AA#23 - Who were the Mound Builders?
Transcription
AA#23 - Who were the Mound Builders?
ANCIENT AMERICAN © Archaeology of the Americas Before Columbus A Maya Temple found in Illinois? Peru’s Puzzling Petroglyphs Japan’s Megalithic link to America 400,000 year-old German Javelins Welsh King Murdered in 7th Century America Search and Discovery at the Bahamas Carbon-14 Dating in Trouble Landbridge Theory Beginning to Collapse Ecuador’s Prehistoric Port of Call Who were the Mound Builders? VOLUME 3 ISSUE NUMBER 23 • APRIL/MAY • $4.95 U.S./ $5.50 CAN. PHARAOH’S BREW The World’s Ra r est Bee r In 1990 archaeologists in Egypt made a discovery that changed forever the history of beer. A lost chamber was discovered under the Sun Temple of Queen Nefertiti, a relation of King Tut. After analyzing the sediment in containers found in this lost chamber, archaeologists quickly realized they had uncovered the world’s oldest known brewery which once produced the beer of the Pharaohs. In 1995 the Egypt Exploration Society teamed up with two English Breweries whereby using the same exact ingredients and brewing processes they were able to reproduce the ancient beer. At an auction , a 12 oz. bottle of this beer sold for $7,200. After we studied the ancient ingredients, Siebel Institute of Technology was hired to formulate Pharaoh’s Brew – which is, without question, the world’s most unique beer with a taste fit for a Pharaoh. Pharaoh’s Brew has a shelf life equal to that of a fine rare wine of over 100 years. No other beer has been able to make this claim since the death of the last Pharaoh some 2,500 years ago. We use all natural ingredients and the actual water from the well shaft beneath the Gold Pyramid. Pharaoh’s Brew is fermented for over 2 months in vats. Once bottled, Pharaoh’s Brew is aged in the Gold Pyramid to bottle ferment for a minimum of one year. This process creates a very special taste that will continue to improve year after year. Each bottle has a special protective seal that is hand numbered and dated. To ensure authenticity, once a bottle is sold it is registered to the owner in the Onan Library of Beer. Pharaoh’s Brew has brought back the ancient mystique in beer making. With it’s long shelf life, Pharaoh’s Brew will continue to increase in value much the same as a fine rare wine. Pharaoh’s Brew makes a prestigious gift* that will gain status as a fabulous collectors’ piece for many years to come. For those who believe in ancient Egyptian mystique, we suggest you open your bottle at midnight on New Year’s Eve to share with that special person in your life to welcome the new millennium and ensure the lasting bond between you. Due to our lengthy fermentation and aging time of over 14 months, shipping will not be until 1999. We suggest you reserve your bottle of the next limited edition of Pharaoh’s Brew II at this time. No payment is necessary at this time. You will be billed before shipping. Brewmaster: MAIL ORDER TO: The Gold Pyramid • 37921 N. Dilleys Rd. • Wadsworth, IL 60083 $100.00 per Bottle Please include your name & complete mailing address Bill me before shipping Qty. Name: Street Address (no P.O. Box): City: State: Zip Signature: I certify that I am 21 years or older (signature required) Total $100.00 each. Shipping, Handling & Insurance $14.95 per Bottle IL Residents Only add 6.5% Sales Tax 90 DAY MONEY BACK GUARANTEE TOTAL * For those who want to use Pharaoh’s Brew as a gift before the shipping date and need a gift certificate, your order must be paid in full. Please furnish name of your gift recipient to be registered as the owner. A royalty is paid to the Cairo Museum on each bottle of Pharaoh’s Brew. The second limited edition of Pharaoh’s Brew is sold on a first come, first serve basis. We reserve the right to limit quantities and if oversold, to return your order and payment. Please send me a FREE brochure on guided tours to Egypt. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Project Alta: Search and Discovery in the Bahamas by Frank Joseph A number of dramatic discoveries which could radically alter present notions of the pre-Columbian past were made in a recent expedition to the Bahamas. Although these finds were made last autumn, they are described for the first time in this report. As such, their publication is an Ancient American exclusive. Designated Project Alta-III, the expedition was headed by archaeologist, William Donato, founder and president of The Atlantis Organization (CA). He similarly led teams of divers (during 1993 and 1995) to investigate possible archaeological remains in the immediate vicinity of Bimini, a small, Bahamian island located 55 miles east of Miami, Florida. But last year's effort was the most fruitful, with enough new information to force the rewriting of American prehistory. No sooner had the Project Alta volunteers arrived in Bimini on Saturday afternoon, October 18th, when they were informed of a major discovery made by one of the team members, Donnie Fields. Although her find took place four years earlier, only recently had it been positively verified by a qualified expert. In 1993, she was carefully examining a remote, rarely visited and largely undisturbed stretch of beach in Bimini for any clues suggesting human presence in prehistoric times. What Donnie saw, as she cleared away the dense, jungle vegetation, was far more than she ever hoped to find. There, close to the ocean's edge, was the clear impression of a human footprint embedded in stone. Expanding her investigation, she soon found another footprint, then others. In all, she uncovered two dozen footprints comprising three, different sets, perhaps made by an adult man and woman accompanied by a child. The footprints lead directly from the beach and out into and under the water toward East Bimini and the position of several effigy mounds configured to resemble a fish, cat and rectangle. Plaster casts, showing the typical strikeand-ball marks made while striding through clay or mud, prove that the footprints were manmade, and reveal that one of the adults stood approximately 5 feet, 4 inches tall. Interestingly, the casts also evidence the toes in relation to a high arch often associated with Cro Magnon humans and some Amerindian peoples. After her discovery, Donnie pre- A Project Alta expedition member peers into the mangrove swamp of East Bimini, providing some conception of the jungle’s dense foliage. Photograph by William Donato. sented photographs of the casts she made to a geologist, Dr. John Gifford. Although skeptical of many so-called finds claimed by enthusiasts over the years at Bimini, he was convinced that the footprints were authentic and offered his opinion that they are 7,000 years old, making them the oldest of their kind in the New World. They were made by persons walking across a clay area of mud that over the millennia turned to stone. At that time, sea-levels were lower than now, so the two Bimini islands, currently separated by shallow water, were then part of a single land-mass. The discovery of America's oldest footprints in Bimini, of all places, is particularly remarkable, because they prove that human beings were crossing the open ocean at a time when standard archaeological opinion portrays them as landlubber, hunter-gatherer primitives. Clearly, the appearance of 7,000 year-old human footprints on this tiny, Atlantic island is physical proof that man was a seafarer from deep antiquity. Great credit goes to Donnie Fields for having made such a provocative find. She is an indefatigable investigator of Bimini history and prehistory, with a nurturing care for the island's people and ecology. 2 B ut why would anyone attempt an ocean voyage to Bimini 7,000 years ago? What could have possibly drawn them there? When the island was discovered by Spanish explorers in the late 15th Century it was inhabited by a pre-ceramic culture belonging to the Ciboney Indians, whose traditions regarding their island have not survived. Origins and possible meanings of "Bimini" are not known, although in the language of the pharaonic Egyptians, the name translates handily as "Ba-Mininini," or "Homage to the Soul of Min." Min was the god sacred to long-distance travelers and the Egyptian version of Heracles, or Hercules, himself portrayed in Greco-Roman myth as a far-ranging voyager. Could Bimini have formerly been a way-station or supply-point for sailors traveling from the distant Eastern Mediterranean? The Lucayans, who originated in far-off Brazil, inhabited several islands throughout the Bahamas by the 13th Century, and curiously referred to Bimini as "the Place of the Wall" or "Place of the Crown." Modern investigators believe this descriptive name is a direct reference to the controversial structure lying under 19 feet of water only a mile off Bimini's ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Turned to stone by time, a set of human footprints lead from Bimini’s shore into the water. Dated to 7,000 years, they are the oldest known footprints in the Americas. First-time publication of photograph (highlighted to show detail) by Donnie Fields. north point. Discovered in 1968, the feature runs in a perfectly straight line for some 1,300 feet before terminating in a J-section and is composed of often massive, usually square-cut blocks of limestone. Known as "the Bimini Road," it more resembles a massive wall which once belonged to a harbor facility of some kind, probably a quay or dock for large sailing ships. Dimitri Rebikoff, a renowned scientist who completed the first survey of the Bimini Road in 1969, concluded that the structure was "identical to the parallel harbor piers found by us at the Zembra Phoenician harbor in Tunisia." Andre Poidebard, the pioneer of aerial archaeology and credited as the discoverer of the Phoenician port-cities of Tyre and Sidon, noticed that "the characteristic mark of Bronze Age harbor installation is that all major foundations and wherever possible the seawalls themselves are cut out of the live rock itself, providing maximum strength against the onslaught of storm waves" --- the same technique displayed in the Bimini Road. Rebikoff similarly observed, "It is obvious that, as in the Bronze Age ports of the Mediterranean, such an extensive deep cut in the live rock is by far the strongest possible sea-resistant foundation method." Combined with fluctuating, lower sea-levels from the late 4th Millennium through the early 2nd Millennium B.C., the parallels made by Rebikoff suggest the Bimini Road was, in fact, originally part of a harbor facility culturally resembling similar docking facilities in the Mediterranean Bronze Age, from roughly 2500 to 1200 B.C. Still other investigators believe the structure could be considerably older, and point to the drastically lowered sea-levels of the 10th Millennium B.C. Although still dismissed by professional skeptics, who, in most cases, have never gone to Bimini or examined the Road in person, the site's authenticity was given a large dose of credibility by a Colorado geologist. While visiting Bimini on holiday, he was shown a block 3 removed directly from the sunken structure by William Keefe. Together with his wife, Nowdla, he owns and operates Atlantis Diving Tours, near Bimini's south end. Despite the name of his company, Mr. Keefe refused to believe the so-called Road was anything more than a natural formation of beach rock. uring a usual dive to the site in 1995, however, a particular stone caught his eye for the regularity of its appearance. With great difficulty, he later pried it from its place in the Road and floated it to the surface with the makeshift arrangement of a buoyancycontrol device more ordinarily used by scuba divers to maintain their position under water. On shore, the stone appeared even more artificial than when Mr. Keefe first saw it three fathoms deep. He brought it back to his dive shop, where Nowdla washed off centuries of marine accretions. Later, using bleach to scour the stone, she was surprised to find a triangular notch on one side, something far more typical of a manmade D ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 construction feature than anything naturally occurring in the sea. This was the curious stone the visiting geologist examined. Returning to Colorado in November, he put his findings on paper, but refrained from adding his name for fear of peer pressure from his conservative colleagues. He knew only too well that professional careers are often ruined by powerful academics with financial investment in the scientific status quo, and who strenuously oppose any unconventional find that challenges their rigid paradigm. The results of his observations nonetheless go a long way to confirm the stone's artifactual identity and are published here for the first time (see page 6), courtesy of Nowdla and her dive shop. With these exciting, new discoveries behind us, Project Alta III finally got under way on Sunday, October 19th, when expedition-leader William Donato led team member, Jonathan Eagle, and myself into the mangrove swamps of East Bimini. There we used G.P.S. (global positioning systems) instruments to measure the corners of the so-called Rectangle Mound. Some investigators speculated this enormous geoglyph, about 200 by 300 feet, had been intentionally oriented to specific astronomical phenomenon, perhaps alignments with certain positions of constellations, such as the Pleiades. While our findings strongly suggested that the feature had been terraformed by human beings in prehistoric times, G.P.S. results could not confirm that the Rectangle Mound possessed any deliberate celestial orientations. Further tests could show that one or more alignments are inherent in the structure, but these may have only been used to establish its linear proportions and were not necessarily part of any astronomical fixes. The following day, we took to the air in a twin-engine aircraft for an extensive aerial survey of Bimini and the surrounding waters and islands. From altitude, the huge Fish, Cat, Cobra and Rectangle Mounds of East Bimini stood out in high relief from the jungle floor. inging our way over the northern part of the Bahama Banks, 30 miles northeast of Bimini we were somewhat amazed to see what appeared to be a perfectly straight line running from horizon to horizon, beneath the surface of the sea. West of the line, the water was light turquoise; east, a deep indigo. This peculiar feature was first brought to Donato’s attention by Herbert Sawinski, a prominent investigator, who noticed the line in a satellite photograph. Now its existence was confirmed by aerial surveillance. The prodigious length of the line and the appar- Atlantean debris-field? Some of the fallen blocks, apparently scattered by centuries of tropical storms, at Moselle Shoal, just north of the island of Bimini. Photograph by William Donato. ently straight perfection of its course make the sub-surface feature something of a geologic anomaly that may prove more valuable archaeologically: it may have been recognized and used by ancient seafarers to the Bahamas, because currents of the deeper water (the dark blue area) may run up against shallower water to generate currents that a ship could ride directly to Bimini. Our aircraft turned north east, and we flew over a feature known as the Moselle Shoal. Visited by fishermen for its abundant catch-grounds, the Shoal, while seldom sought out by divers more attracted by the Road site, appeared suspiciously, however abstractly manmade, and we vowed to dive on it as part of our expedition. ext on our itinerary was more distant Andros Island and its surrounding islets, mostly uninhabited specks of territory set like fragments of alabaster in a malachite sea. We made several fly-overs of Andros and the smaller Pine Cay, where we observed a large, N W One of Moselle Shoals’ enormous blocks, half lost in the sandy ocean-bottom. Was it once a pillar in a temple or palace built by sea-kings from Atlantis? Photograph by William Donato. 4 ANCIENT AMERICAN The Voice of Alternative Viewpoints Volume 3, Issue Number 23 WAYNE N. MAY....PUBLISHER SYDNEY J. TANNER....COPY EDITOR EPHRAIM JAMES....PRODUCTION MGR. KRISTINE MAY....CIRCULATION MGR. ROGER GRAWE....FULFILLMENT MGR. RALPH WOLAK....ADVERTISING MGR. STEVEN BRAKER.....STAFF PHOTOGRAPHER ALEXANDER LUKATS.....STAFF PHOTOGRAPHER KRIS RYAN-ZONS......WEBMASTER The purpose of Ancient American is to describe the true prehistory of our continent, regardless of presently fashionable belief-systems, and provide a public forum for certified experts and non-professionals alike to freely express their views without fear nor favor. .....ADVISORS.... WILLIAM DONATO, MA, PRESIDENT THE ATLANTIS ORGANIZATION BUENA PARK, CALIFORNIA DR. JAMES E. GILLIHAN ARCHAEOLOGIST & ARTIFACT APPRAISER NEW HARMONY, INDIANA JAMES E. LOCKWOOD, JR. ALUMNUS ASSOCIATE CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, BELOIT COLLEGE, WISCONSIN, ANDREW E. ROTHOVIUS THE GUNGYWAMP SOCIETY MILFORD, NEW HAMPSHIRE FRED RYDHOLM AUTHOR, HISTORIAN MARQUETTE, MICHIGAN DR. JAMES P. SCHERZ ANCIENT EARTHWORKS SOCIETY MADISON, WISCONSIN IN THIS ISSUE Volume 3, Issue #23 News Project Alta: Search and Discovery in the Bahamas .......................................................... 2 Frank Joseph A Mayan Temple found in Illinois? ........................... 11 John Miller Lost legacy found in Wisconsin..................................12 Bering “Land-Bridge” Theory Collapsing .................. 27 David Burton Photographic Preservation of Peru’s Puzzling Petroglyphs ................................................ 38 Frank Ciampa Features Radiocarbon Dating: Tool or Magic Wand? ................ 8 Robert F. Helfinstine The Mound Builder Myth: What did Squier and Davis Actually say? .......................................... 16 John J. White, III Ecuador, America’s Prehistoric Port of Call .............. 19 Bruce Scofield NEIL STEEDE CONSULTANT ARCHAEOLOGIST INDEPENDENCE, MISSOURI Germany’s 400,000 year-old Javelins ..................... 26 IRON THUNDERHORSE, POWWAMANTOWE ALGONQUIAN CONFEDERACY, ANISHINAABEG AUTHOR, COLUMNIST, LINGUIST Missouri’s Mystery Weapon ..................................... 28 DR. JOHN WHITE, III MIDWEST EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY COLUMBUS, OHIO •Manufactured and printed in the United States of America• Ancient American ( ISSN 1077-1646 ) is published bimonthly (except July/August) by Wayne N. May, PO Box 370, Colfax, WI 54730 U.S.A. Ancient American is a non-profit organization. Periodical postage is paid at Colfax, WI 54730, Green Bay, WI 54303 . Subscription requests should be mailed to Ancient American, PO Box 370, Colfax, WI 54730. $24.95 for 6 issues; newsstand price, $4.95 per issue. International subscriptions, $29.95. The purpose of this publication is to report on all ancient findings in the Americas and to inform the general readership of the variety of these findings. Articles and viewpoints expressed herein do not necessarily represent the viewpoints of the editorial staff. Ancient American is published five times per calendar year (6 issues equal one year subscription). Books for review should be sent to the address above. POSTMASTER: Send all address changes to Ancient American, C/O Kristine May, PO Box 370, Colfax, WI 54730. Issue #23 is April/May, 1998. Ancient American is published January/ February, March/ April, May/June, September/October and November/ December. Keith Bennett Keenan Newell Japan’s Megalithic Links to Ancient America and Europe ............................................................... 30 Professor Nobuhiro Yoshida Welsh King murdered in 7th Century America ......... 36 Jim Michael Columns Classified Ads .......................................................... 10 Letters to the Editor .................................................. 14 Editorial: Our next Symposium ................................ 24 ACPAC: Skeletons in the Closet ............................... 