de expresión ante los vacíos de representación debe dar pauta a propuestas y acciones que corrijan la grave crisis de seguridad que impera en México, a fin de acabar con el binomio que en
apariencia prevalece y genera en el imaginario colectivo, la idea de que “donde hay impunidad
no hay democracia”.
NOTAS Y REFERENCIAS
i GABRIEL TORREBLANCA FLORES, es mexicano, Licenciado en Derecho con Posgrado
en Fiscalización y Rendición de Cuentas. Cuenta con cursos de especialidad en Cabildeo y
Producción Jurídica, Derecho Procesal Constitucional y en Gobierno y Gestión Local.
Actualmente cursa el programa de Máster en Corrupción y Estado de Derecho en la
Universidad de Salamanca, España.
ii “México: las ruinas del futuro”, Revista Nexos, 19 noviembre, 2014.
iii La tasa de homicidio en 2010 fue similar a la registrada a mediados de los noventa e inferior a la tasa equivalente en Brasil y la mayor parte de los países latinoamericanos. Algunos
indicadores como la tasa de homicidios (el número de asesinatos por cada 100,000 habitantes)
representa la forma más extrema del contacto con el crimen y, si bien no revela información
sobre las condiciones de seguridad a nivel general, si constituye una medida fiable del nivel
de seguridad de un país dado que, a diferencia de otros delitos, los asesinatos siempre se denuncian a la policía.
ivOpen Goberment es un organismo compuesto por 63 paises, cuyo objetivo es mejorar la
relación entre los ciudadanos con sus gobiernos; cuenta con un comité ejecutivo, mismo cuya
presidencia es compartida por México e Indonesia. Sus tres ejes de acción son: la transparencia
promueve la rendición de cuentas; la participación mejora la eficacia gubernamental y la calidad
de la toma de decisiones; y la colaboración incorpora a los ciudadanos a la acción de gobierno.
vEl Universal. Cronología caso
Ayotizinapanhttp://www.eluniversal.com.mx/nacion-mexico/2014/cronologia-caso-ayotzinapa-10
51618.html 04 de noviembre de 2014
viNY Times. 43 Missing Students, a Mass Grave and a Suspect: Mexico’s
Policehttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/07/world/americas/43-missing-students-a-mass-grave-an
d-a-suspect-mexicos-police-.html?module=Search&mabReward=relbias%3Ar%2C%7B%222%2
2%3A%22RI%3A16%22%7D 06 de octubre de 2014
viiCNN México. Caravana ciudadana llega al Zócalo y exige justicia en el caso Ayotzinapa
http://mexico.cnn.com/nacional/2014/11/09/la-caravana-de-protesta-por-el-caso-ayotzinapa-llega
-al-zocalo-del-df 09 de noviembre de 2014
viiiLa Jornada. Deja 2 muertos y más de 40 heridos desalojo de mineros en
Michoacánhttp://www.jornada.unam.mx/2006/04/21/index.php?section=sociedad&article=053n1
soc 21 de abril de 2006
ixComisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos. Informe Preliminar de las Acciones Realizadas En
El Caso De Los Hechos De Violencia Suscitados En Los Municipios De Texcoco Y San Salvador
Atenco, Estado De
Méxicohttp://www.cndh.org.mx/sites/all/fuentes/documentos/informes/especiales/2006_texcoco.
pdf 22 de mayo de 2006
x Hope, Alejandro. “La espiral infinita: Cómo México se volvió un país violento y cómo puede
dejar de serlo”. Más allá de los BRICS, IMCO, 2011. p.p. 275 a 276.
xi Idem.
xii Escalante, Fernando “Homicidios 2008-2009: La muerte tiene permiso”. Nexos. Enero de
2011. Obtenido en:http://www.nexos.com.mx/?P=leerarticulo&Article=1943189. Citado por
Hope, Alejandro. Ob. Cit.
xiii International Narcotics Control Board, Report of the International Narcotics Control Board
for 2006, March 1, 2007.
xiv Discurso de la escritora y periodista Elena Poniatowska en la XIV Feria Internacional del Libro en la Ciudad de México, 20 de octubre, 2014.
xv A decir de Guillermo Cejudo la visión romántica del municipio como el gobierno más cercano
a la gente, atiende a la reducción de gobierno donde la rendición de cuentas es informal pero [en
apariencia] efectiva, pues los gobernantes son vigilados día a día por ciudadanos que además son
vecinos de aquellos que conforman el ayuntamiento municipal y, por otra parte, la realidad de un
gobierno en donde predominan no sólo la falta o vaguedad de normas y procedimientos, sino
también la insuficiencia de recursos que aseguren que los gobiernos y sus funcionarios informen,
justifiquen y expliquen su conducta a los ciudadanos. En Cejudo, Guillermo. “La rendición de
cuentas del gobierno municipal”, Biblioteca jurídica virtual del Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas de la UNAM.
52
Nº 10
Cambodia at a Crossroads: New Laws Would Limit
Freedoms
Abstract: I recently returned from an international solidarity mission to Cambodia, where so
many of the issues that progressive rights-based civil society origanisations campaign on slap
you right in the face: Land grabs: Nearly 750,000 people have lost their homes and land since
2000, according to a brief filed at the International Criminal Court; Decent Work: Garment
workers - who produce shirts, trousers and more for well-known brands - make just US$100/
month. They are fighting for a living wage of US$177, yet protestors have been viciously beaten
and jailed. Gender: Most of the exploited garment workers are women. At the same time,
human trafficking - particularly of women and girls - is a huge issue.Lack of respect for human
rights and shrinking space for civil society: Activists and protestors have been viciously beaten
and jailed. Restaurants, hotels and other public venues often succumb to political pressure and
refuse to rent space to CSOs, making it difficult for them to organise. Proposed laws would criminalise social media posts that those in power do not like. (The official language restricts
Facebook and other posts that "hinder the sovereigny and integrity" of the state.). Lack of
Transparency: Three judicial laws were passed this year after just 7 minutes of parliamentary
debate.No Accountability: The Royal Government of Cambodia accepted over 100
recommendations in a recent UN Universal Periodic Review, but shows no sign of implementing
them.Greed and gross inequality: Companies directly linked to politicians and government cronies dominate the economy and are behind land evictions meant to free up space for condos,
shopping plazas and other developments.The most recent news from Phnom Penh seems to
indicate that the Royal Government of Cambodia will shelve the Cybercrime law for now,
instead relying on regulation, wiretapping (of phones and the internet) and the establishment of a
new 'Cyber War Team' to monitor social media to "protect the government's stance and
prestige".Yet in the face of all this, the activists and families that we met remain optimistic and
continually take a stand to reclaim their rights. GCAP Cambodia is participating in the action/
2015 campaign, under the banner "iMove Against Corruption and Impunity". And the
international solidarity mission aims to shine a spotlight on the government actions, while
advocating for positive change.What follows is the media release containing the observations and
recommendations of our international solidarity mission.
Left to Right: Soeung Saroeun (CCC), Tor Hodenfield (CIVICUS), Kwak Nohyun (Forum
Asia), Michael Switow (GCAP), Sarah Enees (IFP), Consuelo Katrina A. Lopa (ADN)
Keywords: Asia, Cambodia, CCC, CIVICUS , Civil society, Cooperation Committee for Cambodia, Cybercrime, Forum-Asia, GCAP, Global Call to Action Against Poverty, Human Rights, IFP,
International Forum of National NGO Platforms, judicial independence, land grabs, SEACA,
Trade Unions.
Michael Switow
You may be also interested to contact:
Global Call to Action Against Poverty
Email: [email protected] / Web: www.whiteband.org
Soeung Saroeun, Cooperation Committee for Cambodia
Email: [email protected]
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Nº 10
Cambodia at a Crossroads: New Laws Would Limit Freedoms
Cybercrime and Telecommunications Laws
Set against a background of endemic corruption, unsustainably low wages and
impoverishing confiscations of land, Cambodia is considering a series of laws that will severely restrict human rights and the activities of civil society organisations working on these
issues, according to a team of international experts visiting the country.
A new cybercrime law – that the government says is designed to prevent “ill-willed
groups or individuals” from spreading false information – could criminalise individual input
as well. Article 28 of the draft legislation states that people who ‘hinder the sovereignty and
integrity’ of the state could be subject to a substantial fine and jailed up to three years. The
telecommunications bill meanwhile will make carriers responsible for censoring content.
Five new laws – on agricultural land, associations and non-governmental
organisations, cybercrime, telecommunications and trade unions – are being drafted by
government ministries and are expected to be brought before the National Assembly in the
coming term. An additional three laws that compromise the judiciary were just adopted.
“This is not a patchwork of legislation,” says Professor Kwak Nohyun of Forum Asia,
a network of human rights NGOs. “If implemented in their current form, these eight laws
will restrict the space for dissenting voices and criminalise demands for justice.”
“We’re at a crossroads in Cambodia, where the space for democratic freedoms could
go either way,” adds Tor Hodenfield of CIVICUS, a global network dedicated to
strengthening civil society and citizen action. “On the one hand, Cambodia experienced a
robust election last year, but at the same time the government intimidates activists and is proposing legislation that would enable it to silence critics. We hope Cambodia will revisit these
laws.”
The international delegation representing seven global civil society networks — the
Asia Democracy Network (ADN), Beyond 2015, CIVICUS, FORUM-ASIA, Global Call to
Action Against Poverty (GCAP), the International Forum of National NGO Platforms (IFP)
and South East Asian Committee for Advocacy (SEACA), — met with parliamentarians from
Cambodia’s National Assembly and Senate, officials at the Ministry of Justice, development
partners including the World Bank, USAID and European Union, United Nations officers as
well as with activists who have been beaten by security forces and families dispossessed
from their land.
“Information, consultation and human rights are key to the fight against poverty,”
says Michael Switow of the Global Call to Action Against Poverty (GCAP). “A law on
access to information should be a priority, before these other pieces of legislation are
adopted. The public should also have a chance to comment on draft legislation, which must
be consistent with Cambodia’s international human rights obligations.”
Unfortunately, parts of the Royal Government of Cambodia do not appear to place a
high value on civil society’s opinions. Officials at the Ministry of Justice said that NGOs
often ‘interfere’ with government work, while on at least two occasions in the past three
months, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen has said that his government does not need civil
society input.
“Freedom of expression is essential for democracy,” notes Consuelo Katrina A. Lopa
of the Asia Democracy Network, “but these telecom and cyber bills could be used to jail and
bankrupt citizens whose comments on social media are critical of the government.”
NGO Law
The environment for much of civil society is already difficult. Hotels and other public
venues are frequently pressured to not rent meeting rooms to activists, who note that they
have also been intimidated and followed by security officers. The proposed law on
associations and NGOs – which was first tabled in 2011 and is expected to be presented
again to legislature again this term – would subject civil society organisations to debilitating
restrictions.
“The latest version of the NGO law would reportedly force all civil society
organisations to register and give government officials broad discretionary powers to oversee
and control their operations,” says Sarah Enees of IFP, the International Forum of National
NGO Platforms. “We’re worried that this law could be used by the government to arbitrarily
deny registration to organisations that are critical of its policies.
Meetings with the National Assembly and Senate Human Rights Commissions
offered a ray of hope to the international delegation as parliamentarians pledged to highlight
violations of human rights and address the impunity of officials who are not brought to
justice. Both committees expressed interest in establishing an online forum for individuals to
submit grievance. The Senate Commission also pledged to address the lack of civil society
participation in drafting laws. At the same time, some Members of Parliament shared civil
society’s frustration with the lack of government transparency, noting that often they are also
not privy to draft legislation.
Land, Unions and Judicial Laws
Civil society activists in Cambodia are also extremely concerned about issues of land tenure,
decent work and justice.
Management and Use of Agricultural Land
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Nº 10
Land grabbing is a huge issue in Cambodia and the international delegation met a number of
women and families whose homes were destroyed to make way for corporate developments.
Just this week, a brief was filed at the International Criminal Court noting that over the past
14 years some 770,000 people have been adversely affected by land grabs in the country and
nearly 150,000 forcibly transferred from the capital. The proposed bill on agricultural lands
would make the situation worse, institutionalising land seizures for both corporate and state
use.
Trade Unions
Cambodian workers face difficult conditions and low wages. Earlier this year, a general strike
by garment workers – seeking a living wage of US$160/month – was violently suppressed.
The proposed trade union law would require that 20% of workers in a given company support
unionisation. By contrast, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) says that there should
be no threshold.
2. Promote significant and systematic stakeholder and civil society consultations on all
legislation, including the five laws mentioned above, and should only place laws before
parliament after these inputs have been taken into account.
3. Adopt and implement a law on the process for drafting legislation. This law should include
provisions to instituationalise mechanisms for public input, public consultations and structures
for civil society interaction and to integrate this input into new drafts. Government ministries
and other state institutions should be legally required to publicly disseminate draft laws, regulations and policies and to organise public consultations and invite comments from the public
on these items prior to submission to the Council of Ministers. Civil society and public
consultations should begin when laws are first being drafted, not only when they reach
parliament.
4. Adopt and implement a law on Access to Information. This should take precedence over the
adoption of the five laws mentioned above. This law should also create a pubic database with
information on the scope, scale and details of land transfers and sales.
Judicial Laws
The three judicial laws recently passed by the National Assembly, after seven minutes of
debate, will compromise the independence of the judiciary by providing the executive branch
of government, via the Ministry of Justice, with control over the courts’ finances, personnel
and general administration. Details of the laws’ implementation have yet to be worked out and
the Ministry of Justice will hold an Dissemination Workshop workshop later this year to
discuss implementation. They said the workshops will also provide an opportunity for proposing amendments to the three laws. Members of Parliament in the National Assembly and Senate agreed to the need to review these laws. We hope that the Royal Government of Cambodia
will revisit these laws before they are implemented.
Photo: A Cambodian land rights activist provides a tour of a
dilapidated colonial-era building that is home to families that have
been evicted from their land. Some 770,000 people have been
affected by land grabs in Cambodia since 2000
5. Immediately revisit the three judicial laws to rewrite and remove provisions that threaten
the independence of the judiciary.
6. Allow trade union activity and do not require a 20% threshold to establish a trade union. All
workers, including civil servants and members of the informal economy, should be able to unionise. The Trade Union law should comply with ILO best practices. Ensure that all Cambodian workers receive a living wage.
7. Respect and ensure the freedom of online expression.
8. Establish independent investigations into arbitrary arrests
and the excessive use of force against protestors and human
rights defenders. The authorities must also cease the use of
violence and lethal force at peaceful demonstrations and not
take actions that threaten or intimidate activists and journalists.
Recommendations
The international delegation urges the Royal Government of Cambodia to:
1. Create a safe and enabling environment for civil society and
human rights defenders in line with its international and
constitutional human rights obligations as well as the commitments
it has undertaken through the United Nations Universal Periodic Review.
9. Rapidly create an independent national human rights
institution in conformity with UN guidelines including, the
Paris Principles.
10. Establish online mechanisms in the National Assembly
and Senate Human Rights Commissions for individuals to submit human rights grievances and for these submissions to be
recorded and reviewed.
55
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Con el apoyo de la
Nº 10
Global Citizenship Education Section
PAGE 58
Solidarity: Out of Guilt or Desire for Change?
Travis Green
Independent Researcher interested in Peacebuilding, Conflict Studies and International Development.
[email protected]
PAGE 63
Construyendo paz desde las aulas. Estrategias de Educación para la Paz en Montes de María, Colombia
Lina Margarita Perea Mojica
Universidad del Rosario, Facultades de Ciencia Política, Gobierno y de Relaciones Internacionales.
PAGE 69
Solidarity – The Need for Survival and Existence
Rashmi Chandran
Naturalist & Creative Artist. Founder & Director at Natural Health and Environmental Research. Coimbatore, Tamilnadu, India.
e-mail: [email protected]; web: http://rashmichandran.wordpress.com
PAGE 73
The Value of Friendship, Tolerance and Respect within Education of Economics and Business
Saskia Troy (MSc.) is a business economist specialized in Global Business and Stakeholder Management and amongst others Regional Coordinator Europe and
Chapter Leader Netherlands Children of the Earth (NGO of the United Nations) and she is a member of the Working Group Sustainable Finance (Changing Finance,
Financing Change) of the UNEP/World Resources Institute in Washington.
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Introduction:
Solidarity: Out of Guilt or Desire for Change?
Abstract: This is a reflection on the concept of solidarity. In particular it looks at three cases
and problematizes how solidarity is expressed in regards to each situation It links these
thoughts with several definitions of solidarity that follow the case studies. This especially
seeks to look at these situations critically. While the article is written with the author’s own
perspective and identity in mind, it is applicable to all who enter into solidarity with a
struggle or a cause that is not initially their own. It is the position of the author that solidary
acts are often done uncritically and in turn distracts and harms the cause more than helps it.
Keywords: solidarity, reflection, racism, feminism, oppression.
Solidarity is an ideal; it connects one human to another, in full recognition of the
other’s humanity and in full empathy for that person’s situation with a desire to join the other
in their struggle. While solidarity has many facets, conceptually it is helpful to divide it into
two general expressions. One is primarily from those facing a similar plight or within the
same group. The other is by those who are in a different group and choose to enter into another’s situation to contribute to improving it. The second kind begs many questions:
privilege, power, ethics, ideals, group efficiency must all be re-examined. This is particularly
true in regards to someone from a dominant/oppressor class stepping alongside a struggle for
those in the subordinate/oppressed class. An action of this sort necessitates self-reflection
that is rarely found. In tandem with this, it involves a deeper understanding of the ongoing
struggle or movement and an understanding of the implications of symbols, emotions, and
actions.
The following paper is a reflection on three instances when solidarity was contentious
or questionable. One is a personal example. While there are many examples to choose from
as well as many issues, these were chosen to show subtleness of certain issues of solidarity.
There is a great deal to say and this only seeks to inspire additional reflection in the spirit of
critical studies.
Reflections:
Travis Green
Independent Researcher interested in Peacebuilding, Conflict Studies
and International Development.
[email protected]
Solidarity involves knowing; there is a deep understanding of someone in a position
other than that possessed by oneself. “Solidarity requires that one enter into the situation of
those with whom one is solidary. . . true solidarity with the oppressed means fighting at their
side to transform the objective reality which has made them these ‘beings for another’,”
(Freire, 1994:49). Freire continues to claim that solidarity is only possible when ‘the other’
ceases to be an “abstract category” and their humanity becomes the primary factor in the
relationship. This is similar to an understanding of solidarity as a reciprocal act (Hoelzl,
2005). For reciprocity to occur, there must be a recognition that the other person is able to
give something. Popular conceptions of solidarity involve joining in with mass action public
demonstrations of frustration for a limited amount of time and then to simply return to a
situation of comfort or to remain in a state of internet activism. Three examples come to my
mind: feminism, race, and oppression.
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Now, being who I am and who I identify as, the issues of gender, race, and political
oppression can be pretty sore spots. Typically, I end up hearing about these issues and simply
ask, how is it that I can ever hope to come alongside people and stand with them in their
opposition to a status quo that does not question the way it treats people and is in my benefit
to leave untouched? One of the mistakes of efforts towards solidarity is emphasizing inclusion as the solution, as if creating enough space in the political, social, economic, or cultural
sphere will solve the problem. This then becomes expressed by people marching for minority
rights so that minorities may have the same rights within the current system as the majority.
However, the issue is not to change the status of those within the system but that these
protests serve to draw attention to the historical processes that have become the current
situation of injustice. From the new awareness, it is then to contribute to the creation of a
new structure that does not implicitly dehumanize.
tion societal norms and expectations in regards to how violence against women is normalized
(Plait, 2014). In this struggle for justice, if the social systems in place are not re-examined
and questioned, then there will be no change for the better.
Another similar point is the #solidarityisforwhitewomen, which began circulating
about a year ago. This was a critique that within feminism there is also an exclusionary element which favors a privileged background. In this case, solidarity is accused of repressing
and seeking conformity. This is not a new critique (and indeed is a problem in many causes).
Amy Allen ascribes this to basing solidarity on an appeal to a shared identity (1999). The
issue then becomes one of a dominating identity, which historically in the United States has
been white. Similarly to the #allwomen conversations, this one became became a back-andforth. The main issue underlying it all is the same that Audre Lorde commented on when
stating,
Feminism: Distracting Debates
In regards to feminism, two examples instantly stand out to me in how, first, the
injustice suffered is misrecognized by those not suffering it, and, secondly, how the idea of
showing solidarity with the cause still falls to pieces when done uncritically. While the
following examples do not do justice to the complexities that the feminist movement includes, it highlights the way that many of the conversations with those both outside and
within the movement are had.
Not too long ago, the #YesAllWomen caused a flurry of activity on social media. It
began as a reaction to the shooting of six women by a man who was angry for being rejected
by several women. The flurry of reactions by many people strove to either demonstrate that
harassment and objectification and violence based on the resulting judgments is a very real
issue that women in particular struggle with on a daily basis. At the risk of oversimplifying a
massive movement, this is the heart of feminism: exposing the ‘misrecognized violence’ (to
use terminology from Bourdieu) in everyday life that perpetuates a system that accepts, and
furthers, these wrongs.
The response of #notallmen, with the intent to explain the already known and accepted fact that not all men act like a serial killer or rapist, soon entered the conversation as a
reaction to the original statements. While originally well intended, taking the conversation in
this direction does not exemplify standing alongside women who suffer from violence.
Instead, as one article sought to clarify, it derails the conversation and does nothing to ques-
Advocating the mere tolerance of difference between women is the grossest
reformism. It is a total denial of the creative function of difference in our lives.
Difference must be not merely tolerated, but seen as a fund of necessary polarities
between which our creativity can spark like a dialectic. Only then does the necessity
for interdependency become unthreatening. Only within that interdependency of
difference strengths, acknowledged and equal, can the power to seek new ways of
being in the world generate, as well as the courage and sustenance to act where there
are no charters. (Lorde, 1984:26).
This critique (the context of which was a conference that did not affirm the
differences underlying the feminist movement but one that emphasized white, middle-class
identity and only showed token acceptance to others) is the same one alive in #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen as well as one that is evident in all expressions of solidarity between the
dominant/oppressor group and the subordinate/oppressed group.
While Twitter rants may not be the most striking examples of the feminist struggle,
they at least portray the exchange between (would-be) sympathizers and solidarists as well as
those who do not see how an uncritical approach to the situation magnifies the issue at hand.
Similarly, an example in race relations also illuminates this point.
Racism – Posing Solidarity
The most recent case to raise the issue of racial discrimination in the United States
has been the Ferguson, Missouri shooting of an unarmed young black man, Mike Brown, by
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a white police officer. In the (justifiable) demonstrations and fury that followed, there has
been a constant demonstration in Ferguson, St. Louis, and many other cities across the US.
Amongst these, there have been expressions of solidarity by the white population who wish to
contribute their voices to decrying this injustice and latent racism that persists in society and
becomes explicit in confrontations of power. A symbolic gesture of the protests has been the
‘Hands Up, Don’t Shoot’ pose, to call attention to the fact that even when Brown adopted this
pose, he was still shot; a position of surrender was not enough to save Mike Brown. However,
as one reflection on some of these demonstration makes clear, presence and participation by
the white population does not equal solidarity:
Look, I understand wanting to show up and support, but white people need to
understand that this symbolic act of raising your hands in a position of surrender is
meant to illustrate how black people are violently targeted by police because of
their race. If you don’t experience that, you should not mimic the gesture in an attempt at “solidarity”. It is centering yourself in a narrative that you cannot tell
because of the protection your white privilege gives you. It shows a lack of
understanding about the nature of systemic state sanctioned violence against black
bodies. In fact, the day after the rally I was talking to a white male neighbor who
had attended the rally (and marched with his hands up chanting ‘Hands Up, Don’t
Shoot’) who expressed that he thought the gesture was “too passive”. I had to literally break it down for him that the point of the gesture was so show that a nonaggressive surrender wasn’t enough to save Mike Brown because his blackness
made him a threat, disposable, or both. In adopting this pose, Black people aren’t
demonstrating passive surrender to oppression, they are communicating that they
can make all attempts to appear non-threatening, but the historic and contemporary
vilification of blackness in America has made the real danger the perception of their
blackness as inherently threatening. (FreeQuency, 2014)
This insightful reflection raises the point and points to privilege as a hurdle that must
be overcome in showing solidarity. Privilege must be a part of any conversation in relation to
solidarity particularly because people from privilege bring with them their particular worldviews that influence how they see those who they are joining (Freire, 1993). There must be an
element of self criticism and reflection involved that shows an understanding and awareness
of why solidarity is necessary. In this case, by adopting the pose of protest, white demonstrators insensitively, though hopefully well-intentioned, in fact did more to distract from the
issue that racism is pervasive in the structures of power than contribute to it. This is because
this pose is particular to a certain identity that may suffer from this identity.
Political Oppression – Misguided expression?
The conflict in Israel/Palestine has been ongoing for sixty years, is incredibly complex
and divisive, and has had a defining impact on the region, and indeed the world. Today the
conflict essentially revolves around Israel claiming needs of security and historical promise,
while Palestinians claim needs of freedom and injustice. In recent years, Israel’s settler policy
has made the situation more difficult by laying claim to land owned by Palestinians and then
relying on the protection of the state of Israel.
Interestingly enough, it also happens to be a very popular conflict for people to
become involved in on university campuses and online.
In August I participated in a march in London against the then-ongoing Israeli offensive into
Gaza. I was struck by both the sheer size of the movement (it was mirrored in many cities)
and also how convenient it was made for people. Streets were blocked off, it was a Saturday,
and (surprisingly) it was sunny. There was propaganda, chants, flags and a general camaraderie of shared convictions and participation. Through it all I had a distinct feeling of unease.
While there were many among the crowd who were Palestinian (my friend who I accompanied was), it still felt too bleached. One of the chants in particular (‘In our hundreds in our
millions, we are all Palestinians’) especially made me feel trepidation, because, similarly to
the previous case, claiming that identity white-washes the issue and makes it too easy to
participate but also too simple to approach.
My difficulty involving myself in chants and propaganda was this: I am a white male
from the US who has had a very privileged and comfortable life. I have never felt the fear and
the anxiety that comes from being faced by an opponent who does not see my humanity and
is willing to kill me for it. I have never felt the despair that comes of an identity whose quintessential mark is that of lack (of homeland, of power, of agency, of freedom). How can I
make the claim that I am Palestinian? Frankly, I was more bothered by the fact that more
people were not bothered. These acts of solidarity do not require sacrifice, other than a couple
of hours on a weekend. While the good intentions of the participants was no doubt heartfelt,
my question is whether there are other additional ways that would more willingly show
solidarity (1).
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Conclusion:
These case studies set the stage for a more critical approach to solidarity. Essentially
these issues bring to bear a focus on the binary between oppressed/oppressor and, implicitly,
the role and impact that an apathetic or uncritical person from the dominant group can have on
an issue. Particularly, it raises the question of what is it that those from a privileged background can offer those who feel themselves excluded or discriminated against. What these
examples also point to is how easy it is for those who feel convicted to show solidarity with a
struggle to accidentally do more harm than good by not processing the full extent of our
actions (2).
The first case points to how a lack of understanding of another’s struggles in turn
allows for the struggle to be derailed and the issue of the dominant class to be imposed. The
second case demonstrates the importance of understanding another’s perspective and identities before using symbols that may be particular to a certain group, particularly when these
can be misused or used disrespectfully. The third case shows how solidarity requires
meaningful action that is in line with a challenge to the status quo and an aspect of sacrifice.
As mentioned earlier, solidarity is an act of knowing, of entering the situation of another (Freire, 1993); of standing in for another and viewing the other as able to contribute
(Hoelzl, 2005); and of finding common purpose and power beyond identity (Allen,1999); and
can be seen as a symptom of a broken or lacking social relation resulting in exclusion (Silver,
1994). These definitions point to a goal that is neither solely justice nor equality, though both
of these lie close to the heart of the issue. Following closely with the concept of exclusion,
solidarity seeks to restore a broken relationship and diminish the distance, whether social,
political, economic, or identity-based, that lies between people. Inherently this will involve
questions of justice and equality, though the focus must include both and indeed go beyond3.
If an act of solidarity does not question the layered aspect of structures and agency that lie
upon each other in any situation and does not seek to challenge the status quo, then it is dubious whether this act can be seen as true solidarity and not simply a conscience-soothing, guiltjustifying act of charity. This is why the idea of sacrifice is so key, as explored by Hoelzl
(2005).
Acts of solidarity, as illustrated here, can then be seen through two lenses: as a symbolic expression of approval and sympathy or as a grounded effort to enact change. However,
if the symbolic never goes beyond into the actual, then it is wasted and only maintains the
status quo. Nevertheless, solidarity cannot be shown through destruction, as this takes away
the agency of those expressing discontent. While solidarity can be shown towareds violence
or violent causes, inherently this works against restoring relationships. This is where a
perspective similar to Frantz Fanon calling for a violent demonstration of agency, as a focus
on justice and righting wrongs, does not lend itself to standing with others but instead divides.
Additionally, in a Ghandian and Kingian mentality, action taken must be commensurate with
the ends sought. Otherwise, as Freire warns, the end risks looking like the present with only
the roles reversed between oppressor/dominant class and oppressed/dominated class.
However, it is not enough to simply make a symbolic statement in one instance and
not to engage with struggles for justice at other times. What is necessary is a cohesive
approach to the situations of injustice. Granted, not all struggles calling for solidarity will be
just or align with the moral impetus of supporters. Additionally, as Zizek notes, it is the
‘existing political-economic order’ that must changed instead of simply being reproduced with
a new group included to the spoils (2012: 14). This is what Lorde is advocating in her statement that the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house (1984).
These principles are not only applicable to conflicts and controversial issues, but also
have a direct relevance to any act that involves crossing boundaries between people. It is why
development and humanitarian efforts must be, to a certain extent, scrutinized so heavily.
Trying to solve poverty through means that caused poverty does not engage with the issue that
there is a system which perpetuates poverty of a few. Also, humanitarian endeavours must
face the question of whether their overtures truly involve an element of sacrifice. While for
many, such as doctors contributing to the Ebola crisis, it does, for many others, such as in
volunteer tourism, it does not.4
On a day that is supposed to evoke thoughts about how to show solidarity with those
in unjust situations, we should also reflect on what that solidarity implies for those who are
not in those situations. If it stops at a sympathetic thought, or even a charitable donation, then
this day is wasted. Solidarity must demonstrate an attempt to know the humanity in others and
then, from this relationship, challenge the situations of exploitation and oppression. In regards
to exploitation and oppression of women, it is not enough to say that not all men are like that.
In regards to racial prejudice and political oppression, it is not enough to chant an emblematic
phrase. To show this solidarity, I must make it my fight, on the terms of those I am fighting
for. If a cause is easy to carry, I would venture to guess that it is not being carried right.
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References:
Allen, A. (1999). Solidarity after identity politics: Hannah Arendt and the power of feminist
theory. Philosophy and Social Criticism. 25(1). 97-118.
Anderson, M. (1999). Do no harm. How aid can support peace or war. London: Lynne Rienner.
Cole, T. (2012, March). The White-Savior Industrial Complex. Available
from:http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/03/the-white-savior-industrialcomplex/254843/ .
Duffield, M. (2001). Global Governance and the New Wars. London: Zed Books.
FreeQuency. (2014, August). On White People, Solidarity and (Not) Marching for Mike
B r o w n . Av a i l a b l e
from:http://freeqthamighty.tumblr.com/post/95573664816/on-white-people-solidarity-and-n
ot-marching-for.
