Konten 7395 - Perpustakaan BAPPENAS

One Day Seminar
RENnwING
PovgRTY RBoUCTIoN Srn,ttEGY
IN INDONESIA
Jakarta,
,!:",
t.
Augtat 1,2000
.,"D
KATAPENGANTAR
I(ondisi masyarakat Indonesia akibat krisis ekonomi yang melanda Indonesia
beberapa waktu yang lalu telah menunjukkan bahwa masalah pengurangan
kemiskinan membutuhkan stategi penanganufl y^ng cepat dan t^erkoordinasi
dengan baik. Seminar ini dihatapkan menjadi r.roto- langkah awal untuk
merumuskan suatu strategi pengurangan kemiskinan, dengun upaya melibatl<an
berbagai pihak y
tetkait.
^ng
IQmi menyadari bahwa
dalam prosiding ini masih jauh dari
^pay^ngtercantum
sempurna, sementarl masyarakat
membutuhkan tindakan nyata. dengan segera.
Oleh karcna itu kegiatan ini harus diikuti dengan pertemuan dan konsultasi
selanjutnya
berbagai pihak terkait, yaitu pemerintah baik pusat maupun
^ntara.
daerah, organisasi
non pemerintah,
akademisi
dan lannya. Iemi
mengharapkan iaingan kerja pengurangan kemiskinan seperti y^ng telah
disepakati dalam seminar dapat segera terwujud.
Berbagai usulan dan satan sangat kami harapkan, dan dapat disampaikan
kepada Biro Peningkatan l(apasitas Daerah dan Biro Pemberdayaan Masy:ankat
dan Perdesaan, Bappenas,Jl. Taman suropati No.2,
Jakattapusat.
Jakata, Oktober 2000
Deputi Bidang
dan Sumb er Daya Alam
Herman Haerum'anJs
RErurwrruo Povenrv
Reouclolr SrRRteev
rru lNooruesn
Towards a Sustainable
Poverty Reduction Strategy
I(ey Note Speech for the BAPPF',NAS Seminar on
"Renewing Poverty Reduction Suategy in Indonesia,'
Jakarta, August 1,2000
Diunaedi
Hadisumarto
National
Development
Dist-inguished C)uests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Planning
Agency
It is a pleasure to be with you today at this seminar on "Renewing poverty Strategy in BAPPENAS
Indonesia." The events of the past three years have made it clear that th.
golr"rrr-ent n-eeds
to focus more on the issue of poverry alleviation and reduction and I w.lcome
the opportu-
nity that this seminat provides to examine various policy options for a new poverry
strategy
for Indonesia.
This is an auspicious time for this seminar. The political and economic trasitions
that we
arc are passing through have created an oppofrunity for a fundamental review
of our policies with resPect to poverty alleviation and teduction. Centally planned
and executed strategies will no longer be sufficient. Democratization and decentra?zattonare
fundamentally
changing the scope of feasible in Indonesian economic policy. I hope that this
seminar will
allorv us to come to some consensus as how we can besi plan in this new
environment.
While we tecognize the changes that have occurfed, we still believe that there is a need
fot the central government to develop a coherent economic programs. A draft of such a
program is set out in the national development plan (?rogram Pembangunan
Nasional, Or
PROPENAS) that we have tecently submitted to rhe pudiom.r.t. This plan will now
be
debated, reviewed, and turned into sttategy and action plans with the qpecific
activities,
ta(gets, and budget allocations. This seminar provides us vrith u., opport
rrrity to ensute that
the PROPENAS, as finalized and implemented, will have a sufhcient foirx on poverty
alleviation and reduction and that focus is structured in a way that rvill allow flexibiliry
at the
local level to meet the specific needs of various communities.
I-adies and Gentlemen,
- As wc rcvicw our platrs to thc fr-rtr-rrc, onc mlrst not lose sight of the significarlt accomplishrnent of the past. Improvements in agricultutal productivity and investment
in rural
infrastructure played a signiFrcant role in the reduction in poverry ,ho, o..urr.d
in the 1970s
and early 1980s. 1'he development of ncw industries anil the incrcasecl
opportunities for
rvagc crnPloytncnt thnt thcsc inclustrics crcatcd playcd a significant rolc
in thc recluction in
l)()\'crty thitt occttrrcd irr tlrc 19U0s and carly 1990s. 'l'hcsc aclvlrrccs, couplccl with thc
improvecl access to education ancl health services significantly recluced the
incidence of
poverty in Indoncsia through the beginning of thc economic crisis in
1997.
l lowevcr, there was atlother sidct of that story: the ever widening
gap bctween those at
the bottonr <lf the econotrric ladder ancl those at the very top. Moreover,
the statistics on
Poverty ignored the fact that while the nurnber of poor was decreasing rapidly, there
was an
PROSIDING ONE
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Renewtrue Povrnw REoucttot't Sinnrrev tru lruooursn
accumulation of a latge number of persons who could be classified As "neaf poor" or
whose newfound prosperity was only weakly held. As the economic crisis swept this country, many families found themselves thrown back into poverty.