26 Front Cover: Ceremonial vessel excavated from Hopewell earthwork (ca. 200 B.C.), Mound City, Ohio. Make all manuscript submissions, with postage paid return envelope, to: Ancient American, P.O. Box 370, Colfax, Wisconsin 54730 U.S.A. 5 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 The square-cut pillars of a ruined, roofless building in the Bolivian High Andes, near the pre-Inca city of Tiahuaniku, bear a striking resemblance to the stone blocks lying underwater at Bimini’s Moselle Shoals. Were both sites built by the same culture-bearers? A.A. staff photo. circular structure, perhaps 100 feet or more in diameter. Years before, Dimitri Rebikoff photographed a feature resembling three concentric rings from 22,000 feet. Though he did not see it, several other questionable structures were observed, such as apparent rectangles and a pair of curved lines off of one of the islets. In his 4th Century B.C. story of Atlantis, the Kritias, the Classical Greek philosopher, Plato, described the sunken capital as composed of alternating rings of land and water. The structure we saw was no city. But it did appear too large for the sponge pens used and abandoned throughout the Bahamas by Greek fishermen in the 1920s. For the present, we got a fix on the enigmatic feature's position and promised ourselves to dive on it in the future. Pine Cay offered another peculiar sighting. Some distance from the first contact, we saw a sub-surface target, previously photographed by Rebikoff, that appeared precisely like the lowercase letter "e." G.P.S. coordinates were obtained for the structure. Although its natural formation seemed doubtful, its function or identity were elusive. In any case, these unusual structures, in conjunction with those of the Moselle Shoal and the Bimini Road, suggest traces of an alien race of civilizers who once, so very long ago, populated this part of the Bahamas and raised their monumental culture, which scarcely survives in the shadowy outlines of uncertain shapes below the sea. To be sure, during the Bronze Age and before, the Bahamas were not a scattered collection of little islands like Bimini or Andros. Following the last Ice Age, about 10,000 years ago, they were part of a mighty island larger than the State of Texas. Over the subsequent millennia, rising sea-levels inundated this island, referred to sometimes as "Poseidia" or "Alta," until, by the modern era, the Bahamas assumed their present configuration. Even today, the waters around Andros and Bimini are often only several feet deep for many miles in all directions. It does not require much imagination to envision a vast territory suddenly arising in this part of the Atlantic, if present sea-levels were to drop marginally. he following day, October 21st, Donato, Eagle and I were joined by Donnie Fields and her husband, Morris, in a dive on the Bimini Road. Although underwater clarity was reduced to less than 20 feet by heavy wave action, we retrieved new samples of the site and completed several measurement surveys of massive stone blocks neglected during previous expeditions. While the agitated surface waves hampered visibility, they did temporarily scour sand away from the base of the Road, revealing several courses of stones arranged on top of each other --- hardly a natural arrangement of beach rock. Moreover, a number of the lower course blocks were positively beveled, just like shaped masonry. Donato noticed that the stones in the Road slanted slightly toward the Bimini shoreline, an important observation on behalf the the site's artificial provenance, because naturally formed beachrock slants away from shore. Doubtless, if the waters surrounding the Bimini Road were pushed aside and the structure beheld in its entirety, no one would ques- T 6 tion its manmade identity. The next day, on the 22nd, we completed our G.P.S. survey of East Bimini's effigy mounds. We motored as far as possible through the mangrove jungle in our shallow-draft boat, while the fleeting apparitions of manta-rays seemed to fly rather than swim through the depths over which we skidded. Then we disembarked to wade waist-high through brackish, shark-inhabited waters. The animal's unpredictable behavior was dramatically demonstrated several years before our expedition began, when Donnie Fields had a meterlong lemon shark suddenly wriggle up her leg toward her breast. The mercifully brief encounter left her shaken but unhurt. On dry land, we once again hacked our way through the virtually impenetrable vegetation festooned with the ghostly webs of bizarre spiders, their square abdomens decorated in red and black designs. East Bimini's more attractive denizens were the big pelicans who roosted high in the palm trees, from which they launched themselves with inspiring grace. Finally arriving at the Fish Mound, we commenced our measurement survey. I could easily make out its piscine configuration from a ground-level vantage point at the tip of its snout. At its opposite end, the fin, too, was distinct--remarkably, considering the immense size of the geoglyph, which may only be appreciated in its entirety and full proportions from the high perspective of a circling airplane. Unlike the Rectangle Mound surveyed several days before, the 527 foot-long Fish Mound appeared to exhibit at least a single, deliberate orientation to the west and the setting sun. Moving on the the Cat Mound, Donato determined that its tail was aligned to magnetic north, underscoring the site's archaeological character. We returned to the Bimini Road on Thursday, but conditions were not much improved over our previous attempt, and only a half-dozen typical samples were retrieved. Friday, our last full day on the island, we experienced our most profitable and dramatic dive. Intrigued by aerial sighting of suggestive shapes at the Moselle Shoal earlier in the week, we chartered a local boat that took us to the location some three miles off Bimini's northern coast. There we found a native fisherman, who, in answer to our questions, said our keel was almost directly over what he sometimes could make out in the mirrory depths as "big stones" different from those he saw elsewhere. Excitedly pulling on our gear, Donato and I went over the gunwale. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Jonathan Eagle had taken ill with pneumonia the day before, so could not join us. Donnie Fields, too, was not feeling well, and Morris felt he should remain at her side. They missed a most spectacular dive. Immediately after sinking beneath the surface, we were enveloped in a vast panorama of luminous, azure visibility extending for literally hundreds of feet in all directions. In 35 years of scuba diving, I have never seen such incredible clarity. The white, sandy bottom was only 19 feet below, but to the west, in the distance, loomed a fantastic jumble of evocative shapes. We swam toward them and reached our goal after long, strenuous kicks through a surging sea. ven before we came close enough to touch them, we could see that the colossal stones were totally unlike the pillow-shaped blocks laid flat and fitted together in the Bimini Road. These looked like massive, square-cut, rectangular supports. A few were still standing up-right, or mostly so. All the rest had fallen over, were leaning at precarious angles or sunk deeper into the sandy bottom. The whole scene, beheld by us in its entirety, made an impression of tremendous catastrophe. Perhaps we were not looking at the remains of a city, but of a once gigantic building of some kind, erected thousands of years ago when Moselle Shoal was above sea-level as an island. These immense blocks may have been all that remained of an otherwise perishable edifice, probably of wood. Their scattered condition was less likely the result of some Atlantean cataclysm, than of the centuries of hurricanes which have swept through this part of the Atlantic Ocean. Donato worked for ten minutes with his hammer, trying unsuccessfully to remove a single chip from one of the stones. It was the hardest granite he ever encountered. Only on the fourth stone was he able to remove two, small samples. Meanwhile, great clouds of tropical fish swirled in electric colors all around us and throughout the site, lending it an unworldly atmosphere, made all the more so by the somber appearance of a huge, spotted ray gliding watchfully among the ruins. They swam among modern ruins, too. In 1925, a salvage operator from Florida, hearing of Moselle's big stones, tried to quarry them for sale back in Miami. But their prodigious weight was greater than he guessed, and they broke through the bottom of the hull, sinking his ship. That explained a few of the imposing blocks I E Colorado Geologist’s Report on the Bimini Stone The material examined was that of a fine grain granite. It resulted from very rapid cooling to produce so small a grain in its structure. Since ancient times, stone of this type has been sought after by construction engineers for foundational support in large-scale building projects. The retrieved specimen is not native to the Bahamas, nor to any nearby source in the U.S. Quarries where it may be found are located in Vermont, New Hampshire, Washington State and Italy. Upon its examination, the following observations, comparisons and conclusions were noted: 1) The rock showed definite tool marks made by a stonesmith. 2) The sample has been deliberately shaped, versus impact by natural erosional forces. 3) A black line across the cracked edge of its surface shows functional wear, which might have been caused by the application of heavy loads. If the block was once part of a major cartway or walkway, the granite crystals in its surface would have been compressed over time, forming such a black line as now appears. 4) The Bimini stone displays some erosional features similar to those commonly found of a set of old granite library steps. 5) The block appears to have been formerly located in a climate with a minimum of two seasons, in which significant heating and cooling took place. 6) The sample displays natural erosion by surface wave-action, not that caused by underwater conditions, implying that it was above sea-level for many years (centuries?) before it being removed. saw lying on top of a large boiler, surrounded by other artifacts of that vessel---a smashed galley, an oversized capstan, decomposing machinery---that went down 72 years ago. The square-cut “pillars” were more than we could count, all laid out within a roughly rectangular field of differing sizes and shapes, some evidencing serious erosion, others in relative good condition. Like the Bimini Road, if Moselle Shoal could be raised above the surface of the sea, the world might recognize it for the ancient ruin it is. ear the end of our air supplies, we reluctantly surfaced and, adhering to our schedule, sped back toward the Bimini Road for a final dive with the last of our tanks. Again, visibility was poor, but Donato did find an unusual hole that appeared to have been drilled into the bedrock, perhaps N 7 as part of some constructional technique to fasten or hold in place part of the ancient harbor works. It is 10 inches deep with a 14 inch radius. Whatever the hole's actual purpose, its discovery contributes to the growing body of evidence on behalf of the Bimini Road's manmade origins. In the evening, we met at our base of operations, the Ellis Cottage, on Bimini's eastern shore, for the last time to assess our week-long efforts. They succeeded beyond our early hopes and laid a firm foundation for our return to Bimini in the next Project Alta. Quotes from the Bahamas Quincentennial Edition of History of Bimini, Volume 2, by Ashley B. Saunders, available from New World Press, PO Box 652, Bimini, Bahamas. 81/2 X 11 inch softcover, illustrated. $20.00, plus $5.00 s.&h. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Radiocarbon Dating: Tool or Magic Wand? by Robert F. Helfinstine, retired professional engineer A rchaeologists, anthropologists and others involved in researching things of the past have used the tools of radiocarbon (14C) dating as a supposedly accurate measurement of time in past history by which they could correlate activities from remote parts of the world. As the method has been used and the procedures improved with modern technology, the assumptions on which the method has been based have been brought into question. And if the assumptions are questionable, what about the results? How many individuals who submit samples for dating understand the limitations of the dating results? What have been some of the objectives in obtaining 14C dates? In Literature of the American Indians, by Sanders and Peek, the authors use 14 C dating of ancient Indian sites to “prove” that the Indian culture was older than that of the Egyptians, which was dated by a different method. Charles Ginenthal stated, “...radiocarbon dating is not employed to test theories, but to support them...radiocarbon always gives a scattered set of dates. The theorists then pick the ones they believe to be correct.”1 The ages of organic fossils, such as once living plant or animal remains, are often determined by the radiocarbon method. A certain amount of carbon in the living plant or animal tissue is 14C, usually obtained in the form of 14CO2 from its environment. In a stable environment, the amount of 14C is in equilibrium; that is, the amount of decay equals the amount of new 14 C taken in. When a plant or animal dies, there is no additional 14C taken into the tissue, and the 14C decreases as a function of time with a half-life of 5,700 years. By measuring the remaining 14C/12C ratio in a sample of wood, leather or ashes from an ancient campfire and compared with a “standard” ratio, a theoretical age of the sample is obtained. How accurate is that age? The assumptions2 on which the dating is made are: 1. It is independent of time for 70,000 years. 2. The value is independent of geologic location. 3. The percent of 14C is not species dependent. 4. The generation activity of 14C is a known constant. 5. There is no 14C contamination with modern 14C. 6. There is no loss of 14C except by radioactive decay. Radiocarbon is generated in the upper atmosphere primarily by cosmic ray bombardment of nitrogen (14N), converting it to 14C. The McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of Science and Technology states that the concentration of 14C in the Earth’s atmosphere, hydrosphere and biosphere is “relatively” uniform. It then goes on to explain how the relatively uniform condition is really a variable. A key factor in the 14C generation rate Were radio carbon tests seriously off the mark in dating this lower jaw of an extinct sloth, a megathere, at 20,000 years old? A.A. staff photograph. is the strength of the Earth’s magnetic field. According to the technical monograph, Origin and Destiny of the Earth’s Magnetic Field,3 the magnetic field is decaying as a first order exponential with a half life of 1,400 years, a number much less than the 5,700 year half life of 14C. The consequence of this decay is that there is a corresponding exponential; increase of the generation rate of 14C. Using present conditions as a reference will result in an increase in the apparent age of older samples. The cosmic ray flux is an unknown for past ages. The eleven-year sun-spot cycle also has a cyclic effect on the generation rate. Dilution of 14C in the atmosphere is caused by burning of hydrocarbon fuel or by release of 12C from CO2 sinks4 as the result of atmosphere and hydrosphere warming. Geographic location is probably one of the biggest variables in the 14C process, yet it seems to be systematically ignored. A few examples include a living tree growing next to an airport dated as being 10,000 years old,5 and living aquatic plants from Montezuma Well in Arizona, which shows apparent ages from 17,300 to 24,750 years.6 Why the erroneous numbers? It is assumed that the tree by the airport has obtained carbon from the exhaust fumes of aircraft which diluted the natural 14 C in the atmosphere. The plants at Montezuma Well are evidently getting much of their carbon from the well water, carbon that has lost most of its 14C content by being aged in the ground for many years. This apparent aging is known as the Seuss effect. Plants, and the animals that feed on 8 them, are influenced by the amount of “old carbon” in their immediate environment. Studies of soil and water conditions show that CO2 concentration in water under grasslands is approximately 1,000 times greater than CO2 concentrations in water in equilibrium with air. orest areas showed an increase of CO2 concentrations in both soil and F water 100 times that of rain water.7 Therefore, both plants and animals from zones with high concentrations of old carbon will provide specimens that appear older by conventional 14C standards than they actually are. There are also assumptions of ages of certain rock formations. Yet, radiocarbon dating old wood samples extracted from the rock show dates radically different from the assumed age. An example is a partly burned but unfossilized branch found in Cretaceous limestone in Texas that was dated as 12,800+/-200 years B.P. (Before Present).8 Spruce wood, described as being in near normal condition, taken from the buried forest of Upper Michigan, was dated at 10,200 years B.P. Other fossil wood found along the north shore of Lake Superior shows similar dates.9 The relatively narrow dates for fossil wood is a problem for some researchers who have definite presuppositions about the time period of certain fossils. Wood found around the carcass of a baby mammoth, Dima, was dated between 9,000 and 10,000 years B.P. Samples of the carcass tissue were dated at 26,000 and 40,000 years B.P.10 Fat and blood samples from the Berezovka mammoth were dated at 39,000 years B.P., but the plant and ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 pollen remains found in its stomach were dated between 6,000 and 7,000 years B.P.11 These examples tend to indicate that older samples can give a variety of dates, many of which may have little direct correlation to dates obtained by other methods. This brings to question the validity of many 14C dates found in the literature. When the material being dated has an unknown past history, how can the measured date be considered valid? ontamination is a potential problem with old samples if the containers they are kept in are made of wood or wood products or are exposed to the air. Carbon 14 can be absorbed by the sample and made to appear younger than its normal 14C date. How much this effects the real date is questionable because of the other variables in the system. This brief summary of the 14C dating problem shows that the assumptions on which the process was originally established need to be reconsidered. It is not independent of time; it is dependent on geographical location; it is species dependent; the generation activity is changing, and it is subject to contamination. There have been a number of “correction factors” proposed in attempts to normalize 14C dating. Tree ring dating has been used, but that process has its own limitations. The influence of the Earth’s magnetic field can be compensated to some C extent, but the large differences due to geographical locations can only be guessed at. Carbon 14 is not the useful tool it was thought to be, but it is often used as a kind of magic wand in attempts to provide validity for establishing dates of ancient fossils. And because of the general commitment to using 14C dates, Charles Ginenthal commented, “I believe that because radiocarbon dating is the one, great backbone and support of the superstructure of the uniformitarian history of the past,...all of this evidence for a distorted ration of 14C/12C,...will be denied.”12 A word to the wise is said to be sufficient. Let’s hope that there are some wise individuals willing to acknowledge the problem. Old paradigms are hard to replace. References: 1. Ginenthal, Charles, “The Extinction of the Mammoth,” The Velikovskian, special edition, 1997, p. 160. 2. Faure, Gunter, Principles of Isotope Geology, 1977, p. 307. 3. Barnes, Thomas G., “Origin and Destiny of the Earth’s Magnetic Field,” Technical Monograph No. 4, Second Ed., 1983, p. 17. 4. Ginenthal, op cit., pp. 178-180. The two main sinks for old carbon are the Arctic tundra, which absorbs CO2 from the atmosphere, and methane hydrate, a 9 frozen mixture of methane and water found in the tundra and the ocean. 5. Huber, Bruno, “Recording Gaseous Exchange under Field Conditions,” The Physiology of Trees, K.V. Thinmann, ed., (New York, 1958), p. 194, cited in Ginenthal, op. cit., p. 174. 