Hoelzl, M. (2005). Recognizing the sacrificial victim: The problem of solidarity for critical
social theory. Journal for Cultural and Religious Theory, 6(1), 45-64.
Lorde, A. (2003). The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. In Lewis, R
and Mills, S. (eds). Feminist postcolonial theory: A reader. 25-28. New York: Routledge.
Lederach, JP. (1997). Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies.
Washington, DC: USIP.
Plait, P. (2014, May). #NotAllMen: How Discussing Women’s Issues Gets Derailed.
Av a i l a b l e
from:http://www.slate.com/blogs/bad_astronomy/2014/05/27/not_all_men_how_discussing
_women_s_issues_gets_derailed.html.
Silver, H. (1994). Social exclusion and social solidarity: Three paradigms. International
Labor Review. 133. 531-578.
Zizek, S. (2012). Year of Dreaming Dangerously. London: Verso.
NOTES
1For example the Boycott, Divestments, Sanctions Movement attempts this through
people’s consumption habits or the example of the Norwegian doctor, Mads Gilbert, who
worked at a Gaza hospital during the bombing
2This is analogous to the concept of conflict sensitivity with the priority of doing no harm
(Anderson, 1999).
3This is similar to John Paul Lederach’s (1997) focus on reconciling relationships as a
primary means of conflict resolution.
4For a cultural critique of development see Cole (2012); academically see Duffield (2001)
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Construyendo paz desde las aulas. Estrategias de Educación
para la Paz en Montes de María, Colombia
Resumen: Este artículo pretende exponer algunas de las estrategias de educación encaminadas a la construcción de paz, que han surgido en el seno de la Escuela Normal Superior, ubicada en el municipio de San Juan de Nepomuceno en la subregión de Los Montes de María
en Colombia. Las herramientas pedagógicas están orientadas a la enseñanza y comprensión
de la paz y de los derechos humanos, a la construcción de memoria histórica, y a la
resolución pacífica y no violenta de los conflictos. Todas estas iniciativas están enmarcadas
en una estructura educativa que los docentes de la Normal denominan Educación para la
paz.
Palabras clave: educación para la paz, Montes de María, Escuela Normal Superior, conflicto
armado, violencia, transformación de conflictos.
Building Peace from the Classrooms Strategies for Peace
Education in Montes de Maria, Colombia
Abstract: This article aims to explain some of the educational strategies oriented towards
peace building, which have been designed by the Escuela Normal Superior Montes de Maria.
These strategies have been implemented at the municipality of San Juan de Nepomuceno,
located in the Montes de Maria in Colombia. Educational materials focus on peace and
human rights understanding and teaching, contribution to collective memory, and pacific and
nonviolent resolution of conflicts. This educative structure is part of a frame that teachers at
the Escuela Normal call Education for Peace.
Keywords: peace education, Montes de María, Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María,
armed conflict, violence,conflict transformation.
Lina Margarita Perea Mojica
Universidad del Rosario, Facultades de Ciencia Política, Gobierno y de
Relaciones Internacionales.
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Durante más de 60 años, Colombia ha sido fuertemente golpeada por el conflicto
armado. Además del enfrentamiento bélico, las diversas violencias –en términos galtunianosque se viven en el país han dejado una gran cantidad de víctimas y han impedido además, el
desarrollo económico y el goce efectivo de derechos a la mayoría de sus ciudadanos. Según
el informe “¡Basta Ya! Colombia: memorias de guerra y dignidad”, elaborado por el Centro
Nacional de Memoria Histórica; entre 1958 y el 2012 murieron 220.000 personas como
consecuencia del conflicto, de los cuales el 81% eran civiles.
Los Montes de María, una subregión del Caribe colombiano conformada por 15 municipios compartidos por los departamentos de Sucre y Bolívar, no ha sido la excepción a
esta fuerte arremetida de la violencia, todo lo contrario, es una de las zonas históricamente
más afectadas por los estragos de la guerra. Pese a ese panorama1, también es un lugar altamente resiliente cuya población se ha organizado para resistir, enfrentar y transformar de
forma noviolenta, las consecuencias del conflicto. Una de esas formas de resistencia ha sido
la educación, propiamente, la educación para la paz.2
En ese sentido, el artículo pretende mostrar el rol que desempeña la escuela en la
construcción de paz, y especialmente la enorme contribución que puede hacer la educación
para la paz en territorios que han vivido fuertes episodios de violencia, como es el caso de
Los Montes de María. “Una educación errónea puede fomentar los conflictos violentos. La
educación puede ser un poderoso factor de paz, pero con demasiada frecuencia la escuela se
instrumentaliza para reforzar las divisiones sociales, la intolerancia y los prejuicios que conducen a las guerras. (UNESCO, 2011, pág. 7).
Educación para la paz: una aproximación conceptual
Se entiende por EP al “proceso educativo, dinámico, continuo y permanente, fundamentado en los conceptos de paz positiva y en la perspectiva creativa del conflicto, como elementos significantes y definidores, y que, a través de la aplicación de enfoques socioafectivos y problematizantes pretende desarrollar un nuevo tipo de cultura, la cultura de la paz, que
ayude a las personas a desvelar críticamente la realidad para poder situarse ante ella y actuar
en consecuencia”. (Xares, 2005). De acuerdo a esta definición, es importante rescatar el concepto de paz positiva, pues este es el eje orientador de la EP.
Los conceptos de “paz positiva” y “paz negativa” fueron propuestos por el sociólogo
noruego Johan Galtung, y son esenciales al momento de comprender la lógica de la EP.
Según Galtung, “los aspectos positivos de la paz nos conducirían a considerar no sólo la
ausencia de violencia directa y estructural sino la presencia de un tipo de cooperación noviolenta, igualitaria, no explotadora, no represiva entre unidades, naciones o personas que no
tienen que ser necesariamente similares”. (Galtung.cit. “Peace research takes sides, p. 179,
citado en Lederach, 2000).En ese sentido, Galtung plantea que la paz vista de forma positiva
no es un estado fijo o estático, ni mucho menos se reduce a la ausencia de guerras o
enfrentamientos directos, sino que es más bien, un orden social dinámico en el que se entiende que es imposible la existencia de la paz positiva si hay relaciones caracterizadas por el
dominio y la desigualdad. (Lederach, 2000).
Ahora bien, es preciso mencionar que una de las características más importantes de la
Educación para la Paz en las escuelas, es la transversalidad. Según Xares (2005), la EP no
debe constituirse como un nuevo bloque de asignaturas, sino que debe agruparse en un
conjunto de contenidos que estén recogidos en todas las áreas curriculares de todas las etapas
educativas, en tanto que impregnan y afectan a todos los elementos del entorno escolar. “Dicho de otra forma, los temas transversales introducen nuevos contenidos en el currículum,
pero sobre todo reformulan y reintegran los existentes desde un nuevo enfoque integrado e
interdisciplinar. Es decir, más que entenderlos como otros contenidos a añadir a los ya de por
sí sobrecargados programas escolares, suponen un nuevo enfoque con el que debe trabajarse
desde las diversas áreas o disciplinas del currículo”. (Vilarrasa, 1990:39, citado en Xares,
2005).
[…] Por ejemplo, en un centro que además de Educación para la Paz (EP) tiene
como objeto global en su Proyecto Educativo el fomento del interés y el disfrute de
la lectura, la adopción de la EP hace que, en lugar de acumular una serie de
propuestas desconexas, ese programa de fomento de la lectura se realice impregnado desde y para la dimensión de la paz. De esa forma, la selección de libros para
la biblioteca del centro y las del aula, las actividades de animación, etc, no sólo desarrollarán el objetivo inicial de formar ciudadanos lectores que disfruten con la
lectura, sino que simultáneamente se trabajarán valores y otro tipo de contenidos
ligados a la EP a partir de los libros, textos y actividades de animación lectora”.
(Xares, 2005)
En ese sentido, la EP no puede ser una nueva materia que las escuelas y universidades
incorporen a su lista de asignaturas, sino que debe constituirse como una práctica transversal
a todo el ejercicio pedagógico. De ahí que la EP sea también una oportunidad para que los
sistemas de educación reformen muchos de sus lineamientos3, pues algunos de ellos tienen
componentes violentos que aunque son en apariencia imperceptibles, impiden que la cultura
de paz sea realmente apropiada por las comunidades escolares.
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Construyendo paz en la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María
La Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María, ubicada en el municipio de San Juan Nepomuceno (Bolívar)
fue fundada en 1959 a través de la Ordenanza Nº 41 de la
Asamblea Departamental de Bolívar. 4Como el resto de la
comunidad sanjuanera, la Escuela no ha estado exenta de
ser blanco de los grupos armados que han hecho presencia
en la región. En el año de 1997 el profesor y rector de la
Normal, Atilio Vásquez Suárez fue desaparecido, y en abril
de 2001 este hecho se repite y desaparecen a la que para
entonces era la rectora de la Normal, la Licenciada Pura
Álvarez de Bustillo. Gradualmente, la situación de
violencia en San Juan Nepomuceno y en el resto del territorio montemariano comienza a agravarse: “la violencia
hacía presencia constante en el municipio y generaba
diferentes formas de estigmatización entre vecinos, amigos,
sector veredal, casco urbano, familiares, estudiantes- maestros…” (CINEP, 2012, p. 81).
“Y es que muchos se han quemado por estar demasiado cerca, en otras palabras por ser
tan confiados y confianzudos. Algunas de nuestras veredas fueron desplazadas porque
sus habitantes, con la inocencia del niño al que engañan con un caramelo, confiaron en
el primer grupo que llegó, lo albergaron en sus casas, les hacían sancochos y hasta las
jovencitas que recién crecían conocieron el amor al lado de los visitantes. Ignoraron la
advertencia que hiciera el más viejo del pueblo: —“cuando vengan los mocha la
cabeza…jum el diablo será el partero” —. Y efectivamente llegaron, mocharon unas
cuantas cabezas y pueblos enteros salieron despavoridos a pasar hambre en la cabecera
municipal”. (CINEP, 2012, p.81)5
Bajo este panorama, la Escuela se encontraba en un escenario de múltiples violencias
que afectaban el proceso educativo. El riesgo de reclutamiento y vinculación de niños y
jóvenes a grupos armados era cada vez más latente, algunas jóvenes mantenían relaciones amorosas con los comandantes de los grupos armados – en San Juan Nepomuceno hicieron
mayor presencia los paramilitares- y la tensión, el miedo y el silencio se iban apoderando de
la población. “Como masa crítica, los educadores y educadoras se convierten en objeto de
cooptación. A través de ellos no sólo se buscaba llegar a los y las estudiantes para seducirlos a
la guerra, también se buscaba acceder a las comunidades y familias para que se les reconociera y se les acogiera en los espacios veredales. La resistencia y la negativa al uso del rol de
los maestros con estos fines, fue una de las causas de desplazamiento y muerte de estos actores sociales en los Montes
de María”. (CINEP 2012, pág. 83)6
A pesar de lo anterior, los docentes no desistieron en su
labor educativa, por el contrario, se organizaron y decidieron utilizar la educación como una forma de resistencia frente a la violencia. Es así como a mediados de los
años 90, se inician algunas modificaciones en el currículum
y en el Plan Educativo Institucional -PEI- cuyo eje orientador empezó a ser la educación rural y la construcción de
una cultura de paz. Unos años más adelante (2003), tres profesores de la Normal tienen la posibilidad de viajar a Alemania a hacer un curso en Educación para la Paz, específicamente en el Instituto Paulo Freire de la Universidad de
Berlín, bajo un convenio con la agencia alemana Inwent.
De esta manera, los docentes de la Normal empezaron a
efectuar diversas estrategias educativas en construcción de paz. Se desarrollaron clases sobre
resolución noviolenta de conflictos, memoria histórica, proyecto de vida, teatro del oprimido7
y educación socioafectiva. De este proceso, es muy importante destacar que paralelo a los
proyectos individuales de los docentes se reformuló el PEI, haciendo que estas estrategias
fueran transversales a todo el accionar educativo dentro de la Normal. Es así, como el plan de
estudios, la formación de los normalistas, las actividades lúdicas y la relación con los padres
de familia, han estado constantemente permeadas por una educación en cultura de paz.
El Plan Educativo Institucional que actualmente orienta el quehacer de la Escuela, se
llama: “La formación docente inicial prescolar y básica primaria desde la pedagogía de la oralidad y escritura para el desarrollo educativo de contexto institucional hacia una cultura de
paz en la subregión Montes de María”. Un plan que además de tener un enfoque de educación
rural, incorpora en sus objetivos y en su visión pedagógica una educación basada en la
comprensión y transformación del contexto social en el que está inmersa la Escuela. En el
marco de ese plan y a lo largo de la historia de la Normal en construcción de paz, han surgido
diversas estrategias educativas, de las cuales resaltaremos dos: 1) El proyecto de Memoria
Histórica dirigido por el profesor Edgardo y 2) El proyecto de Teatro y Cine Club dirigido por
el profesor Juan Carlos.
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La memoria histórica como estrategia educativa para la reconciliación
El profesor Edgardo es docente de ciencias sociales en la Escuela Normal Superior
Montes de María hace 20 años, y como montemariano vivió toda la época de violencia dentro
y fuera de la escuela. En medio de la desolación y el temor generado después de la desaparición forzada de los dos rectores; él, la profesora Dilia y el profesor Elmer, tienen la
oportunidad de capacitarse en Alemania. Fue en ese momento cuando los docentes decidieron
llevar muchas de las herramientas de EP aprendidas en el Instituto Paulo Freire de Berlín a la
Escuela Normal de San Juan Nepomuceno, logrando que paulatinamente los temas de
construcción de paz fueran incorporándose en el manual de convivencia y en el Plan
Educativo Institucional de la Normal. Por su parte, el profesor Edgardo impulsó la idea de trabajar una educación en el ejercicio de derechos humanos y memoria histórica a través de una
estrategia que él denomina historia oral y que se trabaja en la clase de ciencias sociales.
A través del trabajo de memoria histórica, el profesor Edgardo ha logrado reconstruir
la forma en la que hechos históricos de relevancia nacional han impactado en San Juan
Nepomuceno y en Los Montes de María. Se trabaja a través de entrevistas que los mismos
estudiantes deben realizar, recortes de periódicos y narrativas; hechos como la masacre de El
Salado, el desplazamiento masivo de Mampuján8 y la desaparición forzada de los dos rectores
de la Normal, entre otros.
docente, comenzaron a describir los hechos y a manifestar las emociones que les surgían al
leer las crónicas. “Las reacciones fueron variadas y algunas inesperadas; muchos estudiantes
coincidieron en que nunca habían oído hablar de eso, otros estaban enterados pero no tenían
información de la magnitud de los casos, otros corrieron a la fotocopiadora para sacarle copia
porque allí estaba la foto de un conocido de su familia o incluso la de un familiar, otros expresaron sentimientos de dolor e indignación al momento de leer los documentos.” (R. Edgardo.
“Conocer el pasado para fundamentar el futuro”. Publicado en Periódico Palabra Maestra, Fundación Compartir, 2011).
De esa manera, el profesor Edgardo logró confrontar a los estudiantes con su propia
realidad, la de su región montemariana y la de San Juan Nepomuceno. Para él, edificar la paz
implica un conocimiento profundo de lo que se vivió como individuo y comunidad, de manera
que las bases de una convivencia pacífica no se sienten sobre el olvido, que es finalmente, la
peor forma de indiferencia.
Teatro del Oprimido y Cine en la Escuela: “Fueron tantos los que nos callaron, que
cuando vimos la oportunidad de hablar, hablamos demasiado”
“A través de la memoria histórica empiezo a hablarles sobre la no repetición, empiezo
a hablarles sobre la impunidad, sobre cómo la memoria histórica es importante para
evitar la impunidad, […] cuando trabajamos memoria histórica podemos ser más creativos para lo que tiene que ver con la reconciliación y con la búsqueda de la paz. Es que
sin memoria histórica difícilmente tu puedes llegar a un acuerdo, a una paz verdadera… si tu no trabajas memoria histórica no se hace el duelo. A medida que se hace el
duelo la gente se descarga y llega a reconciliarse, puede llegar incluso hasta perdonar
que es una cosa tan difícil, el perdón. Esos son temas que han sido recurrentes en el
aula y que yo he trabajado desde las ciencias sociales”. 9
El proyecto del profesor Edgardo se denomina “La historia oral como estrategia
metodológica para la enseñanza de las ciencias sociales” y busca que a través de la memoria
histórica se genere conciencia sobre la no repetición, la reconciliación, el perdón y la verdad.
Una de las metodologías que utilizó el docente para trabajar esta propuesta con los jóvenes de
la Normal (estudiantes de grado 9º), fue la lectura de unas crónicas del periodista Aníbal Teherán, publicadas en el periódico El Universal de Cartagena, en el que se hace un recuento de
la desolación, muerte y dolor que dejaron las incursiones paramilitares en Los Montes de
María. Los muchachos se organizaron en grupos, tomaron esos relatos y de la mano del
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En el marco del programa de cultura de paz implementado en la Escuela, hace 8 años
se empezó a trabajar Teatro del Oprimido y Cine Club, dos estrategias pedagógicas que buscaban fortalecer la enseñanza en una cultura de paz y la educación para la sexualidad. El profesor
que ha coordinado desde entonces este proyecto se llama Juan Carlos, y por medio de su
experiencia teatral y con ayuda de la profesora Dilia, empezó a dictar clases de teatro dentro de
la Escuela Normal con el objetivo principal de trabajar emociones, recuerdos y creencias que
los niños y jóvenes tenían sobre el conflicto y sobre la violencia que vivían o habían vivido en
su región.
El Teatro del Oprimido tiene la ventaja de no cuestionar ni juzgar a nadie, únicamente
pretende llevar al escenario elementos personales y de comunidad que generan dolor, que perpetúan el silencio y el miedo, y que a través del teatro pueden expresarse. Por medio del teatro,
los estudiantes interpretaron obras que rememoraban las masacres, las desapariciones y en
general, todos los hechos de violencia que vivieron en San Juan y en el resto del territorio montemariano. En muchas de las puestas en escena, se vivieron situaciones y sentimientos que los
estudiantes tenían y que los profesores desconocían.
“Una vez en un nocturno, en un bachillerato nocturno, presentamos una obra… y había
un muchacho que se levantó del público y dijo que él apoyaba al personaje que tenía el arma,
porque en este pueblo había que estar armado.” […] Con el Cine Club también se han visto
cosas muy muy fuertes. Una vez que hicimos el ciclo de cine de documentales sobre el
conflicto, y cuando pasamos Impunity (un documental sobre la violencia paramilitar) de Hollman Morris, hubo una niña de la formación complementaria, que sin más comenzó a llorar y
salió corriendo. Ninguno, ninguno de su semestre, de sus compañeros, ninguno de los profesores, nadie del colegio, sabía de que ella había sido desplazada de El Salado, ¿ya? Y cuando
ella nos cuenta eso nosotros quedamos que… […] y es cuando ella nos cuenta y dice: “Es que
yo esto no lo cuento porque cada vez que lo cuento me duele…”. Pero, ¿qué tal si no hubiésemos pasado la película? no nos hubiésemos dado cuenta que ella realmente tenía ese sufrimiento. Y definitivamente Dilia, Nydia, la seño Aracelys (docentes de la Normal), comenzaron a trabajar con ella muchas cosas, al punto tal de que su proyecto con el cual se graduó fue
encaminado dentro de la parte de los niños en el aula de clase que han sido afectados por el
conflicto.”10
Si bien el teatro ha servido para exteriorizar miedos, sentimientos y pensamientos sobre
la violencia, los profesores que coordinan este proyecto decidieron re-orientar la estrategia y
no caer en la revictimización de las víctimas, recordando únicamente los hechos de violencia.
En los últimos años, el profesor Juan Carlos y la profesora Dilia, han buscado poner en el escenario las historias de resistencia civil y lucha de muchos montemarianos, de manera que se rememoren también, los innumerables gestos de paz y valentía que han surgido en medio del
conflicto. En una de esas obras decidieron recordar al rector Atilio, logrando rescatar todo el
valor de su apuesta educativa, la fortaleza que tuvo durante esos años de violencia y el legado
tan importante que dejó para la Escuela Normal.
Ahora bien, las dos estrategias anteriormente expuestas son tan solo una pequeña parte
de todo el andamiaje educativo que han construido los docentes de la Normal Superior con miras a la enseñanza de una cultura de paz. El enorme esfuerzo que han hecho muchos de los
docentes de esta escuela y los resultados positivos11 que ha arrojado su labor, nos demuestran
que sí es posible crear entornos protectores para los niños y jóvenes en los que ellos logren apropiar la paz no como un discurso efímero o como una materia, sino como una práctica
constante a su cotidianidad dentro y fuera del entorno educativo. Dependiendo de la forma en
la que se asuma la responsabilidad de construir paz, es posible afirmar que las escuelas pueden
constituirse como espacios altamente potenciadores de valores que impulsen la ciudadanía activa, la resolución de conflictos y la memoria histórica entre otros, o por el contrario, pueden
ser lugares que faciliten y promuevan la violencia.
El caso de la Normal, es ejemplar. Aunque los esfuerzos no cesan y todavía se presentan hechos de violencia dentro de la Escuela12 los docentes de la Normal nos demuestran que
a pesar del miedo y el dolor que aún guardan sus corazones, es posible resistir por medio de la
educación y demostrarle a la sociedad que así como los comportamientos violentos se aprenden, la paz también puede aprenderse.
Bibliografía
Libros
Lederach, John Paul (2000). El abecé de la paz y los conflictos. Educar para la Paz. (pp. 25 – 39).
España: Los libros de la Catarata.
Xares, Jesús (2005). Educación para la Paz. Su teoría y su práctica. (pp. 155 – 240). España:
Editorial Popular S.A.
Capítulos de libro
Rincón López, Alberto(2012) “La Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María: Educación rural,
conflicto armado y ambientación de la paz.” (pp. 73-89) En: Centro de Investigación y Educación
Popular/Programa por la Paz, CINEP“Abordajes en la formación de educadores para el ejercicio
rural de la docencia.
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Fuentes electrónicas
4 Ver Anexo 1. Fotografías de la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María.
Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (2013). Informe: “¡Basta Ya! Colombia: memorias de guerra
y dignidad.” Resumen disponible en
http://www.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/descargas/informes2013/bastaYa/resumen-ejecutivo-b
asta-ya.pdf
Corporación Otra Escuela (S,F). Teatro del Oprimido y Teatro Foro en la Educación y construcción
de culturas de paz.Disponible en
http://www.otraescuela.org/documentos/teatro_del_oprimido_y_teatro_foro_en_edupaz.pdf
Portal de información, VerdadAbierta.com. (S,F). “¿Cómo se fraguó la tragedia de los Montes de
María?” Disponible
enhttp://www.verdadabierta.com/justicia-y-paz/2676-icomo-se-fraguo-la-tragedia-de-los-montes-demaria
R, Edgardo (2011) “Memoria e identidad en Montes de María: Conocer el pasado para fundamentar
e l f u t u r o . ” P e r i ó d i c o P a l a b r a M a e s t r a , F u n d a c i ó n C o m p a r t i r. D i s p o n i b l e e n
http://www.palabramaestra.org/notitotal.php?idn=88&idt=5
UNESCO (2011). “Una crisis encubierta: conflictos armados y educación. Informe de Seguimiento
d e l a E d u c a c i ó n p a r a To d o s e n e l M u n d o . D i s p o n i b l e
enhttps://web.oas.org/childhood/ES/Lists/Recursos%20%20Bibliografia/Attachments/18/6.pdf
Entrevistas
Edgardo, docente de ciencias sociales en la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María. San Juan
Nepomuceno, Colombia. Octubre de 2014.
5 Este testimonio fue tomado de un relato que obtuvo el equipo de Memoria Histórica de la Normal Montes de María, que coordina el profesor Edgardo y de cuyo proyecto se hablará más
adelante. Geografías de salidas en contexto de violencia desatada: Experiencia de la Normal
Superior Montes de María de San Juan Nepomuceno. Manuscrito sin fecha de publicación.
6 La historia de la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María y su trayectoria en educación rural y
educación para la paz, se cuenta en detalle en el libro: “Abordajes en la formación de educadores
para el ejercicio rural de la docencia” publicado en el año 2012 por el CINEP – Centro de
Investigación y Educación Popular/Programa por la Paz.
7 El Teatro del Oprimido es una técnica teatral creada por el director, actor y dramaturgo brasileño, Augusto Boal (1931 – 2009). Esta es una técnica teatral que se utiliza para facilitar la
identificación de las situaciones de opresión que las personas viven cotidianamente además de los
mecanismos de poder en los que están inmersos.(Tomado de Corporación Otra Escuela).
8 El Salado es un corregimiento del municipio de El Carmen de Bolívar ubicado en Montes de
María. La masacre de El Salado es una de las más atroces del conflicto contemporáneo de
Colombia. Fue perpetrada entre el 16 y el 21 de febrero del 2000 por 450 paramilitares, que apoyados por helicópteros, dieron muerte a 60 personas en estado de total indefensión. Tras la masacre
se produjo el éxodo de toda la población, convirtiendo a El Salado en un pueblo fantasma. (Centro
de Memoria Histórica). El caso de Mampuján (también en Montes de María) se refiere al desplazamiento de más de 300 familias que en marzo del año 2000, tuvieron que huir de sus hogares debido a las amenazas de los paramilitares. Este desplazamiento forzado se dio luego de la masacre
perpetrada en Las Brisas, un pequeño corregimiento de San Juan Nepomuceno.
Juan Carlos, docente de teatro en la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María. San Juan
9 Entrevista a Edgardo, docente de ciencias sociales en la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de
María. San Juan Nepomuceno, Colombia. Octubre de 2010.
Diego, estudiante de décimo (10º) grado en la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María. San Juan
10 Entrevista a Juan Carlos, docente de teatro en la Escuela Normal Superior Montes de María.
San Juan Nepomuceno, Colombia. Octubre de 2010.
NOTAS
1 Según el informe especial del portal informativo “Verdad Abierta”, la violencia en Montes de María
dejó 56 masacres, casi cuatro mil asesinatos, y doscientos mil desplazados, entre otros hecho victimizantes.
2 En este artículo no se describirá en detalle el contexto y la historia de violencia que ha vivido la subregión de Los Montes de María. No obstante, si el lector desea profundizar en este aspecto, se sugiere leer
un informe del PNUD titulado: “Los Montes de María: análisis de la conflictividad. Disponible
en:http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/documents/projects/COL/00058220/Analisis%20conflcitivid
ad%20Montes%20de%20Maria%20PDF.pdf
3 En una entrevista realizada a un estudiante de 10º grado de la Normal Superior Montes de María, surgió una apreciación sobre el sistema educativo que es preciso resaltar en este apartado. Diego, el estudiante, comentaba que para él el sistema educativo en Colombia es en sí mismo violento. Las clasificaciones que se hacen por medio de notas y que alientan la competencia que muchas veces no es sana, llevan
a que los niños y jóvenes no logren alcanzar un equilibrio entre lo que aprenden sobre cultura de paz, y
lo que el sistema les exige: tener buenas notas y ser los mejores por encima del resto. Según Diego, esa
es una forma violenta de concebir la educación. Esta apreciación también ha sido soportada por algunos
autores, que establecen que los sistemas tradicionales de educación presentan serias dificultades para la
EP. “Utilizar la educación como mecanismo clasificador resulta problemático desde el punto de vista de
la EP, ya que la paz misma se considera contrapuesta a las relaciones sociales verticales y a las jerarquías de todo tipo” (Galtung, 1947ª:320, citado de Xares 2005).
11 Algunos docentes de la Normal, afirman que su proyecto educativo ha logrado entre muchas
otras cosas, evitar que los niños y jóvenes se vinculen a grupos armados. Además, la labor de la
Escuela Normal Superior ha sido ampliamente reconocida en Colombia. Prueba de ello es que
varios de sus docentes, han sido reconocidos con el Premio Compartir al Maestro, un reconocimiento otorgado por la Fundación Compartir cuyo objetivo es destacar el valor social de los esfuerzos e iniciativas pedagógicas de los profesores colombianos.
12 Los docentes de la Normal mencionan que los niveles de bullying se han incrementado en los
últimos años. Según ellos, la herencia del conflicto armado vivido en la región, hace que muchos
niños y jóvenes todavía tengan incorporado esa “costumbre” de resolver sus conflictos por medios
violentos.
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“There is no stability without solidarity and no solidarity without stability”
Jose Manuel Barroso
Solidarity – The Need for Survival and Existence
The Need of Solidarity to Survive
Abstract: The purpose of solidarity is to build our movement, and to embody our mutual
care and concern for justice. Solidarity works best when we respect each other’s differing
needs and life circumstances, understand that there are many ways of being in solidarity, and
co-ordinate our responses. It does not work when we attempt to coerce, shame or inflict guilt
upon each other, even subtly. The common life initially rests on the constitutive need for the
human beings to be combined to form a community of similar which is also a community of
destiny, out of which, as Aristotle wrote it, no man could exist humanly, nor simply to
survive. When solidarity requires us to follow our group‘s social moral rules, we usually
have non-instrumental reasons to do so as ways of standing in solidarity with others, and this
is true even when our rules are not as good as they can be. Solidarity often grounds reasons
to follow somewhat defective rules, it also grounds reasons to improve our social moral rules
as well in order to bring them more in line with our group‘s ideals or make us more effective
at promoting our shared ends, which has lots of limitations to refine oneself and grow. It’s
each of our basic needs, duty and the purpose for the art of right living by understanding the
natural state of each soul, with compassion, liberty and solidarity within to protect the
dignity of our divine life and living as a means for keeping us united as oneness in nature to
balance natural health.
Keywords: Solidarity, Nature, Natural Health, Compassion, Liberty, Dignity, Survival,
Existence.
Rashmi Chandran
Naturalist & Creative Artist. Founder & Director at Natural Health and
Environmental Research. Coimbatore, Tamilnadu, India.
e-mail: [email protected];
web: http://rashmichandran.wordpress.com
Solidarity – you can never be sure. Is it to be polite? Is it to be fair or helpful? We all
know, but we are never sure. We all need it from time to time and we all like to offer. We
were either raised to be able to share it or we have acquired it by education, environment or
personal experience. Solidarity is simply a phenomenon that exists. Solidarity can be simple
a way of lifestyle. To support someone and stick by him in good and bad, in his success and
failures. It’s nice and correct to help and support each other. In any field of our lives. Today
word solidarity is experiencing a crisis. How is this possible? Let’s think about it for a
moment. Why do not people hold together anymore? We should still be equal!
The reason for this might be our silly prejudices, envy, and our will or determination
to change something. How many times would be enough so little. But we all make excuses.
Where did the original meaning of the word solidarity disappear? Each one should judge himself first. Let us start to act different. The feeling to help somebody should be mutual and
equal, but of course it does not work this way. In our lives there are some who devote and
dedicate their lives for others and there are others who mostly just enjoy it. Manipulators,
controllers, abusers never question themselves, instead the trust of the innocent is the useful
tool for them. As Warren Buffet once stated, honesty is always an expensive gift which we
can’t expect it from cheap people. It is too difficult to define the concept of solidarity,
because any produced definition would be incomplete, would just expresses one’s point of
view. A dictionary defines the word solidarity as supporting each other, reciprocity, fellowship and equality. It’s a simple definition of the word, which of course would mean a lot
more than just its literal meaning. People are necessarily dependent of each other in different
ways depending on one another.