There has been much debate over the past three years regarding the extent of the increase in poverty during the crisis. I do not want to re-visit that debate today. Florvever, I
think thatwe allagree thatwhatever the current level of Poverty or susceptibility to Poverry
the situation in this country is unacceptable and calls for a stronger focus on both poverry
alleviatjon and poverty reduction.
For this reason, very eady in the economic crisis, it became clear that we needed to
quickly implement a series of programs to alleviate, as best we could, the impact of the
economic crisis on the poor. In addition to some regular programs that were reoriented to
address the crisis and in conjuction'qdth our development partners, we developed a number
of new programs for the poor that were grouped together as Social Safetl Nel (J.flfl programs. These programs covered food securify, education, healtl,, and employment generiltion programs that attempted to quickly and directly deliver services to ncedly families ancl
other institutions such as schools and health centers.
Although it is too eaiy to assess completely the petformance of SSN programs in reducing the impact of the crisis on the poor, several lessons can be learned from our cxperiences
to date that may be applicable in the future poverty reduction efforts.
First,
Sennd,
Tbird,
funds must be direcdy and quickly channeled in order to reduce the opporrunity of mismanagement and corruption. Particulady for community-based programs, such as PDM-DKE, it is impottant to shorten the time lag between
program planning and implementation.
we must incorporate civil society, not only in program monitoring, but in program design and implementation. Civil society otganizations can play a role as
an intermediary bet'veen government and individuals and ptovide alternative
perspectives on the way that programs should be implemented. Moreover, inclusion of these organizations generally leads to procedures that are more
effective and transparent.
the capacity of local government (at the disttict level) and local communiry
organizations (at the village level) is critical in succrssfully implementing SSN
Programs. Thus a new emphasis must be placed in improving the capacity of
these organizations in those communities where capacity is lacking.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Given our previous experience with the poverfy reduction programs atrd our current
experience in implementing SSN Programs, we believe that our poverry reduction efforts
should proceed on three fronts : creating opportuniry ensudng empowerment, and providing security.
S0hether this makes sense and hov'/ to implement it is what this seminar is all about. We
can all agree that poverty is bad and that government policies should promote the rapid
reduction of poverty. The question is how to accomplish this? Should the government focus
on economic growth and not worry about distribution? Should'ure focus on redistribution
of existing wealth and ignore growth? What is the role of government in poverty alleviation? Are there poverty alleviation prograrns here or in other countries that have been effective? Should they be run by the government or should the government permit NGOs and
other groups to run them? How should poverty programs be financed: from government
revenues, donor assistance, private initiatives, all three? Should the government be working
to "empower" various groups or should this be left to the NGOs? I am sure that these will
be among the questions that you will be among the questions that you rvill be grappling
PROSIDING ONE
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ReruewrNe Povenrv Reoucrros SrnRreev rN hrrooNesn
with today.
As a starting point, I would like to summarize our cunent proposal attacking poverty.
the present time, it has at least eight inter-related elements:
Firct,
Suod,
At
we are implementing sound macroeconomic policies to stabilize the national
economy and ptomote broad-based and high rates of economic growth.
u/e are focusing our industrial policy on making growth mor. -.mployment
intensive so as to create additional demand for labor and thus raise wage incomes.
Third,
Foarth,
we are increasing access by the poor to public services, such as health, schooling, bank credit, and infrastructure. This vrill improve the productive capacity
of the people as well as their welfare.
we are allowing Poor communities to have gte ter say about what services
^
they need. A new generation of poverty programs
focus on building community organizations to dkectly atticulate the needs of the people and their priodtes.
In addition, local institutions often have a better understanding of local resources than national level institutions. Therefore, it is important to shift decision-making power closer to poor communities by devolving authodty to local
.
FtJth,
Sixtlt,
Seueilh,
administration, communities, and organizations, including NGos.
we are strengthening the role of women, particulady poor women, in our planning and implementation effotts. Experience confrrms that participation by
women in the local decision-making leads to better policy choices for them
and their children.
we are encoutaging greater capital accumulation within local communities.