6. Ogden, J. Gordon III, “Radiocarbon and Pollen Evidence for a Sudden Change in Climate in the Great Lake Region 10,000 Years Ago,” Quaternary Paleoecology, E.J. Cushing, H. E. Wright, eds., (New Haven, CT., 1967), p. 119, cited in Ginenthal, op cit., p. 176. 7. Encyclopedia Britannica, Macropedia, Vol. 7, p. 733, cited in Ginenthal, op cit., p. 176. 8. Found by Wilbur Fields of Joplin, MO; radiocarbon dating: UCLA-2088, 10/23/78. 9. Information obtained from Professor W. James Merry, Northern Michigan University, Marquette, MI., on a personal visit to discuss the buried forest, 1978. 10. Guthrie, R. Dale, Frozen Fauna of the Mammoth Steppe, 1990, pp. 9-10. 11. Ginenthal, op cit., p. 163. 12. Ginenthal, op cit., p. 184. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Classified Advertisements Earn Extra Income --- Earn $200-$500 weekly mailing phone cards. For information send a selfaddressed stamped envelope to: Inc., P.O. Box 0887, Miami, FL 33164. *$200-$500 WEEKLY* Mailing phone cards. No experience necessary. For more information send a self-addressed stamped envelope to --- Global Communication, P.O. Box 5679, Hollywood, FL 33083 “Satirical Blast Against Scientists with Real World History” at my Web Site http;// www. nidlink. com/ miller/miller. html Thanks. James Miller EXTRA INCOME 97 Earn $200-$500 weekly mailing travel brochures. For more information send a self-addressed stamped envelope to: Seabreeze Travel, P.O. Box 0188, Miami, FL 33261 Free Catalog. Over 1,200 videos/audios of lectures, presentations and documentaries of metaphysical interests, UFOS, suppressed history, NWO & Secret Societies from the African/Moorish American perspective. Critical information for critical times. Send $1.50 to. Turtle Cove Books, 3695 Cascade Road, Suite 166, Dept. 108AA, Atlanta, CA 30331 Tel: (416) 534 7744 Fax: (416) 534 7799 Classified ad rates: $10.00 for first 25 words. Additional words 40 cents each. Send your ad (typed only!) and payment to: Ancient American, PO Box 370, Colfax, WI 54730. Telephone (715) 962-3299 “SUBSCRIBERS” Moving soon? New Address? If you have a change of address without notifying Ancient American circulation of your change, you will not receive your issues of Ancient American. The postal service does not forward Second Class mail by which they are sent. We can only wait for you to contact us with your new address. If you wish to continue to receive your issues of Ancient American, notify us of your change of address immediately. ANCIENT AMERICAN Attn. Kris P.O. Box 370 Colfax, WI 54730 Ancient American Book Club can now be viewed on the INTERNET! Our Home Page address is: http://ancient-american.com We may be reached by E-mail: [email protected] We would like to hear from our readers and encourage reaction articles featured in Ancient American. Discover the 23 Mysteries of the Past Subscribe to “Ancient American” send check or money order for $24.95 to: Ancient American P.O. Box 370 Colfax, Wisconsin 54730 name address city state zip 10 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 A Maya Temple found in Illinois? by John Miller Monks’ Mound in its present state of preservation. Does it conceal a 10th Century Mayan temple? Some appreciation of the earthwork’s incredible size may be possible when we realize that the white specks on the second stairway are people. A.A. staff photo. M onks’ Mound is a modern name given to the grandest ancient structure north of the Rio Grande. Completed about a thousand years ago, the earthen pyramid originally rose to more than a hundred feet above the banks of the Mississippi River, across from St. Louis, Missouri, in what is now west-central Illinois. Fourteen square acres at its base, it covers more ground than Egypt’s Great Pyramid, and stood as the centerpiece of a forty-acre plaza surrounded by a twenty-foot high stockaded wall more than four miles long. With a population larger than contemporary London, “Cahokia” (its real name is unknown) featured an observatory referred to by archaeologists as “Woodhenge.” This was a large circle of cedar posts aligned to various celestial events---solstices, the vernal and autumnal equinoxes and the positions of certain stars and constellations. The ancient Illinois city was the capital of an immense commercial network that imported copper from the Upper Great Lakes, ceremonial shells from the Gulf of Mexico, huge, waferthin sheets of translucent mica from the Eastern Seaboard and bear claws from the Rocky Mountains. Yet, after only 200 years of cultural magnificence, Cahokia was suddenly and inexplicably abandoned. Long in ruins at the time of its discovery by French explorers in the late 17th Century, the colossal earthwork’s summit was briefly occupied by Trappist Monks, after whom the structure was named. Today, Cahokia is a major archaeological park and a no less major archaeological mystery. Who 11 built the Middle West prehistoric city and why they left it at the apparent height of its prosperity are questions science has so far been unable to answer. Diffusionists long argued for the location as a neo-Maya site, because Cahokia arose suddenly around 900 A.D., the same period that witnessed the equally abrupt and unaccountable abandonment of the Mayas’ ceremonial centers throughout Yucatan. They excelled in astronomy, recalling Cahokia’s Woodhenge. The Mayas were experienced organizers of large-scale labor and designed templeplatforms not unlike Monks Mound. They constructed it of earth instead of stone, the diffusionists suggest, only because suitable quarries in the Mississippi Valley were not known to them. Isolationists countered that any apparent parallels between ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Cahokia and Maya Civilization were just circumstantial, and pointed out that no written records, unlike the inscribed stele of the literate Mayans, have ever been found in the vicinity of Monks’ Mound. With a recent discovery at the Illinois pyramid, however, the on-going controversy may fall to diffusionists. ast March, archaeologists organized a project to stabilize the structure’s west side. They were drilling for the installation of horizontal pipes to drain water that had accumulated within the earthwork, causing part of it to slump over the last twelve years. About forty feet below the top of the second terrace, the drill was transecting some sixty feet above the ground, when it struck a stone obstruction a little more than 140 feet into Monks’ Mound. After burrowing through some 32 feet of cobbled stone, the bit broke off and the drill was removed. Referring to the mysterious obstruction, Cahokia’s Public Relations Director, Bill Iseminger, said, “It should not be there. No stone has ever been found in other mounds here or other Mississippian mounds that we are aware of at this time. It might have been some kind of ceremonial platform, or something else. We just do not know.” If the internal obstruction does indeed prove to be a stone ceremonial platform, Cahokia’s identity as a neo-Maya site could be confirmed. Already, some investigators speculate that the Mayans, before leaving Yucatan, disassembled one of their most sacred temples and transported it piece by piece along the eastern shores of Mexico, up the Mississippi River and to Cahokia. There it was put back together and finally buried under Monks’ Mound. Such a scenario is not as far-fetched as critics believe, since the Mayans did indeed cover older ceremonial buildings under later, larger structures. This summer, archaeologists from Southern Illinois University (Edwardsville) will conduct mostly non-invasive research of the stone enigma in Monks’ Mound with the aid of seismic sounding and electro-magnetic testing. They will also sink a few vertical cores to determine the extent and dimensions of the stone feature. Forthcoming issues of Ancient American will report on their mid-July investigations. L Lost Legacy in Waukesha County, WI from Ancient Earthworks Society of Madison, Wisconsin G ordon Schmidt, an engineering technician who spends much of his time in the field, painted a detailed portrait of the natural and human history of the glacial moraine region of southeastern Wisconsin. Gordon focused on the Fox River Valley, much of which sits astride a limestone sheet that creates an intriguing set of natural phenomenona, including hot springs, in his presentation to AES members in January. He used maps and statistical data to illustrate microclimatic features in the region and to show the importance of the area’s extensive wetlands that produce other natural resources. Gordon’s professional life gives him plenty of exposure to the region’s changing physical environment. His personal interest in the history and archaeology of the area has led to many hours in libraries and land record offices seeking clues to a rapidly vanishing heritage. Both were evident in a presentation that showed the known location of many mounds in the City of Waukesha and the probable location of others. Using 19th Century records, he demonstrated apparent geometrical relationships linking the most important sites. He also suggests that two well-known effigy mound shapes may be closely related by showing that two “panther” mounds placed in an overlapping pattern produced a “turtle” mound. Waukesha County is one of the state’s fastest growing regions, which places its ancient heritage at risk. While Gordon reported the loss of many mounds (that exist only on paper now), he also noted that public officials are showing increased awareness of their importance and are taking steps to preserve a few intact mound groups. For example, he described one group located on private land that still includes one deer, three bird, three panther and 12 three turtle effigy mounds, in addition to many conical and linear mounds. The group also has stones associated with it. While the property is in the path of development, Gordon is hopeful that the site can be preserved intact. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor “That’s religion, not science.” With respect to Paul Barton’s article, “New Evidence for Ancient AfroAmericans,” (issue 22), I question the editorial preface to the article. How on earth could this series of negroid heads, though well executed, but totally lacking in provenance, prove anything at all? The “Olmeca,” who had a toe-hold on the area near La Venta, on the gulf coast of Mexico, are the real proof of this point. The late Dr. Alexander Von Wuthenau, professor at the University of the Americas in Mexico City, published Unexpected Faces in Ancient America, 1979, with later editions. His work clearly shows a large body of artifacts with African faces found in the Americas from very ancient times. Many have accurately rendered scarification patterns sculpted in clay, not to mention the few Ubangi styled lip spools. These artifacts have provenance, from professional archaeological digs in Mexico. To Dr. Von Wuthenau goes the credit, not to artifacts from the spurious “Burrows Cave.” Archaeologists called his finds “monkeys.” It has been a fight of reason to have them even accepted by professionals as true black faces, yet anyone with a reasonable mind can see. Now, this Burrows’ Cave “proof” demeans Von Wuthenau's hard-fought work. To add to my criticism of the artifacts, the Hebrew writing (lower left, p. 23) states in the cartouche that the person’s name is “KHL TLT” meaning “profane female mounds,” or “profane female dew.” [Strong’s #2455, 8510 & 2920] Either choice is rather idiotic and poor Hebrew syntax. Next to him we have a black African whose name is expressed in Consinine Irish Ogham which states that he is “Doña Gachiñet” (or Gachañot ). He bears a woman’s title (Doña means Lady, in Iberian/Spanish). In other examples, Hebrew/Phoenician, is intermixed with what appears to be some kind of Libyan or Iberic inspired gibberish, with IrishGaulish Ogham thrown in for flavor, which mixes alphabets within words. Prior to Dr Fell’s work, in America BC, Ogham was virtually unknown here in America. This means that these blackfaced, Irish speaking representations have to fall into one of two categories: authentic black-African, Hebrew, Phoenician, Iberic, and Keltic ogham writers (hardly a believable circumstance), or fakes! I prefer the later. I have personally seen these so-called “Burrows’ Cave” artifacts, and indeed, they are well executed, pieces. However, I have absolutely no confidence in them. The provenance is not “questionable,” but rather, non-existent, regardless that a “growing number believe” in them. That’s religion, not science. Let us not forget the pioneering and excellent work of Dr Von Wuthenau when speaking of proof! I suggest a review of his great work for anyone interested in facts. David Allen Deal Vista, CA A $100 to $1,000 Question About once a month, I receive what amounts to a request to send all that is available to know about the alleged Burrows Cave of southern Illinois. First of all, I wish I knew enough to provide an intelligent answer. Secondly, it is a $100 to $1,000 question, depending on what you think is suitable information. The facts are: I don’t want to spend this kind of money on curious strangers, and I don’t have a paid secretary to type letters, copy photos and drawings, and to prepare and mail packages. As I understand it, Russell Burrows is the only person with a name who has been in the alleged cave. The owners apparently do not want to give the property to the State of Illinois, and they have not decided to spend their own money on an excavation performed under their control. Some critics claim this situation means that there is no cave in reality. Maybe Burrows found the artifacts in a plain cave shelter. Out of a total of perhaps 4,000 alleged Burrows Cave stone artifacts, I have seen at least 1,000 in person and perhaps another 1,000 in photographs. They look like feasible artifacts from the proposed North African (midRoman era) visit to the Mississippi Valley scenario. No one has spent money on scientific tests of these artifacts. The opinions of fraud offered by some alleged experts are remarkably shallow (this comment is not intended to be a defense for Burrows Cave advocates who make mistakes in writing their papers). The research explaining the artifacts culturally and linguistically is succeeding slowly but surely. Russell Burrows is indeed my foxhole-sharing buddy, and based on my experience I don’t think he or his friends fabricated the Burrows Cave artifacts. He could have bought a 13 truckload of phony artifacts from a stranger, but I don’t know of any archaeologists with the money, time, interest, education, skill, or inclination to get involved in such a huge enterprise. An important test for the BC artifacts will occur if the writing cannot be deciphered or turns out to contain foolishness or modern information. To become informed on the positive side of the Burrows Cave Culture, I propose that the interested researcher read some of the many items listed in my “Burrows Cave Research Bibliography”, which is updated annually in the Midwestern Epigraphic Journal. The two books written by Russell Burrows, Fred Rydholm, and James Scherz are a must (see Items #3 and #4). It also could be beneficial to subscribe to Ancient American magazine (see Item #10) and to join the Midwestern Epigraphic Society (see Item #11). John J White, III, PhD, PE Burrows Cave Society Fellow Columbus, OH Prehistoric Blacks in America Allow me to express my total and full appreciation and thanks to Ancient American and staff for publishing my article, “New Evidence for Ancient Afro-Americans,” (Issue *22). I must point out that without even noticing it, the stone engravings of heads which portray people of obviously Black Semitic-Hamitic types (a group of people spread from Senegal to East Africa, who speak the most ancient forms of the Black [Bantu]-HamitoSemitic languages, mixed with the Niger-Congo Language-A family), are accompanied by a clue which connects the people represented to a nationality in Cameroon called the Bamun. These people are a branch of the Afro-Asiatic speakers whose languages originated in the Sahara among the original Black African nationalities and spread to parts of the Middle East long before the emergence of the Semitic (Caucasian) types. In fact, the Bamun may be a branch of the original Pre~Semitic, a people who were of the Black race and gave birth to the later Middle Eastern (more or less) presentday, mixed-race and Caucasian-Semitic types. According to C.A. Diop (1978, p. 200, M.D.W). Jefferies is convinced of cultural connections between Bamun and ancient Egypt. The characters presented are identical to scripts used used also by ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor the Nilotics still employed by some cattle-keepers to identify their livestock. The two scripts mentioned are used in an area from the Cameroon region, south to Angola and Kushite-speaking regions of East Africa. Did ancient Africans carry their scripts to the Americas? Ivan Van Sertima and others have introduced provocative evidence worth checking out---eg., African Presence in Early America, Transaction Pub., New Brunswick, NJ, 1992, p.23. Paul Barton Hanford, CA Viking-Algonquian affinities I note with interest a considerable physical similarity between some of the Algonquin Nation groups and the Norwegians I have met---the main difference being skin/hair pigmentation. The body build appeared to be about the same. Also, at the library of the Arizona State Museum, in Tucson, there is a work (a 2-volume set, if I remember correctly), comparing the Algonquian language with Old Norse. The Algonquian language is so close that it could be considered a dialect of that Viking tongue. Unfortunately, I have forgotten the title of that book, but it seems to me that it was published by the American Ethnography series many years ago. Anyway, your magazine is fascinating, and I thank you for It. Maria Abdin Seattle, WA Wannabes on the Edge of Science I have refrained from replying to the crackpot utterings of David Barron because, as David Deal put it, “answer not a fool lest he appear wise in his own eyes”. To my knowledge, Mr. Barron has not studied actual BC artifacts and, even if he had, he has no qualifications. He states in his letter to the editor that the likes of Barry Fell and Donal Buchanan have condemned the BC script as gibberish. As for Barry Fell, his work has been proven to be faulty far too many times to be taken seriously, plus he never actually saw any of the artifacts. Buchanan, on the other hand, has, and he says he can’t read them; therefore, they must be fraudulent. Buchanan told him once that he had been a cryptographer with the C.I.A. in World War 2. C.I.A. in World War 2? W.W. 2 ended in 1945. The C.I.A. vas not formed until 1948! I had no confidence in Barry Fell and, I have no confidence in Donal Buchanan. I certainly have no confidence in David P. Barron. There are far too many “wannabe” types out there hanging around the edges of science. They do nothing but create problems for those seeking the truth. Russell Burrows Chestnut, CO “Noah’s Ark” geologically unsound Your article in the November/December, 1997 Ancient American (issue 21) describes possible remains of Noah’s Ark. This Ark hypothesis is disproved by geologic history interpreted from analysis of the photographs. On page 4: l. Yellow to light brown areas in the upper right and lower two thirds of the photograph are sedimentary rocks. 2. These sediments are folded into a series of anticlines and a syncline as shown by exposures of dipping sedimentary layers. 3. The up-turned beds of these sediments are eroded and the younger light grey sediments in the upper portion of the photo are deposited on the erosion surface (unconformity). The remains of “Noah’s Ark” is an exposure of resistant sedimentary rock in a doubly plunging syncline. Based on the time required for the sequence of deposition and folding of sediments forming the “Ark”, erosion and deposition of sediments above the unconformity, the rocks forming the Ark-syncline are at least one million years old. Two “Arks” are indicated on page 10, where the upper Ark is identified as “original landing site of Ark;” the lower Ark is “Noah’s Ark remains”. The article suggests that the upper Ark site is an imprint left by the original landing of the Ark, and that the Ark subsequently slid down the “downhill sluice~second descent” to the position shown at the lower edge of the photograph. This hypothesis is absurd because: 1. A mudflow would remove or obscure the original imprint of the Ark; the clear outline of the Ark-structure at the upper landing site makes the mudflow hypothesis untenable. 