This kind of dependence is a good one, if is chosen with care for sake of both the
society and individuals, as well as a whole and take responsibility for others and for the
entire community, and vice versa, the community must in turn take care of its individual
members. In other words: “One for all and all for one.” This means: one for all also in
sharing common ideas, goals, aims and opinions and vice versa all for one for the same
correct principles, in means of social conscience and sense of responsibility. There are
different ideas about it. It can be understood as a way to tolerance, which means patience,
empathy, compassion but also determination. The solidarity is more the idea than the concrete definition. It expresses the respect, acceptance and understanding. It means to be yourself without imposing your opinions to others. The question is what it is all about. One can
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do something for others without even mentioning he has done it. Just like that. The help for
those who need it, who cannot help themselves. Solidarity is an important principle which is
supposed to form our social life. It is generally believed that one should prefer the sake of the
society to his own. But is it really true today?
“The reason why the world lacks unity, and lies broken and in heaps,
is, because man is disunited with himself” – Ralph Waldo Emerson
In order to begin looking at the principle of solidarity and its importance it will be
helpful to first look at the meaning of the word itself. Dictionary definitions talk of two
aspects of solidarity: the uniting of a group of people with a common purpose, and mutualdependency (or interdependency) of people. The interdependence we share with our fellow
human beings demands that we take responsibility for them in accordance with the measure
of what we have been given by God. Personally I trust and believe interdependency. The
principle of solidarity has its roots in the scriptures.
The book of Deuteronomy tells us: Since there will never cease to be some in need on
the earth, I therefore command you, “Open your hand to the poor and needy neighbor in your
land.” As has already been stated, solidarity is not just about the duties of the rich for the
poor, ‘all are responsible for all‘. Both the Interdependence and the responsibility go both
ways. It would be a mistake, of course, to focus solely on rich and poor here. ‘All for all’
means what it says. Here lies one aspect of the importance of the principle of solidarity.
Intelligence is one of the most divine gift to all human whether he/she is poor or rich which
itself a self-responsibility to protect the same by respecting interdependency. The fragmentation of societies and nations has not brought us isolation from the troubles of others. The rise
of individualism has not brought us a better class of person. We have been encouraged to
think of being ‘fiercely independent’ as being a virtue, and to feel that relying on other people
is a weakness.
The reality is that we have never been more dependent on more people than we are
now in this age of globalization. The virtue of solidarity is quite demanding. Echoing the
Golden Rule of the gospels it ‘translates into the willingness to give oneself for the good of
one’s neighbor, beyond any individual or particular interest. Mohandas Gandhi recognized
this aspect of Jesus’ teaching and applied it to his own situation. As far as he was concerned,
Jesus was the first proponent of non-violent resistance. Its value can’t be seen from the cleverness of a theory though. He said, “It shall be proved by persons living it in their lives with
utter disregard of the consequences to themselves”. That is true for the importance of
solidarity as well, but we have had our example of how effective it is – like Gandhi – from
the beginning, from Jesus himself (1) (2).
The Need of Solidarity to Exist
Once a person or group survived, the need for next step is to exist to maintain and to
balance. Solidarity can be extremely effective, but it is always exercised at a cost. Before deciding on a solidarity strategy, we need to know what our intentions and goals are for any
given action. So certain questions need to be answered for a proper and genuine
implementation of solidarity in its own graceful way. Who are we? Not only your name, but
who will be included as members or participants, and why? What are our purposes? Why
does your group exist, and what limits or boundaries keep you from overreaching and over
extending your time and energy. What are out shared beliefs and values? Focus on values you
envision bringing to action. What individual differences do we need to consider? Individual
differences represent potential power imbalances between and among group members, such
as different economic resources, different education backgrounds, different religious or
political views, etc. What do we expect of one another? Consider expectations for time, for
being present at meetings, for being prepared, for responsibilities to one another. What
message do we want to convey to others? What will your group stand for in the larger
community? What responsibilities does your group have in the larger community? How can
we protect the integrity of the group? How will you protect your group from burnout, or from
being distracted by demands and interests beyond the interests of the group?
We are very different groups. We are not necessarily immediate allies nor are we
each other’s greatest enemy. We believe we have some things in common. We believe in
basic human rights and the need to live with respect and dignity. We believe we must protect
this planet, our air, water, earth and food or we will all die. We believe these global corporate
and political institutions are serving only the interests of the rich. We all agree it’s time for
fundamental and radical change. Solidarity is the way in which our diversity becomes our
strength, we build our movements and we protect each other’s lives and rights. Let the give
and take be mutual and equal.
The global definition of development underlines differences between countries much
more than it highlights what those countries share/have in common. Helping without
considering people as persons, isn’t solidarity but pity; and projects of “development” will
always fail if the culture of the country isn’t taken into account. Cultural differences are seen
hampering mutual comprehension, but communication is always possible when people wish
to understand the others. We can add that if cultural differences separate countries, they
separate people too. Likewise, if international solidarity is impossible, solidarity can’t exist.
That’s impossible for anybody to live alone: there is a reciprocal link between meeting of
cultures and communication. Language exists to avoid violence, to enable communication
between people and life together, beyond every difference.
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The will to communicate and understand people, in spite of differences between
cultures, is a way to implement solidarity: it is a recognition that we belong to the same body,
we can’t ignore other people. Solidarity is possible! We just have to look for what gathers us
together. And that’s the will to meet other people, this is how we can become wealthy in our
minds. We learn to know ourselves through those exchanges: we discover our own culture,
our ways of thinking, our own truth we develop. Finally, solidarity is much more agreements
on interests or aims between members of a group than helping and development is succeeding
in living together: that’s the real process and product of growth (3, 4, 5, 6). As Eric Weil says,
“human being is made of worse and best; language and violence: we have to choose in which
part we believe” (7).
The principle of solidarity can be expressed by simple formula as per my humble natural
way:
“Interdependency – mutually and equally”
Let interdependency NOT for materialistic benefits and materialistic manipulations!
If do, again the same will be under controversy, conflicts and chaos with many perceptions and interpretations that should be avoided at any cost. It’s my kind concern
for the practical natural healthy living.
To Survive and Exist in Our Own Nature with Solidarity
Those who fancy that a vegetable diet, or daily prayers, or celibacy, or neglect of
family duties, or lip-professions of loyalty to the Masters, are signs of inward holiness and
spiritual advancement, ought to read what the Gita, theDhammapada, the Avesta, the Koran
and the Bible say on the subject. One who in spiritual pride reproaches another for doing
none of these things, is himself the slave of personal vanity, hence spiritually hemiplegic. Let
us keep, cling to, defend, glory in the ideal as such; let nothing tempt us to debase it or belittle
it; but let us have the manly honesty to admit that we do not embody it, that we are yet picking the shells on the beach of the unfathomed and uncrossed great ocean of wisdom; and that
we, though celibates, vegetarians, “faithists”, psychics, spiritual peacocks, or what not, are
not fit to condemn our neighbor for being a husband, an affectionate father, a useful public
servant, an honest politician or a meat-eater. Perhaps his Karma has not yet fructified to the
stage of spiritual evolution. Or who knows but that he may be a Muni, “even though he leads
the domestic life.” We can’t tell. One of the curses of our times is superficial criticism. How
true the saying of Ruskin that “any fool can criticize!” (8).
Much of humanity has lost connection with our feminine qualities. There is a deep
disconnection with the Earth, with our bodies, and with the very essence of life. And as a
result, for many people, life has lost its deeper sense of soul purpose or meaning. When we
are starved of this connection, we quite literally wither and dry up inside. We can feel isolated
and alone. As a result, there is a deep healing needed for our collective planetary soul. And
we are called to now offer a place where we can come together in sacred space and undertake
a soul retrieval of the feminine, both for ourselves and our larger community. In doing so, we
have an opportunity to reconnect with the ancient feminine wisdom that lives both inside our
bodies and in the layers of the collective unconscious. In developing increased awareness,
you get more in touch with your relationships, your finances, and your creative expression.
As you become more aware, more at peace, you develop more confidence, which automatically brings out your skills. The time is changing, not to create a world of inequality, but
to express balance, hope, wisdom, and the unique gifts that both men and women share with
one another and with the world (9). The divinity of each of our life and living depends on the
basic needs and quality for a healthier lifestyle, to value and respect mutually and equally accepting the true nature of each individual by themselves to get interconnected with each
other’s nature and culture reflects the solidarity in and around (Figure 1). Let each of us try
this art of right living with solidarity to strive and thrive balancing the basic needs and quality
for divine natural health.
Certain thoughts can be implemented in the day today practical life to refine oneself to be
better and best.
1. Learn the art of listening without getting defensive. Be open in thinking, not rigid
in positions unless you are true to yourself with moral obligations.
2. Challenge and critique other groups and individuals in constructive ways, in a spirit
of respect for the morals and culture of each if any.
3. Never make assumptions, predictions, or interpretations no matter what a person
looks like or what groups they belong to.
4. Avoid tactics, hypocrisy, judgmental and competition as we all need co-operation
and interdependency.
5. Refrain from personal attacks, even with people who strongly disagree. Always focus on how you feel, not what they did.
6. Understand and accept each our priorities, choices and chances through thoughtful
and intelligent consideration of issues, circumstances and experiences in a systematic and disciplined way.
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7. Never put people at risk or pull them who have not chosen for. Respect and value
each other’s personal space and time.
8. Respect the work of all, as all works has its own dignity and morals.
9. Share and care for food, water, medical, other supplies for the needy and deserved
in time and support everyone who is hurt, gassed, abused, shot or beaten.
10. Respect the rights to do a certain type of work or job at certain times and places, if
you choose to participate, do so within the tone and tactics they set; if you do not agree, do
not participate or interfere.
11. Understand that our actions, words, deeds and tactics have repercussions that go
beyond ourselves and our immediate groups. Learn the art of silence and the quality to
maintain and balance, to cultivate peace within and all around.
References
1. M.K. Gandhi – ‘Nonviolence in Peace and War’ (1948)
2. John Paul II – ‘Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (1987): 38.
3. Larousse des noms communs (2008).
4. Collins cobuild english dictionary, Harper collins publishers (1998).
5. Petit Robert, DICOROBERT Inc., (1993).
6. Collins english dictionary, HarperCollins Publisher (2005).
7. Eric WEIL, Logique de la philosophi (1950).
8. H.S. Olcott T.S. Solidarity and Ideals. The Theosophist (1894).
9. Rashmi Chandran The Divine Nature of Women Naturally – A Challenge of 21st
Century. GLOBAL EDUCATION MAGAZINE (inscribed in bibliographic database of the
Ministry of Culture of Spain with ISSN 2255-033X). Global Education section, Pg. 48 –
52. This article was published on March 8th: International Woman’s Day (issue nº
7).http://www.globaleducationmagazine.com/divine-nature-women-naturally-challenge-21s
t-century/ (2014).
12. Always talk about your strategy not others, to value and respect yourself as well as
others as oneness in nature.
Suggested Readings
1. Rashmi Chandran 2014. Peace and Silence – A Mystical Journey Within.
GLOBAL EDUCATION MAGAZINE (inscribed in bibliographic database of the Ministry
of Culture of Spain with ISSN 2255-033X). Global Education section,. Pg. 68-72. This
article was published on 21st September International Day of Peace (issue nº
9).http://www.globaleducationmagazine.com/peace-silence-mystical-journey/
2. Rashmi Chandran 2014. Mystic Nature – Do Animals Have Souls Like Human
Beings? Mystic Nebula (Reviews) ACCEPTED3/14/2014.
3. Rashmi Chandran 2013. The Art of Compassion in Natural Life. GLOBAL
EDUCATION MAGAZINE (inscribed in bibliographic database of the Ministry of Culture
of Spain with ISSN 2255-033X). Global Education section, Pg. 62 – 64. This article was
p u b l i s h e d o n 1 0 t h D e c e m b e r : H u m a n R i g h t ’s D a y ( i s s u e n º
6).http://www.globaleducationmagazine.com/art-compassion-natural-life/
4. Dr. Rashmi Chandran 2013. A HAND BOOK ON NATURAL HEALTH IN
TODAY’S LIFESTYLE SCENARIO. International E – Publication, International Science
Congress Association. (ISBN: 978-93-83520-20-6).
5. Rashmi Chandran 2011. Natural Life – The Path towards Happiness and Prosperity. In: Vakdevatha (A Bilingual magazine publishing from Nigdi, Pune, India). Pp. 69-70.
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The Value of Friendship, Tolerance and Respect within
Education of Economics and Business
Abstract: This article reflect about the strategies on education during last years, where Ban
Ki Moon (Secretary-General of the United Nations) has been stressing many times the role
of education as the most powerful weapon in building peace across nations. According to the
principles of the Earth Charter Initiative and the UN’s Human Rights Declaration in order to
integrate into formal education and life-long learning the knowledge, values, and skills
needed for a sustainable way of life education shall be directed to the full development of the
human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
Keywords: United Nations, Sustainable Finance, Peace, Solidarity, Sustainable
Development, Children of the Earth, Human rights, Education in Economics and Global
Business.
Education shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship
among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the
activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
Even though the situation might have slightly changed within the past decennia with
the introduction of peace education, sustainable economics, holistic learning and dynamic
system modeling within education of economics and business, nevertheless, the concept of
the self-made individual man or woman who benefits society by doing what’s good for him
or her is still being emphasized. Instead of teaching students to be sustainable leaders for the
21st century in many business schools and economic institutes still is thought how to serve
the interest of the individual without taking care of the common good.
Let’s take a close look of what these kind of economics education has brought us
within the culture of financial markets. In order to illustrate the foregoing statement with an
example there’s been taken a look at the financial markets in the City in London and New
York Wall Street. First, it has brought a culture in which fraud, injustices, waste and abuse
are practices of daily business. Second, the amount of burned-outs, stress-related diseases has
been increased within the past years while ruining the health and the life’s of people not able
to offer resistance to the high work pressure. Third, the impact of the financial crisis has been
responsible for poverty and inequality within Europe and the United States.
Within the words of Jordan Belfort (better known as the Wolf of Wall Street) who
now earns 100.000 Dollars a day for giving a lecture he wasn’t the one that ruined up the
reputation of Wall Street but it was Wall Street itself that did this. “The whole of Wall Street
was screwing his customers. They aren’t objective and independent investment analysts.
They are just sales people trying to sell as much as they can at the stock exchange and op-
Saskia Troy (MSc.) is a business economist specialized in Global
Business and Stakeholder Management and amongst others Regional
Coordinator Europe and Chapter Leader Netherlands Children of the
Earth (NGO of the United Nations) and she is a member of the
Working Group Sustainable Finance (Changing Finance, Financing
Change) of the UNEP/World Resources Institute in Washington.
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tions market using any possible means” although Jordan while explaining the mistakes he
made within his previous life while working as a broker in New York’s Manhattan.
curriculum. The whole idea of the business education is to educate leaders for the future and
not just professionals exercising their job.
This is also the case with the so-called quants which are well-trained PhD’s in
mathematics or physics hired to sell so-called objective, academic models to companies that
use them to illustrate what they already think they should do. Most of the time this has got to
do with earning as much as money as they can. Though meanwhile their theories have
presented as academic, intellectual and highly intelligent. In fact it’s just about consultants
earning millions while smoking others with their exceedingly corrupted models.
Third, mental stress has become a large problem for employers in the City. Since
October 2013 a group of companies has founded the City Mental Health Alliance that aims to
strengthen the health of employers as well as provide more transparency about this topic. At
the moment the City Mental Health Alliance has got twenty-five partners whereby amongst
others Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Morgan Stanley, PWC and others. One of the main
goals is to reduce the rising costs of illness for the employers.
Assumed is the egoistic, selfish behavior was initiated from the top management by a
culture of earning bonuses they were more and more restricted. Even though these markets
might have been lacking behind with regulation due to their fast growth and complexity more
regulation is not the answer to the problem. The main answer to the problem is in educating
people in economics and business in a way that differs from what has been done before.
During the past years some incidents have happened such as that with Morits Erhardt
who is a trainee that almost past away after having worked for nights after each other, Lloyds
banking Group CEO Antonio Horta Osoro who has taken a leave because of being burnedout, this as well as the stressed out supervisor of Barclays Hector Sans. Therefore in order to
keep their employers for a longer time and earn their return on investment for educating them
those banks and consultants invest in relaxing programs with mindfulness, meditation and
music.
Made clear by Smith’s second book Moral Sentiments the
idea of the rational actor pursuing its own self-interest and
thereby doing what’s good for society as a whole is one of the
most widespread misunderstandings of theories on modern
capitalism.
Nevertheless, it all starts with the inherent, dominant culture of egoism within
economics teaching. The idea of teaching ethical values and principles in higher education
within education of economics and business is still not convention as the goal is to deliver
short term oriented financial professionals for the labor markets. However, this might not be
the real value of higher education in economics and business.
The value of education in economics and business is in delivering sustainable leaders
for the 21st century that are able to take responsibility, think independently and provide
direction to others whereby being able to resist the many temptations of life that will lead to
destruction of the economic system within the long term. Some business schools are already
taking the lead within this challenge but others are leaking far behind still teaching paradigms
that educate people in reductionist, narrow-minded ways.
For example, Rotterdam School of Management that according to Newsweek is leading within the Sustainability Index in Europe trains young people to think about how to deal
with diversity management issues and respect nature. Also the idea of building on
international networks of friendships that provide meaning for life is not unknown within the
Also there are initiatives like the City Mothers that combine working in the financial
sector with being a parent. Nevertheless, when the core business of what banks, consultants
and lawyers are doing remains as Jordan Wall Street says it a bit harsh is “screwing your customers” this might be conflicting with the values they have raised with themselves or they
want their children to grow up with. Psychological research has shown that having to deal
within conflicting values during career and private life causes stress and illness. In order to
stay healthy employers need a broad, moral framework of thinking from which they can
make decisions.
The more people are educated in a broad, social-engaged
manner the less problems the ones will have that stand up and
ask for the contribution of their actions towards the common
good with suffering from peer pressure. Like in the sports
industry that has been cleaned from dope and other scandals
new more honest winners will arise. The ones claiming
victories based on criminal, egoistic and reckless behavior will
soon leave the stage.
Within time is has become clearer within social science that compassion can be enhanced through teaching and practice within the education of economics and business. For
example the ReSource Project of the Max Planck Institute in Germany is such a project in
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which participants practice a wide range of mental exercises to enhance attentional control,
body and self-awareness, healthy emotional regulation, self-care, compassion empathy and
caretaking and reduce stress. It improves mental awareness, increases life satisfaction and
leads to a better understanding of others views, values and objectives.
Spending time in nature is part of these exercises. At the moment we lose ourselves in
nature we feel connected with ourselves, others and the world. The techniques of meditation
can lead us to inner calmness and more awareness of the current moment. In this way we can
develop compassion towards others which could be an ethical guideline for future behavior of
actors such as consultants, lawyers and bankers in financial markets while contributing to
long term economic growth and prosperity.
“ Care flows naturally if the “self” is widened and deepened So that protection of free Nature is felt and conceived as protection Of ourselves … Just as we need no morals to make us breath … If your “self” in the widest sense embraces another being, You need no moral exhortation to show care……
You care for yourself without feeling any moral pressure to do it… If reality is like it is experienced by the ecological self, our behaviour naturally and beautifully follows norms of strict environmental ethics
Aerne Nass, 1990
From Sustainable Idealism to Green Competition
Education is one of the most important ways to change and shape society. UNESCO,
the Convention on the Rights of Man and the Earth Charter Initiative share the valuing of the
principle that everyone is entitled, regardless of origin, sexuality or age. Lifelong learning
about values-, knowledge-and skills needed for a sustainable way of living has been emphasized. Education is a key to change because this can provide more caring relationships
between people and between people and the natural world. Children and youth are formed
and shaped for life within the educational system. For that reason education is one of the most
important ways to change and shape society.
In addition, the education from a creative point of view contributes to the sustainable
development of society. An integral approach emphasizes the relationship between different
challenges facing humanity, the protection of the natural and social biodiversity, the fight
against poverty, equality between men and women and the exchange and application of the
required knowledge. The concern for the Earth and the act of understanding, love and
compassion are key. This as well as confidence in the intellectual, artistic and spiritual
potential of humanity.
It is possible that this more holistic approach to education on sustainable development
intersects the current generation of pragmatic idealistic students. These students are technologically more advanced, more enterprising and more pragmatic than the previous
generations. Also, they have a different paradigm towards the idea of change.
During their life they have already experienced for many times a change in the way of
working and communicating, which caused a drastic alteration in the way we as humans interact with each other. An example of this is the advent of the Internet and also the entry of
mobile telephony. However, such a pragmatic approach does not have to exclude an idealistic
vision of life. On the contrary, this may very well go hand in hand.
The pursuit of sustainable development in which a more individualistic approach as a
starting point for the establishment of society is taken, getting in this innovative way of life a
different meaning. And vice versa, this gives a new meaning to the lives of young people. In
this way young people their technological edge, use a communication skills and creative talents to generate social change. Theory and practice can be balanced with each other and
creates a balance between the emotional and the rational.
How can students get the artistic freedom they need for the use of their creative
abilities, without the feeling of losing sight of a universal responsibility? In order to answer
this question it is important to go deeper into the role of the so-called natural intelligence for
developing creative abilities. The analysis of the relationship between natural intelligence and
developing creative abilities shows that artistic feedom and responsibility have more in
common than it initially seems.
The American writer Richard Louv explains this phenomenon within his book The
Last Child in the Wood. Louv uses the ideas of Gardner. Gardner, Professor of education at
Harvard University, launched his theory of multiple intelligences in the 1980’s, in which he
could give a greater account of the range of human potential, both by children and adults,
than before would have been the case. It concerned the so- called verbal-linguistic, logicalmathematical, spatial-the-, the bodily-kinesthetic, musical-rhythmic-, the- the interpersonal
and intrapersonal intelligence. Recently he introduced in addition the nature-oriented
intelligence, which would be the eighth intelligence. Natural intelligence is characterized by
the skill of man to recognize plants, animals and other elements of the natural environment,
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such as clouds, sand and stones, says Gardner. This is a feature of every human being but
some children and adults are particularly gifted.
According to Professor Wilson, psychologist, associated with the University of Wisconsin, these children and adults have the ability to quickly patterns, similarities and differences
in their environment in order to observe and categorize. In addition, according to Wilson,
every experience in nature, fosters the focused attention because many people here can draw a
creative sense of relationships and patterns. The sense of these patterns is important for
developing creativity, so this is also confirmed by other American scientists. According to
Louv this can be explained like this: nature represents something bigger and bulkier than
ourselves and offers us an environment in which we can freely philosophizing on subjects
such as the infinity and eternity.
“At the moment we lose ourselves, in what we as humans themselves are derived, the
Earth, the water the air and all other living organisms we experience the sublime, the true and
the beautiful, sin and we feel connected, with ourselves, others and the world. It is this
experience that is essential to the learning process of the man “, said Richard Louv in his book
The Last Child in the Woods.
The creativity, the intellectual abilities and capabilities of the solution-oriented
students would therefore encourage education to take a broader objective, which is that of a
multiple intelligence, including the natural intelligence, which should even be more
encouraged. It is then important for students to work on projects that require a multiple
intelligence and for which allowing creativity at the same time is promoted. This can be
combined with projects that contribute to the natural environment and in where students work
in teams so that also their inter-personal skills are trained. A way of working that is already
increasingly used within education at Dutch universities.
An example of this is the victory of the Dutch Nuon Solar team of Delft University of
Technology at the participation in the World Solar Challenge. The Nuon Solar Team is a team
of eleven students that with the Nuna, a solar-powered car, has become three-time world champion during a race for solar-powered cars, which takes place in Australia. In addition to
manage the project they were responsible for the construction of the car. Hereby they
managed to manufacture a car that lets them with petrol costs a few hundredth of a normal car
the crossing the Australian desert Participation in-and winning the race has provided not only
for international fame but has also led to the creation of many similar innovative projects.
challenges and the choices where humanity stands for can better understand the mutual
interaction between these challenges and choices to be assessed. Second, it could help the
make the sense of a sustainable way of life more transparent, in which there are individual
meanings which can be derived from these objectives and bring a sustainable way of living
also in practice. Thirdly, it can be of service to the situation where one is present to evaluate
critically and to establish goals for concrete action.
Title:
Buddhist Economics
Photographer: Saskia
Troy
University teacher Luit
Kloosterman contemplating on the conventional, orthodox view
on economics during
conference on
Economics and Buddhism at Erasmus
School of Economics
(ESE)
Erasmus University,
Rotterdam, The
Netherlands, 20th June
2012
The picture has been one of the Winners UNESCO/Earth Charter Photo Contest for UN
Human Rights Day UN Mandated University of Peace Costa Rica, had the third prices in the
UN International Youth Day Competition Mental Health Care Matters from Synergy Youth in
Dubai. Next to that the picture has been exhibited at the mosaic of The Whole 9 Arts for Peace
Project which has been organized for UN Peace Day 2014.
Teaching can possibly give direction to similar creative projects for sustainable
development. Firstly, it can ensure that those who go to work and learn here about the
76
Con el apoyo de la
Oficina de
Santiago
Organización
para la Educación,
December'5
Submission Deadline November 1
77
Nº 10
Transversal Studies Section
PAGE 79
ASTRONOMY IN THE FRAME OF THE TRANSDISCIPLINARY EDUCATION
Magda Stavinschi
Mirela Mureșan
Astronomical Institute of the Romanian Academy
Institutional Filiation Moise Nicoara College, Arad, Romania
E-mail: [email protected] / Web: www.astro.ro/magda
PAGE 86
La solidaridad: una visión social e histórica
Alejandro Sánchez Ródenas
Adrián Matea Zoroa
Graduado en Historia en la Universidad de Alicante. Mestrando en Máster
para Profesor de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria y Bachillerato, Formación
Profesional y Enseñanzas de Idiomas en la Universidad de Salamanca.
Graduado en Trabajo Social en la Universidad de Alicante. Mestrando
en Máster de Servicios Públicos y Políticas Sociales en la Universidad
de Salamanca.
PAGE 92
Monitoring the Greek Case during the Financial Crisis
Athanasia Zagorianou
Strathclyde University, Master in Human Rights Law, Researcher & Member, Trustees Council, Citizens’ Rights Watch (CRW)
E-mail: [email protected], / [email protected]
PAGE 96
Israel vs Palestina. Un proceso de paz necesario
Marco Cola
Tutor and Assistant in the University of Rome “La Sapienza”, in relation to issues of geopolitics, political philosophy, and studies related to the analysis and resolution of
conflicts and peace processes. Freelance.
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“The telescope at one end of his beat,
ASTRONOMY IN THE FRAME OF THE
TRANSDISCIPLINARY EDUCATION
And at the other end the microscope,
Two instruments of equal hope …”
ABSTRACT: This paper aims to point out the unexpected and generous perspectives the
transdisciplinarity approach can bring to the astronomical education. 1). What does
transdisciplinarity really mean? Will try to clarify the distinction among inter-, pluri-, and
transdisciplinarity. Transdisciplinarity– TD is a term and a concept largely used today, in many fields
and all over the world. Presumably, it is most frequently used in the educational area. Yet,
unfortunately, this term is used in various meanings which bring about conceptual deviations, semantical slippings that give rise to dangerous confusions. The most frequent and inconsistent uses of this
term and concept, entailing errors in understanding and application – aim at the confusion between
inter-, pluri-, and TD, on the one hand; on the other hand, on the relation among them as well.
Therefore, we do consider that a minimal updating of the concept of TD is absolutely necessary. 2).
TD education –the key for the integral education of the human being. Taking into account the three
axioms the TD is based on (the multiples levels of Reality, the logic of the included middle and the
knowledge as an emergent complexity) it is obvious that this methodology offers a different new key
of understanding the present world. The most important is the fact that the Subject is recovered in the
process of knowledge. The “integral education” means in this perspective the education of an
integrated human being (mind, body, soul) in order to achieve the inner harmony of the individual
and the harmony with the society and the big universe. The TD education seems to be the solution the
mankind was looking for in order to solve the complex crisis which the 21st century society is confronted with. As the author of TD – Jean Piaget – claimed, "only education is capable of saving our
societies from possible collapse, whether violent, or gradual". 3). The benefits the TD methodology
could bring to the astronomical education. Today the astronomical education must face some major
constraints. On the one hand, the information about the cosmos are invading all media channels, on
the other hand, young people are not getting, in most countries of the world, systematic education in
this field, astronomy being removed from school curricula.Or we need to educate young people in
this area, proving its role in environmental protection, its utility to save Earth resources and supplement them with other cosmic ones, in the intellectual development of the child, in fighting against the
superstition and pseudo -sciences, in the knowledge of ethnic traditions in relation to a globalized
world.We must face the ever decreasing number of hours in the curriculum, simultaneously with the
unprecedented diversification of the scientific disciplines, which are already over 8000. In these
circumstances, students must be prepared to choose the closest one to their talent and
expectations. We believe that, from this point of view, a TD approach on astronomy will help them to
face the challenges of modern society. We will point out some arguments for the imperious necessity
of changing the educational approach on astronomy in the field of public education. And this major
mutation has to be the TD methodology.
Key-words: transdisciplinarity, education, astronomy.
Magda Stavinschi
Robert Frost
ARGUMENT
After decades of disappointing educational outcomes, it’s time to work on some
educational solutions based on a solid philosophical background. To simply proclaim the
existing “crisis of education”, the confusions and alteration of the human values, “the death of
the history” is not enough. Something more has to be done. The educational system has to be
reinvented, restructured and reoriented according to the new cosmological model the science
and philosophy has discovered. The paradigm of knowledge and the paradigm of education
must be correlated in order to achieve the ideal of the perfect harmony between the inner and
outer world.
The fundamental problem underlying the actual disjointed curriculum (all over the
world) is the fragmentation of knowledge itself. Education has atomized knowledge by
dividing it into disciplines, sub disciplines, and sub-sub disciplines—breaking it up into
smaller and smaller unconnected fragments of academic specialization, according to the
exponential increases in information brought about by technological advances. Understanding
the nature of knowledge, its unity, its varieties, its limitations, and its uses and abuses is
necessary for the success of nowadays education. It became an emergency to reconstruct the
unity of knowledge and understanding in order to recuperate the meaning of Universe and the
meaning of our life too.
“The solution to “disconnected ideas,” “dry facts,” and the “fragmentation of knowledge” may
well be in recognizing that the history of the universe, the evolution of life, and the rise of
human civilizations are in fact a unified story and best taught that way.”(1) In this respect, the
trans-disciplinary approach of education could be the proper solution; in its generous frame,
the astronomical education could reach new and amazing perspectives and the most desirable
benefits.
Mirela Mureșan
Astronomical Institute of the Romanian Academy
Institutional Filiation Moise Nicoara College, Arad, Romania
E-mail: [email protected] / Web: www.astro.ro/magda
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WHAT DOES TRANSDISCIPLINARITY REALLY MEAN?
Transdisciplinarity is a relatively young approach; it emerged seven century after disciplinarity in the writings of the Swiss philosopher and psychologist Jean Piaget. He indicates
that „transdisciplinarity will not be limited to the interactions and reciprocities between the
specialist researches but will locate these links inside of a total system without stable boundaries between the disciplines.” (2)
The concept of “transdisciplinarity” will be used in this paper as it is defined by
Professor Basarab Nicolescu and CIRET group as it has been developed in the last years (3).