This will encourage local investment through self-financing, thus further empowedng poor communities.
we are designing special
Programs to address poverty in remote and tesource
poot regions, such as Eastern Islands, that will seek to improve basic health
and education, taise farm incomes in a sustainable manner, improve agdcultural ptoductivity and non-agricultural incomes, and build community
-based
infrastructure.
Eighth'
think
we are providing security against shocks (such as economic downturns, ethnic
conflicts, and natural disasters) at the individual, community and national levels' At the same time we are designing programs to assist ttrose left-behind
by
the rapid changes that we expect to see in this counuy in the near term.
As I started, this outline is iust
a starting
a complete policy should contain.
point. It is up to you to tell us what you
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In closing, I would [ke to thank to all of you for attending this seminar. I hope
that your discussions here will be stimulating and productive. We
that effectively
addressing the ptoblem of poverty is of critical imfortance to tens"[tow
of millions of Indonesians' I hope that at the end of this seminar we will have a better idea
of how to accomplish
this.
Thank vou.
PROSIDING ONE
DAY
SEMINAR
Remrwno PoveRrv Reoucrpru Srnnreev tru lruooruesn
Developing a Poverty Strategy:
Process, Background, and Substance
Jacquiline
Pomeroy
The World Bank
Poverty Strategy: Ptocess
In order to be successfully implemented a strategy must be built up from a dialogue
of
all
major stakeholders:
. Government
.
.
Civil Society
Donors
Povetty Sttategy Ptocess
Even within the broad stakeholders there are diffetences in visions, objectives, and capabihties for povetty reduction:
Within government betuteen center and regions,
berween ministries.
Within civil society, berween religious and other groups,
between "policy/advocacy" NGOs and implementation NGOs.
Within donors, each has different interests and capacities.
.
.
.
'
.
Poverty Strategy Ptocess
The need for a comptehensive poverty strategy that is based on a dialogue of all major
stakeholders (inside and outside government) suggests the need for afoul grozrp witl"rin the
government for developing a poverty strategy that:
. FIas cooperation and "buy-in" from all concerned elements of the government.
.
.
.
Has the ear of policy makers at the highest level
Has the interest and capacity to wotk closely with civil society and NGO groups on an
ongoingbasis.
Has capacity to do its own analysis of policies and programs, to take a "povetry" view
on a range of issues, from micro credit to rice tariffs to fuel subsidies that may countcrbalance narrower sectoral interests.
Poverty Strategy Bac\gtound: Defining Povetty
In the Wodd Bank's view there are two new issues that fotm the basis for discussion:
.
.
Propedy defined, poverty is a mainstream issue affecting most Indonesians directly or
indfuectly.
With the changes in political system and decentralization happening simultaneously, a
key issue is how well cote public services (e.g. law and order, basic education, public
health, inftasttucture) are delivered.
A povetty agenda is a governance agenda.
Poverty Strategy Backgtound: Defining Poverty
. The standard for consumption expenditure poverty that was set in the 1970s is no
longer relevant for Indonesia. By a more relevant standard of poverty even narroq
expenditure poverty was over 15 Percent.
PROSIDING ONE
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SEMINAR
Reruewrue Povrnry Rroucroru Srnnreev
'
ru
lruooruEsn
Data that links households over time shows that "the poor" are not a fixed, identifiable
group. Itather many households live near poverty and even households that are relatively well off can easily fall into poverty. By one definition-half of Indonesians are
uu lnerable to expenditure po\.-erty.
Poverty Strategy Background: Delining Poverty
From qualitative, focus group, and PRA techniques such as the'Voices of the Poor" and
the "Sustainable Uvelihoods" studies we learn that people view poverty more broadly that
just not having enough money. People also see as critical:
' Investments in their children's future: education, health
.
'
.
Iiscaping cycles of debt
Social and household problems-crime, violence
Access to infrastrucfuls-16nds, v/Atet.
With this broader definition, poverty is even larger still.
Poverty Strategy Background: Governance and Poverty
' A key to deFrning a stmtegy is deciding who is capable of what, and how to improve
those capacities.
'
'
The government is, and will be, tesponsible for core services that are ctitical for the
poor and improving ltotv ue// those services reach the poor is crucial to them.
This irnplies "governance"-161v well central and local governments carry out their
responsibilities is a poverty issue.
