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International Journal of Migration Research and Development (IJMRD) www.ijmrd.info, Volume 01, Issue 01, Summer 2015
Rural-Urban migration: An empirical study of socio-cultural situation on slum dwellers
of Nairobi in Kenya
Salim Neema1
Abstract
Rural-urban migration and poverty is the most common phenomena for the developing countries. The
research was longitudinal research platform, set up in Korogocho and Viwandani slum settlements in
Nairobi city, Kenya. Findings provide migration status interacts with health issues over the life course.
Contrary to popular opinions and beliefs that see slums as homogenous residential entities, while slum
migrants especially women and children are recordable mobile, about majority of the community
comprises relatively well doing long-term dwellers that have lived in slum settlements for over 15 years.
The poor migrants women and children outcomes that slum residents exhibit at all stages of the life
course are rooted in five key characteristics of slum settlements: poor environmental conditions and
infrastructure; limited access to services due to lack of income to pay for treatment, lack of limited,
healthy and unhygienic food consumption, lack of cleanliness and hygienic practice and knowledge
and mostly informal and unregulated services that are not well suited to fullfill the unique realities and
basic needs of slum dwellers
Keywords: Rural-urban Migration, Poverty, Slum, Women and children
1
Department of Sociology and Social Work, University of Nairobi, Email: [email protected]
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Introduction
Migration is the demographic process that links rural to urban areas, generating or spurring the growth
of cities. The resultant urbanization is linked to a variety of policy issues, spanning demographic,
economic, and environmental concerns. Growing cities are often seen as the agents of environmental
degradation (White, 1999. Migration is a relevant phenomenon with important implications at three
different levels: local, regional and international. On the wider level, migration is tightly related with
globalization and with the workflow of human resources towards the host countries; on a local level,
rural to urban migration is one of the most important aspects of the economy of the state. Migration is
an important aspect of globalization and has implications on local, regional and international
development. Women and children are vulnerable segments of population almost in every part of the
world. It is also true for Bangladesh because of its social inequality, un favourable economic condition,
political climate, joblessness etc.
The large-scale migration of women and children to urban areas is not entirely a recent phenomenon,
nor is it equally common in all parts of the world. In Asian context women have many outstanding
characteristics, such as their industrious, dutiful, conscientious and intelligent personalities, but most of
all their roles in keeping the society in stable development (Farhana, 2011). High rates of urban growth
that have unfolded in the context of stagnating economies and poor planning and governance have
created a new face of abject poverty concentrated in informal settlements, commonly referred to as slum
settlements or slums, in Africa’s major cities. Recent estimates by UN-Habitat show that sub-Saharan
Africa (SSA) is the only region where no tangible progress has been made in improving the lives of
slum dwellers in line with the targets set under the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) framework.
While the proportion of urban residents living in slum settlements has declined from 70% to 62%
between 1990 and 2010, the actual number of slum dwellers has doubled from 103 million to 200
million over this period.1 Slum settlements are characterized by poor housing conditions, poor social
services, poor basic amenities, poor health outcomes, insecurity, and unstable incomes and livelihoods.
If these patterns and trends continue unchecked, the region’s socioeconomic prospects will increasingly
be determined by the lives of the urban poor since urban areas will continue to grow faster than rural
areas in SSA (Zulu et al 2011)
According to Dweks (2004) as quoted by Mowforth (2008), people are living in an increasingly
urbanized world and this is likely to accelerate rather than reverse the growth of slums. In 2006 a report
by the United Nation’s city agency (UN-HABITAT) confirmed that the global urban transition is only
at mid-point with projections showing that over the next 25 years the world’s urban population is set to
increase to 4.9 billion people by 2030, roughly 60% of the world’s total population (United Nations
Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2006). Moreover, the most significant growth is projected
to occur in less developed regions with sustained and rapid increases culminating in 3.9 million urban
dwellers in these regions by 2030 (United Nations Department of Economics and Social Affairs, 2006).
In Kenya, nearly 60% of Nairobi's population live in slums. In the Mukuru slum, in the East of Nairobi,
an EU funded project is helping to improve the health status of residents through the provision of water
and sanitation facilities. It is said that "water is life and sanitation is dignity". However, this dignity is
missing throughout most of the Mukuru slums. With a staggering population of over 600 000 people,
the sanitation conditions in the Mukuru slums almost constitute a humanitarian crisis. Basic sanitation
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facilities such as: basic drainage, waste disposal facilities and clean water supply are almost nonexistent.
Also Kibera is the biggest slum in Kenya. Most of the residents are casual labourers who earn 100
shillings or less per day. They engage in low income economic activities such as art, dance, drama,
sports projects, self-help About 60% of the youths below 21 years are illiterate or semi-literate, majority
have primary education only, Lack of jobs is the main problem and has led to social ills such as
alcoholism, drug abuse and crime. About 80% of the population is either infected or affected by the
AIDS scourge (Funke, 2008).