This concept and its definition are well known all over the world.
Transdisciplinarity is something different. Firstly transdisciplinarity is not another
discipline. According to Nicolescu’s consecrated definition, ”Transdisciplinarity concerns
what is at the same time between disciplines, inside various disciplines and beyond any
discipline. Its aim is the understanding of the current world and one of its imperatives is the
unity of knowledge” (5)
These assumptions are not very easy to understand. Is there something between and
across the disciplines and beyond all disciplines in the same time? Yes, there is. What could it
be? It cannot be explained without taking into account the three axioms the
transdisciplinarity is based on:
a. Levels of Reality and the Hidden Third
Transdisciplinarity is a term and a concept largely used today, in many fields and all
over the world. Presumably, it is most frequently used in the educational area. Yet,
unfortunately, this term is used in various meanings which bring about conceptual deviations,
semantical slippings that give rise to dangerous confusions. The present day scientific
community has not yet a terminological and conceptual consensus on „transdisciplinarity”.
The most frequent and inconsistent uses of this term and concept, entailing errors in
understanding and application – aim at the confusion between pluridisciplinarity/
interdisciplinarity/transdisciplinarity, on the one hand; on the other hand, the confusion persists on the relation among them as well. Therefore, we do consider that a minimal updating
of the concept of transdisciplinarity is absolutely necessary.
Pluridisciplinarity aims to study a topic from multiple perspectives offered by
various disciplines. It concerns studying a research topic not in only one discipline but in
several at the same time. For example one can study the famous sculpture of Brancusi - The
endless column from several perspectives: history of art, philosophy, religion, mythology,
psychology, different sciences as chemistry, physics etc.
In other words, the multidisciplinary approach overflows disciplinary boundaries but
its goal remains limited to the framework of disciplinary research.
Interdisciplinarity has a different goal from multidisciplinarity. It concerns the transfer of methods from one discipline to another. According to Nicolescu definition, “one can
distinguish three degrees of interdisciplinarity: a) a degree of application; b) an
epistemological degree; c) a degree of the generation of new disciplines (4). For example,
when the methods of nuclear physics were transferred to medicine it led to the appearance of
new treatments for cancer or when methods from mathematics were transferred to physics
mathematical physics was generated. It’s the same like the methods of mathematics are
transferred in astronomy. But we have to keep in mind that like pluridisciplinarity, interdisciplinarity overflows the disciplines boundaries but its goal still remains within the framework
of disciplinary research.
b. The Logic of the Included Middle
c. Knowledge as an emergent complexity (6)
Transdisciplinarity cannot be understood and applied in the absence of full consideration given to the above mentioned axioms. To ignore or to eliminate one of them triggers
about the risk of a falsification of the TD concept, the risk of erroneous slippings, and
applications.
The explanation professor Nicolescu offers is very clear: “In the presence of several
levels of Reality the space between disciplines and beyond disciplines is full just as the
quantum vacuum is full of all potentialities: from the quantum particle to the galaxies, from
the quark to the heavy elements which condition the appearance of life in the universe. The
discontinuous structure of the levels of Reality determines the discontinuous structure of
transdisciplinary space, which in turn explains why transdisciplinary research is radically distinct from disciplinary research, even while being entirely complementary. Disciplinary
research concerns, at most, one and the same level of Reality; moreover, in most cases, it
only concerns fragments of one level of Reality. On the contrary, transdisciplinarity concerns
the dynamics engendered by the action of several levels of Reality at once.”(7) It’s also
important to understand the fact that, disciplinary and transdisciplinary research are not antagonistic but complementary.
The conclusion emerged by this explanation could be metaphorically put as follows:
“disciplinarity, multidisciplinarity, interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity are like four arrows shot from but a single bow: knowledge.” (8)
Briefly we can repeat the principal statements: transdisciplinarity must not be
wrongly understood as new “discipline”; transdisciplinarity must not be wrong understood as
being another method as it happens many times when one tries to apply it, mostly in
education. Reducing TD to a method implies a flagrant amputation of its own essence –
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transdisciplinarity is a methodology – Methodology is the philosophical basis for method.
Method and methodology are sometimes used as though they were synonyms -but they aren’t.
Methodology is the study of methods and deals with the philosophical assumptions
underlying the research process, while a method is a specific technique for data collection
under those philosophical assumptions. A methodology is a system of methods and principles
for doing something, for example for teaching or for carrying out research. Being a
methodology based on a solid philosophical and scientific background, transdisciplinarity is
capable to offer unexpected solutions for several fields of research and for all consecrated
academic disciplines.
At this point I can firmly state transdisciplinarity to be the conclusive factor of
changing of the knowledge paradigm for the 21st century. New methodological keys are
hence offered by the recuperation of the Subject place in knowledge, by the logic of the
included middle, by a new understanding of Reality – according to the ontology of Reality
levels and the Hidden Middle – and by the realization of the incompleteness of knowledge.
These outcomes open a large opportunity for many applications in various fields: education is
a privileged one.
Transdisciplinarity as a methodology offers a viable solution for the 21st century
society, defined as a “knowledge society”. Applied in education transdisciplinary
methodology is no doubt capable to solve the actual crisis the mankind is crossing now.
“Transdisciplinarity entails both a new vision and a lived experience. It is a way of selftransformation oriented towards the knowledge of the self, the unity of knowledge, and the
creation of a new art of living.”(9)
TRANSDISCIPLINARITY EDUCATION-THE KEY FOR THE INTEGRAL
EDUCATION OF THE HUMAN BEING
The increasing number of new pieces of information about the micro and macro
Universe, about our mind and soul forces us to a permanent reconsideration of the world we
live in. Step by step the pieces of “the great puzzle” the knowledge has to put together reveals
new and unexpected possibilities to combine them in order to achieve the perfect total
imagine of the “whole”. In fact, the new discoveries in the remote external world, including
those made in bio-satellites and the Hubble Space Telescope, have generated a significant
revolution in our understanding of our external vis-à-vis internal world; a scientific revolution
without parallel in the whole recorded history of mankind; a fresh look at nature, which opens
up new horizons and generates new needs to reexamine all previous cosmological, biological,
behavioral and philosophical convictions. The new discoveries have triggered a fresh world
outlook that illuminates some dark corners of science and forces us to re-assess almost
everything that we have so far taken for granted, including the apparent conflict between
Genesis via astrophysics, astronomy and modern physics, and Genesis via the Bible. And the
examples could continue.
The imperative of nowadays is to find out a way to reconnect these disparate pieces of
information and try to reconfigure “the picture in the carpet”, to find an efficient way to make
everything meaningful. Only a transdisciplinary education allows every individual to
understand both the meaning of his own existence and the meaning of existence in general. It
is the only way to “cure” the specific symptoms of the complex crisis mankind is facing
today: “the loss of meaning and the universal hunger for meaning” (10)
So we urgent need a new philosophy of education capable to achieve these desiderata.
Unfortunately the public system of education is far from accomplishing that. It cannot face
yet this explosion of new discoveries in sciences and the reassessment of them in the field of
philosophy. The education is still anachronistic improper to the new vision of the world which
is permanently built on. To achieve the unity of knowledge means to achieve first the
“integral education” of the human being and this goal is possible to be reached only through
an integrated learning and teaching.
The famous Delors rapport at UNESCO has also revealed the need of changing the
education according to the requirements of the 21st century society.
The International UNESCO High Commission for Education in the 21st Century presided by Jacques Delors has written out a report (1994) where, in Ch. IV, the idea of a new
type of education that should focus on four main pillars was stipulated: to learn in order to
know, to learn in order to do, to learn in order to live along with others, to learn in order to be.
(11) This program – theoretically possible even in the frame of the traditional educational
system – seems to be completely inefficient from the practical point of view. An interesting
comparison could be made between these four pillars of education mentioned in Delors’
report and the goals of the transdisciplinary education.
This issue is largely explained in Mirela Mureşan’s article (12). The following table
summarizes the changings the transdisciplinary education brings in (13):
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The conclusions which emerge from these considerations are the following:
• Learning is a complex process which implies equally the mind, the soul and the body; the
inner and outer experience
• Learning generates an important product: knowledge (ensemble, unity of information, competences, values)
• Learning and knowledge is not enough: they have to be integrated in a superior
understanding of their meaning
• The goals of the traditional education stop at the knowledge level, which is enough for a
proper social insertion of the individual. The transdisciplinary education – as an integral
one – seeks for more than that: understanding of the meaning of knowledge. (14)
According to these beliefs we tried to put into practice a teaching – learning process in
order to achieve a transdisciplinary knowledge and understanding. These projects have practically proven that the TD approach of teaching and learning is possible and effective in a real
school. From these attempts of applying the theory, serious reflection issues have arisen.
Finding proper answers to them means contributing to the enrichment and refinement of the
TD methodology itself.
The first complex TD experiment started in 2008 at the “Moise Nicoară” National
College, from Arad, Romania and it was carried out as it is described in the book published in
2010 (15). The project was carried out for two years, involving activities attended by high
school students and teachers. The target-group consisted of 23 students from the 9th, 10th,
11th and 12th grades. These activities took place in parallel with the official curriculum that
was taken as a reference frame. The activities extended over 10 weeks every Saturday
morning. The 17-teachers team (Mathematics, Physics, Biology, Literature, Music, Drawing,
Geography, Religion) designed a transdisciplinary syllabus which was applied to the target
group of the students. (16)
The main idea, which was progressively born during the workshops, was the fact that,
behind the mask, the essence of both the human being and the world is the same, but in most
cases it looks like a “Great Anonymous” due to the lack in our capacity to adequately
understand the truth. Sciences, arts, religion, mythology and phiosophy they all assert the one
and the same truth. In this respect, through the information they provide, and through their
specific investigation methods, the disciplines are also “forms / patterns” of knowledge, and
the truth always stays in, among and beyond them. Progressively building this idea during the
workshops helped the students to develop their abilities to understand fundamental truths
(about nature, humankind etc.) (17)
Many other projects and experiments followed: A Transdisciplinary “Reading” of the
Water (18), The Mysterious Letter in the Painting, The Faces of the Infinity, The Mobius strip
etc.
The most difficult thing in performing these experiments consisted not in finding out
the proper strategies and methods to conceive the steps of the didactic enterprise, but in what
way should the wonder be awaken, and determined the students to live an inner experience
which is a fundamental component of understanding. “If we sometimes succeeded to push the
“inner button”, we have also to accept that it was a random or spontaneous or momentary
case. It could not be controlled in any way, and, even less, could be not valuated in its depth,
dimension or its consequences. All this was exclusively due to the didactical vocation and
skillfulness of the teacher, to his empathy and not to some previous planning. In sum, we are
not able to build up a pattern scheme or script to replicate the effect or to decide on any didactical method or strategy” (19). This proves once again that the TD learning is something alive,
has no previous rules: “being” has no patterns.
Another difficulty was to design the syllabus. Setting up competences was the most
difficult challenge for the teachers’ team. From a TD point of view, competences should cover
all the three levels: individual, social and cosmic, in order to build the ultimate human being.
On the other hand, these competences should also harmonize the dimensions of to know, to
understand and to create. How can one achieve the “trans-relation” that could connect to
know, to understand and to create? In the transdisciplinary vision, “there is a transrelation
which connects the four pillars of the new system of education and which has its source in our
own constitution as human beings. A viable education can only be an integral education of the
human being. An education which is addressed to open totality of the human being and not to
just one of its components.”(20) This is one of the main challenges for a transdisciplinary
curriculum design.
The most important challenge these experiments revealed was getting the students
beyond their usual way of thinking. The students were used to think in terms of yes or no,
correct or incorrect, true or false terms. They were uncomfortable with the lack of a rational
conclusion or a clear, definitive, precise answer. They found it hard to accept that there might
also be answers of yes and no, true and false at the same time, and the fact that reality was in a
continuous dynamics. The intuition of the fact that we are and we are not the same at a certain
moment, the universe is and is not the same, a thing is not only what we know about it at a
given moment but also all its potentialities , unpredictable actualized was – maybe- the most
important step we made in the dialogue with them. (21)
At this point we can draw a partial conclusion. The transdisciplinary education is the
perfect frame to integrate astronomical education in. The astronomy could became an
important key to a deep understanding of the Universe and of ourselves as well; a key which
could complete the dynamic imagine of “the great puzzle“ of the Reality we are trying to
accomplish using the transdisciplinary methodology.
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WHICH ARE THE BENEFITS THE TRANSDISCIPLINARY METHODOLOGY
COULD BRING TO THE ASTRONOMICAL EDUCATION?
Transdisciplinarity requires a different approach based on a different methodology as it is
reflected in the picture below:
One never could be able to understand the Universe and its laws without a proper background of information coming from different fields of knowledge: philosophy, history of
civilizations and cultures, cosmology etc. One never could investigate the Universe without a
proper knowledge and solid competences in mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology, etc.
Astronomy, by definition, requires all these instruments. To study and to understand astronomy
and its outstanding discoveries in the late years clams for a proper approach based on a valid
methodology. An intuitive image of the multitude of domains and disciplines astronomy implies
could be seen in the following picture:
A problem
still remains: how to
reach the
transdisciplinary
dimensions of
astronomy and how
could it be done in
the field of
education? A lot of
ways were experimented but the
transdisciplinary
teaching and
learning still are
obstructed by the
disciplinary
structured system of
education and the
poor knowledge of
the teachers about
the transdisciplinary
methods (didactics).
In spite of the fact a
lot of teachers have
already experimented the transdisciplinary teaching without knowing it! – according to their native feeling – Astronomy especially cannot be taught in another way.
The astronomy
covers many domains starting from the primary
education to the astronomical research or public outreach. These fields of
knowledge are just
apparently different or
separated; in fact they are
deeply related and
astronomy integrates and
crosses them all. Also the
transfer of methods from a
discipline to another is
compulsory needed in
order to archive the astronomical knowledge. So
far the pluridisciplinary
and the interdisciplinary
character of astronomy
itself are obviously
demonstrated. But only
the transdisciplinary
approach could achieve
the authentic understanding of all astronomical information and discoveries concerning the
Universe; only through a TD methodology the role of the Subject is recuperated and the Subject
and the Object of knowledge could be unified in order to understand the deep meaning of
existence. Otherwise everything is useless.
Ignoring the disciplines structured curriculum the practical solutions for studying
astronomy were founded in different other contexts such as: workshops, forums, centers of astronomical observations, debates, contests, pilot ateliers for TD & cyberspace etc.
The way the astronomy could be proper implemented in the curriculum from the primary
level to the university one is still in the attention of the „Education and Development
Commission" of the International Union of Astronomy as well as for The Office of Astronomy
for Development (OAD) (22).
An unexpected but generous opportunity to apply the transdisciplinary methodology will
be The International Year of Light (IYL), celebrated in 2015 on the whole planet. „The
International Year of Light is a global initiative which will highlight to the citizens of the world
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the importance of light and optical technologies in their lives, for their futures, and for the
development of society. It is a unique opportunity to inspire, educate, and connect on a global
scale. In proclaiming an International Year focusing on the topic of light science and its
applications, the United Nations has recognized the importance of raising global awareness
about how light-based technologies promote sustainable development and provide solutions
to global challenges in energy, education, agriculture and health. Light plays a vital role in
our daily lives and is an imperative cross-cutting discipline of science in the 21st century. It
has revolutionized medicine, opened up international communication via the Internet, and
continues to be central to linking cultural, economic and political aspects of the global
society.”(23)
As one can observe, IYL covers a large field of knowledge: health, communications,
economy, environment, society and last but not the least education. Science of light; physics
and light (electricity, speed of light, fiber optics, laser, holography); Light – natural
phenomena (Sunlight, Moonlight, aurora); Astronomy and light (at different wavelengths,
light-year, invisible light); Light and blind people; Light technology; Light pollution; Light in
nature (animals, plants, a.s.o.) Light and culture; Light and art (literature, painting, music,
architecture, lightning design, light jokes); Light and human psychic; Light and medicine
(sunlight and cancer, blindness) ’Light and religion; Lightning and history, archeology (early
optic and lenses, oil pottery lamps, gas lightning); Enlightenment through education.
It’s obvious that all these topics will offer the unique opportunity for a
transdisciplinary approach due to the multitude of issues regarded; it will be a chance to find
out what they have in common and what is beyond all of them.
CONCLUSIONS
The benefits to the astronomical education brought by the transdisciplinary approach
are obvious. Using the transdisciplinary methodology both in the astronomical research and
astronomical education become an imperious necessity.
In the system of public education astronomy has to regain its lost position. It has to
reappear in the curriculum in the frame of the scientific aria. But mostly it has to be
approached according to the transdisciplinary methodology- building bridges between
science-religion-philosophy-arts and the social needs. The resistance, opposition force of the
collective mentality to any kind of change, actually the fear of the new has to be overpassed.
The refusal to change a structured curriculum that was practiced disciplinary for centuries is
understandable but not efficient; the fear to lose the disciplinary specialization because of the
Td opening is not justified. This kind of fear comes obviously from the lack of a right
understanding of the TD methodology. But opposition may be generated, on the other hand,
by some social-political circumstantial interests which refuse to see the educational benefit in
the long run.
NOTES
1Grassie, W., Reinventing Science Education in the 21st Century, 2010
http://www.grassie.net/articles/2010_educate.html,
2 Piaget , J., L’epistemologie des relations interdisciplinaires, 1972, p.144
3 www. http://ciret-transdisciplinarity.org/index.php
4 Nicolescu, B., The Transdisciplinary Evolution of the University Condition for Sustainable
Development; Talk at the International Congress "Universities' Responsabilities to Society",
International Association of Universities, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand,
November 12-14, 1997.
5 Nicolescu, B., Noi, particula şi lumea (Nous, la particuleet le monde, translated in Romaian), Polirom, Iaşi, 2002, pp. 232
6Nicolescu, B., Nous, la particule et le monde [We, the Particle and the World], Paris, France,
1985: Le MailNicolescu, B. (2002), Manifesto of Transdisciplinarity [Trans. K-C. Voss]. NY:
SUNY. Nicolescu, B. (2005), Transdisciplinarity: Theory and Practice. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.
Nicolescu, B. (2006a). International Congresses on Transdisciplinarity [Interview given by
Basarab Nicolescu to Professor Augusta Thereza de Alvarenga of the Faculty of Public
Health, University of São Paulo, Brazil]. Retrieved from
http://basarab.nicolescu.perso.sfr.fr/Basarab/Docs_articles/InterviewAlvarengaENG.htm,
Nicolescu, B. (2006 b). Transdisciplinarity – Past, Present and Future. In B. Haverkott and C.
Reijntjes (Eds.), Moving Worldviews (2006),Moving Worldviews, Leusden, the Netherlands:
ETC/Compas, 4, pp. 143-165. Retrieved from
http://basarab-nicolescu.fr/Docs_articles/Worldviews2006.htm
Nicolescu, B. (Ed.). (2008). Transdisciplinarity: Theory and Practice. Cresskill, NJ:Hampton
Press
7 Nicolescu, B, The Transdisciplinary Evolution of the University Condition for Sustainable
Development; Talk at the International Congress" Universities' Responsabilities to Society ",
November 12-14, 1997.
8 idem
9 idem
10 Niclolescu, B., Transdisciplinary Evolution of Learning, Talk at the American Educational
Research Association (AERA), Annual Meeting, Montréal, Canada, April 1999, Round-Table
„Overcoming the Underdevelopment of Learning: A Trandsdisciplinary View”, with the
participation of Leon Lederman (Nobel Prize of Physics), Jan Visser, Ron Burnett et al.;
accessible at http://basarab-nicolescu.fr/on_line_articles.php,
11 Rapport to UNESCO of the International Commisssion on Education for the Twenty First
Century,
1994http://www.unesco.org/pv_obj_cache/pv_obj_id_5103980EA9B7368319D2734CE965F
8B9C7FF0600/filename/delors_e.pdf,
12 Mureşan, M., Practicing Transdisciplinary Methodology within the Frame of a Traditional
Educational System, Transdisciplinary Journal of Engineering § Science, Vol. 4, 2013, pp.
137-147.
84
Nº 10
NOTES
13Mustea, A., Mureşan, M., Herman, C., Integrating E-Learning into the Transdisciplinary
Methodology as a Solution to the Challenges of 21st Century Society, presented at the
International Conference Teachers for the Knowledge Society, 24-27 October 2013, Sinaia, Romania
14 Mustea, A., Mureşan, M., Herman,C., Integrating E-Learning into the Transdisciplinary
Methodology as a Solution to the Challenges of 21st Century Society, paper presented at the
International Conference Teachers for the Knowledge Society, 24-27 October 2013, Sinaia, Romania
15 Mureşan, M., coord., Transdisciplinaritatea de la un experiment spre un model didactic, Junimea, Iaşi, with a foreword written by Basarab Nicolescu, 2010
16 A metaphorical title was given to the topic: “The AnonymousBehind the Mask”. It deals with
the relationship between essence and appearance, between what can be “seen” and what is usually hidden, in both the outer and inner universe, on both a human and cosmic level. The content
of the curriculum was structured on three learning unities as follows: The “masks” of the human
being: the scientist, the artist, the religious man, the social man;The “masks” of the world: the
infinite, the space-time, the gold-number, the Mobius strip, the camouflage in nature; Beyond
the mask.
17 Mureşan, M., Flueraş, J., Towards a New Paradigm of Education in the 21st Century Society,
The International Journal of Learning, 16, Issue 8, 2010, pp.207-220, accessible at
http://ijl.cgpublisher.com/product/pub.30/prod.2343
18 Mureşan, M., A Transidsciplinary “Reading” of the Water, in “T” Journal, no.2, edited by
The Trasdisciplinary Center of Educational Applications from “Moise Nicoara” National
College, Arad, 2012, http://www.moisenicoara.ro/t-journal-no-2/
Educational System. Transdisciplinary Journal of Engineering § Science, Vol. 4, 2013, pp. 137147.
20 Niclolescu, B., Transdisciplinary Evolution of Learning, Talk at the American Educational
Research Association (AERA), Annual Meeting, Montréal, Canada, April 1999, Round-Table
„Overcoming the Underdevelopment of Learning: A Trandsdisciplinary View”, with the
participation of Leon Lederman (Nobel Prize of Physics), Jan Visser, Ron Burnett et al., 1999,
accessible at http://basarab-nicolescu.fr/on_line_articles.php
Educational System. Transdisciplinary Journal of Engineering § Science, Vol. 4, 2013, pp. 137147.
22 OAD is organised in partnership with the South African National Research Foundation
(NRF). Founded in 2011, its main missions are: Universities and Research; Children and
Schools; and Public Outreach.
23 http://www.light2015.org/Home/About.html
This article has been presented in part as a conference paper to “EWASS 2014 European Week of Astronomy and Space Science”, Geneva, 30 June - 4 July 2014.
REFERENCES
G r a s s i e , W. , ( 2 0 1 0 ) , R e i n v e n t i n g S c i e n c e E d u c a t i o n i n t h e 2 1 s t C e n t u r y,
http://www.grassie.net/articles/2010_educate.html,
Mureşan, M., ( 2010) coord., Transdisciplinaritatea de la un experiment spre un model didactic, Junimea, Iaşi, with a foreword written by Basarab Nicolescu,
Mureşan, M., Flueraş,J.( 2010) J., Towards a New Paradigm of Education in the 21st Century Society,
The International Journal of Learning, 16, Issue 8, http://ijl.cgpublisher.com/product/pub.30/prod.2343
Mureşan, M., ( 2012) A Transidsciplinary “Reading” of the Water, in “T” Journal, no.2, edited by The
Trasdisciplinary Center of Educational Applications from “Moise Nicoara” National College, Arad,
http://www.moisenicoara.ro/t-journal-no-2/
Mustea, A., Mureşan, M., Herman,C.,(2013) Integrating E-Learning into the Transdisciplinary
Methodology as a Solution to the Challenges of 21st Century Society, paper presented at the
International Conference Teachers for the Knowledge Society, , Sinaia, Romania
Nicolescu, B.,( 1997), The Transdisciplinary Evolution of the University Condition for Sustainable
Development; Talk at the International Congress "Universities' Responsabilities to Society",
Niclolescu, B.,(1999) Transdisciplinary Evolution of Learning, Talk at the American Educational
Research Association (AERA), Annual Meeting, Montréal, Canada, , Round-Table „Overcoming the
Underdevelopment of Learning: A Trandsdisciplinary View”, with the participation of Leon Lederman
( N o b e l P r i z e o f P h y s i c s ) , J a n Vi s s e r, R o n B u r n e t t e t a l . ; a c c e s s i b l e a t
http://basarab-nicolescu.fr/on_line_articles.php
Nicolescu, B., (2002), Noi, particula şi lumea (Nous, la particule et le monde, translated in Romaian),
Polirom, Iaşi,
Nicolescu, B. (2002), Manifesto of Transdisciplinarity [Trans. K-C. Voss]. NY: SUNY.
Nicolescu, B. (2005), Transdisciplinarity: Theory and Practice. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.
Nicolescu, B. (2006). International Congresses on Transdisciplinarity [Interview given by Basarab Nicolescu to Professor Augusta Thereza de Alvarenga of the Faculty of Public Health, University of São
Paulo, Brazil]. Retrieved from
http://basarab.nicolescu.perso.sfr.fr/Basarab/Docs_articles/InterviewAlvarengaENG.ht
Nicolescu, B. (2006). Transdisciplinarity – Past, Present and Future. In B. Haverkott and C. Reijntjes
(Eds.), Moving Worldviews, Moving Worldviews, Leusden, the Netherlands: ETC/Compas, 4, Retrieved from http://basarab-nicolescu.fr/Docs_articles/Worldviews2006.htm,
P i a g e t , J ( . 1 9 7 2 ) , L’ e p i s t e m o l o g i e d e s r e l a t i o n s i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a i r e s ,
http://ciret-transdisciplinarity.org/index.php
Rapport to UNESCO of the International Commisssion on Education for the Twenty First Century,
1994
http://www.unesco.org/pv_obj_cache/pv_obj_id_5103980EA9B7368319D2734 Mureşan, M.,(2013)
Practicing Transdisciplinary Methodology within the Frame of a Traditional Educational System,
T r a n s d i s c i p l i n a r y J o u r n a l o f E n g i n e e r i n g § S c i e n c e , Vo l . 4 ,
CE965F8B9C7FF0600/filename/delors_e.pdf
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Nº 10
La solidaridad: una visión social e histórica
Solidarity: a Social and Historical View
Resumen: Este artículo pretende dar una visión sobre la evolución de la solidaridad y su
representación en diferentes ámbitos de la actualidad. Se abordarán los sistemas que se han
basado en la caridad para luego centrarnos en la expresión de valores solidarios en la
actualidad, su repercusión en las políticas sociales, profesiones sociales y sociedad civil.
Abstract: This article is about the evolution of solidarity concept and its representation in
different scopes of today. We have written about charity systems and then we try to focus on
about the expression of solidarity values at the present and its impact in the social politics,
social jobs and civil society.
Palabras clave: Solidaridad, Caridad, Movimiento Obrero, Movimientos Sociales, Estado del
Bienestar, Políticas Públicas, Trabajo Social.
Keywords: Solidarity, Charity, Working Movement, Social Movements, Welfare State, Public
Politics, Social Work.
Alejandro Sánchez Ródenas
Graduado en Historia en la Universidad de Alicante. Mestrando en Máster para Profesor de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria y Bachillerato,
Formación Profesional y Enseñanzas de Idiomas en la Universidad de
Salamanca.
Adrián Matea Zoroa
Graduado en Trabajo Social en la Universidad de Alicante. Mestrando
en Máster de Servicios Públicos y Políticas Sociales en la Universidad
de Salamanca.
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Introducción
Dice el ilustre Eduardo Galeano una frase comúnmente conocida: “la caridad es humillante porque se ejerce verticalmente y desde arriba; la solidaridad es horizontal e implica
el respeto mutuo”. Quizás al haber citado esta acertada frase, al menos a nuestro parecer,
podríamos resumir todo el artículo que pretendemos desarrollar, sin embargo, nos vemos en
la tesitura de desentrañar todas las ideas implícitas que de ella podemos obtener.
El mundo de la caridad
En los actuales Estados de Derecho en los que vivimos es una obligación, una responsabilidad y una característica natural de las personas ser solidarios, pero además el estado
debe promover todo tipo de decisiones vinculadas al término solidaridad. Sin embargo, no
siempre fue así y pese a que las personas de los diferentes grupos eran solidarias (pues es un
factor inherente al ser humano que vive en sociedad), el Estado u otros poderes no tenían la
obligación de cumplir con la solidaridad. Es por ello que la caridad se convertía en el único
amparo de aquellas personas que se encontraban en una situación de exclusión social.
Pero como antes se ha aclarado, pese a que el término solidaridad no estaba institucionalizado, siempre han existido modelos de cooperación y de apoyo mutuo en los
diferentes grupos desde la Antigüedad, aunque bien es cierto que cuando menor es el grupo
hay más confianza entre sus integrantes, lazos sociales más cercanos y por tanto mayores
prácticas solidarias. De ahí que cuando los grupos crecen y elevan su número, las actividades
solidarias se diluyen más (Gómez, 2005, p. 146) y lo más común es tender a la protección de
tu entorno más cercano (familia y amigos). Es la dinámica que también podemos encontrar
en cualquier momento de la historia y que siempre provocará que un buen número de
personas dependan de la beneficencia caritativa y de instituciones eclesiásticas.
actualidad mediante las operaciones de acogida, algunas ayudas más o menos importantes a
ONG o mediante actividades de misioneros. Sin embargo, también encontramos ejemplos de
caridad fuera del ámbito eclesiástico y claro ejemplo eran los hospitales para pobres, con el
fin de acoger a aquellas personas que no tenían los suficientes recursos como para ver solventadas sus necesidades socio-sanitarias. Incluso podemos decir que son creados para poder
apartar de las calles a aquellas personas que podían contagiar al resto de la población o que
daban una imagen negativa según las mentalidades del momento. Tienen su inicio durante la
Edad Media, pero se extienden y generalizan a lo largo de la historia encontrando un buen
número de ellos en el siglo XIX, obteniendo un gran impulso a lo largo de los sistemas del
Antiguo Régimen. En el caso de España encontramos varios de estos hospitales en zonas
rurales como el de Domingo Pérez y el de Erustes, sin embargo su cobertura era tan limitada
como sus recursos, aunque bien es cierto que llevan a cabo sus funciones desde el siglo XVI
hasta el siglo XIX (Martín, 2004, pp. 322-325).
Dicho todo esto, hay que resaltar que un mundo centrado en la caridad, es un mundo
que depende de la voluntad de la gente, por lo tanto todo aquel que necesita resolver alguna
de sus necesidades básicas se introduce en una dinámica en la cual puede recibir o no ayuda,
todo es mero azar, ya que nadie tiene la obligación de asumir un valor fundamental de
solidaridad. De ahí que los movimientos revolucionarios impulsados principalmente en el
siglo XIX dieran una importancia fundamental al término solidaridad y a la necesidad de la
cooperación y ayuda entre las personas, no por pena o lástima, sino por un sentimiento de
poder conseguir un bienestar social general mediante esta máxima y evitar la vulnerabilidad
de cualquier persona que esté cerca de la exclusión social o dentro de la misma, ya que la caridad es una postura ética con ayudas puntuales y asistenciales, que no cuestiona los sistemas
que generan desigualdades.