Povetty Strategy Background: Governance and Poverty
'
'
'
'
Governance will be affected by rwo changes:
democratizationanddecentralization.
Democratization and decentralization are processes that will affect how all decisions
are made, and cannot be ignoted in thinking about creating a policy environment conducive to poverty reduction.
Neither democracy nor decentralization are a guarantee the voice of the poor will be
heard, especially at the level of public service delivery. Responsiveness and accountability to the voice of the poor must be designed into programs and projects in these
cofe areas.
Poverty Stategy Seven Key Areas
. Broad based, sustainable, growth
. Economic Empowerment of the Poor
.
.
.
.
.
Sound Public Expenditures
Decentralization that works for the poor
Improved quality of basic educarion and healrh
Supportinginfrastructure
Safety Nets for the poorest and marginalized
Poverty Strategy Seven Key fueas:
Broad Based Gtowth
'
'
'
Macroeconomic fundamentals (sound banking system, sustainable fiscal balanc e, teasonable external policies)
Eliminating Policy Corruption (the elimination of the widespread creation of special
deals in the production and marketing of goods-at the local as well as national level)
Maintaining an open, truly competitive environment (maintaining open internal trade
without regional batriers, eliminating tesftictions on informal business which impede
job creation and create corruption).
PROSIDING ONE
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ReruewNo Povrnrv
Rroucloru Smnreev tt't lxooruesn
Economic Empowetment of the Poor
.
.
Under the New Order not only were the poor not favored in the markets fcrr using their
productive factors of land, labor, capital, and natural 1g56u1qss-often policics rctivclv
worked against the poor (e.g. banning labor unions, timber concessions, stripping traditional rights to resources, abuses of land policies)
Economic emporverment is not a progranr of radical redistributiou or o[ clirectcd
rather ensuring policies in their implementation do not
credit (e.g. to SMEs)
-but
work against the poor, by having fair and equitable conditions for acquiring ancl utiliz-
i.g
res
ources.
Sound Public Expenditures
. Adequate expenditures for poverty reducing activities (including educatiotr, lrealth, infrastrucfure) rvill only be possible if the government eliminates subsidies that go prin-
.
cipally to the better off-fuel subsidies and credit subsidies.
In the formula for Ftscal decentralization the poverty of various regiotrs treccls to bc:
taken into account so that the clecentralization does not work ag;rinst l)()()r('r rcg,iotts
without resources.
Effective Decentralization
. Decentrahzaion alone will not guarantee bettet services.
. Mechanisms for articulating the voice of the poor in decision making and in service
delivery at the local level need to be created and suengthened (to replace the top down
local institutions of the New Ordet).
. In the interim, proiects and programs in every sector need to focus on l"row their decision making and service delivery plans incorporate the voice of the poor to create
accountability (since by the broad deFrnition the poor are roughly the bottom half the
population, this is simply pro-poor governance).
Improving Education and Health
. Improved quality of education will
.
.
sumers
of
of
these services is crucial.
Basic Infrastructute
. 'ftansportation and reliable
.
.
.
be key to Indonesia's future and to the prospects
individual children. Improving the equity of the system so that the poor benefit mote
from education expenditures and that poot children get a qualiry education not matter
where they live is good for the poor and good for the country.
In health the story is more cornplex and direct public service provision is not necessarily the answer.
In both these sectors strengthening the "demand side" by empowering citizens as con-
access
Water and Sanitation
Infrastructural support for rising rural incomes
Improving key services in poor urban areas.
Safety Nets for the Pootest and Marginalized
. While during the crisis it has taken central stage, Safery Nets are just one small part of
an overal! poverry stfategy-most poverry reduction will come frotn houscholcls orvtr
efforts to raise their and their children's living standards with only support (or at least
no interference) from government or others.
. Targeted "safety net" programs should focus only on those who due to permanent or
tempornry conditions cannot sustain themselves.
. A premature move to genetal "social protection" schemes such as fotrnal social scctttity or unemployment insurance almost always works against the intercsts of tlre poot.