2. Although study of stereopair photos would be desirable to verify this deduction, the upper “Ark imprint” appears to be an exposure of an anticlinal dome, whereas the photos on pages 4 and 14 show that the lower 14 “Ark” is a doubly plunging syncline. The article states that a natural explanation is impossible because the two Ark related structures are unique; not so, two other anticlinal domes can be seen in the upper left of the photo; similar to page 4 photo, a series of anticlines and synclines can be seen. 3. The dimensions of the Arks are as follows upper Ark---length: 20.0 mm; width: 4.0 mm; length/width ratio: 5.0 lower Ark: length: 18.5 mm; width: 5.0 mm; length/width ratio: 3.8. Although distances on an airphoto vary with position on the photo and photogrammetric analysis of a stereo pair is required to establish absolute dimensions, the different length/width ratios are difficult to explain if the upper and lower structures are both related to the Ark. It would be extraordinary if a wooden ark parked on land survived 4,000 years, considering the number of wood-eating and scavenging animals, including man. On page 11, the Ark ruins are equated to a “lumberyard,” which supports the likelihood that the Ark was long ago scavenged for wood. Because of the effects of mass wasting (landslides, soil creep and mud flows) it is also unlikely that the Ark or its imprint would survive 40 centuries on a hillside. It is argued that the structure must be the Ark because it is situated next to the lost city of Naxuan, but Naxuan is identified because of its position near the Ark. Circular reasoning. David Deal’s lengthy article presents no credible evidence for the Ark, thus for careful readers, the reality of his story is undermined. Readers of Ancient American deserve better. Donald L. LaMar (professional geologist) Eugene. Oregon A narrow view of prehistory Put one spinning whorl dug up by an archeologist in Newfoundland against five identical axes found by Americans in their own back yards: all have well documented counterparts in European museums. Should there be a conflict in interpretation? Certainly, there is none except in the narrow way America is allowed to view her pre-history. Add the embarrassing Kensington Runestone dated 1362, which the Smithsonian Institution honored in exhibit and then rejected as an imita- ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor • Letters to the Editor tion. How can the biased academics save face? Just admit that new evidence changes the propaganda historians once believed. There is room for everyone in America’s past. On to celebration of the Millennium and Leif Erikson’s landings! And thank you for publishing “Viking War Axes found in the Upper Midwest” (issue #22). Margaret Leuthner Alexandria, Mn (The Kensington Runestone, discovered 100 years ago in a farmer’s field, was inscribed by 14th Century Norse voyagers to North America and is today on display in Alexandria, Minnesota. Editor) Hakenkreuz Hoopla I am writing in response to Mr. Victor Kachur’s letter in your issue #21 concerning swastikas, “Ancient Symbol, Modern Counterfeit.” Mr. Kachur attempts to tell us the difference between the Nazi swastika and the swastika of ancient history used by many cultures, including Native Americans. Being both a Native American and a student of World War II (but by no means a Nazi or Nazi sympathizer), I would like to point out some very obvious historical mistakes. First of all, the Nazi swastika definitely faces or moves in a counter-clockwise direction; the Native American version moves in a clockwise or, as we say, “with the sun,” as the sun moves east to west. The Nazis used the swastika in many different modes, not just contained within a circle and tilted at a 45 degree angle. As`example, most all Luftwaffe planes had a 45-degree tilt swastika without a circle around it on their vertical tails. Many buildings, such as the Reichstag, had a non-tilted, non-circled swastika mounted on them. Nontilted swastikas appeared on SS belt buckles, Nazi party flags and many other items. The Germans used the swastika in many forms. The only thing constant about it was that it definitely always faced in a counter-clockwise direction. Though I have to agree that the Nazi use of the swastika resulted in a political symbol, I must disagree that it was a “counterfeit” or “fake”. The Nazi use was just as valid as any other society’s use of the swastika. They were a valid culture and an established society, just like the Mesopotamians, Middle Eastern or any Native American cul- ture. I would hope that anyone who would take the time to write a letter to the editor for publication would also take a bit more time for some credible research. Michael Terry Deadwood,OR (The swastika was and is used by various Native American Indian tribes, although with some variation. To the Hopi, it symbolizes their ancestral migrations in the southwest, first from the east---the counter-clockwise swastika---then from the west---clockwise. Copper swastikas have been excavated from several pre-Columbian digs, most notably, at Hopewell sites in the Ohio Valley. The appearance of this unique design, together with its common symbolism, in prehistoric America is sited by diffusionists as evidence for contacts with the ancient world, where virtually every European people at one time or another adopted the Hooked Cross as their tribal emblem. Editor) Jeremiah as Moroni With regard to Richard Hensley’s valuable and informative article, “The Indian Legend of Moroni,” and your editorial on the same subject, in the January/February, 1998 issue of Ancient American, I would like to respectfully suggest the following hypothesis. Namely, that the tale of Moroni may indeed be a genuine Indian legend, a concise legendary memory of the life and work of the biblical prophet, Jeremiah. Hensley speaks of the Ancient Ones and the Spiritual Ones who taught people religion and preserved the records of the Great Spirit’s dealings with a mighty race of people. After many years of blessings, these people turned from the old ways, Hensley relates, while others “began to war with different clans, until soon this great civilization began to break up into fractious tribes.” This occurred, in Hensley’s words, “because the people no longer listened to the Ancient Ones and the Holy Men.” Hensley speaks of “great wars” and the people scattering in all directions. This account sounds very much like the story of the decline of the empire of David and Solomon, which was more influential and worldwide in 15 scope, with Phoenician help, than is commonly supposed. The “fractious tribes” are the Twelve Tribes of Israel who broke up into two nations after the death of Solomon; the “mighty people” are the Israelites; the “great wars” are the invasions of Israel and Judah by the Assyrians; the “Holy Men” are the prophets who continually exhorted the people to return to the “old ways” of religion. The name Moroni is Hebrew. The M-r (reading left to right) is the first two consonants of the Hebrew name Yeremiya (Jeremiah, reading from right to left. The n may be the Hebrew first person pronoun, the name Moroni thus translating as “I, Jeremiah” or “Jeremiah, myself.” The “holy document” that Moroni hid within Mother Earth, referred to by Hensley, could have been the title deeds to Palestine hidden by Jeremiah’s scribe in an “earthen vessel” (Jeremiah 32:14), or it may be a copy of the Scriptures as they were then known or a copy of Jeremiah’s own writings. The names Woconda and Wonca, referred to in Hensley’s article, are easily recognizable as the Hebrew kh-n (cohen), meaning “priest.” Wonca Tolka simply means “priest of the Torah,” the l and the r, and the k and the h, being interchangeable, as is common in linguistics. Jeremiah was a priest of the law (Torah, Jeremiah 1:1), and in the biblical book that bears his name, priesthood and law are commonly juxtaposed (Jeremiah 18:18, for example). “Among the most beautiful prophesies” associated with Moroni, writes Hensley, is that the Son of the Creator would walk among men (native people, according to the legend). This echoes the Messianic tone of many of the Hebrew prophets’ writings, including Jeremiah. James E. Wall Altona, Manitoba, Canada Subscribe to: Ancient American ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 THE MOUND BUILDER MYTH: What Did Squier and Davis Actually Say? by John J. White, III Ancient Science and Technology Center, Midwestern Epigraphic Society, Columbus, Ohio T he famous American archaeology monograph, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley by E.G. Squier and E.H. Davis, was published by the Smithsonian Institution in 1848.1 New Yorker EG Squier (1821-1888) was a bright new star on the archaeology stage of life, and he had the great fortune to team with a knowledgeable Ohioan, E.H. Davis, M.D. (1811-1888). Squier had raw, ambitious talent, and it is a major credit to his physics professor Joseph Henry (1797-1878) of Princeton University, the first secretary of the Smithsonian, that he coerced and guided Squier sufficiently for this work to be the first publication of the Smithsonian. Squier was only 27 years old when this monumental work was published, a self-taught civil engineer and journalist, who was awarded an honorary AM degree by Princeton University. A major tool of archaeological “science” is criticism of and unkindness to field-investigators, particularly amateurs and dead men.2 Squier and Davis1 did better in this respect than most amateurs, because they were qualified for the effort, accomplished enough research to obtain some solid results, listened to their more talented contemporaries, and had no competition from “professional” archaeologists during the 1846-1847 period. There is quite naturally a history of discussion of such an important project, and the research3 of historian Terry Barnhart in this regard is to be commended for its thoroughness and objectivity. A certain amount of the Squier and Davis criticism differs from my evaluations,2,4 and thus I have chosen to give a brief reply. Silverberg & Thomas obert Silverberg’s The Mound Builders is the current popular story of the early investigations in America.4 I found his book quite enjoyable and easy to read. It is available at the Ohio Historical Society Bookstore. And I recommend it to our readers, because The Mound Builders is a good introduction to some of the prehistory of North America. I was especially satisfied to find that Silverberg did not pander to the absurd Beringia Theory of Alex Hrdlicka, ie, that all Native American R Alabama’s largest ancient earthwork at Moundville Archaeological Park, outside Tuscaloosa. Did Plains Indians really invent such huge monuments? A.A. staff photo. peoples entered North America as big animal hunters when the Ice Age was ending 10 to 12 thousand years ago. The Establishment is going to choke on this idea for a long time to come. The point of this paper is to complain that Silverberg has sided with the Establishment over ownership of a parcel of moral high ground that is difficult to discern. His basic idea is to champion the research of Cyrus Thomas (18251910), an entomologist, botanist and geologist from southern Illinois, who is the alleged slayer of the Mound Builder Myth. He was one of the first “archaeologists” hired by the Bureau of Ethnology, and he deserves his reputation as an outstanding field researcher. The Mound Builder Myth n simple terms, the Mound Builder Myth is a dispute over the nature--culturally, ethnically, and racially speaking---of the people who built the mounds of North America. We are, of course, discussing the origins of the chief-shaman class who owned the trade goods, valuables, and slaves and were eligible to be buried in certain of the I 16 mounds. Many of the mound builders, per se, could have been primitives, not much different in cultural attainment than the Native Americans of the 1500 to 1900 A.D. era. The initial European American reaction of 1800 A.D. was to conclude that the current red race of North America was incapable of having sophisticated ancestry with the skills, leadership, and enthusiasm needed for building mounds. Of course, the same has been said for the recent cultures of Egypt, Mexico, and Peru. A little greater credibility exists for the peoples of Brittany, China, England, Iberia, India, Ireland, Malta, and Mayaland. Much of our worldwide ancient history has been discovered and researched since 1800 A.D. At that time, educated persons could only think of Egyptians, Greeks, Hebrews, Phoenicians, Vikings, etc., as possible sources of a higher culture needed to stimulate an interest in mound building. As you might suppose, there were several examples of biblical interpretations of this situation, especially involving the alleged Lost Tribes of Israel.4 The Cyrus Thomas act of slaying ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 the Mound Builder Myth is largely a ceremonial shooting of fish in a barrel, with Squier and Davis1 as accomplices through their relative silence. They wouldn’t have been comfortable in 1848 to have publically ridiculed the interpretations of a notable citizen like Caleb Atwater. What I mean is that Squier and Davis chose to ignore most of the old interpretations and to concentrate on the monuments and artifacts at hand. From my point of view, they were remarkably restrained at pointing out the numerous cultural diffusion issues that could have been identified. Proof of ideas in this arena is quite difficult, but some ideas are far more probable. You do know that the identity of Christopher Columbus and the first island he landed on in the Americas are subjects of great dispute! The Establishment t is a fact that Squier wrote the book1 in about one year and then spent another year getting it edited and upgraded to Joseph Henry’s standards.3 Surely he made some mistakes that were mercifully corrected. In the process the book became more representative of the views of the current eastern archaeology Establishment. Now the issue with the subsequent Establishment of the last 100 years is that a few mistakes remained in the Squier and Davis magnum opus.1 There are, for example, worthy disputes over the correct identification of some animal effigies found on the numerous pipes dug from the mounds.3,4 What is not proper is the attempt to use these mistakes to make Squier and Davis look like fools who supported the strange beliefs held by some so-called myth-makers. That is simply not the case! I don’t take a charitable view of these tactics. I don’t understand how any field of research can develop without its interpretations starting with something primitive and subject to widely differing models and then moving to something more sophisticated and relatively stable. In the true scientific world, researchers are indebted to their predecessors (they “stand on the shoulders of giants”) and are basically respectful of their elders. I think you can grasp my concern when the Establishment claims4 that great moral high ground was found by Cyrus Thomas as something much higher and widely separated from that of Squier and Davis. The Establishment thinks that the Mound Builders were the ancestors of all Native Americans of the 1500 to 1900 A.D. era, and no outsiders ever gave them a cultural boost. That certainly was valid in 1846, but I don’t know of a single observer who speculated that this trait I Mound City, an early Hopewell site, circa 100 B.C., near Chilicothe, Ohio. A.A. staff photo limited Squier’s ability to contribute to archaeology, geography, history, journalism, etc. It is a fact that Squier was short, slender, good looking, and ambitious. Is Williams inferring that Squier’s work is unreliable because he was allegedly vain on a few occasions in his life? Professor Williams criticizes Squier and Davis1 for being capable of publishing only six pages of conclusions about their mound studies. While some of the material may be diluted by common knowledge, I think that as many as 50 pages of “Ancient Monuments” could be regarded as results of careful thinking and evaluation of the subject.1 Their predecessors were not nearly as good at basic archaeology. It is not clear that the work of the later generations of the Establishment could now supply as many as six more pages of conclusions to the work of Squier and Davis. I am not aware that Williams ever proved via publication that writing these six pages of additional conclusions was straightforward for him. Now Robert Silverberg is a writer who does his homework rather well. But I read his book4 with care, and there are a few drawbacks; namely, some important issues that were not reported. I choose not to quarrel about this, except to point out one mistake that occurs on page 97. There he gives a brief summary of the eventual sale of the Squier-Davis artifacts to the Englishman William Blackmore in 1864. Attributing this sale to E.G. Squier surely made E.H. Davis turn over in his grave. Factually, Squier wrote the book and Davis paid for the excavations and acquired the artifacts. Thus it was Dr. Davis who sold the artifact collection long after he moved to New York City. Squier and Davis had long 17 since parted company. The interested reader should start with the nice article written by Dr Terry Barnhart.5 What did Squier & Davis actually say? have discovered a pitfall in the writings of E.G. Squier that becomes ammunition for the politically-oriented archaeologist. It leads to the crime of judging things out of context. Squier claimed the scientific high ground of abandoning preconceived notions and judging the new material objectively (page xxxviii1). He is not just speaking of himself; he is actually lecturing his readers. Squier introduces discussions of two or more explanations of a subject without stating which he prefers. He relishes I ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Observations,” quote Gallatin7 (page 3031): “that it (Mound Builder Culture) originated in America itself; that it was not imported from abroad; and that it was the result of the natural progress from barbarism to a more refined social state by the race of red men, insulated, left to themselves, and without any aid or communication from any foreign country”. Hence we learn that Squier and Davis elected to stand on the moral high ground defined by Albert Gallatin in 1845 or before. Silverberg4 conveniently overlooks this episode of American archaeology history, setting the stage for the admiration of Cyrus Thomas, the alleged myth-debunker. Silverberg does make it clear, however, that the Establishment has not been able to live up to its ambition to connect the Adena and Hopewell peoples to the Fort Ancient peoples and then to the modern Algonquin and Iroquois peoples. Thus there remains a good possibility for a semi-diffusionist model of the Ohio Mound Builders involving a small cadre of Mediterranean foreigners from someplace like the alleged Burrows Cave of southern Illinois. I would venture to suggest that some of the Burrows Cave artifacts might come close to proving this argument if they could achieve prehistorical legitimacy themselves. Stay tuned! Squier and Davis were the first to survey Ohio’s gargantuan enclosures at Newark, but shied away from ascribing their construction to culture-bearers from overseas. explaining his thoughts about the Hindu or Buddhist characteristics common to many features of New World archaeology. When you are ready for him to stick his dagger into the helpless dummy of isolationist hum-bug, he throws up his hands and states that the evidences far from conclusive.6 Amen! That is often the case with prehistory data. The thrill of diffusionist research is in the hunt. We are primarily appalled by the close-minded pseudoscientists. Have you noticed that biological evolution is even harder to prove than cultural diffusion? Now let me remind you of a deadly item Silverberg4 takes directly from Squier and Davis. On page 87 (page 421), he quotes one of many nearly poetical praises of the Mound Builder people. For Squier the Ohio mounds gave similar feelings as with a visit to the great monuments of Egypt, Mayaland, Mexico City, or Peru. He recognized their judgment, skill, industry, mathematics, knowledge of defense, etc. He observed that the Mound Builders “had a degree of knowledge much superior to that known to have been possessed by the hunter tribes of North America previous to the discov- ery by Columbus”. How often is a concept so obvious expressed in any branch of archaeology? But the Establishment manages to take great umbrage to Squier’s statement and hence Silverberg crows “thus Squier joined the ranks of believers in the fabled Mound Builders”. Me, too! Squier, it appears, was frequently attracted to diffusion-related comparisons of cultures.1,6 For example, he was quite taken by a perception that Hopewell pottery had a relation to Peruvian pottery (page 1881, page 934). But he argued consistently that the data was insufficient and that other explanations might occur in the future. Thus on the Mound Builders issue he finally yielded to the published views of his archaeology mentor Albert Gallatin (1761-1849) of the American Ethnological Society. Gallatin, you may recall, was a French-Swiss American who played a major role in early United States politics as a U.S. Senator and as a U.S. Secretary of Treasury. Now it was the amateur Gallatin who insisted that mastery of agriculture is needed in the development of any form of advanced civilization. Thus Squier and Davis in their Chapter XIX, “Concluding 18 References 1. E.G. Squier and E.H. Davis, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley: Comprising the Results of Extensive Original Surveys and Explorations, Smithsonian Institution Contributions to Knowledge, Vol 1, Washington, DC, 1848, p. 306. 