Slums lack clean drinking water, proper plumbing, and access to health care facilities, poor
electrification and other public services such as schools. groups and small scale businesses (CSG
Kibera, 2007).According to Mowforth (2008), the intention was to eradicate the slums in Kenya as a
long term procedure to reducing poverty by engaging the poor to participate more effectively in
development sector in Kenya and by increasing the net level of living and environmental condition as
a short term measure to the slum community.
Methodology
The study adopted descriptive survey research design. It entailed a description of the state of affairs
based on information collected after administering questionnaires. This information was useful in
highlighting the characteristics of poor migrants in Nirobi city participating in this form of migration,
so that it can guide decision on the kind of market segment to be targeted in the process of participate
obseving slum dwellers . It was also useful in identifying the product characteristics whose combined
effect is the overall experience on the health-hygien environment of slum dwellers. The data collected
from this research was basically qualitative and quantitative both methods used. The qualitative data
focused on such areas as response on the people’s attitudes and opinion on issues and quantitative data
focused on the economic, occupational and socio-demographic information. Around 200 (etch slum
100 family) sample data were collected through the observation and survey methods.
The program’s overarching research aim was to examine the dynamic inter-linkages between migration,
poverty, and ill-health in the slum setting. Additionally, the program sought to investigate whether these
linkages vary at different stages of the life course namely, childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old
age. In particular, the study sought to investigate whether the people who move to slum areas are
responding to life crises that have had deleterious impacts on their health or whether it is slum residence
itself that has adverse consequences on the health and well-being of the residents. The program
validated the relevance of various measures of poverty in informal urban settlements and sought to
identify the most appropriate indices for understanding the inter-linkages between poverty and health
outcomes over time and across the life course.
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Discussion
According to World Bank (2006, p.23), the poverty in urban areas by various socio-economic
characteristics, the 2005/2006 KIHBS shows that the prevalence of poverty (34% total) among male
headed households is significantly lower (30%) than female-headed households (46%). In turn, marriedfemale headed households in urban areas have a lower incidence of poverty compared with femaleother households (‘female-other’ signifying single, separated, divorced, or living together women).
These latter households are among the most vulnerable in urban Kenya and suffer disproportionately
from inadequate housing.
In relation to age, 48% of households with the head aged 56+ years are poor, as compared with just
around 23% in cases where the age group of the household head is 16-30 years. In Nairobi itself,
comparative indicators on the population living in the city’s informal settlements can be drawn from a
World Bank study based on a household sample survey of 1,746 households from 77 informal
settlement enumeration areas. As shown in Table 1, there are more males than females, the ratio being
54:46, with a greater proportion of both school-age children (6-15) and adults (defined as 15 years or
more) being male (50% and 57% respectively).
The ethnic composition of Nairobi’s slum population can be quite diverse, though two or three tribes
generally dominate in each settlement. Depending on a particular settlement’s location within the city,
the main tribes are Luo, Luhya, Kikuyu, and Kamba. Ethnic allegiances can provide a source of
cohesion within the community amongst those of the same tribe. However, such diversity of traditions
and cultures can lead to conflict, particularly in situations when people are competing for limited
resources or have to deal with contentious issues. The consequences can be dire, as the response to the
contested presidential election results in December 2007 demonstrated: violence took on an ethnic
character and led to large numbers of fatalities, as well as the displacement and destruction of property
and livelihoods. Kibera, Mathare and Dandora informal settlements were the conflict ‘hot spots’ on this
occasion. Feelings of insecurity have considerably heightened since that time and, while there is not yet
adequate research into the present situation, anecdotal evidence suggests that slums have become
increasingly ethnically polarised.
With mobility being a facet of urban life, the tendency for ethnicity to denote one’s identity or status
appears to have increased. An informal settlement tends to be dominated by one or two ethnic groups,
usually reflecting its historical development and the ethnicity of the original inhabitants. Ethnic
allegiances can provide a source of cohesion within the community amongst those of the same group.
However, as was evident in the post-election violence in urban areas, ethnic identity – while capable of
providing valuable social networks and reinforcing solidarity – can be used destructively and divisively.
Associations and ceremonial cults based on ethnic membership drawn from urban society as a whole
and often, in turn, connected with competition for employment or trade, are particularly evident in urban
Kenya. These cults are manifested as Mungiki (Kikuyu cult), Talibans (Luo cult), and Jeshi la Mzee
(Kalenjin cult) among others. It is groups such as these that wreaked havoc and destruction in a number
of the informal settlements of Nairobi.