El mundo de la solidaridad
Por ejemplo, durante la Edad Media, los marginados existían para favorecer la
desigualdad social, ya que así las grandes fortunas siempre podían obtener los servicios de
estos a coste solo de cubrir las necesidades de alimentación de la persona, por lo tanto no suponía un gasto grande mantener a alguien que te sirviera y que produjera un beneficio que
solo el noble acapararía (Rodríguez, 2010, pp. 335-337). Esto es fruto de un sistema basado
en la caridad y su verticalidad, pues la caridad contribuye a la cronicidad de causas que han
provocado que las personas se encuentren en situación de pobreza y exclusión social.
Para algunos, el término solidaridad tiene su inicio durante el siglo XVII en Francia,
pero su gran extensión por toda Europa se produce en el siglo XIX con los movimientos obreros que luchaban contra el modelo de producción capitalista (Páez, 2013, p. 43). Aún así,
como antes hemos comentado, las prácticas solidarias de los diferentes grupos se daban
desde la Antigüedad, ya que no podemos entender la vida en sociedad sin la cooperación y la
ayuda mutua, pues caeríamos en el error de deshumanizar a las sociedades del pasado.
Son numerosas las prácticas de caridad que han ayudado a numerosas personas desamparadas a lo largo de la historia. La institución eclesiástica, en nuestro entorno más cercano,
quizás ha sido la que más prácticas de beneficencia ha llevado a cabo y sigue llevando en la
Pero volviendo a la aparición y generalización del término, hay que apuntar que
durante la Revolución Francesa, la cual tenía como ideales máximos la creación de un estado
de derechos y democracia para todos, solo podía conseguir sus metas mediante solidaridad
entre los trabajadores (Abendroch, 1965, p. 15). Estas ideas calaron mucho y rápidamente el
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término solidaridad se internacionalizó, encontrando numerosas respuestas en países como
Inglaterra donde los trabajadores, hartos de ser sustituidos por las máquinas emanadas de la
tradición de la Revolución Industrial, creaban agrupaciones con el único fin de una
cooperación colectiva y solidaria.
Fue Durkheim quien afirmó que los diferentes grupos sociales requerían de
solidaridad social y que esta se desarrolla en las diferentes actividades, ya que está dentro de
la conciencia colectiva (Garland, 1990, pp. 39-40). Se podría decir que este es el primer sociólogo que busca dar una respuesta a las dinámicas solidarias dentro de los grupos.
Pero dicho todo esto surge la siguiente pregunta, ¿se contemplaba la idea de
solidaridad antes de la Revolución Francesa? La respuesta bien la podemos obtener de Fernández Segado, quien nombrando a Pérez-Barba, dice que éste defiende la idea de que la
solidaridad desde los antiguos hasta el siglo XVIII, se contempla como una virtud, visto
desde un punto de vista más religioso, sin embargo, el término dará un giro a su definición a
partir de ese momento, para convertirse en un valor fundamental para luchar contra un
sistema capitalista nada solidario que solo piensa en el enriquecimiento individual y en la persona como un elemento más de la producción, deshumanizándola y alienando su trabajo
(Fernández, 2012, p.142-143). Es un valor común por el que luchar por derechos como la
educación, la sanidad, la igualdad, la libertad, etc. muy vinculado además con las corrientes
de pensamiento ilustrado que revalorizaron al ser humano, dándole el protagonismo necesario
para que tomara las riendas de su destino sin dejarse menospreciar.
Solo solidariamente se podía forjar un mundo nuevo y así lo
entendían los movimientos revolucionarios del XIX, cuando el
término es conocido por todos y se eleva a las cotas más altas.
Quizás el exponente más claro de solidaridad fue la
Internacional, la cual ayudó y apoyó a que los obreros pudieran
sacar de sí mismos lo mejor de sus conciencias políticas y
sociales (Abendroth, 1965, p. 43), además de que tuvo la
intención de unirlos a todos a nivel global y que lucharan por
sus derechos bajo unos valores comunes.
Fueron numerosos los autores que trataron el tema de la solidaridad desde el punto de
vista social, del derecho, filosófico, etc. tratando también los movimientos colectivos que marcaban el camino del lema “la unión hace la fuerza”. De este modo entramos en el siglo XX
donde la II Internacional, que había empezado su andadura en 1889, aún ahondó más en la
necesidad de valores comunes entre todos los obreros por los que poder luchar. Así siguieron
creándose sindicatos, partidos obreros, asociaciones y organizaciones por toda Europa (Aben-
droth, 1965, p. 67-71). Pero como bien indica Bertrand Russell, quien termina su obra “Los
caminos de libertad” en 1918, comienza a existir una mayor profesionalización del trabajo y
es muy difícil que el obrero experto se una en una misma lucha al obrero inexperto, ya que el
primero de ellos es un aristócrata prácticamente del mundo laboral y por tanto se convierte en
un pequeño capitalista (Russell, 1918, p. 35).
Pero desvinculándonos ahora de los movimientos obreros que tanto protagonismo
tuvieron, existe en el siglo XX un gran movimiento solidario posterior a la Segunda Guerra
Mundial, donde el Estado del Bienestar es la idea a la que todos los países europeos occidentales que han quedado excesivamente dañados aspiran, con el único fin de la ayuda mutua que
combata las heridas de la guerra (Alemán y García, 1998, p. 18). De este modo países como
Alemania, Inglaterra, Francia, etc. comienzan a mentalizarse de que son totalmente necesarias
unas buenas políticas en sanidad, educación, empleo, así como implantar el resto derechos
sociales.
Solidaridad en la historia más cercana
En los años más cercanos a la actualidad, las ideas de solidaridad deben ser amparadas
por completo por el estado en los países de talante democrático, ya que es un derecho social
de la ciudadanía que se promuevan políticas sociales que cubran las necesidades de los individuos en su vida en sociedad. Sin embargo, podemos decir que sucede un problema de
sistema muy parecido al que se encontraron aquellos obreros que iniciaron allá por el siglo
XVIII y XIX, al menos en el contexto más cercano en el que nos desenvolvemos, ya que la
mano de obra está muy devaluada y el sistema capitalista sigue enriqueciendo a unos pocos,
pese a que sí que parece que en temas de bienestar se ha mejorado, gracias sobre todo a los
avances en ciencia y tecnología. Además, un mercado despiadado a nivel global está haciendo
aún más grandes las desigualdades sociales mundiales. Aún así, siguen surgiendo
movimientos sociales, aún muy diseminados y separados, que intentan combatir los
problemas de justicia social más cercanos a sus entornos, luchando por las responsabilidades
solidarias que deben tener los Estados y sus gobiernos con toda la población, dejando de lado
la visión de un Estado paternalista que pueda provocar la reducción de la autonomía del individuo (Vidal, 1993, p.90).
Y es en estos días de profundas y aceleradas transformaciones sociales, culturales,
económicas y tecnológicas cuando el Estado y el Mercado están siendo incapaces de afrontar
las nuevas problemáticas surgidas: paro de larga duración, problemas ecológicos, aumento
cuantitativo y cualitativo de la exclusión social, segregación espacial… donde una minoría de
españoles controlan la mayor parte de la riqueza nacional (visible en el aumento de las ventas
de los bienes de lujo), mientras las clases populares han pasado de tener capacidad para consu-
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mir “bienes de ocio” a no poder ni cubrir sus necesidades básicas como alimentación,
vivienda… viéndose obligados a acudir a organizaciones caritativas que sirven además para
limpiar la mala conciencia de la clase dirigente. Ante esto, el Estado ha llevado a cabo
diferentes políticas (supervisadas por FMI, CE, BCE) tendentes a disminuir el peso del Estado
del Bienestar, volviendo a provocar un deterioro de los derechos sociales de la ciudadanía y
reduciendo la inversión social justo en el momento que más se necesita, produciendo más
pobreza que desarrollo, dirigiendo la crisis como si fuera de inflexión (de exceso de demandas) cuando estamos ante una crisis de falta de inversión (Della, 2013, pp. 24-30) algo que
también están aprovechando grupos y partidos de extrema derecha que financian la satisfacción de necesidades básicas de alimentación y alojamiento para captar súbditos, siguiendo el
legado de la caridad comentado anteriormente (Alaminos, 2014, p.50). Estamos retrocediendo
en los conceptos de Estado de Bienestar, en derechos ciudadanos y en el concepto en sí mismo
de democracia encontrándonos en una crisis no solo del neoliberalismo capitalista, sino de
legitimidad del Estado (Della, 2013, pp.26-30), con un empobrecimiento masivo dentro de un
contexto económico desarrollado, que se ha convertido en una novedad histórica (Alaminos,
2014, p.51) con una rotunda criminalización de la pobreza y como un problema a afrontar en
nuestro país.
La protección social como elemento básico de las democracias permite establecer
solidaridad a través de las políticas públicas que conllevan justicia social, que permite redistribuir los bienes y luchar contra la exclusión social. Esta acción pública basada en la
solidaridad es parte de la identidad cultural colectiva, reconociendo a las personas con su
propia identidad e individualidad, generando una visión común del nosotros (Ostau, 2009,
p.30). Ante la renuncia del Estado de garantizar este mínimo de bienestar social, la sociedad
civil vuelve a reaccionar a través de la solidaridad popular para cubrir los ámbitos sociales de
la desigualdad, en un contexto en el que mientras la reacción neoliberal trata de salvar a las
economías, la reacción ciudadana trata de salvar a las personas dando una respuesta colectiva
a necesidades sociales compartidas por la población, dejando de lado la visión individual de
las problemáticas para darles un matiz social en el que diversas personas se unen para combatir los mismos problemas, volviendo a convertir la democracia como veía Richmond (1962)
en un hábito cotidiano. Esto se puede visibilizar en los movimientos sociales contemporáneos
como por ejemplo los basados en la temática de vivienda a través de la Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH), un movimiento horizontal, no violento, asambleario y apartidista,
que ante las situaciones de inexistente intervención estatal y asistencialismo promovido en los
Servicios Sociales en materia de vivienda (ayuda de alimentos, listas de acceso a vivienda
pública con retrasos de 5 años…) se encargan de acompañar en los procesos de cambio a las
personas, poniendo en común problemáticas (las islas están unidas por aquello que les separa)
para conseguir apoyo mutuo y organizacional de los afectados, desencadenando en movilizaciones populares para exigir que se cumplan sus derechos como ciudadanos y mejorar la
situación general de la población buscando una verdadera equidad, ya que son conscientes de
que todas las personas son iguales pero no todas parten en condiciones de igualdad.
Resulta curioso como nuestro sistema socioeconómico excluye a los “más débiles”,
quienes son capaces de autoorganizarse a través de los movimientos sociales basados en la
solidaridad e igualdad, para enfrentarse a aquellos que se ven como los “más fuertes”: bancos
que impulsan desahucios, jueces que los ordenan y policía que ejecuta a través de la violencia.
Sin embargo, los “débiles” por medio de la movilización, lucha y trabajo colectivo son tan
fuertes que son capaces de parar un desahucio, demostrando a ese 1% oligarca la relatividad
del concepto débil-fuerte.
Solamente la movilización y la organización de la sociedad civil está siendo capaz de
afrontar los fallos del sistema, poniendo de manifiesto la existencia de una base potencial para
la creación de una forma de responder a los retos sociales a los que se enfrenta la Humanidad
en este periodo histórico, intentando construir un puente que conecte las instituciones con la
sociedad (Salinas, 2003, p.80). Así se fomentará esa responsabilidad social de la ciudadanía
para avanzar en la inteligencia compartida con el fin de establecer una igualdad de posiciones,
con la exigencia de restaurar la redistribución progresiva de la renta como único medio de recuperar la cohesión social, la confianza recíproca, la cooperación solidaria y la participación
popular en defensa del interés general (de la Red, 2014, p.41).
Solidaridad popular en forma de movimientos sociales
Los movimientos sociales promueven la visión de lo común, en la cual los ciudadanos
participan en el desarrollo de la protección social, clamando por la intervención del Estado y
pidiendo políticas participativas del tejido social como sujetos activos, en las cuales el bienestar sea dominio de los ciudadanos (Della, 2013, p.33) haciendo compatible el mecanismo del
mercado con las exigencias de la justicia, ya que sin justicia no hay libertad real.
Los movimientos sociales han supuesto una organización popular de la
solidaridad que conduce al robustecimiento de la Sociedad Civil, actuando como
contrapoderes al poder político y económico hegemónico, conllevando a un fortalecimiento y extensión de los lazos existentes dentro de la comunidad. Se actúa así bajo
un modelo comunitario que surge y se desarrolla dentro de la comunidad y cuyo
vínculo de unión entre las personas que lo forman es espontáneo y natural (Aluminos, 2014, p.51).
Ésto ha supuesto una forma de participación en la sociedad, que disciplinas como el
Trabajo Social (Raya, 2005, p.3) conciben como el acceso real de las personas a las decisiones
que les afectan, influyendo y asumiendo responsabilidades personales a través de la concienci-
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ación sobre la problemática, la posibilidad de cambio a través de la participación ciudadana (llevando a la práctica artículos constitucionales como el 23 y 129), búsqueda común de soluciones
consiguiendo relaciones de igualdad y pertenencia en la comunidad. Toda esta acción será a
través de la solidaridad comunitaria, constituyéndose como una verdadera forma de
democratizar la sociedad.
Además, han favorecido un empoderamiento de las personas que forman parte de ellos,
impulsando la modificación de las políticas públicas en los procesos que Ander-Egg (1985, pp.
40-60) denominaba como:
los recursos existentes, de y en la comunidad, dándose máximos niveles de participación en los
procesos comunitarios, que no distinguen de sexo ni lugar de nacimiento, entendiendo que los
logros se han conseguido gracias a la implicación de todas las personas (Fernández, 2014). De
esta manera se demuestra que los ciudadanos organizados y sin violencia son capaces de cambiar la Historia a través de la solidaridad popular, algo que entendía muy bien el histórico Marcelino Camacho que aseguró antes de fallecer que “entre los seres humanos tiene que imperar la
solidaridad para superar esta explotación actualmente despiadada que marca el mundo en el que
vivimos”.
Exigencias e implicaciones del Trabajo Social
• Personalizador: los ciudadanos se han convertido en sujetos motores del proceso de cambio.
• Concientizador: los ciudadanos han adquirido capacidades de ver todo lo que pueden conseguir como personas y miembros de la comunidad, a través de la unión, organización y
movilización.
• Socializador: los ciudadanos colaboran entre todos para fomentar la igualdad social.
Los integrantes de estos movimientos han pasado a ser actores y agentes de cambio del
medio que les rodea, dejando atrás visiones de inmovilismo y conformismo que promueven la
exclusión social, creando redes de apoyo y movilizaciones auto-organizadas para intervenir
sobre la situación actual. Las acciones han contribuido a impulsar sentimientos de solidaridad
entre los afectados, rescatando principios colectivos y de comunidad con los que las personas
dejan de lado las características que los hacen diferentes para contribuir de una forma común a
la solución de sus propios problemas, lo que también influye en su capacidad autónoma para
tomar sus propias decisiones sobre problemáticas que afectan otras áreas de su vida. Las
personas que forman estos movimientos sociales son más críticas con el mundo que les rodea,
creando su propia opinión personal, desarrollando valores de solidaridad, igualdad y justicia
social, incidiendo en la capacidad de poner los medios para transformar de forma positiva en la
realidad, como en el caso de la Corrala de Viviendas la Utopía en Sevilla, que fue el nacimiento
de una manera de auto-organizarse y tomar fuerza como grupo para recuperar, a través de la
participación y movilización ciudadana, las viviendas y recursos que las entidades bancarias y el
poder oligarca les había arrebatado, dejando ver como los movimientos sociales se han
convertido en una fuerte alternativa de intervención basada en el empoderamiento personal, grupal y comunitario para contestar a la falta de intervención pública en situaciones de exclusión,
desigualdad e injusticia.
Los ciudadanos ya no son sujetos aislados culpables de su situación, sino que el
empoderamiento experimentado provoca que incorporen una mirada estructural y aprovechen
Partiendo de la idea de que no hay que trabajar para las personas, sino con las personas,
el Trabajo Social como disciplina está totalmente relacionado con los movimientos sociales en
cuanto a que éstos luchan por los derechos sociales, creando alianzas entre usuarios y
profesionales, en las que los primeros demandan que se les tenga en cuenta para dar solución al
problema, y los segundos deben reclamar facilidades públicas para desarrollar adecuadamente
su función, buscando el mismo fin: la dignidad de las personas (Della, 2013, pp.30-33), en tanto
que los trabajadores sociales son agentes de cambio que acompañan a las personas en sus
procesos personales y superación de adversidades, pues trabajan con las capacidades internas de
las personas y con los recursos internos y de la comunidad, dejando a un lado las intervenciones
asistenciales basadas en metodologías caritativas, poniendo a la disciplina en el lugar que
siempre le ha correspondido: de los ciudadanos para los ciudadanos (García, 2014, pp.72-75).
Como explica Ander-Egg (1979, p.364) “El Trabajo Social tiene una función de concientización, movilización y organización del pueblo para que en un proceso de formación del autodesarrollo, individuos, grupos y comunidades realizando proyectos de trabajo social. Inserta críticamente y actuando en sus propias organizaciones, participen activamente en la realización de
un proyecto político que signifique el tránsito de una situación de dominación y marginalidad a
otra de plena participación del pueblo en la vida política, económica y social de la nación que
cree las condiciones necesarias para un nuevo modo de ser hombre” en la que los trabajadores
sociales deben reavivar la conciencia colectiva de que no es válida la resignación y de que hay
que fijarse objetivos y luchar por ellos para como dice Castel (2009, p.10) “Intentar poner al
descubierto las relaciones de poder que estructuran la vida social… y que, por lo tanto, el trabajo
del pensamiento consiste en la denuncia de estas relaciones de poder y por ende de la resistencia”.
En nuestro contexto, los profesionales del Trabajo Social deben seguir las indicaciones
de T. Fernández y A. López(2008 p.286) de “dar poder, dar capacidad, dar libertad tanto a cada
persona, a través de la interacción social comunitaria, como a la comunidad que actúa como
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sujeto colectivo para abordar problemas que sólo mediante la acción colectiva pueden resolverse”. Las actuaciones de los movimientos sociales basadas en la solidaridad, la igualdad y
participación directa en la solución de los problemas comunes, pueden servir de base para la
creación de esas formas autogestionadas promotoras del cambio social, facilitando el
desarrollo integral de las personas y sirviendo como motor del cambio histórico-social.
Ante todo lo desarrollado en este artículo, podemos proponer el concepto de Trabajo
Social con los Movimientos Sociales como el desarrollo de la profesión bajo una visión
comunitaria de acción-reflexión-acción que identifica las debilidades y amenazas del
movimiento en sí para mejorarlas y sus fortalezas y oportunidades para utilizarlas en el
empoderamiento de la población a través de la solidaridad, igualdad y unión sobre
características o necesidades compartidas para que como grupo y/o equipo sean capaces de
afrontar las problemáticas existentes, traspasando el aprendizaje y refuerzo colectivo a cada
persona individual, para mitigar situaciones de aislamiento social y baja autoestima, convirtiéndose en verdaderos agentes de cambio.
Conclusiones
Tras este análisis y las reflexiones llevadas a cabo, concluimos que la solidaridad ha
provocado una contestación coyuntural a las necesidades sin cubrir, dando cohesión interna a
las sociedades. Sin embargo, ésta no puede ni debe sustituir los derechos sociales, económicos y culturales, conseguidos tras largos procesos históricos y que deben ser amparados por
políticas de las Administraciones Públicas para conseguir la justicia social.
Referencias bibliográficas
Della Porta, D. (2013). “Neoliberalismo amoral y protestas morales, movimientos sociales en tiempos de crisis”.Servicios Sociales y Política Social, 103, pp. 21-38.
Fernández García, A., Egido Díaz, R. (2014). “El trabajo social comunitario “¡Sí se puede!”: Ejemplos prácticos de satisfacción de necesidades sociales”. Azarbe, 3, pp. 263-269.
Fernández Segado, F. (2012). “La solidaridad como principio constitucional”. Teoría y realidad constitucional, 30, pp. 139-181.
Fernández García, T., López Peláez, A. (2008): Trabajo Social comunitario: afrontando juntos los
desafíos del siglo XXI. Alianza. Madrid.
García-Palma, M.B, Sánchez-Mora Molina, M.I. y Millán Jiménez, A. (2014). “El deterioro de los
derechos sociales en el concepto de ciudadanía de las sociedades avanzadas. Implicaciones para el
trabajo social”. Azarbe, 3, pp. 69-75.
García Giráldez, T., Nogués Sáez, L., Martín Estalayo, M. y Roldán García, E. (2014). “El Trabajo
Social reformista en tiempos de cambio”. Azarbe, 3, pp. 77-82.
Garland, D. (1990). Castigo y sociedad moderna. Siglo XXI. México D.F.
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Monitoring the Greek Case during the Financial Crisis
Παρακολουθώντας την Υπόθεση της Ελλάδας κατά τη
Διάρκεια της Κρίσης
Abstract
Απόσπασµα
In the effort to inform, condemn and most importantly prevent global poverty this paper
examines the promises and policies of Greek politicians during the Greek crisis and its social
effects and consequences on people’s lives and rights. Aim of this paper is not only to
condemn poverty and the Greek politicians’ broken promises (that played a significant role in
the country’s bad course) but also to put a global pressure on governments in order to take
substantial measures to deal with poverty and protect their citizens properly. Through the
study of various sources it becomes apparent that the financial crisis that stroke the country
had inevitable and catastrophic consequences on the country’s prosperity. Lies, wrong
policies and bad governance within the country seriously aggravated the situation. As a
result, the unemployment rates increased and many civilians were forced to live under
conditions of extreme poverty without any help or protection. The case of Greece is only one
example among many other countries around the world that have been lost in the abyss due
to poverty and corrupted political systems. The key element to welfare is the promotion and
the maintenance of the following core values: solidarity, freedom, human dignity, tolerance,
social justice and the rule of law.
Σε µία προσπάθεια να πληροφορήσει, να καταδικάσει και σηµαντικότερα να αποτρέψει την
παγκόσµια φτώχεια, αυτό το άρθρο εξετάζει τις υποσχέσεις και πολιτικές των Ελλήνων
πολιτικών κατά τη διάρκεια της Ελληνικής οικονοµικής κρίσης, τις κοινωνικές της
επιδράσεις και τις συνέπειες της στις ζωές και τα δικαιώµατα των ανθρώπων. Σκοπός αυτού
του άρθρου δεν είναι µόνο να καταδικάσει την φτώχεια και τις ανεκπλήρωτες υποσχέσεις
των Ελλήνων πολιτικών (που διαδραµάτησαν σηµαντικό ρόλο στην κακή πορεία της χώρας),
αλλά και να ασκήσει παγκόσµια πίεση στις κυβερνήσεις µε σκοπό τη λήψη ουσιαστικών
µέτρων για την αντιµετώπιση της ανέχειας και την σωστή προστασία των πολιτών. Μέσα
από τη µελέτη διαφόρων πηγών καθίσταται προφανές ότι η οικονοµική κρίση που έπληξε τη
χώρα είχε αναπόφευκτες και καταστροφικές συνέπειες για την ευηµερία της.Ψέµατα,
λανθασµένες πολιτικές και κακή διακυβέρνηση στο εσωτερικό της χώρας επιδείνωσαν
σοβαρά την κατάσταση. Ως αποτέλεσµα, τα ποσοστά ανεργίας αυξήθηκαν και πολλοί
πολίτες αναγκάστηκαν να ζουν σε συνθήκες ακραίας ανέχειας, χωρίς καµία βοήθεια ή
προστασία. Η υπόθεση της Ελλάδας είναι µόνο ένα παράδειγµα ανάµεσα σε πολλές άλλες
χώρες του κόσµου που έχουν χαθεί στην άβυσσο εξαιτίας της φτώχειας και των
διεφθαρµένων πολιτικών συστηµάτων. Το στοιχείο κλειδί για την επίτευξη της ευηµερίας
είναι η προώθηση και η διατήρηση των παρακάτω βασικών αξιών: αλληλεγγύη, ελευθερία,
ανθρώπινη αξιοπρέπεια, ανοχή, κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη και κράτος δικαίου.
Keywords: Greece, Financial crisis, Solidarity, Poverty, Politicians, Promises
Λέξεις κλειδιά: Ελλάδα, Οικονοµική κρίση, Αλληλεγγύη, Φτώχεια, Πολιτικοί, Υποσχέσεις
Athanasia Zagorianou
Strathclyde University, Master in Human Rights Law, Researcher &
Member, Trustees Council, Citizens’ Rights Watch (CRW)
E-mail: [email protected], / [email protected]
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Introduction
In 2005, under the resolution 60/209, United Nations General Assembly (UNGA)
declared 20 December as the International Human Solidarity Day (UN, 2008).
This day is all about bringing people together to promote unity and solidarity towards
the initiative to fight poverty. A day that reminds and prompts politicians and governments to
keep their promises and stand up for their countries’ prosperity, peace and sustainable progress.
According to the UN’s official website
“Solidarity is identified in the Millennium Declaration as one of the
fundamental values of international relations in the 21st Century,
wherein those who either suffer or benefit least deserve help from
those who benefit most.”
Since 2009 and the outburst of the financial crisis in Greece, the Mediterranean
country is one of the countries that suffer the most and have benefited the least among the
other countries-members of the European Union (EU).
Financial Crisis & Broken Promises
The financial crisis arose in 2007, in a rather shady and relatively unfamiliar to the
majority of people, part of the U.S. economic system. Triggered by the known “United States
housing bubble”, the 2007-2008 financial crisis soon led to the 2008–2012 global recession
and subsequently affected Eurozone by contributing to its sovereign-debt (Baily and Elliot,
2009 & Lin and Treichel, 2012).
Although the crisis that the EU faces has been mainly correlated with Greece, the
truth is that it has also dramatically shaken many countries of the Southern Europe. It is a fact
though that Greece is one of the most affected and weakest among other member states of the
Euro area.
Findings have revealed that some of the most important causes of the Greek
economic crisis (among others) were: the country’s long history of budget deficits
(particularly since 1973), the extensive dimensions of tax evasion, bribery, political
corruption, falsified data and political interfering in the country’s deficit and debt statistics
(European Commission, 2010).
In 2009, serious concerns about the country’s economy and the possibility of a
coming debt crisis had already raised within the country. Although it seems that the crisis had
already knocked Greece’s door, Prime Minister Georgios Papandreou decided to conceal it.
In his pre-election speech Papandreou stated with confidence that the country has the money
that are needed to pull Greece out of a financial crisis claiming that “he will inject up to 3bn
euros into the [country’s] economy” (Papachelas, 2011 & BBC News, 2009). His preelections speeches/campaign were filled with “great” promises, with primary goal “to change
the country's course into one of law, justice, solidarity, green development and progress"(BBC News, 2011).
Ironically, soon after the Greek general election 2009, the elected prime minister,
Papandreou revealed that the country had “[a] budget deficit of 12.7% of GDP and a $410
billion public debt” (Crumley, 2010). Even though he had promised that there will not be any
tax rises and that Greek citizens will not be subjected to salary and pension reductions, he
failed to keep his promises and the situation soon changed dramatically.
In response to the dawn of the financial crisis, in 2010 the Greek government along
with Troika (European Union (EU), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the
European Central Bank (ECB)) introduced a strict austerity program in order to receive its
first bailout loan. However, that was only the beginning for civilians’ economic burdens and
soon the Greek government introduced more austerity measure packages, imposing more
taxes, salary, pension and benefits cuts and reductions on Greek citizens. T h e a u s t e r i t y
measures seriously affected the economic situation for the mid and lower-income classes,
measures that the Greek public did not welcome (Matsaganis et al, 2011, pp.8-11).
Even though United Nations (UN) independent expert on foreign debt and human
rights, Cephas Lumina had warned that the introduction of a second austerity package could
constitute a serious violation against the Greeks’ human rights, this did not stop the
government from going forward (OHCHR, 2011)
A massive wave of protests and riots full of anger and desperation erupted within the
country condemning Papandreou’s policies and the austerity measures. National strikes
started taking place more and more often while people began selling their properties to
survive and confront the new economic reality.
After Papandreou’s resignation, from 2011 to 2012 the country’s governance was
passed to many temporary hands (Lucas Papadimos and Panagiotis Pikramenos). In 2012,
Antonis Samaras won the General Elections and was appointed new Prime Minister.
Samara’s tactic to win the elections did not differ much from the one that Papandreou had
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adopted to win in 2009. In his pre-election speech Samaras promised to get the country in a
better course by stating that there will be “no other horizontal cuts, no more reduction in
wages and pensions, no more cuts in public investment programs, not more new taxes”(Athens, Zappeio Megaro - Speech of Antonis Samaras, 2012).
After his election, Samara’s promises for restoration of low pensions, new jobs and
others that for a moment had given hope to many Greeks, appeared to be a big lie.
Following the steps of his predecessor in government Papandreou, Samaras
introduced new austerity measures, also leaving behind him a long list of broken and
uncompleted promises to the Greek citizens.
In the view of the new austerity measures, people strongly doubted Samara’s
credibility. The rise of unemployment rates, the constant firings, the cuts and reductions in
benefits, pensions and salaries showed that the burdens of Greek citizens were just in the
beginning (Labropoulou et al, 2012 & Hellenic Statistical Authority, 2014).
Greek Crisis: The Consequences
The austerity measures introduced by the Greek government, its weak governmental
system, politicians’ broken promises and the new economic situation spread an intense
climate of frustration and social unrest across the country.
National strikes, daily protests and riots that reached their peak during the 2010-2012
period became a common phenomenon within the country. In the wake of the government’s
proposition for spending cuts and tax rises, a wide strike began on 5 May 2010 and was
followed by one of the biggest protests that have taken place in Greek history. The wide
protest that took place in the capital, Athens, resulted in violent clashes between the
authorities and the protestors and caused the injury of many and the death of three people
(Bilefsky, 2010).
Two of the most important consequences that the financial crisis and austerity
measures brought to people’s lives were the escalation of poverty and unemployment rates.
Many families started living under conditions of impoverishment, turning to charities and
NGOs for help and food. The austerity packages came in waves while basic needs such as
food, housing, health care and heating became luxurious necessities for middle and low
income citizens who saw their households’ incomes steadily shrink.
estimations. According to the 2014 Hellenic Statistical Authority’s data, from 2010 to 2013
Greek unemployment percentage increased from 19.5% to 27.8%.
Even though a few years ago Greece was considered to have one of lowest suicide
rates among EU countries, since 2010 suicide rates have sadly increased approximately 4045% (Chalari,2014, p.90). In 2014 it was noted that the suicide percentage has slightly
decreased showing some steps of improvement. Nevertheless, it is a fact that suicide incidents
are still high across the country (Chalari,2014).
One of the most concerning consequences was the outburst of racism and xenophobia
across the country (Egeland & Sunderland, 2012). The nation’s anger and desperation fed
discrimination and prejudices against immigrants and asylum seekers who started to be
targeted as the country’s biggest suffering. Racist feelings were triggered and started to
spread under the control of the extreme-right political party, Golden Dawn that have been
intensively criticized and accused for their extreme fascist perceptions and actions (Egeland
& Sunderland, 2012 &Smith- Spark, 2012). Human rights representatives strongly expressed
their concerns about the issue of violation against immigrants’ and asylum seekers’ rights
noting the worrying dimensions of the issue (Alafouzos, 2013).