2. Stephen Williams, Fantastic Archaeology: The Wild Side of North American Prehistory, Univ of Penn Press, Philadelphia, 1991, pp 44-48, 239-251. 3. T.A. Barnhart, The Journalist and the Physician: An Inquiry into the Career Association of Ephraim George Squier and Edwin Hamilton Davis, Pioneer American Archaeologists, Masters Thesis, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio, 1980, pp 53-66. 4. Robert Silverberg, The Mound Builders, Ohio University Press, Athens, OH, 1970, 276p. 5. T.A. Barnhart, “An American Menagerie: The Cabinet of Squier and Davis”, Timeline 2(6), Ohio Hist. Soc, 2-17 (December, 1985January, 1986). 6. See, eg, E.G. Squier, The Serpent Symbol and the Worship of the Reciprocal Principle of Nature in America, GP Putnam, New York, 1851, 254p. 7. Albert Gallatin, “Notes on the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico”, Transactions of the American Ethnological Society 1, 207ff (1845). ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Ecuador, America’s Prehistoric Port of Call by Bruce Scofield T here are two locations in the Americas where the archaeological evidence for diffusionism is so convincing that discussions of ancient transoceanic voyages actually appear in school textbooks. One of these is the Atlantic coast of Canada where there is concrete evidence of Norse occupation. The site called L’Anse aux Meadows, in northern Newfoundland, is now a government-operated historical site with a visitor center and costumed guides. Archaeologists say it was probably occupied for about 30 years sometime during the 10th century, long before the time of Columbus. The other major location that supports the diffusionist perspective, and has also been taken seriously by the academic establishment, is on the Pacific coast of Ecuador in South America. Named for the fact that it lies astride the equator, Ecuador has many interesting geographic features. It is a land of many climates, including those of the tropical Pacific coast, the temperate highlands, and the humid Amazon basin. On its Pacific coast, the Guayas River, the largest river on South America’s west coast, has created an immense gulf and estuary where Ecuador’s largest city, Guayaquil, is located. This major port city was founded by the Spanish on the site of earlier native towns. The distinctive opening of this river’s mouth on an otherwise featureless west coast of South America is suggestive of its importance as a port or landmark. The general region, known as the Guayas Basin, is also blessed with a long shoreline and an abundance of vegetation, including balsa trees. In preColombian times, the region was dotted with villages, the first major signs of civilization that Pizarro encountered on his trip south from Panama. At the southern end of the Gulf of Guayaquil, right on the border, is the old Peruvian port of Tumbez (Tumbes), the gateway to the realm of the Incas and the place where Pizarro landed and began his conquest of that civilization. Traveling east from the Pacific coastal plain, the land in Ecuador rises quickly and reaches a highland region dotted with volcanoes, some still quite This well-made mythic figure of an animal-headed man carrying an incense pouch was allegedly found in the Ecuadorian jungle by native parishioners of the late Father Crespi. It appears to represent Marduck, the supreme god in the Babylonian religion. active. In this mountainous region snowcapped volcanic peaks occur in two parallel bands running roughly north and south, a feature called the “Avenue of the Volcanoes.” The land between these high peaks is quite fertile and the climate temperate, strikingly attractive when you consider that this area lies on the equator. The highlands have also been 19 inhabited since ancient times, and the natural corridor formed by the volcanoes has long served as a transportation route between Peru and Columbia. Civilization existed here many centuries before the arrival of the Incas. The pre-Colombian kingdom of Quito and the fierce Canari of Tomebamba in the southern highlands were highly sophisticated, purely Ecuadorian cultural centers that resisted ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Guayaquil, on the Pacific coast of Ecuador is the small town of Valdivia. There, in 1956, a distinctive type of pottery was found that excited archaeologists for several reasons. First, this pottery was dated as early as 3000 B.C., making it, at the time of discovery the oldest known pottery in all of the Americas.(1) Second, the archaeologists who discovered it believed that this pottery appeared abruptly in the archaeological record, in a fully developed form. Third, a close resemblance to Japanese pottery of the same era led these archaeologists to speculate about contact with the ancient Japanese Jomon culture. So serious were these speculations that they were published in the Smithsonian Institution’s Contributions to Archaeology, Volume I (1965) and were included in an exhibit at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. few years after the discovery of the Valdivia pottery, a large-scale dig took place where thousands of pottery shards and other artifacts were sorted and classified. Valdivia pottery is characterized by deeply incised designs and decorations on jars and bowls. One interesting type of artifact found were distinctive female (Venus) figurines with emphasized hair treatments. The supervising archaeologists of the dig were Betty J. Meggers, Clifford Evans, and Emilio Estrada. As they sorted through the artifacts, they established a chronology of Valdivia phase periods lettered A through D. The earliest phase A is dated from about 3000 to 2200 B.C. Period B is 2300 to 2,000 B.C.; Period C 2000 to 1400 B.C; and Period D 1400 to 1000 B.C. Interestingly, other early pottery sites in South or Central America that share traits with Valdivia pottery were dated to Period C or D. In their report, these archaeologists noted that Valdivia A pottery shared the most number of common traits with pottery from ancient Japan, where the oldest known pottery in the world is found.2) The diffusionist hypothesis described by Meggers, Evans, and Estrada in their first reports suggests that Japanese fishermen of the Middle Jomon Period drifted out to sea and were caught by the Japanese Current. Months later, having been swept along by ocean currents for some 9,000 miles, they landed in Ecuador. Ashore in Ecuador, they mixed with the native populations, taught them to make pottery, and also established some burial customs (which the two cultures also appeared to share). In other words their view was that it was only by chance that contact between ancient Japan and ancient Ecuador occurred, and it was probably a one-time occurrence. A A Jomon-IV vessel (Tokyo City Museum) dating to the 13th Century B.C. Examples of even earlier phases have been found in Ecuador. A.A. staff photo. Peruvian expansion for years. Although most surviving Incan ruins are located in Peru, and most people associate the Incas with that country, Quito was the northern Incan capital and the last two Inca rulers were born in Ecuador. To the east of the Ecuadorian highlands are the rivers that feed the Amazon and the vast rain forest, a region called “El Oriente.” Rainfall on the highlands drains into several major tributaries of the Amazon, including the huge Rio Napo. In 1542, just a few years into the Spanish Conquest of Andean civilization, the explorer Francisco de Orellana descended from Quito to the Ecuadorian rain forest. He followed the rivers eastward, and seven months later reached the Atlantic Ocean. He gave the Amazon its name. What we find in Ecuador is a major Pacific port surrounded by forests that approach the coast, a major northsouth land route, and a water route east to the Atlantic. Such a unique location invites human culture in two ways, as a permanent feature but also as place on the way to somewhere else. It is therefore not surprising that some evidence for contact with a distant culture has been discovered there and become part of the typical (albeit somewhat controversial) curriculum for the student of South American archaeology. This particular evidence is called the Valdivia pottery. Just to the north of 20 Later discoveries at the Valdivia site showed that the chronology proposed by Meggers, Evans, and Estrada may have been incorrect. Estrada thought that similarities with Jomon pottery are more characteristic of the Valdivia B period. Also, a pre-Valdivia pottery was discovered and a new chronology has since been established (Valdivia I-VIII) that puts Valdivia A in a category called Valdivia II. Valdivia I refers to a previously undescribed occupation with early ceramics. The situation has become more complex, and thinking about the JapanEcuador connection has changed during recent years. At present, the trend in mainstream archaeology is to seek indigenous causes for cultural development. The discovery of Japanese artifacts dated to about 500 B.C. at another site in Ecuador was reported by Estrada that suggests a more complex linkage between Japan and Ecuador than was previously thought. Also, some artifacts similar to those of the Han Dynasty China (about 200 B.C.) were also found in this small country (Estrada, 1961). Records show that the ancient Chinese did know of a land to the east, and they even had a name for it, “FuSang.” Chinese voyages in this direction This Chinese Yin-Yang symbol was found at Mexico’s foremost archaeological site, the ceremonial city of Teotihuacan, dating to around 500 A.D. A.A. Staff photograph. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 are believed to have occurred in 219, 210, 100 B.C., and 500 A.D. (See photo below) Interestingly, a fleet of boats carrying some 3,000 people, funded by the emperor and led by a man called Hsu Fu, was known to have sailed to Fu-Sang in 219 B.C. They never returned (Needham, 1971, p. 533). There is no doubt that coastal Ecuador and the Guayas Basin have been occupied since very early times. The Formative Period in Ecuador, which includes the Valdivia Culture, was centered in this region. The Machalilla and Chorreara style of pottery (1500 to 1000 B.C.) produced just to the north of this region, had a tremendous influence on distant cultures, including those in Mexico, Guatemala, and Peru. More recently, between 500 B.C. and 500 A.D., the urban Bahia culture flourished. The earliest metal-work in the New World began about this time in Ecuador. Later, the Mateno culture-bearers, who were said to be excellent sailors, inhabited the region. Ecuador was not a backwater to Peru in ancient times; it was a thriving center of human activity and, apparently, an exporter of culture. The Gulf of Guayaquil itself may have been an important feature for ancient navigators. It has been suggested by Gunnar Thompson that this geographical feature is actually noted on a number of European pre-Colombian maps.(3) If this is so, it implies that ancient voyagers from the West were able to reach this part of South America. Thompson also suggests that the ancient Incan city of Cajamarca, just south of the Gulf of Guayaquil, may have been the “Cattigara” on ancient Roman maps that was located in the biblical land of Ophir. There is certainly something of a match between the Ecuadorian coastline and a mysterious body of land shown on the DeVirga map of 1414, though it could also be said that this body of land may refer to the northern portion of Australia. As already mentioned, it is also possible that ancient voyagers from China or Southeast Asia reached the South American coast. Until recent times, these peoples were ahead of the West in the development of water-craft and navigational techniques, including the use of the compass. As Thor Heyerdahl has long pointed out, navigating the Pacific is most easily done by using the powerful Japanese and Humboldt Currents. Ocean travelers coming from China or Japan would utilize the Japanese current which would take them to the North American west coast by a route that runs north of Hawaii and south of Alaska. While this may seem like a round-about way to reach America, it is actually shorter than sailing due east from China or Japan. The curvature of the globe is such that real distances are difficult to grasp on a two dimensional map, particularly a Mercator projection. On reaching the American coast, navigation further south would be more difficult, but possible. Near the equator, in particular, the currents and winds are more complex and subject to changes. Ocean travelers leaving South America and heading west would utilize the Humboldt Current, which is easily reached from Peru and Ecuador. As Heyerdahl himself proved, it is possible to sail from South America to the Polynesian Islands and beyond. Aside from the Valdivia pottery and possible transpacific contacts, Ecuador has other surprises. There is the strange case of Father Crespi and his collection of unclassifiable artifacts. South of the “Avenue of the Volcanoes,” in the old town of Cuenca, an eccentric priest named Crespi amassed a collection of the most bizarre artifacts one can imagine. First of all, consider that Cuenca is just the latest settlement in an area that has a very long history. It was built over an Incan city called Tomebamba, which was completely destroyed. In its heyday it was said to have rivaled Cuzco in grandeur. Tomebamba itself was built over a major Canari city; the Canari being the native Ecuadorian Indians who held back the expansionistic Incas for decades. Father Crespi was a friend to the local Indians, who have been generally despised by those of Spanish descent. They repaid his kindness and concern for them with gifts of archaeological artifacts that they reportedly found in deserted cities and deep tunnels to the east of Cuenca. ver the years, Father Crespi’s collection came to include large pieces of hammered sheet metal with highly sophisticated engravings, sculptures that are clearly reminiscent of the ancient Near East, and curious objects that are difficult to place in the context of ordinary archaeology. He also had artifacts with images of llamas, bronze Phoenician calendars, enigmatic inscriptions, and even the engraving of a dinosaur! There were also metal and stone mechanical devices, bronze air pipes, and woven copper radiator-like objects. Author Richard Wingate photographed a portion of the collection and published some of the photos in his book, Lost Outpost of Atlantis. Father Crespi was known to have accepted from hungry Indians, whom he fed, artifacts that were obvious fakes. His mission was one of compassion, not science. Unfortunately, this approach, and also his eccentricity (he collected Charlie Chaplin movies) O 21 A skillfully wrought, though culturally unidentifiable artwork from the Father Crespi Collection. worked against the credibility of his collection. Even worse, in 1962, his museum was partially destroyed in an arsonist’s fire. The remains of his collection are now owned by the Central Bank of Ecuador. In a conversation with a private collector in Cuenca, I learned that Crespi was locally regarded as a man who had been duped by the Indians. He wanted to believe that the artifacts given to him by the Indians were proof that the early cultures of Ecuador were in contact with the cultures of the Ancient Mediterranean world. He believed that the Amazon was the transportation route between these two worlds and that the artifacts came from an undiscovered ancient city on the eastern side of the Andes. Aside from the artifacts of his own collection, Crespi would point to the resemblance between Valdivia Venus figurines and ancient Egyptian figures known as shabaktis. It’s true that these two categories of artifact share similar hair treatments. Despite the questionable nature of some of Crespi’s artifacts, a diffusionist explanation seems logical from a geographical standpoint. Movement from the Atlantic to the Pacific via mostly waterway is possible in several places in northern South America. One is up the huge Amazon River to one of several rivers that drain ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 the highlands. From these rivers (the Napo, Pastaza, and Santiago), it is only about 100 miles up and over the highlands to the Guayaquil region. A combination of waterway and land crossing through Ecuador to the Pacific is also possible from the Caribbean. Near the city of Cartegena, the rivers Cauca and Magdalena (where the oldest pottery in Colombia is found) can be followed south almost to the Ecuadorian border. From there, one can follow the Avenue of the Volcanoes down to the Pacific near present-day Guayaquil. This was a well-traveled route in ancient times. There are other intriguing speculations about Ecuador and cultural diffusionism. A recent book on Mesoamerican calendrics (Malmstrom 1971) presents a case for the origins of Mesoamerican culture on the Pacific coast near the ancient city of Izapa. This region, called Soconusco (today’s coastal Chiapas and in the general vicinity of the Mexican/Guatemalan border) is characterized by abundant wildlife, fertile soils, and an extreme diversity of habitat within a small area. Vincent Malmstrom, the author, argues that this is the only comfortably habitable stretch of land along the Pacific coast north of Ecuador. In between are inhospitable mangrove forests. rchaeological evidence dates the earliest significant cultural developments in Soconusco to about 1800 B.C. Around this time the people living there were farming, building large houses on raised mounds, and making elaborate pottery. About 1500 B.C., it A Another enigma from the Crespi Collection, suggestive of Iberian influences. appears that newcomers arrived in the Soconusco region by sea and the native pottery styles began to change and evolve rapidly. Eventually, the Soconusco culture moved north and east across the Tehuantepec gap between the Oaxaca and Chiapas highlands to establish the early Mesoamerican sites identified as Olmec. Malmstrom argues that the most significant innovations of the Soconusco culture are to be found in their astronomy and calendrics. According to him, Soconusco is the place of origin for the 260-day astrological calendar, a key component of the Mayan calendar. Malmstrom and others have suggested that voyagers from Ecuador may