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Figure 1: Age of Kebira and Muku slum dwellers
36
36
Kebira
Mukuru
7
6
25
22
21
16
11
10
7
3
>20 years old
20-29 years old
30-39 years old
40-49 years old
50-59 years old
60-above years
old
It is anticipated that the bulk of jobs to be created in the foreseeable future will continue to be in the
informal sector. Informal sector activities, which dominate in urban areas, are classified into the
following categories (which broadly reflect the categories used in the formal sector): wholesale trade,
retail trade, hotels and restaurants; manufacturing, industry; community, social and personal services;
transport and communication; and construction. Nairobi itself is an international, regional, national and
local hub for commerce, transport, regional cooperation and economic development. It connects eastern,
central and southern African countries.
It is likely that the majority of households rely on only one wage earner. Although female-headed
households are significantly less likely to have a member with a wage-paying job than male-headed
ones, a much higher proportion of them operate household micro-enterprises. The most common microenterprises found in the informal settlements fall into the following broad categories:
(i) Retailing and food services including trading/hawking/kiosks and food preparation and sales;
(ii) Small manufacturing/production, construction, and repair of goods (popularly known as jua kali);34
(iii) General services such as hairdressers, laundry, transport, medicine, photo studios;
(iv) Entertainment services, including bars, brewing and pool tables.
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Figure 2: Work Pattern or occupational sector of slum dwellers in Nirobi
9%
6%
33%
retailing and food services including
trading/hawking/kiosks and food
small manufacturing/production,
construction, and repair of goods
10%
general services such as hairdressers,
laundry, transport, medicine, photo
entertainment services, including bars,
brewing and pool tables
16%
Prostutution
26%
Others
Diseases of Slum dwellers
The poor environmental factors highlighted above predispose slum inhabitants to particularly poor
health, and consequently they suffer from a high incidence of communicable diseases such as
tuberculosis, diarrhoea, malaria and other waterborne diseases, as well as malnutrition. These factors in
turn result in very high infant and child mortality rates. Such problems are exacerbated by the fact that
the urban poor also find it difficult to access drugs from health clinics or chemists to treat preventable
diseases, leading to high levels of inadequately treated morbidity.
Child health is perhaps one of the most poignant indicators of vulnerability amongst the urban poor.
The same study found that less than half the children in slums had been fully vaccinated against diseases
such as Polio, malaria, diarreah, malnutrition etc is the common fiture of slum livelihoods. The
HIV/AIDS prevalence rates also massively increase susceptibility in TB. In Nairobi, TB cases have
increased sevenfold in the last decade and according to one report ‘today, there are more TB cases in
Nairobi, with a population of 3 million, than in the entire United States.
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Figure 3: Major diseases of both slum dwellers
others HIV/AIDs
6%
3%
coughf and
feaver
29%
TB
7%
Dihirriea
10%
Malnutision
22%
Sckin allaergy
23%
HIV/AIDs
TB
Dihirriea
Sckin allaergy
coughf and feaver
others
Malnutision
Access to water
In the informal settlements where the majority live, only 32% of households have water connections
serviced by the Nairobi City Water & Sewerage Company (NCW&SC) and rest of the majority (68%)
do not have legal access of water pipe line. They using water illegal pipe line or some time from road
side or local NCW&SC’s general water supply through big raw for collecting water. Some of drinking
water purchasing water from water kiosks or other water delivery services, as figure 08 shows the
indicates. There found that only few of slum dwellers in Nairobi have piped water supplies, and majority
of households complained of water shortages and pipes often running dry season. The public taps
service are not sufficient for whole slum dwellers. Private entrepreneurs, who often operate as cartels
charging high prices for water, usually run water kiosks. In Kibera, the price of water in 2005 was Ksh.
2 per cubic metre, which was eight times the lowest block of the tariff for domestic connections via
NCW&SC and four times higher the average tariff in Kenya at that time.40 Illegal connections to the
piped water supply are common, posing a major health challenge to the residents due to the
compromised water safety.
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Figure 4: Access of drinking water
Access of drnking
water
32%
Do not have
sufficient
access of
drinking
water
68%
Access to sanitation
Approximately half the city’s total population have access to a flush toilet, and the vast majority of
these are in the city’s wealthy and middle-income areas. By contrast, in the slums the majority of the
residents use pit latrines that are over-used and inadequately maintained. In most cases, the latrines are
not ‘on plot’ facilities but communal ones that serve a large number of people from the surrounding
area. Individual pit latrines commonly serve 180 people per day. In some case usage is even heavier;
during the study of Mukuru in Nairobi found that on average, there were about 300 people to each toilet.