Conclusion
Through the study of Greek politicians’ broken promises and the impact of the crisis
that led to the impoverishment of Greek citizens, this paper aimed to deliver a lesson of
benevolence and unite people under an initiative to eradicate poverty.
In the case of Greece, the economic crisis has been really hard for its people while the
politicians’ policies did not help improve the situation.
Watching a government ignore its nation’s needs and political leaders trick their
citizens with promises they are unable to keep (to get more votes), serious concerns rise about
the country’s governmental system. The weak Greek system of governance and its bad
decisions and policies are the main reasons for many people’s sufferings.
Poverty can bring more afflictions than people can possibly imagine. Suicide and
racist incidents are only a small sample of poverty’s horrible effects and the only way to
eradicate it and avoid its harsh face is by sharing the idea and value of solidarity amongst
governments, people, nations and countries.
In 2013, Greece had one of the highest poverty rates making the country one of the
poorest among EU members with a percentage of 34.6% as noted by Eurostat in its 2014
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Israel vs Palestina. Un proceso de paz necesario
Resumen: El conflicto palestino- israelí a lo largo de la historia. Un conjunto de
enfrentamientos e intentos de procesos de paz que, en esta “guerra de los cien años”, ha
cambiado y creado, periódicamente, los equilibrios y desequilibrios en Oriente Medio. La
intervención de la comunidad internacional, las alianzas, los intereses en juego, todos
factores que han afectado la paz, una paz que es necesaria.
Palabras claves: Israel, Palestina, Oriente Medio, ONU, proceso de paz, pacebuilding,
pacekeeping, análisis y resolución de conflictos.
Israel vs Palestine. A Necessary Peace Process
Abstract: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict throughout history. A set of confrontations and
attempts at peace processes that, in this “Hundred Years War”, has changed and created
periodically balances and imbalances in the Middle East. The intervention of the
international community, alliances, the interests involved, all factors affecting peace, a
peace that is needed.
Keywords: Israel, Palestine, Middle East, UN peace process, pacebuilding, pacekeeping,
analysis and resolution of conflicts.
Marco Cola
Tutor and Assistant in the University of Rome “La Sapienza”, in relation
to issues of geopolitics, political philosophy, and studies related to the
analysis and resolution of conflicts and peace processes. Freelance.
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Breve historia del conflicto palestino-israelí
Si quisiéramos investigar el origen profundo y ancestral del conflicto palestino- israelí,
cosa que nos será útil a la hora de entender algunas reivindicaciones, encontraríamos su narración ya en el Libro de la Génesis, es decir en aquella parte de los textos sacros, la Biblia, que
son reconocidos por las tres grandes religiones monoteístas que nacen en la región en cuestión.
En 1917, el ministro de asuntos exteriores británico, Arthur James Balfour envía una
carta al barón Lionel Walter Rothschild, líder de la comunidad judía británica, para que fuera
transmitida a la Federación Sionista de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda. En la carta se comentada
cuanto sigue:
Foreign Office,
November 2nd, 1917.
A Abram, Dios había prometido una progenie mas numerosa de las estrellas del firmamento, sin embargo, según narra la historia bíblica, su mujer Sarah, teniendo ya una edad avanzada, no podía tener hijos, por lo tanto Dios, hizo que la esclava, Agar, diera a la luz el primer
hijo de Abram, Ismael. Sucesivamente, también la mujer de Abram, Sarah se quedó embarazada del que habría sido el segundo hijo de Abram, Isaac. Es en este momento que, bíblicamente, empiezan los primeros problemas entre árabes (palestinos) y judíos (israelíes) visto
que, por celo, Agar e Ismael vendrán alejados de la casa de Abram e, Isaac y su progenie quedarán como heredes legítimos de la “tierra prometida”. Decimos que ahora empiezan los primeros problemas porque, siempre según la versión narrada en la Génesis, los hijos de Isaac formarán el pueblo judío y, los hijos de Ismael, el pueblo árabe.
A pesar de esta pequeña paréntesis religiosa que, indudablemente, contribuye a las tensiones entre Israel y Palestina, la historia del conflicto, en sentido mas tradicional e
internacional, empieza en 1897, año en el cual se realiza la primera cumbre mundial sionista,
en Basilea, y periodo histórico donde tienen lugar los primeros movimientos migratorios del
pueblo judío hacia los territorios palestinos. Sin embargo, en esta primera etapa, que durará
pocos años, el pueblo árabe decide no “intervenir”, ni tomar una posición clara y firme, en
relación a la inmigración de los judíos, postura que empieza a cambiar, en los primeros años
del 1900, cuando el pueblo judío y los movimientos sionistas darán vida a las primeras adquisiciones y ocupaciones de territorios palestinos (el primer Kibutz israelí se funda en 1909 a sur
del lago de Tiberiades, asentamiento conocido con el nombre de Kibutz de Degania), gracias al
nacimiento de los primeros movimientos nacionalistas árabes- palestinos que tenían como
objetivo lo de parar cuanto se estaba realizando por parte del pueblo judío que, día tras día,
tomaba la forma de una verdadera invasión.
Sin embargo, la situación se mantiene constante hasta el final de la Primera Guerra
Mundial, momento en el cual cae el imperio otomano que había controlado los territorio
“palestinos” por mas de cuatro siglos. Es en este momento que empiezan los “protectorados”
de los territorios situados en esta área, aun si hay que precisar que, en 1915, los acuerdos
Sykes- Picot, que fueron mantenidos secretos durante décadas, ya fijaban una subdivisión
importante de todo el territorio de Oriente Medio, en áreas de influencia.
Papel histórico clave es representado, al final de la Primera Guerra Mundial, por Gran
Bretaña, visto que la Sociedad de las Naciones, entrega, a la nación de su majestad la reina, el
mandato para poder administrar los territorio palestinos. Sin embargo, lo que había nacido
como un poder apto a ayudar la población local a formar sus propias instituciones, se transformó rápidamente, en la chispa que habría dado vida a un incendio que dura hasta nuestros
días.
D e a r L o r d R o t h s c h i l d , I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty’s Government,
the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has
b e e n s u b m i t t e d t o , a n d a p p r o v e d b y , t h e C a b i n e t : “His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the
achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done
which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish
communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any
other country”
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.
Yours sincerely
Arthur James Balfour
El documento, revisado numerosas veces antes de ser enviado y, después de la previa
“aprobado” de EE.UU., produjo efectos importantes, antes de la fin de la Primera Guerra Mundial, efectos por los cuales el territorio se ha visto profundamente modificado y que han marcado notablemente las relaciones entre la población árabe y la judía, relaciones que, sin duda,
habrían podido ser pacificas y fructificas.
En 1919 , con el tratado de Versalles, Palestina fue asignada al protectorado de Gran
Bretaña, a pesar de que, tanto los árabes como los judíos esperaban que el tratado sobre mencionado entregase la posibilidad a ambos pueblos de independizarse.
Sin embargo y, a pesar de los movimientos diplomático- internacionales, el flujo migratorio siguió aumentando, produciendo enfrentamientos esporádicos con el pueblo árabe – en el
1929 se registra la marcha hacia el Muro del Llanto por parte de centenares de sionistas que
reivindicaban el control de Jerusalén y que produjo una fuerte respuesta por parte del pueblo
árabe – , tanto es que en los años ’20 los judíos presentes en el territorio representaban alrededor del 10% de la población total, es decir, 84.000. Esta tendencia se registró también en la
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década siguiente y, al final de los años ’30 los judíos presentes en el territorio habían llegado a
ser mas de 360.000.
En 1939 la amenaza de la nueva guerra mundial y el miedo de una penetración alemana
en la zona, empujaron el entonces ministro ingles Eden a promover una estrategia basada en
una serie de acuerdos entre árabes y judíos y, a fomentar la constitución de un estado independiente fundamentado en las coexistencia étnica. Sin embargo, la propuesta del ministro británico
preveía una serie de limitaciones aptas a regular la “supremacía” judía en la zona y evitar fracturas con los países islámicos, por lo tanto, la inmigración judía fue teóricamente limitada por la
fijación de una cuota de personas no superior a 75.000.
Claro está que con la persecución del pueblo hebraico por parte del nazismo, esta limitación ha llevado a dos problemáticas fundamentales, la primera, se ha manifestado con el
aumento de víctimas por parte del nazismo, la segunda, con la falta de respecto de la cuota fijada y la creación de numerosos problemas y enfrentamientos entre judíos y árabes y, judíos y
autoridades británicas, autoridades que fueron definidas, por los sionistas, como hostil a los
judíos.
Todo cambió con el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, cuando, por diferentes
motivaciones, la inmigración judía no fue controlada mas por las autoridades británicas, tanto
es que, en 1947, Gran Bretaña anunció a la ONU su retiro de la región y, por lo tanto, la perdida de su estatus de “protector”. En el mismo año, la Asamblea General de la ONU, con
resolución 181, anuncia la división de la región en dos partes, división por la cual los judíos
habrían ocupado la zona del Negev, área que permitía una futura expansión y la acogida de
nuevos inmigrantes. Esta resolución fue aprobada por EE.UU.; URSS y Francia, mientras que,
Gran Bretaña se abstuvo y los países árabes; India; Grecia y Pakistán votaron en contra.
Otro “golpe de escena” ocurrió en 1948, año en el cual las tropas ingleses dejaron Oriente Medio y, en mayo, fue inmediatamente proclamado el Estado de Israel por el entonces
primer ministro israelí David Ben-Gurión. La proclamación y consecuente creación de este
nuevo estado produjo una reacción fuerte y directa por parte de los países árabes y, a partir de
este momento, empezaron los duros enfrentamientos entre las tropas regulares israelíes y las de
los países limítrofes, enfrentamientos que llevaron a la que podríamos definir “la tragedia de
los territorios ocupados”.
A partir del 1949, el pueblo que hasta entonces había sido la víctima
se transforma definitivamente en “carnicero”, visto que en relación a
los numerosos disturbios y manifestaciones que se habían creado
acerca de la proclamación del Estado de Israel, mas de 1 millón de
palestinos fueron expulsados de sus propios hogares y acogidos en
campos de refugiados puestos a disposición de los países árabes y de la
UNRWA, la misión de la ONU que, justamente, fue creada para entregar ayuda a los refugiados palestinos.
Sin embargo, en 1956, algo cambia visto que, los palestinos constituyen un movimiento
de liberación, Al-Fatah que empezará a colaborar con las fuerzas armadas de los países árabes
y a planificar acciones militares en los que habían llegado a ser los territorios israelíes.
En 1967, la decisión del entonces presidente egipcio Nasser de proclamar el bloqueo de
los barcos que atravesaban el golfo de Aqaba, provocó una grave crisis en la región, crisis a la
cual Israel contestó con medidas militares que se manifestaron bajo la forma de numerosos
bombardeos contra los países árabes, con tropas terrestres que ocuparon los territorios de Gaza,
Sherm el Sheikh, Cisjordania, Jerusalén, Sinaí, la Alta Galilea y los Altos del Golán. Este
conflicto armado pasó a la historia como “la guerra de los 6 días”, visto que los
enfrentamientos empezaron el 5 junio de 1967 y acabaron el 10 junio del mismo año.
El conflicto en Oriente Medio sigue extendiéndose incorporando también Líbano, país
que en 1968 viene fuertemente golpeado por los bombardeos israelí que afectaron principalmente a la capital, Beirut. Casi contemporáneamente, Francia, guiada por De Gaulle, empieza a
sostener de la pacificación de la área, apoyando la acción y las medidas diplomáticas de los
países árabes.
En 1969, Yasser Arafat empieza a ser el líder y la guía de la Organización para la Liberación de Palestina, Olp, nacida en 1964, fecha importante visto el papel fundamental que Arafat
jugará, a partir de este momento, en el conflicto palestino- israelí.
El 1972 es el año de la “Masacre de Múnich”. El 5 de septiembre de este año un comando armado de milicianos palestinos irrumpió en las habitaciones que hospedaban atletas
israelíes en la villa olímpica, secuestrando a 9 atletas y asesinando otros 2. El acontecimiento
dio vida a una serie de tentativas y negociados, los cuales acabaron con un “contraataque” de
las fuerzas especiales donde perdieron la vida cinco feddayyin, un policía y todos los rehenes.
Los años siguientes fueron caracterizados por numerosos e intensos conflictos en toda
la área de Oriente Medio, conflictos que involucraron casi todos los países árabes.
Como si las tensiones y los enfrentamientos armados no hubieran sido suficientes, en
1987 empieza la primera Intifada,caracterizada por el aumento exponencial de atentados y el
casi contemporáneo nacimiento de Hamas en Gaza, movimiento, este ultimo, que representaba
una alternativa “armada” a la mas laica Olp y a Al-Fatah.
Con el pasar de los años y, a pesar de algún intento de pacificación por parte de la
comunidad internacional, los conflictos siguieron caracterizando intermitentemente la región y
la frágil relación entre Israel y Palestina, hasta llegar al año 2000, cuando, el 29 de septiembre,
empezó la segunda Intifada que duró 5 años, produjo 5.516 bajas entre los palestinos, 1.063
bajas entre los israelíes y concluyó con una nueva “victoria” por parte de Israel y el bloqueo de
la Franja de Gaza.
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En 2004, Yasser Araft muere y, su cargo fue tomado por Abu Mazen líder del partido
moderado palestino de Al-Fatah. Mientras tanto, el otro partido palestino, Hamas, empieza a
ganar terreno en la Franja de Gaza, hasta ganar las elecciones en este territorio.
Además,, la misma resolución 181, preveía la tutela internacional de la ciudad de Jerusalén ,
habitada por 100.000 judíos y 105.000 árabes y reglamentaba una serie de prescripciones y
derechos varios que, teóricamente, tenían que gravar sobre los israelíes y los palestinos.
El 2006 representa un año de cambio institucional para Israel, visto que Ariel Sharon se
encuentra en estado vegetativo y su cargo viene tomado por el actual primer ministro Benjamín
Netanyahu que, como Sharon, pertenece al partido de derecha de Likud, promotor de una ocupación armada y de la sumisión de la autoridad política palestina.
Durante el mismo año, es decir en 1947, otra resolución, la 194 de la Asamblea General
de la ONU, que nunca fue respetada por el gobierno israelí, preveía que los prófugos y
refugiados palestinos tenían el pleno y completo derecho de volver a sus hogares en aquellos
territorio ocupados por los sionistas y que, solo un año después, el 14 mayo de 1948, habrían
empezado a hacer parte del Estado de Israel. Esta resolución, fue aplicada solo en pequeña parte
y, en territorios donde, las miras expansionistas de Israel ya se habían realizado o en áreas que
no tenían particular interés por el movimiento sionista.
En 2008, como contraofensiva al lanzamiento de algunos cohetes desde la Franja de
Gaza, Israel empezó la operación militar que pasó a la historia con el nombre de “plomo fundido”, operación que produjo 1.203 muertos, entre los cuales 450 niños, y mas de 5000 heridos,
todos palestinos.
Hemos llegado a nuestros días, caracterizados por nuevos enfrentamientos que, durante
el verano del 2014, por 51 días, han caracterizado la Franja de Gaza produciendo nuevas y numerosas bajas entre los civiles y sobre todo entre las filas de los palestinos. Durante este
verano, no obstante un temporal alejamiento debido a posturas diferentes, Hamas y Al-Fatah
sellan definitivamente su unión y confirman la creación/ consolidación de la que conocemos
como la Anp, la Autoridad Nacional Palestina, Autoridad que, actualmente, está gestionando las
negociaciones de paz con el gobierno de Tel Aviv y los mediadores internacionales.
Estudio del procedo de resolución de conflicto
Proceso de paz entre Israel y Palestina a lo largo de la historia
El proceso de paz entre Israel y Palestina se compone de un largo listado de tratados y
resoluciones de la ONU, tanto de la Asamblea General cuanto del Consejo de Seguridad, que
han intentado poner fin a un conflicto que ha caracterizado todo el 1900 y, por el momento, los
primeros 14 años del siglo XXI. No es casualidad que, hace casi 6 años, en un interesante articulo publicado el 8 de enero de 2009, el semanal británico The Economist, define el conflicto
palestino- israelí como “la guerra de los cien años” – The hunderes years’ war – definición que
fue dada durante el apogeo de la operación israelí “plomo fundido”.
Los tentativos que la comunidad internacional ha realizado en relación al proceso de paz
entre los dos actores principales del conflicto empiezan en 1947 con la resolución 181 de la
Asamblea General de la ONU, con la cual, en fecha 29 de noviembre, la Organización de las
Naciones Unidas creó la comisión especial UNSCOP y que preveía la división del los entonces
territorios de Palestina. Según cuanto dictado por la resolución 181, el 56,47% del territorio
tenia que ser habitado por 500.000 judíos y 325.000 árabes, mientras que el restante 43,53%
tenia que ser habitado por 807.000 árabes y 10.000 judíos – aquí cabe destacar que las áreas
asignadas a los sionistas eran, en parte, territorio que los mismos judíos habían quitado ilegalmente a los palestinos y que, entre el 1945 y el 1948, lo judíos siguieron realizando expropiaciones territoriales ilegales por las cuales, al momento de la división prevista por la resolución de
la ONU, el 75% de los territorios de Palestina se encontraban en las manos de los sionistas.
En 1949, la Asamblea General de la ONU decidió la constitución de la UNRWA, United
Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, con resolución n 302, visto que solo
en 1948, a causa de la guerra arabo-judía, los refugiados y desplazados palestinos eran mas de
700.000.
Después de la guerra de 1967, la ONU, con resolución n. 242 del 22/11/1967, solicitó a
Israel retirarse de los territorios adquiridos militarmente, sin embargo, el gobierno de Tel Aviv
ignoró completamente cuanto pedido por la Organización de las Naciones Unidas así como, a
partir de este momento, Israel empezará a ignorar cualquier resolución de la ONU no obstante,
antes de la aprobación de la resolución de la ONU n 273 del 1949, con la cual se admitía Israel
como miembro de la organización, el gobierno provisional sionista se había comprometido a
respetar cualquier decisión de la ONU después de su admisión en la organización. Al contrario,
la política de control y gestión de los territorios ocupados se hará siempre mas intensa y sofocante gracias a la continua instauración de asentamientos de colones y al apoyo de EE.UU. que,
sistemáticamente, empezará a poner el veto a cada resolución del Consejo de Seguridad de la
ONU que podría desfavorecer Israel y, ayudando de otras formas la política nación, regional y
global de este país.
La importancia de la resolución 242 del 1967 vendrá nuevamente subrayada en 1973,
año en el cual la ONU aprueba la resolución 338, con la cual se vuelve a solicitar a las partes
involucradas el respecto de cuanto dictaminado en la resolución 242.
El 1974 es un años importante, por lo menos teóricamente, ya que, la Asamblea General
de la ONU, con resolución 3236, afirma y solicita que el pueblo palestino posee el derecho inalienable al autodeterminación sin interferencias ni influencias externas, además, se reconoce al
pueblo árabe de Palestina el derecho a la independencia y a la soberanía nacional.
Sin embargo, cuanto afirmado por la Asamblea General en la resolución 3236 quedará
en el aire, tanto es que, en 1979, con resolución 444, el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU deplora la falta de cooperación de las autoridades israelí relativamente al respecto de las resoluciones y a la falta de voluntad en arreglar los problemas regionales con el pueblo árabe de Palestina, falta que se manifestaba en el escaso involucramiento en el respecto y realización de las
medida depacekeeping fijadas por la ONU.
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Hay que subrayar que el 1979 fue un año particularmente importante desde el punto de
vista de las resoluciones de la ONU relativas al asunto palestino- israelí tanto es que, además de la
resolución sobre mencionada, el Consejo de Seguridad aprueba otras dos resoluciones relativas al
asunto. Con la resolución 446, del marzo de 1979, el Consejo de Seguridad establece que los
asentamientos coloniales de Israel representa un enorme obstáculo a la paz y, por lo tanto, invocando la 4° Convención de Ginebra, pide al gobierno de Tel Aviv de poner fin a esta medida expansionista. Nada se ha producido con estas resoluciones, tanto es que, a pocos meses de distancia, hablamos del 20 julio de 1979, visto la postura de Israel, el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU
aprueba la resolución 452 con la cual se “pide enérgicamente” a las autoridades israelíes de poner
fin a la construcción de asentamientos en los territorios ocupados.
• Resolución 592, del 8 diciembre de 1986. El Consejo de Seguridad deplora el asesinato de
estudiantes palestinos en la Universidad de Birzeit, asesinato realizado por las tropas regulares
israelíes;
A partir de ahora, las resoluciones de la ONU se harán mucho mas frecuentes hasta el 2009 y, las
mas importantes podrían ser resumidas, fundamentalmente, de la siguiente forma:
• Resolución 43/176, de 1988. La Asamblea General de la ONU pide una Conferencia para la
paz en Oriente Medio, conferencia que tendrá lugar durante los meses de octubre y noviembre
de 1991 en Madrid;
• Resolución 465, del 1 mayo de 1980. El Consejo de Seguridad deplora la perseverancia de
Israel en construir asentamientos y pide a todos los estados miembros de no sostener dicho
programa de Israel;
• Resolución 469, del 20 mayo de 1980. El Consejo de Seguridad solicita a Israel de anular las
expulsiones ilegales de dos alcaldes y un juez palestino y de facilitar sus vueltas en el territorio;
• Resolución 471, del 5 junio de 1980. El Consejo de Seguridad expresa sus preocupaciones por
el no respecto, por parte de Israel, de la 4° Convención de Ginebra;
• Resolución 476, del 30 junio de 1980. El Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU, vuelve a afirmar
que las reivindicaciones de Israel relativamente a la ciudad de Jerusalén tienen que ser consideradas nulas;
• Resolución 478, del 20 agosto de 1980. El Consejo de Seguridad “censura”, nuevamente,
Israel por las reivindicaciones sobre Jerusalén, contenidas en su “Ley Fundamental”;
• Resolución 498, del 17 diciembre de 1981. El Consejo de Seguridad declara nula la anexión de
los Altos del Golán por parte de Israel y, pide al gobierno de Tel Aviv de anular
inmediatamente su decisión/ declaración;
• Resolución 37/120, de 1981. La Asamblea General de la ONU convoca una Conferencia
Internacional sobre la “cuestión palestina”, conferencia que se realizará, en Ginebra, durante
los meses de agosto- septiembre de 1983;
• Resolución 573, del 4 octubre de 1985. El Consejo de Seguridad condena, con fuerza, Israel
por los bombardeos de Túnez durante el ataque al cuartel general de la OLP, la organización
para la liberación de Palestina;
• Resolución 605, del 22 diciembre de 1987. El Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU denuncia la
negación de los derechos humanos del pueblo palestino por parte de las fuerzas políticas israelíes;
• Resoluciones 607 y 608, del 5 y 14 enero de 1988. El Consejo de Seguridad solicita a Israel no
deportar civiles palestinos y subraya la necesidad de respectar la 4° Convención de Ginebra;
• Resolución 43/177, de 1988. La Asamblea General reconoce la proclamación del Estado de
Palestina por parte del Consejo Nacional Palestino;
• Resolución 672, del 12 octubre de 1990. El Consejo de Seguridad condena Israel por las violencias contra los palestinos realizadas en Haram al-Sharif (Templo de la Montaña);
• Resolución 673, del 24 octubre de 1990. El Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU deplora la falta
de cooperación de Israel con la Organización de las Naciones Unidas;
• Resolución 694, del 24 mayo de 1991. El Consejo de Seguridad deplora, nuevamente, la deportación de palestinos por parte de Israel e insta al gobierno israelí, declaración que vendrá
subrayada, una vez mas el 6 de enero de 1992 con la resolución 726 y con la resolución 799
del 18 diciembre de 1992, año en el cual se deportaron alrededor de 413 palestinos;
• Resolución 904, del 18 marzo de 1994. El Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU después de la aterradora masacre realizada contra los fieles palestinos en la Mezquita Ibrahim, en Hebrón, del 25
febrero de 1994, durante la celebración del Ramadán y, gravemente preocupada por los preocupantes incidentes que de allí se han producido en los territorios palestinos ocupados, reafirma
las importantes resoluciones relativas a la aplicabilidad de la 4° Convención de Ginebra inherente los territorios ocupados por Israel, comprendiendo la ciudad de Jerusalén. En la misma
resolución, el Consejo de Seguridad condena con fuerza la masacre de Hebrón y las violentas
consecuencias de la misma que han producido la muerte de mas de 50 palestino y numerosos
heridos de mas de cien civiles árabes. La ONU, también, solicita a Israel que aplique medidas
de seguridad que impidan a los colones israelí realizar actos ilegales de violencia;
• Resolución 1402, del 30 marzo de 2001. El Consejo de Seguridad insta el retiro de las tropas
israelíes desde las ciudades palestinas, entre las cuales la ciudad de Ramallah. Esta decisión
vendrá nuevamente subrayada en la resolución 1403, del 4 abril de 2002, con la cual el Consejo de Seguridad pide a las autoridades israelíes que venga respectada, sin ulteriores retrasos,
la resolución 1402.
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• Resolución 1405, del 19 abril de 2002. El Consejo de Seguridad pide la remoción, por parte
de Israel, de las restricciones impuestas, sobre todo en la ciudad de Jenin, a las operaciones
de paz de las organizaciones humanitarias como el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja y la
Agencia para la Asistencia y el Trabajo para los prófugos palestinos en Oriente Medio, la
UNRWA;
La Conferencia de Madrid fue presidida por el entones presidente de EE.UU. George
Bush, el primer ministro español González y el presidente ruso Gorbachov. Los tres plenipotenciarios invitaron Israel, Siria, Líbano, Jordania y los palestinos a esta conferencia con el fin de
realizar un primer contacto entre las partes y empezar una serie de coloquios bilaterales que, en
un segundo momento, encontraron una definición en Washington y Oslo.
• Resolución 1435, del 24 septiembre de 2002. El Consejo de Seguridad pide a Israel poner fin
inmediatamente a las medidas ilegales tomadas en la ciudad de Ramallah y en sus alrededores, además de la retirada de las fuerzas de ocupaciones israelíes desde las ciudades palestinas, volviendo a las posiciones anteriores al septiembre de 2002.
Paso importante e “improductivo”, se ha producido durante el proceso de paz de Oslo,
cunado, por primera vez, Israel empieza a negociar directamente con una delegación palestina.
Gracias a la mediación del representante estadounidense Warren Christopher, en septiembre de
1993, en Washington, después de una larga y atormentada negociación, Israel y la Olp, firman la
Declaración de Principios que prevé: cinco años de transición para el definitivo pasaje de la
Franja de Gaza y de Gerico a la Autoridad Palestina; la creación de un cuerpo de policía palestino y, libres elecciones. La Declaración fue firmada definitiva y oficialmente en mayo de
1994, en el Cairo, donde Yitzhak Rabin e Yasser Arafat también decidirán negociar los asuntos
relativos a Jerusalén y al reconocimiento oficial de la Autoridad Palestina en otra sede. Interesante, durante esta negociación, fue la firma de lo que se conoce históricamente como el
Protocolo de Paris (Protocolo sobre las relaciones económicas entre el Gobierno del Estado de
Israel y la Olp). Según cuanto se aprende por el Banco Mundial, en relación al Protocolo de
Paris que se ha realizado entre la Declaración de Principio del 1993 y la aplicación practica del
mismo en mayo de 1994:
• Resolución ES- 10/10, de 2002. La Asamblea General, dirigiéndose al Secretario General de
la ONU, pide la preparación de un informe relativo a los acontecimientos producidos en
Jenin y en otras ciudades palestinas;
• Resolución 1544, del 15 mayo de 2007. El Consejo de Seguridad condena la destrucción por
parte de Israel de pisos y casas pertenecientes a civiles en el campo de refugiados situado en
la zona de Rafah;
• Resolución 1850, del 16 diciembre de 2008. El Consejo de Seguridad pide a ambas partes “el
respecto de sus obligaciones” y de “abstenerse de cualquier acción que pueda minar la confianza o perjudicar el buen éxito de las negociaciones”;
• Resolución 1860, del 8 enero de 2009. El Consejo de Seguridad vuelve a centrar la atención
de Israel sobre todas las precedentes resoluciones que se han aprobado en mérito a la “cuestión palestino- israelí” y, mas en general, en mérito a la postura y a las acciones de Israel en
toda la región de Oriente Medio.
En los años durante los cuales se han producido todas estas “solicitudes y recomendaciones”, la ONU también se ha dirigido a Israel relativamente a su postura en Oriente Medio y a los
enfrentamientos/ guerras que el país sionista ha puesto en ser en la región. Sin embargo, centrándonos en el argumento principal del presente ensayo, paralelamente al trabajo de la ONU, se han
realizado otras negociaciones de paz entre Palestina e Israel, negociaciones que, sin embargo, no
han producido ningún efecto, visto que, generalmente, estas tentativas han sufrido el mismo
destino de las resoluciones de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, es decir, la completa indiferencia por parte de Israel.
Entre las negociaciones mas destacadas que ven como protagonistas Israel, Palestina y
los mediadores internacionales, cabe subrayar la importancia, por lo menos teórica, de algunas
tentativas que habrían podido solucionar el asunto. Hablamos de la Conferencia de Madrid de
1991; del proceso de paz de Oslo, realizado entre septiembre 2013 y mayo 2014; de la
Declaración de Washington de 1994; de los Acuerdos de Gaza de 1995; del Way Plantation de
1998; de Camp David de julio 2000 y; de los Acuerdos de Shram el Sheikh de octubre de 2000.
La experiencia del Protocolo de Paris ilustra totalmente hasta
que punto los factores político y económico resultan entrelazados y
favorables a Israel, bajo numerosos aspectos. (World Bank, LongTerm Policy Options for the Palestinian Economy cit., pp. XII-XIV)
Abriendo una paréntesis necesaria, relativamente al proceso de paz de Oslo y al
Protocolo de Paris, es necesario subrayar que, a la época, no fue claro para todos lo que significaban estos acuerdos, visto que los sectores privados destinados a tener un beneficio inmediato de
estos tratos habrían sido los de Israel, Jordania, EE.UU. y de otros países, y no ya los intereses
palestinos. Además, fue poco evidente la contradicción entre el lenguaje del Protocolo de Paris y
el impacto real del mismo, visto que la presunta “nueva era de los confines abiertos” solo habría
llevado a la intensificación de las restricciones de Israel hacia los trabajadores y los civiles
palestinos. En pocas palabras, las contradicciones del proceso de paz de Oslo no produjeron
nada mas que un aumento de la gravedad y de los desequilibrios existentes entre las dos partes.
La Declaración de Washington de 1994, fue un paso importante por todo Oriente Medio,
visto que se realizaron acuerdos importantes relativos a los problemas fronterizos, de soberanía
territorial, de seguridad, etc.. Sin embargo, en esta negociación, la “cuestión palestina” tuvo
poco espacio y solo se habló superficialmente de la situación, ya que, Israel se encontraba ocupada en la resolución de problemas con sus otros países vecinos.