have significantly influenced Mesoamerican civilization in their explorations up and down the Pacific coast around 1500 B.C. Similarities in ceramics, burials, clothing, metallurgy, and the distribution of dogs and jays have been cited as evidence for possible links between Ecuador and Mexico (Anawalt, 1997). Geography, Malmstrom’s field, is also an important argument for him. He points out that it is only north of the western point of the Ecuadorian coast that the Equatorial Countercurrent sweeps northward along the coast of Central America, reaching as far as Soconusco. He also notes that balsa trees for making rafts were far more available from the huge Guayas River estuary than from the banks of the small desert rivers that empty into the Pacific along the shoreline of Peru. In his view, it may have been Ecuadorians, as carriers of the earliest Andean cultures, that stimulated the development of high civilization to Mesoamerica. A single carving on a wall of the ballcourt at the ruins of Izapa, a major site in Soconusco, holds an interesting image that suggests that this area’s contact with seafarers was an important part of their heritage. This enigmatic carving suggests that outside contacts may not have been limited to Ecuadorians on rafts. The carving appears to be a bearded man in a seaboat with outstretched arms holding a cross of some sort. There is no question that ancient South Americans set out into the Pacific Ocean on rafts made of balsa logs. These rafts, called “balsas,” were made of huge balsa logs arranged so that the central log was longest, with the others flanking it laid in decreasing length, creating the effect of a prow. A wooden cabin and a bipod mast for a sail sat atop the main logs. Boards shoved between the logs served as small keels, allowing the raft to sail at an angle to the winds. Bartolomew Ruiz, one of Pizarro’s pilots who was on a reconnaissance voyage south of Panama 22 to the equator, reported sighting a native raft 100 miles off the coast in 1526. The raft, about as big as his ship, was carrying 20 well-dressed natives and about 30 tons of cargo. The raft was also sailing against the current. Ruiz had eleven natives thrown overboard, took three women to be trained as translators, and let the rest go free. Long distance balsa raft navigation was an Ecuadorian tradition. Spanish historians recorded an interesting story about a voyage led by the Inca Tupac Yupanqui. He was, at the time, engaged in conquering Ecuador, specifically the regions along the Gulf of Guayaquil, and had heard stories from seafaring merchants of lands to the west, lands that he wanted to add to the Inca empire. Tupac Yupanqui apparently set sail with 20,000 men on a flotilla of rafts in search of two distant populated islands supposedly rich in gold. His expedition was gone for perhaps a year, but the Inca did return with some metal and prisoners. Some think his voyage took him to the Galapagos (Means, 1931: 270272), other suggest he had reached Easter Island (Heyerdahl, 1979: 190ff). Thor Heyerdahl, who challenged academic resistance to the idea of the feasibility of ancient voyages by doing them himself, went to Ecuador to find the logs to build his raft, the Kon-Tiki. After felling huge balsa trees on a tributary of the Guayas, he floated them downstream to Guayaquil and then had them shipped to Peru where they were assembled. Heyerdahl modeled the Kon Tiki after the rafts of the Mateno, a coastal Ecuadorian people, who were known as excellent seafarers. The tradition of balsa raft navigation in Ecuador was made possible by both the abundance of balsa trees in the region, and also the nearby powerful ocean currents. Heyerdahl, a man who puts his money where his mouth is, has said that the Guayas region of Ecuador and northern Peru was the center of ancient American maritime activity. It was certainly a center for commerce, as was observed by the first Spaniards who sailed into the region. They found huge rafts loaded with tons of products sailing (not drifting) miles offshore. Reports of “distant traders” who came to the port of Zacatula in West Mexico, were sent to the king in 1525. (Interestingly, this port is at the mouth of the Rio Balsas.) These distant traders apparently remained at the port for months at a time before they attempted a return voyage (Anawalt, 1997). There is evidence, in the form of pre-Colombian ceramic remains, of routine 600-mile voyages to the Galapagos Islands. It is certainly possible to sail ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 A Moche terra-cotta vessel from northcoastal Peru (Trujillo Museum) contemporary with a documented Chinese transpacific voyage. A.A. staff photograph. great distances on seaworthy balsa rafts. Since Heyerdahl’s famous Kon-Tiki voyage in 1947, many others have sailed the Pacific Ocean on balsa rafts successfully. In 1969 and 1973, Vitale Alsar led voyages that began in Ecuador and reached Australia. In spite of all this, Western archaeologists, historians, and alleged experts on the peopling of Polynesia have resisted accepting that ancient South Americans were capable of such voyages. Some responded to Heyerdahl’s voyage by saying he only proved that Norwegians are good sailors. he more one studies the ancient history of Ecuador, the more one realizes its importance as both a long-distance sailing center and a point of cultural diffusion. The pottery alone suggests that, in very early times, this region may have been a major originpoint in the New World from which culture was diffused. If so, it was probably diffused more by sea than by land. Some mainstream archaeologists are now taking seriously the idea that the Olmec culture, the earliest civilization in Mesoamerica, was “jump-started” by ancient Ecuadorian trading voyages, and that later Mesoamerican cultures benefited from repeated contact with “distant traders.” Whether or not voyagers from other continents reached Ecuador regularly in ancient times is still open to question, though evidence suggests that there may have been at least some contacts with ancient Japan, and possibly also Han Dynasty China. Whether or not ancient Mediterranean travelers sailed up the Amazon to trade with the early cultures of Ecuador and Peru is even more questionable. T But where did at least some of Father Crespi’s collection originate? Heyerdahl has shown that Polynesia was visited and settled (along with immigrants from other places) by ancient South Americans who most likely sailed from northern Peru and Ecuador. This is still disputed by experts on Polynesia, who, as Heyerdahl repeatedly points out, are not experts on South America. One thing for certain is that Ecuador was where the Conquest of Peru began. When Pizarro sailed into the Gulf of Guayaquil, he found civilization in South America. At the southern end of the Gulf he found Tumbez, the gateway to the kingdom of the Incas and the point from which the conquest of the Inca Empire began. Strangely enough, this may have been the same place where an earlier, and probably more benign, influence on Andean civilization began as well. A Peruvian legend recalled that in ancient times bearded gods had arrived on these shores (Heyerdahl, 1979, p.104 ff). In these two instances, one history and the other legend, coastal Ecuador was indeed a “point of contact.” As mainstream archaeologists continue their efforts to reconstruct South American pre-history, they will no doubt find that Ecuador’s cultural role in preColumbian times was wider and more complex than previously thought. Footnotes 1) Currently, the oldest New World pottery is the Amazonian of eastern Brazil. Shards found at Taperinha have been dated to about 5600 B.C. The next oldest pottery sites are in Columbia, which have been dated to about 4500 B.C. Valdivia pottery comes next with dating to about 3200 B.C. The earliest Peruvian and Mesoamerican pottery dates to 2500 and 1800 B.C., respectively. See the relevant articles in Barnett and Hoopes, editors, The Emergence of Pottery. 1995. 2) Jomon, Japan’s oldest pottery tradition, has its origins about 10,700 B.C. See Aikens, Melvin. “First in the World: The Jomon Pottery of Early Japan,” in The Emergence of Pottery (ibid). 3) See “The Search for Ophir, King Solomon’s Isle” by Dr. Gunnar Thompson. Ancient American, Vol. 3, #19-20, pp. 9-11. References Anawalt, Patricia Rieff. “Traders of the Ecuadorian Littoral,” in Archaeology, November/December, 1997. Barnett, William K., and John W. Hoopes. The Emergence of Pottery: Technology and Innovation in Ancient Societies. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995. 23 Doran, Edwin J. “The Sailing Raft as a Great Tradition,” in Man Across the Sea. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. 1971. Estrada, E., and B.J. Meggers. “A complex of traits of probably transpacific origin on the coast of Ecuador.” American Anthropology, 63: 913-939. 1961. Heyerdahl, Thor. Kon-Tiki. New York: Ballantine Books. 1950. Heyerdahl, Thor. Pyramids of Tucume. New York: Thames and Hudson,1995. Heyerdahl, Thor. Early Man and the Ocean. New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc..,1979. Jennings, Jesse D. Ancient South Americans. New York: W.H.Freeman and Company, 1983. Johnstone, Paul. The Sea-craft of Prehistory. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980. Malmstrom, Vincent. Cycles of the Sun, Mysteries of the Moon. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1997 Means, Philip Ainsworth. Ancient Civilizations of the Andes. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1931 Meggers, Betty J., Clifford Evans, and Emilio Estrada. “Early Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador.” Smithsonian Contributions to Archaeology. Volume I. Washington D.C: 1965 Needham, J. Science and Civilization in China, Vol. 4. Cambridge, England. 1971. Wingate, Richard. Lost Outpost of Atlantis. New York: Everest House. 1980. The Southeast Asian facial features of this 12th Century B.C, terra-cotta statuette (National Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology, Mexico City) from Oaxaca, Mexico, are unmistakable. It belongs to the Olmec Culture, Middle America’s first civilization, which suddenly sprouted as a fully developed society about 300 years earlier. An abundance of similar evidence suggests overseas’ origins for the mysterious Olmecs. But Mesoamerican ideograms cannot be deciphered by contemporary Chinese written language, challenging direct comparisons between preColumbian Mexico and the ancient Far East. A.A. staff photograph. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 You’re invited to Ancient American’s National Symposium June 19 & 20! V isitors to Ancient American’s first symposium last summer are still talking about the fascinating speakers and exhibits they experienced at our Western States Conference. Based on last summer’s popular success, we have decided to schedule another public meeting, again in Utah. This year’s symposium will feature artifact displays, hard-to-find books for sale and speakers from around the country. Among their topics will be Legends of Fair-Skinned Foreigners in Pre-Columbian America, An ancient Hebrew Holy Stone from Ohio, Prehistoric Michigan’s Biblical Tablets, Latest News on the Megalithic Monuments of America and Europe, Related Themes in Rock Art from America to Japan, The Great Serpent Mound, Wyoming’s Ancient Mysteries, Toltec Origins of the Cherokee, The Art of Overseas’ Visitors in Pre-Columbian America. Their presentations will be accompanied by slide-shows featuring never-before-seen photographs illustrating the lost world of America B.C.---Before Columbus. The two-day event will host ten presenters, all dynamic speakers and renowned authorities in their fields of expertise. Some include Ancient American researcher, David Deal; Professor James Scherz, from the University of Wisconsin at Madison; John White of the Midwest Epigraphic Society; worldwide investigator, Fred Rydholm; and Wayne May, Founder and Publisher of Ancient American magazine. Ancient American’s Western States Conference will be a convocation for diffusionists, professionals and enthusiasts alike, to share their revolutionary evidence contradicting the official (erroneous) dogma that Columbus was the first overseas’ visitor to arrive on our continent’s shores. Our Second National Symposium opens its doors at 11:00, Friday morning, June 19th. Presentations begin with Mr. May’s introduction at 1:00, followed by two A popular display at last year’s Ancient American Western States Conference, demonstrating the variety of racial types that inhabited our continent in pre-columbian times. This year’s symposium will not lack for controversy, either! A.A. staff photograph. speakers until a half-hour break at 3:15. Presentations will be made from 3:45 to 6:00. The Symposium resumes the next day, June 20th, Saturday morning, with featured speakers beginning at 9:00. Following a noonhour lunch, the final presentations, with a half-hour break at 3:00, conclude by 6:00. Question-and-answer periods follow the lectures, allowing members of the audience to speak directly with our presenters. Last year’s Symposium was a memorable occasion for good fellowship. Similarly, at 1998’s Western States Conference, you will be able to meet and mix with like-minded enthusiasts and swap interests. Advance registration for both days is $30.00 (Mastercard, Visa & American Express accepted or personal check). Those wishing to attend only one of the two days can purchase tickets at the door. However, attendance capacity is far more restricted than last year, with seating for little more than 200 persons. We 24 therefore strongly urge anyone considering attendance at the Conference to pre-register at their earliest convenience to secure seating. Local Firecodes will be observed. There will be no overflow seating available. Register now! Ancient American’s 1998 Symposium will be held at the private facilities of the Murray Academy, easily reached by State Street, in Murray, Utah, a close suburb of Salt Lake City. For hotel reservations in the immediate vicinity, telephone the following toll-free “800” numbers---Best Western: 528-1234; Motel 6: 4668356; Super 8: 800-8000. It is important to reserve your accommodations as early as possible! For further information, contact Ancient American magazine, P.O. Box 370, Colfax, WI 54763. E-mail: [email protected]. Fax (715) 235-3343. Telephone (during regular business hours only): (715) 962-3299 or (715) 235-3322 ask for Wayne or Kris. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Conference Address: Murray Academy 184 East Vine Street Murray, Utah Ju ne 19 & 20 On State Street, traveling south from Temple Square, you will turn left at the intersection of Vine and State Street, which is approximately at 50th South. After you’ve turned left, go 1/2 block and the Murray Academy is on your right. If you passed the Murray Theater on the left side of State Street while traveling south, you just missed your turn. The Academy Parking lot is limited, so it will be necessary for many attendees to park cars on the residential streets around the Academy. Please be courteous and mindful of the local residents: do not block driveways or access openings of any kind. Do not use the business parking lots which are nearby; otherwise, you will be towed! Thank you for your cooperation. See you June 19th! Salt Lake City map, courtesy of the Salt Lake Visitors Guide 1997-1998 Fall/Winter issue Murray Academy 184 East Vine (intersection of State and Vine) * 25 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Germany’s 400,000 Year-Old Javelins ACPAC: Skeletons in the Closet by Keith Bennett F irst described as “spears 400,000 years old,” the objects found at a local coal mine in Schoningen, Germany recently are now known to be far more sophisticated weapons: a trio of hunting javelins, radio-carbon dated to 380,000 to 400,000 years B.P. (Before Present). When the report was published in Europe last year (February), some mainstream archaeologists attempted to dismiss the three six-to-seven foot spruce shafts as oversized digging sticks or probes for locating carcasses beneath the snow. A spokesman from England’s University of Sheffield, countered, “the Schoningen discoveries are unquestionably spears. To regard them as snowprobes or digging sticks is like claiming power drills are paper weights.” German archaeologist Hartmut Thieme (Hannover) claims the shafts are more than simple spears. They are, he says, sophisticated throwing javelins. Their spruce shafts are weighted with the heaviest portion one-third of the length back of the front end, exactly as in modern javelins. The shafts were made with the heaviest and densest wood from the base of a tree as the point at the head, Thieme adds. He found them while excavating ahead of a rotary coal-cutting machine, in 1983, after very ancient artifacts surfaced earlier in the mine. No one, however, had expected to find complete weapons of such advanced age. Other finds included flint-cutting tools and grooved, wooden implements that may have held flint blades, and parts of horse, elephant and deer bones; thousands of them. Also in England, at Boxton, a fossilized rhinoceros shoulder blade still carries a wound inflicted by a manmade projectile dated at 500,000 B.P. In Germany, an apparent spearshaft was found in an elephant skeleton, fifty years ago. Along with the newly found spruce shafts, the digging team recovered other animal remains and parts of ten butchered horses. Until these discoveries, anthropologists believed early man was only a scavenger, not a hunter. This view still persists among some in the academic community, despite the Schoningen finds and other evidence for the use of hunting weapons far earlier than previously thought possible. For example, a yew-wood spear dated 400,000 years old was unearthed at Claxton-on-the-Sea, England, in 1911. While evidence for hunting spears and javelins keeps piling up, the arrow likewise emerges as a weapon much older than has been officially assumed. A recent re-examination of the bones of a young woman buried in Sicily about 13,000 years ago found an arrowhead, or part of it, buried in her pelvis. She appears to have recovered from the wound, as bone had grown around the stone blade. It represents a second find of its kind in the Italian area. A child burial, similarly dated to 13,000 B.P., had a small arrow wound in one of its vertebrae. ntil such current discoveries, the only evidence for the use of arrows dated to 8500 B.C. It comprised, archaeologists assumed, the first indication of violent human behavior against their own kind. But the new German find shows that early men were better armed hunters far longer ago than deemed possible. Were they warriors, too? In any case, their weapons have already touched off new scholarly battles in Europe. The argument is over who carried those German javelins to the hunt. Thieme, in residence at Hannover’s Institute for the Preservation of Historical Monuments, believes homo erectus was the first spear-carrier. Researchers at London’s University College, who directed digs at Boxgrove, where the yew-spear tip was found, contend an early form of homo sapiens made such weapons. Even colleagues from the British Museum leapt into the fray, postulating that the first premesolithic spear-carrier was a creature on his way to becoming Neanderthal man. With superior European armament around 400,000 B.P., Siberian Man could have been better equipped than the experts used to claim. And from Siberia comes new dating technology to prove he was there about 270,000 years earlier than previously thought. Thermo-luminescence dating by Texas A & M University scientists puts Siberian Man into a range between 260,000 to 370,00 B.P. Plenty in time for an early movement into North America ... U 26 A long, lead article (with the above headline in City Pages (News & Arts Weekly of the Twin Cities, Minnesota) on September 24, 1997 by Joseph Hart covered early archaeological investigations in Minnesota as well as the present situation. In 1989, the state formed the Minnesota Indian Affairs Council (MIAC) and gave it title to all affiliated and unaffiliated human remains. MIAC works with tribes and has so far returned 800 skeletons for reburial. Council