Where there is a high volume of users, the latrines become full very fast. Slum dwellers often have to
resort to manual extraction of the effluent since exhaust services are limited, with the effluent then being
emptied into the rivers passing through the settlements. Where cartels have taken over the management
of latrines, user charges are high and unaffordable. As a result of such poor sanitation facilities, many
slum-dwellers resort to the use of plastic (UN Habitat, 2003a 40 World Bank, 2005 41 UN-HABITAT,
2006 42 WSUP Scoping Study Report, Gatwekera, 2007 43 UN-HABITAT 2003a) carrier bags as
toilets, which are then randomly discarded (usually referred to as ‘flying toilets’). Respondents in the
both slums 77% of said that they do not have toilet facilities and only 23% have toilet facilities in the
slum of Nirobi.
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Figurer 5: Availability of toilet facilities in both slum
Access to electricity
The same study also shows that only few slum households have access to an electricity supply, which
is generally used for lighting purposes. Some of these households access electricity through illegal
connections. Among those households just 32% of them said that they have legal connection of
electricity but majority of them said due to lacking access of electricity approximately 53% of
respondent have access electricity through illegal connection, and 15% of them using through others
sources such as kerosene is the primary source of Iighting as well as serving as the primary cooking
fuel for most of the slum households overall. Charcoal is the next most commonly used fuel, with the
attendant adverse impact on their health and the environment.
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Figure 6: Access of Electric lighting facilities
15%
32%
have legal elictric cunnection
have illegal elictric cunnection
53%
Do not have elictric cunnection
Drainage system of slum areas
In Kabira and Mukuru slums, proper drainage systems are rare; instead inadequate, hand-dug channels
carrying untreated wastewater often blocked with rubbish are commonplace. the wealthy
neighbourhoods and the central business district), refuse disposal and management is a city-wide
problem – but it is of particular concern in the informal settlements. In the study slums, 73% respondent
mansion they do not have any sewerage or drainage system through their household. Only 27% of
respondent said they have access of drainage but due to clean and maintenance those are also overloaded
and flourished bad smile and populate the slum environment.
Figure 7: Drainage facilities through the both slum areas
Have good
dranage system
for sowarage
27%
Do not have
proper drainage
and sowarage
system
73%
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Crime and human insecurity
The housing conditions of the urban poor are often deplorable. The informal settlements, of which it is
varying considerably in terms of their population size and area, occupy few percent of the total
residential land of the city despite housing over half of the population. In these a high percentage of the
dwellings are constructed of semi-permanent materials, and many of them are severely dilapidated and
over-crowded. In Kibera population density has been recorded as 826 persons per hectare. When slums
are disaggregated even further the figures can become even more shocking: in Huruma slum, one area
(Kambi Moto) recorded densities of 1,347 people per hectare and another (Ghetto) a remarkable
2,309.59 Proper accessibility, to allow for the free flow of goods and services into and out of the slums,
is also lacking. When it rains in Kibera, residents are often forced to walk through mud and sewage for
up to 3 kilometres before they can even get a bus to work. Meanwhile the lack of roads means the police
are reluctant to enter, making the environment even more conducive to crime.
Moreover, as tenants, households have no titles over the land on which the structures are built, and live
under the threat of eviction either by the government or by private developers. This limits them from
enjoying their rights as urban citizens. This fear of eviction and/or demolition of their structures by
authorities or by their landlords is pervasive in low-income areas. Here with our study we find bellow
listed threats and criminal records of slum dwellers livelihoods in Nirobi.
Hijacking
Crime and incequrity
Robbery
Kidnapping
Rape / women abusing
Killing, fighting
others
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Threats of Eviction from the slum
By Government
By Developer
By Mafia
Conclusion
There is now evidence to suggest that the quality of life for the poor in some urban areas of developing
countries is even worse than in rural areas. While the realities of the informal economy mean that it is
hard to establish reliable figures about exact income levels in cities, there can be little doubt that poor
urban-dwellers are subject to a particularly wide range of vulnerabilities. One over-riding conclusion
has been reached: that poor urban governance in respect of planning and managing the affairs of the
Nairobi city is a major driving factor of urban poverty and vulnerability. This therefore constitutes the
core problem to be addressed. As the key actor in planning and managing the affairs of Nairobi, the
performance of the City Council of Nairobi has been severely constrained. The above main conclusions
point to a number of opportunities that are available through which support to urban poverty reduction
could be provided. These points to a number of recommendations that are presented below together
with some of the avenues through which each opportunity could be pursued. There is ample evidence
globally to demonstrate that the practice of good urban governance can contribute towards reducing
poverty. Given the inter-related dimensions of poor governance in Nairobi outlined above, the
promotion of good urban governance in the city could be pursued through various avenues
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