Sin embargo, en 1995, se realizaron los Acuerdos de Gaza, también conocidos con el
nombre de Oslo II. Los acuerdos que acabaron el 26 septiembre de 1995, fueron firmados en
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Washington el 28 septiembre del mismo año, por Yitzhak Rabin e Yasser Arafat, en presencia
del entonces presidente estadounidense Bill Clinton, del presidente egipcio Mubarak y del re
jordano Hussein. Según cuanto establecido por las partes, los acuerdos definían, por lo menos en
el papel, la segunda fase de la Autonomía Palestina, extendiéndola a otras zonas de Cisjordania
que venia dividida como sigue: Área A – completa jurisdicción civil palestina y seguridad interna – Área B – completa jurisdicción civil palestina, seguridad interna compartida con los israelíes – Área C – completo control israelí. Además, venían definidos los poderes del Consejo
Legislativo Palestino que aun tenia que ser elegido. Otro punto importante era el establecimiento
de dos fechas claves, es decir, octubre de 1997, como limite máximo para la completa retirada
de los israelíes de los territorios ocupados y, octubre de 1999, como limite máximo para el logro
del status final indicado en los acuerdos.
mente las negociaciones, esto porque, Arafat quería que los tres millones y medios de prófugos
y refugiados palestinos tuvieran la oportunidad de volver a sus hogares, cosa que Israel no podía
aceptar visto que la vuelta de un gran numero da palestinos habría podido producir la perdida de
poder del gobierno de Tel Aviv sobre el territorio.
En 1998, el conocido Wye Plantation o Way River, realizado, nuevamente gracias a la
mediación del presidente estadounidense, Bill Clinton, y del re jordano Hussein, después de largas y difíciles negociaciones, permitió al primer ministro israelí, Benjamín Netanyahu y al
presidente de la Autoridad Palestina, Yasser Arafat, lograr un acuerdo basado en diferentes puntos, es decir:
• EE.UU., junto a Israel, Palestina y al Secretario General de la ONU habrían tenido que
desarrolla una comisión de encuesta relativa a los acontecimientos de las ultimas semanas y
que tenia que llevar a nuevas negociaciones para la paz;
En octubre del mismo año, mientras la segunda Intifada devastaba Jerusalén y los territorios ocupados, en Sharm el Sheikh, Yasser Arafat y Ehud Barak logran, gracias a la mediación de Bill
Clinton, un acuerdo sobre tres puntos:
• la emisión de una apelación publica para poder poner fin a las violencias, concordando medidas concretas e inmediatas con el fin de prevenir nuevos enfrentamientos;
• La consultación de EE.UU. con las dos partes para recuperar los acuerdos de paz y las negociaciones que se habían interrumpido.
• el retiro, en tres fases, de Israel de los territorios de Cisjordania;
• la Autoridad Palestina se empeñaba en detener 30 personas sospechadas de terrorismo por
Israel, mientras que el gobierno de Tel Aviv se comprometía a liberar mas de 750 palestinos
injustamente detenidos;
• la Autoridad Palestina prometió modificar la Carta del Olp, cancelando la clausula sobre la
destrucción del Estado de Israel;
• la creación de “líneas de contacto” entre la Franja de Gaza y Cisjordania y; el aeropuerto palestino de Gaza y la zona industrial situada al confín entre Gaza e Israel.
Sin embargo, los acuerdos fueron congelados repentinamente, en diciembre del mismo
año a causa de las votaciones del Knesset por las cuales se tenían que realizar nuevas elecciones,
llevadas, efectivamente, a cabo en mayo de 1999.
En julio 2000, nuevas negociaciones fueron realizadas a Camp David, una vez mas gracias a la intervención del entonces presidente estadounidense, Bill Clinton. Después de 15 días
de negociaciones no se logró ningún tipo de acuerdo entre el líder palestino Yasser Arafat y el
primer ministro israelí Ehud Barak, tanto es que el presidente Clinton, en una rueda de presa
realizada después del cierre de las tentativas, afirmó “La cumbre ha fracasado”. En esta ocasión,
el problema principal fue representado por el “destino de Jerusalén”. Israel había aceptado la
propuesta estadounidense que preveía la soberanía común, palestino- israelí, en algunas zonas
de la ciudad, sin embargo, los palestinos no aceptaron, visto que sus intenciones eran fuertemente enlazadas a las resoluciones internacionales que establecían el retiro de Israel de la zona
este de la ciudad. También el asunto relativo a los prófugos y refugiados palestinos minó fuerte-
Sin embargo, también estas negociaciones no tendrán suceso, tanto es que en los días
posteriores al encuentro, los enfrentamientos seguirán aumentando de intensidad y violencia produciendo numerosas víctimas.
En los años siguiente la situación palestino- israelí ha sido “bastante” tranquila, manifestando, esporádicamente, la falta de definición mediante enfrentamientos armados violentos.
Claro está que, cuanto ahora afirmado es cierto solo hasta el pasado verano cuando la
comunidad internacional ha asistido a una serie de nuevos enfrentamientos en la Franja de Gaza,
que durante 51 días, han producido numerosas victimas sobre todo entre los civiles palestinos y
los funcionarios humanitarios, enfrentamientos que han finalizado, después de una serie de fracasos, con un cese al fuego que, hasta la fecha, parece mantener la situación bajo control. Sin
embargo, este nuevo acontecimiento ha abierto una vieja herida, nunca cicatrizada, que la
comunidad internacional está intentando sanar mediante un proceso de mediación que, por el
momento, no ha logrado nada, sino simple acuerdos o resoluciones que, como de costumbre,
vienen, directa o indirectamente, ignoradas por Israel.
Análisis técnica
Saltando la explicación y las diferentes consideraciones relativas a la prevención de
conflictos, visto que en el caso especifico, es tarde para poder implementar medidas como estas,
o, mas bien, las que se pueden implementar, en este momento, serian aptas solo a evitar ulteriores enfrentamientos que, sin embargo, son difíciles de controlar a causa de las fuertes tensiones, nos centraremos sobre el análisis de la resolución de conflictos.
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De acuerdo con el enfoque de Vayrynen, relativo a la resolución de conflictos en la finalización de conflictos violentos, seguiremos esta línea de conducta que reconoce la fluidez del
proceso conflictivo. Debido a tale característica de los conflictos, que entrega a los mismos un
carácter dinámico, enfrentarse al estudio y análisis de un conflicto significa entender y gestionar un complejo de relaciones cambiantes:
El grueso de la teoría sobre los conflictos considera los temas, los actores y los
intereses como inalterables, y en función de esos elementos hace esfuerzos para hallar
una solución que atenúe o elimine las contradicciones entre ellos. Sin embargo, temas,
actores e intereses cambian con el paso del tiempo a consecuencia de las dinámicas
sociales, económicas y políticas de las sociedades. La presunción de estabilidad,
generalmente presente en el enfoque de la teoría de juegos aplicados a los estudios
sobre conflictos, carece de justificación incluso si abordamos aspectos no estructurales
de los conflictos, como las preferencias de los actores. Nuevos factores situacionales,
las enseñanzas extraídas, la interacción con el adversario y otras influencias aconsejan
no tomar las preferencias de los actores como inalterables. (Vayrynen, 1991:4)
Por estas motivaciones, es necesario realizar algunas transformaciones relativamente a
los elementos del conflicto que, en caso permanecieran “inmutables”, sostendrían la violencia y
la “guerra” en acto. Complementando la idea de Galtung, autor que desarrolló su teoría acerca
de la resolución de conflictos interpartes e intrapartes, en sus aspectos estructurales, actitudinales y comportamentales, creando una teoría completa de la transformación no violenta de los
conflictos, Vayrynen identifica algunas formas en las cuales se puede producir la
transformación del conflicto, es decir, transformación del contexto; transformación estructural o
de las estructuras; transformación de los actores; transformación de los temas en disputa y;
transformación personal y de grupo.
Por lo que atañe la transformación del contexto, hay que tener en consideración el
contexto social, regional e internacional en el cual los conflictos se desarrollan, ya que
representan las principales variables que afectan el nacimiento y el prolongamiento del
conflicto. Son transformaciones particulares que, en muchas ocasiones, pueden producir efectos
de magnitud mayor en comparación a los efectos producidos por los cambios en el seno de las
partes o en sus relaciones.
Por transformación estructural o de las estructuras, se entiende el conjunto de actores y
fines y/o relaciones incompatibles de que se compone el conflicto. Esta medida es necesaria en
aquellos casos en los cuales las causas originales y/o fundamentales de un conflicto se encuentran en la estructura de relaciones dentro de la cual actúan las partes. Caso ejemplar de esta
transformación se puede encontrar en la resolución de conflictos asimétricos, donde, la
transformación estructural implica un cambio en las relaciones entre la parte dominante y la
parte mas débil.
Cuando las partes de un conflicto tienen que modificar la dirección de sus reivindicaciones, abandonando o redefiniendo sus objetivos con un relativo cambio de perspectivas,
entonces podemos hablar de transformación de los actores. En este tipo de transformación hay
muchas variables internas que hay que tener en consideración, ya que, los efectos producidos
por un cambio del actor, por un cambio de liderazgo, por un cambio en el grupo de apoyo al
líder o, también por la fijación de nuevos objetivos, valores y posturas pude generarse con tiempos y modalidades diferentes. Por ejemplo, la escisión de las partes y la formación de nuevas
partes tienen tiempos y efectos completamente diferentes de un cambio en las circunstancias y
en los intereses de los grupos en conflicto, visto que estos últimos cambios, generalmente se
manifiestan gradualmente y de forma no visible.
A partir de la ultima transformación, llegamos a otro punto fundamental enumerado mas
arriba, es decir, latransformación de los temas en disputa. Como es fácil intuir, esta
transformación se refiere a las modificaciones de las posiciones que las partes toman sobre determinados temas que han llevado al conflicto. Sin embargo, es necesario subrayar que, los
cambios de posiciones están estrechamente relacionados con los cambios de interés y con los
cambios de objetivos de las partes.
En ultimo lugar, no por importancia, encontramos la transformación personal y de
grupo, expresión con la cual se quiere indicar el cambio que se produce al vértice de un grupo,
en el caso practico, cuando un líder de un movimiento armado se trasforma en un líder nacional
de unificación o un líder de gobierno opresor decide aceptar sus “adversarios” en un gobierno
de unidad. Sin embargo hay que subrayar que no siempre esta tipología de transformación lleva
a un cambio benigno, es decir que se pueden producir también intensificaciones de las partes
radicales de un conflicto produciendo un aumento de las violencias y una debilitación de las
partes moderadas.
Dicho esto resulta claro que la resolución de conflicto debe entenderse no solo en
referencia a los temas que dividen las partes principales, sino también, a los cambios sociales,
psicológicos y políticos que puedan producir efectos modificadores que llevan al establecimiento de negociaciones y, en segundo lugar, a la aceptación o rechazo de acuerdos de paz. Por
lo tanto, estas variables, tanto en sus sentido regional como global, representan valores fundamentales que hay que tener en cuenta a la hora de instaurar un proceso de paz apto a una
resolución duradera de conflictos, valores fundamentales a los cuales tiene que corresponder
una respuesta sensible al conflicto en los varios y diferentes niveles.
Cabe destacar que las actividades de resolución de conflictos implican distintos tipos de
instancias y actores, se dirigen a grupos diferentes y varían en la forma, duración y en el
propósito. A pesar de que el elemento fundamental en la terminación de los conflictos es
representado por la voluntades de las partes de considerar la oportunidad de un acuerdo negociado, la intervención de terceros actores suele ser importante y suele representar un elemento, a
veces, fundamental, por la resolución de los conflictos.
Claro está que la entrada en campo de terceros tiene que ser planificada cuidadosamente
visto la delicadez de la situación y, en línea general, tiene que ser subordinada a la desescalada
y a la maduración del conflicto, además de la existencia de las condiciones necesarias para
poder poner fin al conflicto.
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A pesar de la importancia de la intervención de terceros, es decir, la constitución de un
proceso de mediación, es importante subrayar las problemáticas que este tipo de intervención
ha generado, problemáticas que no solo se han manifestado en hechos históricos sino también a
nivel de debate relativamente a las características de la mediación. En este sentido, la diplomacia de primera, segunda, tercera y múltiples vías, así como las variedades de enfoque “duros” y
“blandos” relativamente a las intervenciones, representan todas técnicas que han sustituido los
buenos oficios, la conciliación, la mediación discreta o pura y que, han sido y siguen siendo el
centro de un amplio debate acerca de si la intervención de terceras partes debería ser imparcial
o parcial, coercitiva o no coercitiva, estatal o no estatal, conducida por personas ajenas al
conflicto o mas bien involucradas en el.
Claro está, como históricamente probado, que las terceras partes, los mediatores,
representan, a menudo, una herramienta esencial para la transformación de los temas en disputa, esto porque, por su naturaleza, la mediación resulta particularmente importante cuando al
menos una de las partes en conflicto llega a aceptar la improbabilidad de lograr sus objetivos
con la continuación del conflicto, momento de “conciencia” que, generalmente empieza antes
de que las partes haya alcanzado la aceptación de establecer negociaciones formales. También
así, es difícil lograr, de una sola vez, acuerdos duraderos, visto que, generalmente, se
desarrollan diferentes fases de arreglos y acuerdos provisionales antes de poder sellar definitivamente y formalmente un acuerdo.
Relativamente a nuestro caso practico, es decir el conflicto entre Israel y Palestina, es
posible notar diferentes momentos, durante el proceso de paz, que han sido caracterizados por
los que en jerga técnica se conocen como “escollos” e “inflexiones”, principal ejemplo, entre
otros, han sido los Acuerdos de Oslo. En línea general, las inflexiones no se verifican solamente
en momentos de madurez específicos, sino también en momentos en los cuales las partes vislumbran un camino por seguir gracias a las negociaciones/ mediaciones. Esta segunda clase de
“momentos” suele manifestarse como causa directa de un redefinición de objetivos; de la
creación de un nuevo panorama o espacio político; encontrando nuevas bases para los acuerdos
o; a través del cambio favorable de los líderes y/o circunstancias políticas. Por otra parte, los
“escollos” que, en la historia del conflicto palestino- israelí son mas frecuentes que las inflexiones, se pueden producid cuando las elites de las partes en conflicto no ven favorablemente el
proceso de paz; cuando las partes de los acuerdos cambian de posición y; cunado el proceso de
paz está bloqueado a causa de un cierro del espacio político o, mas bien, cuando las condiciones
están sujetas a negociaciones.
Siguiendo con los Acuerdos de Oslo, es importante tomar en consideración, para una
mayor comprensión de cuanto dicho hasta ahora, dos posturas completamente heterogéneas relativas a esta parte del largo proceso de paz entre Israel y Palestina.
La primera postura ve los acuerdos de Oslo como un avance a pesar de que las
perspectiva de resolución del conflicto fueron anuladas por lo que se han definido “los saboteadores” de ambos lados y, aun mas, por la fuerte asimetría de los dos actores principales. Bajo
esta perspectiva, la elección de un enfoque facilitador, por medio de un canal discreto que se
ponía como finalidad la de solucionar los problemas donde la diplomacia oficial había quedado
encallada (Conferencia de Madrid, 1991), permitió un avance en el sentido “técnico y teórico”.
Es en este marco, se pone la investigación noruega relativa al caso que, movida y basada en la
buena fe, abrió el camino al reconocimiento mutuo entre Israel y Palestina y a una división del
territorio de esta ultima con una consecuente dilatación del conflicto. Tanto Israel como Palestina aceptaron resolver los temas principales del conflicto modificando el status definitivo en un
plazo de tres años – esto nunca ocurrió y la asimetría a favor de Israel se manifestó en toda su
fuerza, sobre todo en los que ha pasado a la historia como el Protocolo de Paris.
Por lo que atañe la segunda postura, el intento de solucionar el conflicto fue,
fundamentalmente, carente desde el principio, aquí si, casi exclusivamente por culpa de la amplia asimetría entre las partes. A favor de esta perspectiva Jones (1999:130) sostiene que el
proceso de paz de Oslo:
se convirtió en un medio gracias al cual una parte mas fuerte aplasta lenta y deliberadamente las aspiraciones de la parte mas débil.
El mismo Jones (1999:160) también añade que:
los acuerdos de Oslo y el proceso que llevo hasta ellos reproducen las estructuras de
desigualdad y dominación, lo cual implica que la resolución del conflicto e un
contexto tal resulta problemática.
Cuanto afirmado por el sobre mencionado autor, es cierto, ya que históricamente, el
proceso de paz de Oslo se puso en marcha en un momento en el cual la Olp se encontraba en
enormes difícultades, mientras que el gobierno israelí podía gozar se su superioridad y fortaleza
en comparación a Palestina. Es en este momento, como justamente subraya Said (2000), que
Palestina asiste no solo a la desaparición de las condiciones para llegar a ser un estado sino
también a la perdida de autonomía. Todo esto es posible resumirlo en una expresión adoptada
por el pueblo árabe en este periodo histórico, es decir , la construcción del “muro de apartheid”,
expresión con la cual se critica fuertemente la intención del entonces gobierno Sharon de mantener los palestinos en la miseria. Ahora bien, es importante tener presente que, durante el
desarrollo de este proceso de paz, grupos significativos de ambos bandos se oponían al acuerdo,
oposición que se manifestó con una serie de violentos actos como la matanza de Hebron, los
ataques de Hamas, el magnicidio de Rabin, etc.. Además, el nombramiento de Netanyahu como
primer ministro de Israel produjo un ulterior alejamientos de los acuerdos y la progresiva aceleración de la construcción de asentamientos en los territorios ocupados por parte de los colones
judíos.
En esta óptica, las conversaciones de Camp David del año 2000 se configuraban como
una medida necesaria apta a lograr los objetivos que los acuerdos de Oslo no habían sido en
grado de concretizar. En este contexto, por lo menos de forma oficial, el entonces primer ministro israelí Barack fue mas allá de cualquier de sus predecesores al aceptar, supuestamente, la
soberanía palestina de Jerusalén Este y mostrándose dispuesto a devolver el 91% de los
territorios de. En la misma línea encontramos los acuerdos no oficiales de Ginebra, del octubre
de 2003, donde se intentó llevar a cabo cuanto empezado con los acuerdos de Oslo y donde,
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teóricamente, se han logrado algunos objetivos importantes que nunca han sido realizados.
Nos referimos al compromiso que Israel quiso tomar relativamente al repliegue hasta las
fronteras internacionales reconocidas en 1967, medida que habría llevado al reconocimiento
del Estado de Palestina, mientras, por otra parte, los árabes habrían tenido que renunciar a los
derechos a regresas a sus hogares de los refugiados palestinos.
Como es fácil intuir, tampoco este proceso de paz intermedio
ha tenido un final feliz, esto por una variedades de motivaciones y
variables que han llevado al fracaso de las diferentes tratativas y
negociaciones de paz.
En el conflicto entre Israel y Palestina, es interesante observar como la idea de Etzioni
(1964) del conflicto capsular se adapta a la situación. Según este autor, el proceso de
transformación del conflicto debería extenderse desde el nivel local hasta los niveles mas amplios de los que forme parte, es decir, la tarea de mediación del conflicto debería ser interpretada de forma amplia y no sectorial. En este, como en muchos otros conflictos contemporáneos, es necesario superar la asimetría entre las partes en conflicto, de forma tal que, aun
si los mediadores no deben tomar partido en el asunto, la mediación y la defensa tienen que
ser complementares.
Ahora bien, de acuerdo con cuanto afirmado por Galtung (2004, 103-109), el conflicto
palestino- israelí, para que sea solucionado, tiene que equilibrarse, es decir Israel y Palestina
tienen que ser situados dentro del contexto de Oriente Medio. Otro punto fundamental, tocado
por Galtung, es representado por una “segunda vía” a través de la cual encontrar el equilibrio.
Esta “segunda vía” consistiría en modificar el apoyo de EE.UU. a Israel en los campos
económicos, militar y político, característica que sigue siendo fundamental, también hoy en
día, a la hora de mediar en el conflicto y equilibrar la asimetría entre las partes, es decir,
realizar un cambio en el contexto apto a producir un impacto transformador en el conflicto.
La búsqueda de la paz. Israel y Palestina entre pasado y futuro
Cuanto visto y analizado hasta ahora corresponde al proceso histórico- diplomático
que ha llevado a la situación actual, una situación en la cual el conflicto aun es vivo y fuerte y
donde la mediación de terceros no consigue, o no quiere conseguir, por intereses particulares,
el logro de una paz estable y duradera fundamentada sobre negociaciones fuertes y solidas.
Como introducido brevemente arriba, es importante subrayar la existencia de tres niveles dentro del conflicto palestino- israelí, es decir, un nivel interno, los de los palestinos e israelíes; un nivel intermedio, dentro del mundo árabe – nivel que últimamente ha sido teatro de
muchas transformaciones- y; un nivel externo en el cual encontramos la comunidad
internacional en sus diferentes formas.
En el nivel interno, encontramos el corazón del conflicto, sus actores, de los cuales
hay que distinguir, por lo menos dos tipologías, los extremistas/radicales que representan el
mayor obstáculo a la resolución pacifica del conflicto y; los moderados con los cuales podría
ser posible llegar a un acuerdo en el caso fueran dispuestos a comprometerse, cosa que por el
momento se ha realizado solo parcialmente y con muchos “pasos atrás”.
El nivel intermedio, por otra parte, es caracterizado casi exclusivamente por el mundo
árabe y en el cual, hasta hace no mucho tiempo, existían importantes fracturas entre los representantes de la ala moderada, Al-Fatah y, la ala mas radical/ militarizada, Hamas. Como antes
hemos afirmado, este nivel es lo que mas ha sido afectado por importantes cambios, sobre
todo a partir de la mitad de la primera década del 2000, años en los cuales el grupo radical de
Hamas ganó las elecciones en la Franja de Gaza.
Ahora bien, es importante notar que en los últimos tres años, a pesar de los diferentes
problemas que han tenido, Hamas y Al-Fatah han conseguido constituir un gobierno de unidad nacional compactando y uniendo las fuerzas con el fin de lograr aquellas reivindicaciones
que Palestina persigue desde los albores del conflicto. Con esta medida política, Palestina
habría técnicamente respetado uno de los puntos fundamentales del acuerdo, es decir, “la renuncia a la violencia”, visto que, a pesar de la presencia de Hamas en la Anp, la línea de acción palestina se ha hecho mas moderada y mas en línea con la postura de Al-Fatah. Por supuesto, cuanto acabamos de afirmar, no corresponde a verdad si nos fijamos exclusivamente
en los 51 días de enfrentamientos armados en la Franja de Gaza que tuvieron lugar el pasado
verano y que preocuparon enormemente toda la comunidad internacional.
Por último, pero no por eso menos importante, el terco nivel se refiere a los mediatores, es decir, a la comunidad internacional y su intervención en el conflicto. Aquí el discurso
es bastante complicado y hay que precisar que, hablando de este nivel, es necesario distinguir
entre la intervención de un país particular y, la intervención de organizaciones internacionales
como, por ejemplo, la ONU. En este ultimo caso, aun si en el contexto de la organización se
ha hecho evidente el mayor peso de algún país, las posturas que se han tomado han sido
particularmente ambiguas, visto que, no obstante las varias resoluciones en contra de Israel y
las varias denuncias y solicitudes entregadas al gobierno de Tel Aviv, a nivel practico, la
organización ha realizado poco, para no decir, nada, aun si, a nivel de intervención posterior,
relativa a la protección de los derechos humanos y de ayudas humanitarias, se han
desarrollado diferentes programas aptos a la gestión no tanto del conflicto sino de sus causas
directas.
Ahora bien, es importante subrayar la importancia que actores externos han jugado y
siguen jugando en el conflicto y, mas en general, en la escena de Oriente Medio. Principalmente, a nivel de conflicto entre Israel y Palestina, como precedentemente hemos anticipado,
es importante evaluar la figura de EE.UU. y su influencia en la creación, o mejor, intensificación de la asimetría entre las partes.
Tradicionalmente, ya a partir de la Declaración Balfour, EE.UU. siempre ha sido un
partner y un aliado importante del pueblo judío, alianza que se ha ido fortaleciendo con el
tiempo creando un lazo muy fuerte entre los dos países. En esta relación, Washington encontraba un apoyo importante en Oriente Medio sobre el cual construir y desarrollar su política
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externa en la región geopolítica en cuestión. Por otra parte, Israel podía y, todavía hoy, puede
gozar de algo que podríamos definir un “protectorado”, visto que tanto a nivel de país cuanto a
nivel de miembro de organizaciones internacionales, EE.UU. siempre ha respaldado las
decisiones de los diferentes gobiernos israelíes. La asimetría que se ha ido creando y fortaleciendo, también gracias a esta relación, además de las diferencias originales entre las partes, ha
producido una dilatación temporal de los procesos de paz y la fermentación de aquellas tensiones que si abordadas en el corto plazo habrían podido ser solucionadas con relativa facilidad.
Sin embargo, en esta situación de “hermandad” entre Israel y EE.UU., el gobierno de
Washington ha conseguido crear no solo tensiones entre los dos actores que ocupan el centro
del presente ensayo, sino también en toda la región de Oriente Medio, visto que además de
apoyar directamente Israel, EE.UU. ha dejado “carta blanca” a Siria y a su aliado, Rusia, permitiendo tomar fuerza en la región al gobierno de Damasco con el fin de crear un estado lo suficientemente fuerte como para poder mantener indirectamente controlada la expansión de influencia de Israel en la región y por lo tanto vincular definitivamente Tel Aviv a Washington.
Este mecanismo se puede observar también en los últimos acontecimientos que están
caracterizando la región. Después del duro y sangriento conflicto en la Franja de Gaza y, a pesar de los intentos continuados de mediación de la comunidad internacional, Israel sigue actuando de forma solitaria manifestando una incongruencia peligrosa entre las afirmaciones y
los compromisos tomados oficialmente y las medidas adoptadas. Por ejemplo, no obstante
cuanto hasta ahora acordado parcialmente en las negociaciones de paz, el gobierno de Tel Aviv
ha anunciado, hace algunas semanas, la expansión de las colonias judías con la construcción de
nuevos asentamientos en zonas ocupadas, medida esta, que, claramente, va en contra del
espíritu y de las finalidades de las negociaciones de paz. Ahora bien, en este contesto, parte de
la comunidad internacional se ha quedado sorprendida no tanto por cuanto declarado por el
actual primer ministro israelí, que además de este anuncio ha dado a conocer la futura realización de elecciones anticipadas para fortalecer su proyecto de una “Israel como Estado Judío”,
sino por el “rumor” que anunciaría una posible intervención militar estadounidense en los
territorios ocupados en el caso en el cual Israel desplegara su plan de expansión de las colonias. Claro está, que además de ser un rumor, esta medida parece ser poco probable, visto que
Washington, en este momento histórico, solo podría salir perdiendo con una intervención de
este estilo.
Bibliografía
Aggesyam K. (1999), Reframing and Resolving Conflict: Israel- Palestinian Negotiations
1988- 1998, Lund University Press, Lund
Etzioni A. (1964), <<On self encapsulating conflicto>>, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 8(3),
pp. 242-255
Galtung J. (2004), Transcend and Transform: An Introduction to Conflict Work, Pluto, Londres
Jons D. (1999), Cosmopolitan Mediation? Conflict Resolution and the Oslo Accords, Manchester University Press, Manchester
Kriesberg L. (2001), <<Mediation and the trabsformation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflicto>>, Journal of Peace Research, 38 (3), pp. 373- 392
Ramsbotham O., Woodhouse T., Miall H. (2005), Resolución de Conflictos. La prevención,
gestión y transformación de conflictos letales, Barcelona, Edicions Bellaterra S.L.
Shlaim A. (2000), Wae and Peace in the Middle East: A Concise History, Penguin, Londres
Said E. (2000), The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After, Granta, Londres
Vayrynen R. (1991), <<Regional conflict formation: an interactable problem of international
relations>>, Journal of Peace Research, 21 (4), pp. 337- 359
Resulta claro que, no obstante los esfuerzos de la comunidad
internacional y el reconocimiento, por parte de algunos países, del
Estado de Palestina, el proceso de paz aun será largo y presentará
nuevos y viejos problemas. Seguramente un interrogativo
importante que cualquier persona interesada al argumento debería
hacerse es: ¿de verdad se quiere la paz entre Israel y Palestina?
Pues, no existe una respuesta correcta o incorrecta a esta pregunta,
pero si que existe una fuerte critica a los actores principales y los
terceros que hacen parte y, voluntaria o involuntariamente, han ido
alimentando las causas de este conflicto.
106
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© Irene Izquierdo
Send a letter to the editor by e-mailing:
Nº 10
A Need for a Convention on International
Solidarity
”Law should help us to build a more solidarity world instead of restrain
solidarity”. This affirmation is self-evident and everybody would agree with
it, but unfortunately, it is not real at all times.
Currently, we witness an evolution regarding international treaties, conventions and resolutions
on a wide range of topics which create new innovative obligations and rights among countries in
harmony with the new international reality. For instance, the Kyoto Protocol which mandates the
reduction of greenhouse gas emissions among states, or the Rome Statute of the International
Criminal Court which establishes the International Criminal Court, perpetuating International
Criminal Law. These instruments contribute to achieve a higher level of progress regarding
emerging international concerns, but there are always certain topics that are not primary in the
international agenda, one of those is the recognition of the international legal personality of
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), a fact that prevent the full realisation of international
solidarity.
NGOs aims and activities are limited to one state, but they carry out activities in several
countries, hold meetings in diverse places and employ personnel of various nationalities,
therefore they have international nature without a law recognising it. Today, NGOs deal with
problems regarding their legal personality, partially because they are not equals in terms of
rights and obligations with states or international organisations, the latter ones possess an invariable legal personality, with clear rights and obligations in all places. On the contrary, NGOs
have diverse legal personalities and capacities depending on the country of origin or where their
statutory offices are established. This fact restrict the relations between NGOs and others
international actors and the possibilities of achieving their non-profit goals with equal
opportunities.
It does exist a convention on a regional level, the European Convention on the Recognition of
the Legal Personality of International Non-Governmental Organizations within the European
Council, an international treaty that sets the legal basis for the existence and work of NGOs in
Europe. It was adopted in 1986 and entered into force in 1991. Since then, it has been ratified by
11 European countries (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, France, Greece, Macedonia, The Netherlands,
Portugal, Slovenia, Switzerland and the United Kingdom). The European Convention on NGOs
facilitates the activities of these actors at a European level. The rule is simple, the legal
personality and capacity, as acquired by an NGO in the Party in which it has its statutory office,
shall be recognised as of right in the other states parties. Therefore, in all these European
countries, national NGOs possess the same rights and obligations in each state party, facilitating
their actions and aims. This European treaty sets a model and a precedent for a future
international convention on NGOs but it is limited due to its insufficient scope of application.
A similar mechanism could be applicable for an international convention on the legal personality
of NGOs globally. This hypothetical future convention would guarantee the participation of
NGOs without discrimination in dialogue and consultation on public policy objectives and
decisions both in foreign countries and international organisations. It would concede a more
effective role for NGOs internationally, providing them with the same capacities as other
international actors and simultaneously it would serve as a mechanism of control of these nonprofit organisations, being subjects to the same administrative, civil and criminal law obligations
and sanctions applicable to states and international organisations. Moreover, an international
convention on NGOs would mean the creation of a commission to guarantee the correct application of the convention by the states, monitoring the breach of rights and obligations.
Such an essential actor needs urgently a convention in order to facilitate its work on an
international basis. When talking about human rights, we often focus on all the theoretical
discourse contained in diverse conventions and resolutions, but we tend to disregard the
practical consequences, especially applied and developed by NGOs worldwide. Therefore it
would be beneficial for the international community the recognition of the valuable work of
NGOs and their contribution to the scientific, cultural, health and education fields amongst
others. Moreover, we have to highlight the lack of economic or political interest in these
organisations which is a guarantee for non-biased actions in contrast with other international actors. The main goal of NGOs is the spread of aid worldwide, being the only international actor
guided only by solidarity.