officials hope the rest of the bones will be reburied within a year. Approximately 2,000 skeletal remains, dating back to 10,000 years ago were gathered over the last 100 years by scientists and collectors. These bones, from the University of Minnesota, the Minnesota Historical Society, the Science Museum, and other agencies around the state, are sent to osteologist Barbara O’Connell at the Hamline University lab. One of the skeletons, called Browns Valley Man, was recovered by UM professor Albert E. Jenks in the 1930s and has been dated to nearly 10,000 years old. The “Minnesota Man”, now known to be “Minnesota Girl”, was also collected by Jenks in 1932 and dates to about 8,000 years ago. According to Minnesota law, the skeletons already belong to the MIAC but Jim Jones, MIAC repatriation director, says he expects trouble. “When and if the skeleton is buried, along with a projectile point worth thousands on the black market, only Jones and a handful of tribal elders will know where.” Jones acts as a buffer between scientists and Indian activists. He also soothes the activists when the NAGPRA law moves too slowly while, all the time, “working on his primary charge to get the bodies back.” AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR THE PRESERVATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS P.O. Box 1171 Whittier, CA 90609-1171 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Bering “Land-Bridge” Theory Collapsing by David Burton T he first humans entering America arrived about 11,000 or 12,000 years ago by crossing over a nowsunken land-bridge from Siberia into Alaska. Or so we have been told by generations of anthropologists. They preached their so-called Bering Strait Theory dogma from school rooms to television documentaries. And it is still upheld by a majority of academics. They condemned their critics as rank amateurs, denizens of a pseudo-scientific lunatic fringe. Despite decades of official ridicule and neglect, Diffusionists, mostly non-professionals, patiently pursued their scorned investigations and continued to point out an abundance of evidence demonstrating human occupation of our continent tens of thousands of years earlier, with origins across the Atlantic and Pacific, as well as landroutes from Asia. Ancient American was founded four years ago to deliberately provide these maverick antiquarians with a forum for their shunned and denigrated research. Now, after years of opposition, their day has begun to dawn! “We are on a major threshold in the development of ideas about the peopling of the Americas,” admitted Dennis Stanford, the Smithsonian Institution’s chief archaeologist, in a March 3rd press release for the Cox News Service. “I think the whole picture is going to change real fast.” He was referring to new discoveries which indisputably place human habitation here 40,000 or more years ago. An even more bitter pill for Stanford and his Establishment colleagues to swallow is the equally persuasive evidence for a Caucasian presence in the deep preColumbian past. He sited the growing number of ancient Europoid skeletal remains discovered from Washington State to the Dakotas, and the findings of Emory University geneticist, Douglas Wallace. Together with anthropologist, Theodore Schurr; their studies of inherited traits among Native Americans demonstrate that man had already spread throughout South America at least 20,000 Before Present. Standford said he expects a surge of secret disclosures from archaeologists who were hitherto afraid of official opposition. The waited :”surge” could very well transform dogmatic interpretations of America’s prehistory. Stanford also mentioned a 13,000 to 16,000 year-old sites presently being excavated near Richmond, Virginia and Nashville, Tennessee. He conceded that the apparent clustering of older settlements such as these in the south east suggests that the ancient inhabitants were not Asian, but came from Europe, even at that early date. The first major crack to appear in the Bering Strait Dogma appeared last year, when University of Kentucky anthropologist, Thomas Dillehay, conclusively established the presence of toolusing humans at Monte Verde, Chile, dating to 13,000 B.P. He is presently uncovering another Chilean site settled 33,000 years ago by seafarers who arrived from over the Pacific Ocean. Since the 1950s, the controversial Thor Heyerdahl, so long disparaged by his less-adventurous colleagues, successfully recreated several ancient transatlantic and transpacific voyages to show that prehistoric man could have indeed crossed the oceans of our planet to influence civilizations around the world. D illehay believes there are 15 to 20 settlement sites in South America more than 11,500 years old. Supporting his conclusion is the research of University of California linguist, Johanna Nichols, who estimated the time required for some 142 New World language families to have evolved. Her studies reveal the diversity of native languages in the Americas is so great that it would have taken at least 19,500 years, but more likely 35,000 to 40,000 years for as many diverse language groups to develop. When Dillehay announced his discoveries, the entire archaeological system fell on him with vicious criticism and belittling denial. But he courageously stood his ground, kept repeating and validating his conclusions, until he began to be taken seriously by a few fellow professionals. Today, Dillehay's work stands unchallenged and the re-writing of American prehistory has begun. Diffusionists around the world have cause to rejoice, as their ideas are at long last being vindicated. A Sign of the Time: “Immigration of Ancient Peoples” So read the words over a large billboard (pictured above) welcoming visitors to Louisiana’s Poverty Point, one of our country’s most important archaeological parks. It is refreshing to realize that, together with shop-worn theories of migration through the Bering Strait, the curators at Poverty Point have dared to include Norse routes across the North Atlantic, European and North African voyages into Middle America and transpacific arrivals in Ecuador from southeast Asia. Inadequate dogmas of the past are finally yielding to the truth about pre-Columbian influences from overseas. The map of Ancient America is changing. 27 Missouri’s Mystery Weapon by Keenan Newell I n the summer of 1952, some boys playing down by a river bank in northern Missouri noticed a large, peculiar shape in the water. Word soon spread of their discovery among the townspeople. A dealer in scrap-iron, used a powerful motor-winch to drag the lads’ find out into the open. It turned out to be a large grindstone, that was all. But clinging to its underside was an unusual conglomeration of bluish mud with the merest suggestion of something else slightly visible trapped inside. William Krebs, the man with the winch, scraped off the amorphous accretion and carried it home, where he planned to remove the mud and reveal its secret. The process was more difficult than he anticipated. Scrubbing off the river slime, Krebs encountered an apparently much older substance that had assumed the hardness of a calcified shell. Hoping to remove the strange object without damaging it, he steeped the whole mess in a bath of cleaning solution for half a year. It took him another month to carefully wash away the last remnants of clinging material with penetrating oil. But the item that emerged was worthy of his patience. It was the most unusual weapon he, or anyone else in Missouri, had ever seen. Slowly withdrawing it from the curved sheath, he was surprised to see, not one, but three blades emerge. The peculiar triple-threat measured fourteen inches from the point of its center blade, the largest, to the extreme end of its handle. Krebs examined the weapon’s fine workmanship, alien to anything comparable he knew. It was decorated with somewhat faded, although clearly discernable images of strangely dressed women accompanied with other human figures wearing bizarre headdresses. Seated or possibly dancing in a garden inhabited by mythical birds, the women appeared to be signalling one another with meaningful hand gestures of some kind. All the images seemed to have been engraved by some non-mechanical method. Looking at the dagger point-on, Krebs noticed that its only non-metallic component was a piece of bone nicely cut and inserted at the front of the pommel where the bladed trio was connected at its base. He took his find to the Missouri state archaeologist, who, typically, declared at first glance that such a knife could only be a modern fake of some The unusual, triple-bladed dagger beside its Arabian Nights-like scabbard. kind, but offered to take it off the discoverer’s hands, just the same. Sensing dishonesty, Krebs returned home with the artifact. or the next quarter century, he found no one who could identify it until he met David McCuen, a Utah metallurgist with 35 years experience. He determined that the unusual weapon had been manufactured by heating its steel to high temperatures, then pounding it with heavy wooden mallets and dousing it with water, a process repeated over and over until the desired shape and resilient strength were obtained. McCuen pointed out that such a primitive manufacturing process was no longer used anywhere in the world, but had been common throughout Europe and Asia up until the Middle Ages. Underscoring its Late Dark Age forging process, his analysis showed that the Missouri knife was 1,000 to 1,200 years old. He was able to determine that its mineral composition is 3% copper, but the mine from which such metal was excavated is not known. McCuen believes, however, that the object came from India possibly sometime in the 9th or 11th centuries. He found that triplebladed weapons were used throughout the Sub-Continent in Medieval times, when headdresses similar to those depicted on the scabbard of Mr. Krebs’ discovery were also in fashion. Moreover, hand gestures made by the dagger’s incised female figures F 28 The Missouri weapon sheathed as it was found, 45 years ago. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 The faded, possibly floral images of the knife’s handle suggest long-time wear. One of the scabbard's many female figures gesturing with her hands. Is she signing to us with a mudra, still used by classical dancers from India? could be mudras. These are a series of subtle hand movements employed by India’s classical dancers to express specific emotions. If further testing determines that Mr. Krebs’ find is authentic, its loss by a modern collector of Sub Continental antiquities in a Missouri river seems farfetched. Instead, it is probably evidence for the arrival of seafarers from India a thousand or more years ago. These transoceanic visitors may have traveled far inland, but, more likely, they landed on the Pacific coast, where Native Americans somehow obtained the knife and, in their wanderings, lost it in the Midwest. n American Discovery, the Real Story (available from the Ancient American Bookclub), Dr. Gunnar Thompson writes, “Hindu geographers identified lands across the Pacific on the other side of the Earth. The lands were known as Pantala---which is variously translated as ‘The Opposite Land’ or ‘The Land of Gold’”. On the same page (217), he reproduces a 7th Century Tibetan map actually indicating the location of Pantala across the Pacific. Among the abundant evidence on behalf of influences from India in America, Dr. Thompson sites the singular eye-in-the hand religious motif found in India and, appropriately, the Mississippi Valley, around 1200 A.D., recalling the unusual emphasis of the girls’ hands depicted on the Missouri weapon. It may be physical proof confirming the arrival in prehistoric America of sailors from Medieval India. Mr. Krebs is anxious to contact anyone who may be able to shed further light on his intriguing discovery. He is particularly interested to learn if what may be a written script on the object can be deciphered. Persons wishing to share their impressions with William Krebs may do so by writing to him care of Ancient American, P.O. Box 370, Colfax, WI 54763. E-mail [email protected]. Fax (715) 235-3343. Perhaps one of our readers holds the key to this Missouri mystery. Close-up of the bone inserted at the front of the dagger’s pommel where it holds the base of the three blades. I Inscrutable script or fanciful design covers full-length the right side of the Missouri dagger’s right blade. All photographs pages 28, 29, Ancient American Photo Library. 29 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Japan’s Megalithic Links to Ancient America and Europe by Professor Nobuhiro Yoshida, President of the Japan Petrograph Society S hikoku, one of the four big islands of Japan, has been attracting archaeological and cultural interest since last October. At that time, many prehistoric, stone ruins were coming to light for the first time, mostly at five towns, two villages and even a city in Tokushima Province. As big as the island of Hawaii, Shikoku was already known for its 88 temples built from the late 8th to mid-9th Centuries by Kukai, the founder of Shingon-shu, a Japanese school of Buddhism. It was to these shrines that his pious followers went for blessings, particularly since the Shikoku Pilgrimage, as it came to be known, became popular in the 1400s. Previous to the 15th Century, such pilgrimages were undertaken only by priests. Interestingly, Kukai’s 88 temples are located in close proximity to the far older, prehistoric structures recently found over the past seven months by a number of discoverers. These include municipal officers, local members of the Board of Education, historians and, most notably, chapter members of the Japan Petrograph Society. One of the most successful attempts to locate and identify Tokushima’s ancient ruins was conducted at Mima Province. The expedition comprised interested citizens from surrounding villages and towns, together with J.P.S. colleagues, Ancient American’s Frank Joseph (who was visiting Japan as a guest speaker) and myself. Arriving at the town of Anabuki last January 19th, we sought out one of the area’s most sacred sites, Iwasaka Shinmei Jinja, or “Rock Heap Shrine,” at the summit of a steep hill. The structure’s antiquity is great, pre-dating nearby Buddhist monuments by many centuries, if not millennia. The very well-preserved ruins of Iwasaka Shinmei Jinja resemble a low, stone fortress 7 meters wide, 22 meters long and 1.5-2 meters high. Three gateways open to a trio of corresponding altars set in the inside wall, facing south. Mr. Joseph was struck by the site’s remarkable resemblance to a similar structure in the eastern United States. Known as “America’s Stonehenge” (previously, “Mystery Hill”), New Hampshire’s neolithic-like formation also sits atop a hill with a southern orientation. He added that such formations Anabuki’s Iwasaka Shinmei Jinja. Its resemblance to ritual structures in the Hawaiian islands and North America imply important transpacific cultural contacts in deeply prehistoric times. also appear in a virtually straight line some 120 miles long connecting the Mississippi with the Ohio Rivers on hill-tops across the southern part of the State of Illinois. At least a dozen such Illinois structures, so very like those found in Tokushima, are known to archaeologists, who have tentatively dated them to 2,000 B.P. “It is a strange coincidence,” Joseph said, “that similar types of rock shrines are found in Japan, Hawaii and the U.S. We may conjecture that there was at one time a cultural flow between the Far East and North America, with Hawaii in between. Doubtless, all these structures, despite the great distances separating them, were raised by people belonging to the same culture.” Locations physically related to Iwasaka Shinmei Jinja occur in the prefectures of Tokushima, Yamaguchi and Fukuoka. On the coastal hill of Yumezaki (“Dream-Point”), at the Tsunoshima islet of Yamaguchi Prefecture, another stone fortress was identified a few years ago by Harvard University’s Dr. Barry Fell and Professor Eiichi Imoto (Osaka’s Foreign Language University) as a refuge for Sumerian sailors, who were known to construct such shelters along their extensive sea-lanes. Dr. Fell once appeared on Japanese television to offer his opinion that “the Sumerians apparently reached 30 ancient America, and it is sure they reached the Far East by another route.” Three similar stone shrines are located in Shikoku, with another at the Hiraodai Plateau, in Fukuoka Prefecture, Kyushu. Some investigators conclude these large rock shrines tell of the coming of Sumerian seafarers before the 16th Century B.C., because these ruins bear engraved characters which suggest either ProtoSumerian hieroglyphs or Sumerian cuneiform. ut what the Japanese stone shelters most resemble are the sacred enclosures known as heiau on the big island of Hawaii. These far-off correspondents were said to have been places of worship by Karakaua, the first king of the Hawaiian Islands. Enduring legends among the islanders recount that the heiau and their accompanying petroglyphs were made by a prehistoric people who arrived in Hawaii from their homeland in the distant west. Although the exact location of this ancient source is never specified, researchers believe the land mythically referred to is either Japan or some intermediary kingdom, long since vanished. But when we observe such wonderful similarities between Japanese stone enclosures and Hawaiian heiau---to say nothing of additional resemblances Japanese petroglyphs share with Hawaiian examples--- B ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 The “Heavenly Shrine’ of Amatsu-miya atop Mt. Nakatsu-yama, 2,320 feet above sea-level. we cannot doubt some real cultural connection with the Far East in prehistoric times. At the summits of three higher hills in Shikoku, my colleagues found stone ruins I personally investigated March 1st. Guided by my chapter ,members, I reached the top of Mt. Nakatsuyama, 773 meters above sea-level. There I saw an oval-shaped fortress known locally as Amatsu-miya, or “The Heavenly Shrine.” With an overall height of approximately 1.4 meters, its 15 by 10 meter long walls have two entrances; one is positioned to the north and features steps leading into the enclosure, while the other opens in the southeast corner. he stonework here is remarkably close to Inca masonry, but the overall impression Amatsu-miya makes on the visitor is reminiscent of a famous neolithic site in the Orkney Islands of the North Atlantic, Skara Brae, off the coast of Scotland. Certainly, they resemble nothing else in the Far East, save only those structures related in time and culture. In their Guide to Ancient Sites of Britain, Janet and Colin Board, while describing Skara Brae, write, “Opposite the hearth is an upright stone structure with compartments, possibly a ‘dresser’ used for storage purposes.” So too, the altar shrine at Anabuki features a kind of “dresser” precisely as described in the Guide. Some 4,000 or more years ago, the neolithic inhabitants of the Orknies were worshipping ancestral and/or tribal spirits, just as the pious natives of Tokushima Province did at their very similar stone enclosures. If so, then the objects mentioned by Janet and Colin T Bord are not “dressers” but altar shrines. Moreover, neolithic huts in Skara Brae’s immediate vicinity measured 6.4 by 6.1 meters with low (1.1 meter) and narrow (6 meter) doorways cut through the thick walls (1.2 meters on the average); these measurements fit very closely to Orkneylike stone structures located at Japan’s Mt. Myojin, Yuki, Amabe Province in Shikoku. Here, especially in the province of Tokushima, occur the gigantic capstones of cromlechs and a so-called “giant’s table” virtually identical to better known examples in England and Scotland. The Obtabi-ishi, or “The Resting Stone of the Gods,” is the center of an annual festival, when local people carry a portable shrine, a kind of ark in proces- sion. As they proceed from one sacred site to the next, they set the ark down on the Obtabi-ishi, the surface of which is decorated with cupules, just like those found at megalithic sites throughout Western Europe. Scholars of our Japan Petrograph Society over the years have discovered no less than 3,500 examples of cupule rocks. The intaglios were usually found engraved in flat rocks or naturally standing stones of great size. But in Shikoku, we were surprised to find cupules appearing on man-cut stone structures. Both settings, natural and manmade, likewise occur in megalithic Britain, where phallic stones are associated with the island’s neolithic culture. So too, a huge phallic stone accompanied by another configured into a vaginal shape are the symbolic features found in Japan; the former occur at Yata, while a “Female Shrine” is found at Tokushima. Known as Hime-miya, its philogistic resemblance to the hymenal, an Ancient Greek marriage song, is striking. Appropriately, the English word hymen, which derives from Hymen, the Greek marriagegod, is a fold of mucous membrane partially closing the external orifice of a virgin’s vagina. Linguistic and architectural parallels point to some form of important contact between Japan and Western Europe in the ancient past. Kukai, mentioned earlier, preserved such megalithic sites in Japan by building a kind of defensive barrier of Buddhist shrines around them. Thus, he wisely regarded his new religion as a continuation of the spirit of the old. In fact, I think he may have been a secret worshipper of the megalithic rites, who incorporated them into his Shingon-shu cult. My suspicions are reinforced by the Kokubunji temple, built by the Emperor This Hawaiian heiau, or sacred enclosure, at Puukohara, matches Japanese counterparts in Shikoku, even to the size of the stones used at both sites. 31 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 for Kukai, because there was installed a megalithic shrine like those found at the hill-top enclosures. Above, one of the numerous megalithic walls, still revered by local people as a sacred site, scattered throughout Shikoku. Below, grand-scale stonework of a neolithic character such as these two examples in southern Japan are evidence for a large, ceremonially active population during prehistoric times. Professor Yoshida and his colleagues in the Japan Petrograph Society continue to discover a growing number of such ruins belonging to some pre-Buddhist civilization with ties to other parts of the Ancient World. 32 Nor should we ignore the fact that all these evocative, ancient structures we examine today were not harmed, even after the Emperor, Shomu Tenno, made Buddhism Japan’s “official” religion in the 740s. The prehistoric shrines did not suffer vandalism because they continued to be venerated, as they are today. In view of so many megalithic structures presently being found in Japan, I urge and welcome Ancient American readers to see the intriguing structures for themselves, especially those in Shikoku. Although the local people may not be aware of the ruins’ incomparable archaeological value, at every one of the sites you will definitely sense the long history of Japan, extending far back in time and across the oceans of the world, even to Europe and America. These ancient connections could be among the most significant points of reference for understanding the roots of human culture and related origins. In these international comparisons, Japan’s ancient stone monuments tell us that distance and time do not matter. What really counts is our willingness to be open-minded about the past. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Left, this wooden Buddhist shrine was built over a far older megalithic site with cupules, the same features found on similar structures in Western Europe. Above, the vaginal Hime-miya at Tokushima. Its functional and linguistic relationship to ancient European correspondents is remarkable. Below, left: Tokushima’s Kokubunji Temple. Below, right: the altar-stone at Jorakuji. All photographs pages 30 through 33 by Nobuhiro Yoshida. 33 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 What was the Piasu Bird? by Iron Thunderhorse I ssue Number 5 of Ancient American published “Ancient Sauk Cosmology Tradition and Artifacts,” authored by Dr. J.E. Price and Lawrence Kahbah, Sr., Sauk Tribal Elder. The article presented traditional lore of the Sauk tribe, an integral part of the Illini Confederacy, whose ancient homelands consisted of the areas known today as the states of Wisconsin and Missouri. As noted in their informative article, this confederacy consisted of the Illini, Miami, Kaskaskia, Mandan, Peoria, Piankaskaw, Arrika, Cahokia and Piasu tribes. In the Proto-Algonquian language-family, the name Illini derives from the Algonquian word, liniwok, or “men.” In the Cree dialect, it is Iyiniwok. According to Miami oral tradition, as pointed out in the article, the Miami and Metchigamies fought with two Piasu birds in an ancient battle. The leader of the Miami was subsequently carried into the air by the mythical bird and dropped to his death. The name Piasu or Piasa (variously spelled), in the Illini signifies, “The Bird which devours Men,” according to the late William McAdams, formerly of Alton, Illinois. Several historical accounts and graphic illustrations give us a better idea of the traditions and artifacts known as “Piasa Rock,” or “Piasi Bird Hieroglyphs,” referred to by the missionary explorer, Marquette, between 1670 and 1675. His remarks were transcribed by Dr. Francis Parkman as follows: “On the flat face of a high rock were painted in red, black and green a pair of monsters, each as large as a calf, with horns like a deer, red eyes, a beard like a tiger, and a frightful expression of countenance. “The face is something like that of a man, the body covered with scales; and the tail so long that it passes entirely around the body, over the head and between the legs, ending like that of a fish.” Additional comments by Davison and Struve add a bit more to the picture Figure 1 The Piasa as it once appeared in a large polychrome representation high atop a cliffface in Alton, Illinois, over-looking the Mississippi River. The great beard bespeaks European influences. Indeed, the beast’s overall appearance suggests a Celtic griffin, an impression underscored by the antler-horned god of the forest or wilderness worshiped by the Celts. Editor. in their following notation: “Again, they (Marquette and Joliet) were floating on the broad bosom of the unknown stream. Passing the mouth of the Illinois, they soon fell into the shadow of a tall promontory, and with great astonishment beheld the representation of two monsters painted on its lofty limestone front...It was an object of Indian worship and greatly impressed the mind of the pious missionary with the necessity of substituting for this monstrous idolatry the worship of the true God.” A footnote associated with the foregoing excerpt added the following remarks: “Near the mouth of the Piasa Creek, on the bluff, there is a smooth rock in a cavernous cleft, under an overhanging cliff, on whose face, 50 feet from the base, are painted some ancient pictures or hieroglyphs. They are placed in a horizontal line from east to west, representing man, plants and animals. The paintings, though protected from dampness and storms, are in great part destroyed, marred by portions of the rock becoming detached and falling down.” Figure 1 is a facsimile of a drawing provided by McAdams, a pen and ink sketch, originally measuring 12 by 15 inches, as he recreated it from the site on April 3rd, 1825. He also published a reproduction of another account, shown here in Figure 2, with the following 34 remarks: “One of the most satisfactory pictures of the Piasa we have ever seem is in an old German publication entitled, The Valley of the Mississippi Illustrated. ”One of the large, full-page plates in this work gives a fine view of the bluff at Alton, with the figure of the Piasa on the face of the rock. It is represented to have been taken on the spot by artists from Germany. We reproduce that part of the bluff (the whole picture being too large for this work) which shows the pictographs. “In the German picture, there is shown that just behind the rather dim outlines of the second face a ragged crevice, as though of a fracture. Part of the bluff’s face might have fallen and thus nearly destroyed one of the monsters, for in later years writers speak of but one figure.” Although the German depiction claims to be the truest likeness, the McAdams rendition clearly adheres to the descriptions recorded by Marquette. McAdams did his pen and ink sketch about two decades before the entire face of the bluff was quarried away from 1846 to 1847. Marquette’s verbal description is consistent with other Algonquian composite motifs of anthropomorphic and theriomorphic figures. For example, the Menomonie tradition (the Menomonie were part of the Middle Mississippian-Wiscon- ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 sin Federation), a figure known as the Great White Bear (Figure 3) was a manitou of the underworld, a guardian of the deposits of native copper. nterestingly, the tail of the Great White Bear encircled the entire animal much like the Piasu Bird. This is similar to the snake that bites its own tail, and known in epigraphy as the ouroboros (see “The Enigmatic Moundville Disc,” Ancient American, #13). The Ojibway and Winnebago have similarly styled composite motifs which incorporate long antlers, tails encircling the whole body, etc., such as their notion of the Underground Wildcat, Gitche-a-mahmi-e-be-zhew. The Piasu Bird is also an Algonquian manitou, a mythic, anthropomorphic creature which possibly acted as a totemic guardian of the area known as Piasu Creek, on the Missouri River. The ancient Mound builders used to depict such images, such as the the sacred twins, Wisaka and Yapato-e (excavated in 1859 at Union County, Illinois). Wisaka has since become the manitou “of all culture (Thunderhorse, infra., page 46), and is one of the sacred twins who taught our ancestors everything we now know as our traditions. Figure 2 A RTI CLE S UB MI S S I ON REQUI REMENTS : I Bibliography Davison, Alexander & Struve, Bernard, History of Illinois from 1673 to 1884, Springfield: 1884, p. 62. Mallery, Garrick, Picture-Writing of the American Indians, N.Y.: Dover Publications, 1972, two volumes (I:78-79, II: 481-482). McAdams, William, Records of Ancient Races in the Mississippi Valley, Being an Account of Some of the Pictographs, Sculpted Hieroglyphics, Symbolic Devices, Emblems and Traditions of the Prehistoric Races of America, With Suggestions as to their Origins, St. Louis, 1887. Parkman, Dr. Francis, The Conspiracy of Pontiac and and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada, Boston, 1883, two volumes, II: p. 265. Thunderhorse, Iron, Return of the Thunderbeings, Santa Fe: Bear & Co., 1990, co-authored by Don LeVie, Jr. This rendition of the Alton Piasa by German eye-witnesses in the mid-19th Century differs substantially from Pere Marquette’s earlier description. The appearance of a second figure, a disembodied head to the rear of the creature, implies they saw additional illustrations missed by the famous missionary or, less likely, added after he left the site. The bearded head at left recalls the sacred head-hunting cult practiced by Celtic tribes in Western Europe as late as the 5th Century. Figure 3 The Piasa, “the bird which devours men,” according to the Illini Indians, may have been a symbolic characterization of the Piasu Tribe, accused of cannibalism. In the same way, other tribes labeled Wisconsin’s Ho-Chunk as the Winnebago, or “Fish Eaters,” a similar metaphor for cannibalism. In any case, representations of the Piasa may be found throughout Native American art and spirituality. The same creature was known as the Drache in Medieval Europe, especially among the Norse, who depicted it in funeral and other art as a protective dragon or griffin. The horned helmets worn by some Vikings (less in war than in religious rites) were part of the ritualistic regalia of the Berserker, warriors who whipped themselves up into wild frenzies previous to battle. Here, too, an American connection is suggested: the Norse “Berserker,” who sought soul-possession by the conquering spirit of a furious bear recall the Menomonie Indians’ Great White Bear (likewise envisioned as a Piasa), a manitou or “high spirit” of the Underworld. Editor. 35 The Ancient American i s an open forum for anyone, regardl ess of academi c background, to share thei r di scoveri es and i deas about the prehi story of our country wi th readers across the nati on. A s an exerci se i n freedom of thought, we wel come the parti ci pati on of amateurs, as wel l as professi onal s. Submi tted manuscri pts must be type- wri tten, doubl e spaced. Send ori gi nal copy; we use a Paperport Scanner. For our computer users, we operate MacIntosh 7.5 and publ i sh our format i n Quarkxpress . Submi ssi ons accepted on a DOS formatted di sk i f you can store/save your arti cl e i n A SCII or TEXT. These two DOS l anguages can be read by our MacIntosh. A l ong wi th al l di sk submi ssi ons, pl ease encl ose a hard copy for reference. We cannot guarantee the return of any submi tted materi al s, so keep copi es of al l your work, whi ch must be accompani ed by a postage- pai d, return envel ope for our response. Copyri ght i s your responsi bi l i ty. Be sure you have wri tten permi ssi on for use of the art/photos submi tted. Payment i n three copi es of the i ssue i n whi ch your work appears. Forward al l arti cl es to- - - Ancient American P.O. Box 370 Colfax, Wisconsin 54730 Questions? (715) 962- 3299 Monday through Friday, 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m., Central Standard Time ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Welsh King murdered in 7th Century America by Jim Michael, President of the Ancient Kentucke Historical Association I n 1972, in the little town of Stoke Dry, England, (near the Welsh border), workers removed the white-wash from an old church waIl. There they found the mural of a young king shaven in the British (now called Welsh) tradition. It depicted the king struck by the arrows of savages whom the townspeople referred to as “Native Americans.” Discovery of this perplexing mural was a surprise to the townspeople, who knew nothing of the events it portrayed. Some of them jumped to the conclusion that “It is proof the Vikings made it to America, came back to Britain dressed as Native Americans, and killed King Edmond!” But Edmond died in 860 A.D., 140 years before the Icelandic Sagas tell us the Vikings sailed for North America. Stoke Dry centuries ago occupied an area controlled by the sons of Madoc, the 7th Century Welsh monarch, and his descendants. The young king depicted in the discovered mural was Arthur II, Madoc’s brother, who was killed in America. His corpse was mummified, then shipped to his Welsh homeland for burial. Although these events have long been forgotten, the name “Stoke Dry” still preserves something of their memory. No one would give such an evil, dastardly name to a town, unless they wanted to memorialize a particularly important incident. For “Stoke Dry” translates from Old British as “Evil Bow”! Madoc’s story is available on video tape for $29.95. Contact Jim Michael at 502-241-7484 or write: Ancient Kentucke Association 4109 Suwanee Drive LaGrange, KY 40031 36 Medieval painting uncovered beneath the white-washed wall of England’s Stoke Dry Church, depicting King Arthur II’s death at the hands of Native Americans. Its discovery represents documented proof of European arrivals some nine centuries before Columbus set sail from Spain for the New World. Photograph ©, Jim Michael, 1998. ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 37 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 Photographic Preservation of Prehistoric Peru’s Puzzling Petroglyphs by Frank Ciampa A s sited in my Ancient American article (issue #22), little is known about the "lost" Chachapoyan temple and its environs (“The City of Tiers”). Some scholars simply try to force them into an Inca mold. But this does not work. Other orthodox academics scoff at the claim by Peru’s National Cultural Institute, that the remains of the Chachapoyans prove they were "Caucasian-like." The Caucasian claim comes from those who have studied the mummies, and the scoffs and ridicule from those who have not even seen them. A subsequent article in Archeology magazine on the same site avoided this question as the Devil does holy water. Author Von Hagen didn't come out and state the Caucasian connection, but at least she did mention that the Chachapoyans and Incas belonged to “different races.” Her late and famous father, Victor von Hagen, likewise did a lot of work exploring Chachapoyan lands. He is best remembered for his many popular books, written mostly in the 1950s, about the Aztecs and Mayas. These titles sometimes discuss the strange glyphs infrequently associated with Mesoamerican cultures. The scoffers also deny that the Chachapoyans even possessed a written form of communication beyond very simple and primitive pictoglyphs. This despite the fact that the region is filled with glyphs that go beyond basic "pictures." There are two categories of Chachapoyan glyphs: basic pictoglyphs and glyphs that appear to be letters of some sort. The pictoglyphs were probably used as mnemonic devices to help the ancients recall stories, prophecies, and histories. The letter-like characters may have spelled out whole words, or, like ancient Hebrew, they could represent only part of the word, again acting mainly as a mnemonic device. We do not yet have a Chachapoyan Rosetta Stone to solve their mystery. Some investigators have attempted to crack the ancient code by using Inca, Semitic, Celtic, and universal symbolism as their guides. An Ancient American reader used universal interpretation to translate "The Wall" in issue 22 as follows: The "hare" figure is symbolic of a solar storm, which has occurred during various major historical events, such as the destruction of the Temple Mount and the Mayan civilization. The next solar coronal mass ejection is scheduled for December 1999 through July 2000. Using Carl G. Longman’s Dictionary of Symbols as my primary source, I came up with a similar, possible, meaning to that same portion of "The Wall," near San Pablo. Assuming such general interpretations, the symbols appear tell the story of a very significant person who came to the Chachapoyans and will come again (or has already returned). The sun or a comet is also tied into the story somehow. Many Chachapoyan glyphs bear a striking resemblance to Aryan/Celtic and even Semitic glyphs, however coincidental they may appear. Nevertheless, the similarities between Chachapoyan glyphs and some Celtic examples are uncanny and warrant further investigation. ragically, many of the painted glyphs are rapidly disappearing. They had been protected for centuries by Chachapoyan sarcophagi built against the rocks’ surface (dirt and vegetation have also aided in their protection). But in recent years, many of the sarcophagi have been destroyed, allowing the elements to gradually wipe away the irreplaceable images. They are at least being documented in photographs, particularly in the collection of Gene Savoy, whose invaluable efforts paved my own way to the discovery of “True Calpunta,” described in Ancient American’s last issue (#22). By participating in his Gran Vilaya/El Dorado VII Expedition, I learned that many petroglyphs T 38 ANCIENT AMERICAN • ISSUE #23 could be found near rivers and burial sites. Mr. Savoy presently owns the largest assemblage of photographs documenting the Chachapoyan petroglyphs. For further information about this rich site and the ceremonial imagery of its ancient artists, readers may contact me directly at:101 Daniel Low Terrace, 3B, Staten Island, NY 10301. Photo Captions by Number. 1. 2. 3. & 5. Glyphs from San Pablo Tablets discovered by Gene Savoy. 4. Glyphs near the Acosbamba River. 6. Horned man, a common Chachapoyan motiff. 7. Ogham-like writing near the San Pablo River, Amazonas, Peru. 8. Glyphs or symbols found at the Caclic City of the Dead. They were once concealed and protected by surrounding sarcophagi since destroyed by tomb-robbers. 9. Monkey bas-relief. These Chachapoyan stones were used to build a modern village wall. 10. Chachapoyan cross at Caclic City of the Dead. 39