We must raise awareness of the essential contributions made by NGOs to the development and
realisation of democracy and human rights and we must take this into consideration to develop
an international convention which allow them to keep growing and evolving effectively and universally in order to reach and fill every corner of the planet with solidarity.
Javier Molero Segovia
Colaborador de la Oficina de Derechos Humanos en el Ministerio de Asuntos
Exteriores y de Cooperación del Gobierno de España
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Nº 10
J.K. ROWLING: INTERNATIONAL AID CAN HELP END THE
INSTITUTIONALISATION OF CHILDREN ‘IN OUR LIFETIME’
J.K. Rowling today urged some of the
world’s largest international aid donors to
use their financial might to eradicate
institutions and orphanages that harm
children.
As Founder and President of the international
children’s charity Lumos, she told a London
conference that all children had a legal and
moral right to a family life and that
institutions, despite the best intentions,
cannot give the love and care they need to
grow and reach their potential.
Speaking to representatives from
organisations controlling billions of Euros
and US Dollars in international aid –
including the EU, the US Government and
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) – the author emphasised the clear economic case for ‘deinstitutionalisation’. Supporting children to stay
with their own families in their communities
was – in nearly all cases – significantly
ch eaper f o r s ocieties than funding
institutions, she said.
“I recently committed to becoming President
of Lumos for Life,” she added, “and it is my
dream that by the time my life ends, the very
concept of taking a child away from its
family and locking it away will seem to
belong to a cruel, fictional world.”
J.K. Rowling addressed more than 50
government officials and diplomats from
Europe and around the world, at the major
policy conference hosted by Lumos, in Westminster, Central London, entitled In Our Lifetime: a Global Conference to End the
Institutionalisation of Children.
The author is also helping to launch Lumos’
online social media campaign, #LetstalkLumos, aimed at raising awareness of the plight
of up to eight million children globally who
are living in orphanages and institutions,
despite over 80% having living parents. The
campaign will also raise funds for a special
education unit in a mainstream school in
Moldova, to demonstrate that children with
complex disabilities can be educated alongside their peers without disabilities.
At the conference, J.K. Rowling met Dumitriţa, aged 14, who lived for five years in
an institution from Moldova until, with Lumos’ support, she was reunited with her
family in 2013. Dumitriţa has been included
in a mainstream school and is now an active
promoter of inclusive education for all
children. The author also met 17-year-old
Cristina, the leader of children’s council at
Dumitriţa’s school.
Lumos today released a report about aid from
governments – either directly to a country or
through international agencies such as the
United Nations. The report concluded that
some donors had achieved a great deal in
helping countries to ‘deinstitutionalise’ but
found weaknesses in the way aid has been
given:
• In countries embarking a deinstitutionaliation (DI) process, donor funds were used
to improve and ‘prop up’ institutions in
the short term, with the unintended impact
of perpetuating their existence.
• Medical care for children has been funded
through institutions, rather than in the
community, creating the risk that parents
are compelled to give children up to
institutions to receive this support.
• In disasters, conflict and other funds are
often spent on orphanages as the ‘simplest’ service for children separated from
families. However, once admitted,
children tend to remain in institutions for
long periods.
• Funding plans for DI that do not take into
account of the needs of institutionalised
children with complex disabilities or
behaviours risk ‘leaving them behind’
when other children return to the
community.
Donors, the report added, sometimes gave
mixed messages to countries, appearing both
to support DI and the perpetuation of
institutions. At times, funds went ‘inadvertently’ to institutions. Donors should review
funding procedures, it concluded.
Georgette Mulheir, Chief Executive Officer
of Lumos, who was recently named as one of
the ‘world’s most influential social workers’
by a US academic publication, welcomed the
commitment of major donors to support deinstitutionalisation. She cited EU regulations in
2014 that prohibit funds to Member States
being used to build or renovate institutions.
However, she added: ““There is now
extensive scientific proof of the harm that
living in an institution can cause a child. This
is a critical time for ending the
institutionalisation of children. The
commitments made by the EU, US and the
Global Alliance for Children (a grouping of
public and private bodies) set an important
precedent for other donors. It is important
not to lose momentum and to build upon
these achievements.”
• The conference heard a presentation,
entitled What Works: Effective Deinstitutionalisation in Moldova, by Dumitriţa
and Cristina, from Moldova. Speakers at
the event also included Rob Horvath, US
Government Special Adviser on Children
in Adversity; José Fernando Costa
Pereira, Policy Advisor to the Africa
Department of the European External
Action Service, EU; Allison Llera, Coun-
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sellor to the Haitian Prime Minister
(TBC); Neil Boothby, Senior Adviser
to the USAID Administrator, Global
Alliance for Children.
• In four years, Lumos has:
• Supported more than 12,000 children
to move from harmful institutions to
families or supported independent
living;
• Saved the lives of 644 children
suffering from malnutrition, severe
neglect or a lack of access to medical
treatment;
•
Special Education Unit as an annexe to
the local mainstream school. This will
enable local children with complex
physical and learning disabilities to
access mainstream education for the
first time in their lives.
Lumos is an international nongovernmental organisation, set up by the
author J.K. Rowling, which works to
end the institutionalisation of children
around the world. It helps countries to
transform education, health and social
care systems so children can be moved
from institutions and supported in the
families and the community.
Trained more than 17,000 social
workers, medical professionals,
teachers, carers, civil servants and
policy makers;
• Helped redirect €367 million (approx. US$500 million) that was
planned to be spent on institutions
and ensured that it was spent on
community based services instead.
For more information on the scale of
institutionalisation and the harm it
causes, read and overview of Lumos’
work and two factsheets.
Lumos is running a digital fundraising
campaign on the crowdfunding site Indiegogo from the 24th November. The
aim of this campaign is to raise funds to
help children with disabilities access
education in Moldova. We are building a
To find out more about Lumos visit
www.wearelumos.org
PICTURE CAPTION DETAILS: Founder and President of Lumos J.K. Rowling today met Dumitrita (14) seated on
left and Cristina (17) seated on right)
from Moldova at a conference in London where they urged senior leadership
from the EU, US and other international
aid donors to invest in family-based care
services that can end the
institutionalisation of children around
the world. Also pictured are their
mothers Viorica on the left, Dimitrita’s
mother, and Evochia, Cristina mother on
the right
F o l l o w u s o n Tw i t t e r :
www.twitter.com/lumos
Join us on Facebook:
www.facebook.com/lumos.at.work
• Contact: Vicky Gillings, Head of
Communications – +44 (0) 7881
816599; John Steele, Senior PR &
Communications Executive – +44 (0)
7768 660953; Miriam Rich – +44 (0)
7810 395490
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The Maryland School for the Blind and the University of Delaware. Team
up for “Go Kids Go!” Workshop
The Maryland School for the Blind (MSB) and the University of Delaware Pediatric Mobility Lab and Design Studio are partnering on a program that adapts “off the shelf” electronic ride-on cars for children with disabilities, including visual impairments.
The “Go Kids Go!” workshop, which is based on the “Go Baby Go!” project, a national
program that was designed by Dr. Cole Galloway of the University of Delaware, will
take place on December 19 from 8:30 am – 4:00 pm on the campus of MSB. The workshop, which is designed for early intervention professionals and families of children
with disabilities is open to teams comprising of 2- 5 members including service providers, therapists and family members of a child receiving services. Participants will have
the opportunity to adapt one of two model cars using a mix of high tech and low tech
features – such as roll bars made out of PVC pipe, switch activation and adapted
seating.
Research has shown that increasing the mobility opportunities of a non-ambulatory
child has a positive impact on their social skills and other development. Dr. Samuel Logan and his team from UD have done extensive research on the impact of improved mobility opportunities for young children with moderate to severe disabilities, including
visual impairment.
The workshop agenda includes a presentation by Dr. Logan and his team who will
present an overview of their research, the purpose of the program and safety guidelines
for the adaptation of the ride-on cars. The participating teams will then have four hours
to adapt their cars. At 2:30 pm, there will be a demonstration of the ride-on cars, final
fittings for children and the opportunity for them to test-drive the cars.
As a statewide resource center, MSB provides outreach, educational and residential
services for students to reach their fullest potential by preparing them to be as
successful, independent, and well-rounded contributing members of their communities
as possible. Annually MSB serves 73 percent of the 1,800 students identified in Maryland who are blind or visually impaired from birth to age 21. For more information
visitwww.marylandschoolfortheblind.
For more information on the “Go Baby Go!” project as designed by the University of
Delaware, visithttp://www.udel.edu/gobabygo/
Video is available at: http://www.wonderbaby.org/
For more information contact Dotty Raynor @410-319-5722 or [email protected]
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Morocco: An Inspiring Model of Development
US Business Schools attend ’Doing Business in North-Africa’
seminars at ESCA Ecole de Management in Casablanca, a
gateway to Emerging Africa
A gateway to Emerging Africa, Casablanca attracts an increasing number of American executives and entrepreneurs eager to understand the economic challenges and potential that
African markets offer. From 23 to 29 November 2014, ESCA Ecole de Management, a
Casablanca-based business school, will conduct a one-week seminar to introduce MBA
Participants from Stern School of Business (New York University), a leading American
business school, to the emerging markets of the MENA region.
These exploratory study tours provide a unique insight in the three dimensions necessary
for a good understanding of business:
• Cultural dimension: While six of the best-performing economies of the 2001-2010 decade are African (IMF / The Economist Report – 2011), and four African countries are
among the top 10 economies recording the highest growth rates in 2013 (‘The World in
2013’ report by The Economist), multinational companies prospecting in African
markets often face cultural differences and find It difficult to operate with their local
partners. ESCA Ecole de Management’s seminars shed light on the cultural aspects that
define Moroccan economic dynamics, lifestyles, institutions and business models.
• Academic dimension: Morocco is an economically prosperous and politically stable
country that serves as a hub and a model of development in the MENA and EuroMed
regions. The seminar will be an opportunity to discover local potentials for growth in
the banking sector, new technologies, tourism industry, distribution or design, and
understand the economic dynamics that lead North Africa, the Arab-Muslim world, the
MENA region and Africa.
• Finally, and most importantly, meeting with businesses: the “Doing Business in Morocco and North Africa” program provides a unique opportunity for participants to attend company visits, interact with local entrepreneurs, leaders and political
representatives, and meet Morocco’s Emerging Champions. The objective is to better
understand their vision, their dynamics and key factors of success in Africa: a mix of
innovation and opportunism, connections and negotiations, business agility and resourcefulness. MBA Participants from Stern School of Business will have the
opportunity to visit the LESIEUR CRISTAL factory in Casablanca, an industrial operator who has turned innovation into a growth engine. In Marrakech, visiting the Sidi
Ghanem complex will introduce them to designers that combine the ancestral traditions
of Moroccan handcrafts and the requirements of mass production and international consumers’ tastes. Finally, the brand image of Marrakech City will be covered during a
meeting with the Vice-President of the General Council of Tourism of the Red City, on ‘
Marrakech : From a Legend to a City Branding ‘ .
This study trip, that has largely been prepared in advance with many readings, will close
with a report and assessment under ESCA Ecole de Management faculty supervision. They
constitute one of the pillars of the MBA program contents, which aim to prepare
participants to take high-responsibility positions in sectors where their analytical and
leadership skills will enable them to implement in-depth solutions to address complex
problems.
ESCA Ecole de Management is positioned as a leading business school in the analyzing
and disseminating of knowledge and practices at play in MENA and Africa’s emerging
markets.
About ESCA Ecole de Management
Founded in 1992 in the heart of Casablanca, Morocco’s largest city, financial hub and economic
capital, ESCA Ecole de Management is a school of
reference in North Africa and in the Mediterranean
region in the fields of education and training in
management. ESCA School of Management offers
advanced master degrees as well as executive training to students and professionals in all
management fields, with the mission to educate a new generation of high potential managers in Africa and emerging countries. International focus is at the core of the School’s strategy with a network of over 60 prestigious international partners in the world and more than
19 nationalities on campus. For the fourth year in a row, the School ranks #1 among universities and business schools in French-speaking countries in Africa in Jeune Afrique
(international newsmagazine) ratings. ESCA Ecole de Management is recognized for
strong commitment of faculty and research, educational quality of programs as well as the
School’s international dimension and relationship with the business community. More details: www.esca.ma
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About New York Stern School of Business
New York University’s Leonard N. Stern School of Business is one of the nation’s
premier management education schools and research centers. From its Greenwich
Village campus in the heart of New York City, NYU Stern offers a broad portfolio of
academic programs at the graduate and undergraduate levels, all of them informed
and enriched by the dynamism, energy and resources of the world’s business capital.
NYU Stern today has taken its place among the nation’s most distinguished business
schools. We are proud of our more than 100-year heritage as a progressive, forwardlooking, merit-based institution, deeply committed to diversity, opportunity, innovation and excellence.
More details: http://www.stern.nyu.edu and
http://web-docs.stern.nyu.edu/academicaffairs/Current%20Syllabi/F14%20DBi%20M
orocco%20&%20North%20Africa%20Syllabus.pdf
Press Contact
Mahja NAIT BARKA +212 5 22 20 91 20 – [email protected]
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PEACE WELCOME CLUB
Earlier on December 20th of 2006, the
United Nations first founded the event of
International Human Solidarity Day. This
day was presented by the General Assembly,
as the U.N believes that solidarity is one of
the fundamental and universal values that
should underlie relations between people of
this generation. On this day, governments
around the world are reminded of their prior
agreements of the agreements that they have
made on an international level in order to
sustain the initiative of fighting against
poverty. People like you or me are suffering
out there because of the inadequate
resources they have to live. These are sometimes as simple as clothing, shelter or even a
clean resource to water.
This year, the team at Peace Welcome Club
(PWC) suggested participating in this year’s
initiative of spreading awareness on a day
that really helps to bring the world together.
International Solidarity Day will be regarded
as an event yet again this year on December
20th. Some of the initiatives that we will be
helping to spread awareness on will be
making health and medication accessible to
those in need, helping to achieve universal
education and last but not least fighting
against poverty, corruption and terrorism.
Let’s conquer these world problems one big
initiative at a time!
With the suffering of many in small parts of
Africa because of the outbreak of Ebola,
many could have been cured if it weren’t for
the inadequate healthcare that is provided
there. Groups such as World Vision, Red
Cross and the United Nations have gone
above and beyond expectations to provide
healthcare facilities to these unfortunate
people. This is where human solidarity is
taking place in order for various groups to
come together and assist as much as they can
on an international effort that will in turn
help to save as many lives as possible.
In today’s developed nations, girls and boys
are treated the same way and they also have
the equal opportunity of succeeding in getting an education as well as a job from the
times of preschool to the end of university.
However, in other developing nations there
are girls that don’t even get the chance to be
able to go to school and get an elementary
education let alone a post-secondary
education. This isn’t ancient times where
women aren’t regarded as people but this is
the 21st century where women should be
treated the same way as men are.
With the uprising of corruption and
terrorism, it can be a hard to keep people
safe and away from the harm of these things.
In order to reflect on the Human Solidarity
Day, PWC urges for countries around the
world to come to a conclusion or agreement
to help ban land mines or just stop the
military for the day, as people’s safety should
come first. Let’s all bask in the endless peace
that can be created with the solidarity of
humans around us and the agreements
between nations.
Have a safe and happy International Human
Solidarity Day!
ABOUT PEACE WELCOME CLUB
On February 29th of 2012 Harnoor Gill
founded the Peace Welcome Club (PWC). At
the young age of 14 in Grade 8, Harnoor had
a vision to lead volunteers to campaign about
newcomer opportunities not being available
or interpreted as much as it should be.
Therefore, Harnoor came out with this idea
to create a mission to promote Youth
Volunteering across the world!
Now at the age of 16, Harnoor Gill has created a youth-led project that is known worldwide. Currently sitting at 3060 Facebook
likes, Harnoor Gill is an inspiring role model
to every teenager out there that wants to get
to know and become just like him. His cause
is special as it highlights a part of Canada
that seems to be least addressed, which is to
address the never-ending flock of immigrants
that land in Canada. Being an immigrant him-
self, Harnoor soon realized how deprived the
resources really are regarding ways to
become integrated in the community and
how to enjoy yourself to the countries’ endless opportunities as an immigrant.
Harnoor believed that the only way to get
something out there was to start an initiative
on his own, which is how he came to
becoming the founder of Peace Welcome
Club along with the huge support of his dedicated parents.
Harnoor launched this group of his with a
bang by doing such awesome things at an
amazingly short lifespan. Before Harnoor
even entered high school itself, he had volunteered for over a 1000 hours showing his
dedicated community service as well as true
dedication towards his community needs.
Some of the organizations that Harnoor has
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spent countless hours volunteering with
are Halton Children’s Aid Society, Town
of Halton Hills, Willow Park Ecology
C e n t r e , P r o t e c t O u r Wa t e r a n d
Environmental Sources, Cogeco
Television, Georgetown Hospital
Foundation and many more
organizations in local communities.
Harnoor even goes out in the
community and leads events through his
club such as initiating the conversation
to make change while promoting worthwhile community causes and engaging
as well as empowering local and global
youth through his group’s various
community initiatives. He has lead
events such as the Jean Green Drive, the
Book Drive and the Food Drive to help
and raise awareness about the people in
need of these resources. In the Jean
Green Drive, the PWC has donated
more than 3000 jeans worldwide. In the
Book Drive, the PWC has donated over
10 000 books locally as well as
internationally. Last but not least, the
PWC has donated more than 500 canned
food items locally during Thanksgiving
to people in need.
The sole purpose or goal of Peace
Welcome Club as a whole is to inform
youth that age is not a barrier to
volunteer because Harnoor Gill is a
clear piece of evidence that has been
denied a job as a volunteer but he got
right back up on his feet and tried somewhere else later. With the motivation
and perseverance he had of volunteering
his services and time to organizations,
he received countless achievements and
awards for them.
Teen titan, Harnoor also happens to be a
writer that also writes for many of the
top publications of his time. Many leading publications such as Good News Toronto, Amazing Kids magazine, IndoCanadian Voice, South Asian Generation
Next, Asian Journal, Snap Caledon have
contributed towards PWC’s initiatives
from Harnoor. As an avid writer and
child advocate, Harnoor has
successfully had his writing published
on Indo-Canadian Voice, Asian Journal,
Times of India, The Independent & Free
Press, Your Commonwealth, and in
Amazing Kids! Magazine. Some of his
hobbies include being an enthusiastic
and creative individual who loves to
read books, write articles, and play
basketball.
Some of them happen to include
Canada’s Top 15 under 15, Peace Medallion by YMCA and the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee Medal that Harnoor has
received for the tremendous amount of
work Harnoor has put up in the
community. He was recognized as one
of Canada’s Top 15 Under 15 by the
national magazine, Canadian Family in
2011. Harnoor has won numerous
awards including the Peace Medallion
by the YMCA and Queen Jubilee Medal
in 2012. He also received the
International ‘Diana’ Award and
International Eco-Hero in 2013. Harnoor has many awards to count on his
accolades list and has been well known
to the community on a global stage. A
proven role model to youth in the global
community, he hopes to continue to add
his new ideas and direction about his
j o u r n e y w i t h t h e Wo r l d Vi s i o n
community.
Peace Welcome Club also has Youth Ambassadors that are handpicked by the
Board Members of PWC and Harnoor.
Guess, what, youth from India, Qatar,
Hong Kong and Canada came on board
as Youth Ambassadors to serve on the
Board! Each Youth Ambassadors was
profiled in national and international
publications for their achievements and
efforts. Many leading publications such
as Good News Toronto, Amazing Kids
magazine, Indo-Canadian Voice, South
Asian Generation Next, Asian Journal,
Snap Caledon have contributed towards
PWC’s initiatives. Moreover, every
month, Youth of the Month is selected
and profiled on PWC’s facebook page.
Harnoor Gill and the Youth Ambassadors are a small but friendly group of
volunteers whose mission itself is to
promote youth volunteerism. Harnoor
and his team also spread environmental
awareness towards our endangered marine friends or beloved wild life by
participating in the Canadian Shoreline
Clean-Up as well.
“Remember, the easiest way to get
involved is to like our facebook page as
we are only a like away. With constant
updates, there is no social media outlet
or website that works better than
Facebook and Peace Welcome Club has
been using it ever since the founding in
2012”, says Harnoor. This is the best
way to stay involved as well as stay
connected because social media is at its
highest as of right now.
Harnoor Gill is a teenager with nice
ideas and he is an amazing role model to
other teenagers in high school around
him.
For updates on this exciting initiative as
well as other volunteer initiatives,
please:
Facebook
http://www.facebook.com/PeaceWelco
meClub
http://ca.linkedin.com/pub/harnoor-gill/
8 9 / 2 a / 5 b a http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/nrico
n t r i b u t e p r o f i l e / 1 5 3 8 5 3 1 9 . c m s http://asianjournal.ca/?s=Harnoor+Gill http://www.voiceonline.com/?s=Harnoo
r + G i l l & x = 1 7 & y = 6 http://www.yourcommonwealth.org/?s=
Harnoor+Gill
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LIFELONG LEARNING
Lifelong learning is continuous education
and training from cradle to grave
involving formal and informal methods
of learning. It aims to provide the best
possible development and opportunity in
personal, social, recreational, working
and professional life. To become a lifelong learner you must be totally
committed, passionate and purposeful
about the pursuit of learning, and believe
that learning is a continuous journey and
not an end in itself. You must identify
your learning needs, set your learning
goals, monitor your progress, and modify
your learning strategies as necessary.
Lifelong learning takes place in the workplace, in colleges, libraries, clubs and
professional bodies, in the community
and at home.
You are born with the most amazing computer in your head but it doesn’t come
with an instruction manual. Just like an
understanding of how a lathe works may
help carpenters build better furniture, an
understanding of how the brain works
may help you use it more effectively. The
brain needs learning, oxygen, nutrition
and love to survive and thrive. Provided
you look after it during your life the
brain will serve you well into ripe old
age.
There are many benefits of lifelong learning including the
challenge of learning, the
recognition it brings and the sheer
thrill of discovery while learning
new things. In addition, you will
have greater self-esteem and more
self-confidence.
Concentration is the discipline of being
able to become totally absorbed in a
topic. In any area of life you can’t
achieve anything worthwhile without
developing and exercising your powers
of concentration. A lack of concentration
has resulted in students failing
examinations, employees not getting the
The skills that will boost your ability as a
lifelong learner include: concentration,
reading, learning maps, learning from
mistakes, memory and creativity. These
skills can be developed and enhanced
through purposeful study and practise.
job they want, companies going bankrupt
and sports people losing tournaments and
games, with dire personal, professional
and financial consequences. It is vital to
learn the skills of concentration and how
to use them to best effect. One activity to
improve your concentration skills is to
always have a clear purpose or plan.
Purpose provides a focal point, while a
plan provides a systematic route to
achieve your goals. Intentionally plan and
prepare to concentrate rather than hope it
will happen by chance.
Good reading skills are critical for
success in all areas of our personal and
working lives. Reading feeds the brain
with ideas and information, nourishes the
imagination, expands our mental horizons, enhances creativity and builds our
thinking skills. Reading opens the door to
other people’s ideas, knowledge and
experience without leaving the comfort of
your own home. There are reading skills
you can master to improve your ability to
read faster, smarter, and with greater comprehension and retention. Reading
strategies give you choice as regards what
you should read carefully, what you
should skim and scan, and what you
should skip and ignore. Reading
strategies will improve the effectiveness
and productivity of your learning. They
can easily be adapted for different kinds
of reading such as challenging nonfiction books, light novels, newspapers,
magazines, letters and reports. One
activity to improve your reading skills is
to apply the SQ4R (Survey, Question,
Read, Recall, Record and Review) technique to non-fiction books. Adopt this
approach to all serious reading matter that
you need to learn, comprehend and recall.
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Learning maps are tree-like, radiant,
nonlinear ways of organising
information by showing graphically
the connection between central ideas
and supporting information.
Evidence supporting the use of
learning maps can be drawn from
research on the brain, learning theory
and memory. They are a way of capturing information, and provide a simplified pictorial overview of complex
information, allowing learners to
better understand relationships and
find new connections. Over the past
50 years they have been adopted for
note-taking, research and other purposes by millions of people
throughout the world, including
students, writers, lecturers, and
trainers and leading companies.
If we fail to learn from our mistakes
we will go on making them resulting
in lost business, lost customers, lost
time, lost opportunities and lost
productivity. People should see their
mistakes as learning opportunities
and as feedback for continuous
improvement and enlightenment.
Most successful people will tell you
that they learned more from their mistakes than from their successes.
However, going on making the same
mistakes over and over again is inefficient and not sustainable. We must
learn our lessons, take them on board
and move on. We can prevent mistakes recurring by asking questions
and reflecting on what worked and
what didn’t work, so that we constantly learn from and improve on
our performance.
Memory is the power to remember
and recall events, and is a central part
of our identity and life story. It is
impossible to function successfully
without a good memory. It is the
backbone of our knowledge and the
source of our ideas. You can use
memory skills in the home, study,
personal development or at work.
The effort and time involved in
learning memory skills will be more
than compensated by your improved
memory, and overall ability to learn
more effectively. There are simple
strategies you can adopt to overcome
everyday memory problems.
Improving memory is a lifelong
process and you should aim to make
it an on-going integrated and enjoyable part of your life. Discover how
your memory works and learn and
practise the techniques that will help
you remember better and learn more.
A simple way to improve your memory is to learn the three basic laws of
memory: Impression, Repetition and
Association (IRA), and use this acronym to remember things you want to
remember. This means you should
get a vivid impression of what you
want to remember, repeat it a few
times, using spaced repetition, and
link it with something you know
already.
Creativity is often about seeing
something unusual in the usual.
Apart from making something new,
creativity can also be about
improving, refining, changing or
combining things in new or novel
ways. It is also about building on
existing ideas and finding inspiration
in unlikely places. Creativity turns
problems and challenges into
opportunities and solutions.
Creativity has enriched our lives and
provided us with the comforts and
conveniences of modern living.
Learn the techniques to generate
creative ideas and learn about the
creative problem solving approach.
Use these techniques to enhance your
creative ability in your personal,
domestic and work life so that you
become a more interesting, creative
and successful person. Memorise and
understand the acronym CAMPERS
(combine, adapt, modify, put to other
uses, rearrange and simplify), so that
you will be able to recall easy and
useful ways to enhance your ability
to be creative. Study nature and be
inspired by the ingenious
evolutionary ways it has invented to
cope with survival.
Samuel Malone is a training
consultant based in Dublin. He is the
author of over 20 books published in
Ireland, the UK and internationally
on learning, personal development,
study skills and business
management. Samuel Malone’s latest
book titled: Awaken the Genius
Within – A Guide to Lifelong
Learning Skills (2014) is published
by Glasnevin Publishing Dublin. All
his books are available online from
Amazon.co.uk
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Yasuni-Amazona: “The Rain Forest Project”
Welcome Future Global Professors
and College Scholars
of: Yasuni-Amazona, “The Rain
Forest Project”
YASUNI Symbolizes Abundance of Life
on Earth
Our Non-Profit Educational Project in
collaboration with
the NAPO WILDLIFE
CENTER offers an ALL
EXPENSE PAID COMPREHENSIVE AMAZON TRIP,
FULL
ROOM & BOARD,
R O U N D T R I P A I RFARE, for Global Scholars interested in Studying a topic of their academic passion in the
Yasuni, State Park in
Ecuador for 4, 8 and 12
week terms. ALL Expenses (Approximately $4,600) are covered
by Yasuni-Amazona, “The Rain Forest
Project”!
This Summer 2015, we will begin to
work with Professors from diverse
academic disciplines to lead Exclusive
Study Abroad Programs with taylorized
programs to meet accredited college
curriculum requirements. This program
will function outside of our Original
Independent Study Program for adventurous scholars!.
JOIN US:
We are Called by
Yasuni to be Caretakers of Ciebo Trees
over 450 years old!
I am here to talk to
you about YasuniAmazona, or, what
we call “The Forest
of Knowledge.”
Before we start, I would like to stop for a
moment of silence. [30 Second Pause]
Now, no.… this not the commemoration
of the death of someone near and dear,
nor a moment for me to collect my
thoughts.
Rather, it is a symbol, a metaphor for the
indifference in our world today. For this,
we have to pause, in silence, for at least a
minute … perhaps even a day, a week, a
month, a lifetime.
It is the indifference we have found to the
continuance of life of another part of the
world, a place of diversity, and activity,
and even purity — a purity we may soon
lose if we do not begin a project of emergency assistance.
The selection of foreign exchange
programs for college students is much
like all of us going off for a “summer in
Europe.” There is a saturation of “people
abroad,” students going off “to find
themselves.”
Instead, what we are doing in the Amazon
is to design an off-the-grid exchange
program, one we have dubbed the “Forest
of Knowledge”
It is not a program that will help to save a
land and its people.
This is, as you may have guessed,
something that should reach out and
touch us all. It is the sound of a jungle,
alive with creatures that are a part of,
who help to sustain that jungle.
This is why we started the YasuniAmazona Scholarship program. We want
to be heard contributing what we can to
keep the voices of the forest alive, to
offer sustenance to this place of
indigenous knowledge.
118
Nº 10
It is designed to support economic
development, synergy and most
importantly, it is a one-of-a-kind
Independent Study that allows the
student to thrive in a fully realized
educational drive, to share the
intelligence and linguistic abilities of
a vital community. It is a program
available for a successful ecotourism model that would serve as a
template for an appropriate, non- hurtful enrichment of one of the peoples
of the far Amazon basin.
I ask you to open your mind, spirit
and philanthropic hopes by joining
us in this project. We are seeking
exchange students to opt for an
Independent Topic to research in
the Amazon in their appropriate
field of study.
After the end of their four week
program, each student would present
a written, visual or audio report. A
chemistry student might try synthesizing medicinal tropical plants to find
new remedies. A pre-med student
would learn first-hand of tropical
diseases, and use this knowledge to
help the 900 indiginos that live in
this area. A student of sociology
would study the interaction of the
denizens of the forest with outsiders
(like ourselves). A HDSR student
could study the changing role of the
Kichwa women, those that might
participate in the Eco-Tourism
industry in Ecuador. A biology
student may decide to study a healthy
option in the jungle to head off the
depredations of an invasive insect
or fungus.
Our mission is to seek partnerships
and raise monies to send each
student for a minimum four-week
study in the Amazon. The funding
will cover the costs of transportation from the USA to our jungle
site — via Quito — with meals
and escorts to the site; and, once
there, to cover room and board. A
portion of the funding will also be
set aside for a specific project to
benefit this community of Anangu
in the Yasuni State Park.
We are eager to build solar projects,
educational programs, computer-use
studies, and develop enhanced water
systems with schools
with other
infrastructure
programs in the
Anangu Community.
C o n t a c t : J o e G r i f f i n Tel 858-663-9278
[email protected]
http://www.yasuni-amazona.org/
119
Global Education Magazine invites all readers to
disseminate the contents of the journal.
[email protected]
The authors accepted the terms to publish this magazine. Now, everyone can
reproduce, adapt or distribute (in a free and non-commercial way) any article
to aware the world-society about the Millenium Development Goals.
We are not responsible for the opinion of the authors in their articles.
120

international human solidarity day

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