PROSIDING ONE
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Rerurwrrue Povrnry Reoucrrorl Srnnreey rru lruooruesn
Pendekat
Strategis
^tt
dalam Menghadapi
Kemi s kin at:- S tr uk tur al:
Agenda Masyar akat Sipil
I. Kemiskinan Struktural
Setelah terjadinya pergantian rejim di Indonesia, masalah kemiskinan tetap saja menjadi
jargon politik ketimbang persoalan bangsa yang serius harus segera diatasi. Selama rejirn
Orde Ilaru berkuasa, ptogtam anti kemiskinan dijadikan program pembangunan tetapi upaya
strategis untuk mengat^sinya masih setengah hati dilaksanakan. Bahkan cenderung
kcrniskinan direduksi menjadi suatu rumusan teknis yang sempit dan disederhanakan menjadi
konsumsi kalori, pcndapatan per kepala rendah, atau rumah bedantai tanah. Semua itu
karena pnradigma yang dipakai sangat sempit dan tidak melihat dimensi struktural dari
persoalan kemiskinan. Tentu saja cara pandang ini mengurangi konteks dan kompleksitas
persoalan sebenarnya. Lebih jauh lagi, para pembuat kepurusan betasumsi bahwa persoalan
kenriskinan mempunyai latar belakang yang seragam, yakni kekumngan modal usaha. Hal
ini berakibat pada respons kebijakan juga demikian simplistik, dengan hanya memberikan
solusi kebijakan yang bersifat umum.
Dari paradigm^ y^ng sempit seperti itu dan pendekatan strategfs yang lebih bersifat
"rath prograny'' timbul beberapa pertanyaan mendasar. Apakah fenomena kekayaan struktural
hidup dalam suaru masyarakat? Artinya, adakah kondisi sistemik yang menghasilkan adanya
sejurnlah orang yang secAra langgeng mengakumulasikan kekayaan dan kekuasaan? Apakah
ada suatu system yang senantiasa membetikan kesempatan pada segelintir orang sedemikian
rupa sehungga kekayaan yang dimiliki pribadi atau kelompoknya dapat mencapai jumlah
yang luar biasa banyaknya? Banyak dari kita yang dapat menjawab "ya" atas kondisi di
masa rejim Orde llaru berkuasa. Sumber persoalannya adalah ekonomi politik saat itu
memang telah rnenciptakan sekelompok lapisan elite yang menikmati sedemikian besar
sumber daya ekonomi bangsa Indonesia, melalui betbagai cara dalam sistem ekonomi pasar
yang distortif.
Sebaliknya, dapatkah kita menangkap kenyataan adanya suatu sistem hubungan sosial
dan ekonomi yang diperkeruh oleh sistem politik patronase dan bekerja secara konsisten
rnelanggenglian kemiskinan? Benarkah adanya sistem yflng secara terus menerus menguras
sumber daya ekonomi masyarakat pada berbagai tingkat lapisan masyatakat sehingga tetjadi.
involusi dan langgeng dalam kemiskinan? Persoalan inilah yang selarna bertahun-tahun
telah meniadi bagian yang dipisahkan dari kehidupan bangsa kita. I(ekayaan struktural tumbuh
seiring dengan kemiskinan struktural. I{edua kenyataan inilah yang terjadi dalam masyarakat
Indonesia. Itesenjangan sosial semakin lebar dan masyarakat merasa kecewa dengan
pembangunan yang ternyata hanya dinikmati oleh elite politik dan ekonomi yang dekat
dengan kekuasaan yang ototiter.
2. Dimensi Kemiskinan
Sruktuml
Belajar dari pengalaman selama ini, kita seharusnya sudah menanggalkan cara pandang
semacam itu. Secara umum dapat dipahami bahwa kemiskinan strukrural adalah fenomena
PROSIDING ONE
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SEMINAR
Joe Fetnandez
KIKIS
Jnkarta
Reruewrue Povenw Reoucttolt
Sinlrrev
tru lruoorursn
"perampasan daya kemampuan". Perampasan tersebut terjadi secara sistemik dan meliputi
tiga dimensi yakni perampasan daya sosial, Perampasan daya politik, dan perampasan
daya psikologis. Ketiga dimensi tersebut telah menghilangkan daya kdtis masyarakat dan
kemampuan adaptasi terhadap perubahan jaman yang menghendaki adanya pemikiran-
pemikiran alternatif.
Menanggapi persoalan yang demikian kompleks, Kelompok Iteria Indonesia untuk
Penanggulangan Kemiskinan Struktural (KIKIS) memfasilitasi serangkaian dialog yrng di
hadiri oleh kurang lebih 150 organisasi non-pemedntah, kelompok masyarakat tingkat
akar rumput, aktivis organisasi massa, para peneliti dan akademisi yang menggeluti masalah
kemiskinan di enam kota. Dialog tersebut dilakukan di tujuh komunitas yang rentan
kemiskinan yakni: komunitas petani lahan kering, petani sawah, buruh, nelayan, pengusaha
mikro, miskin kota dan masyarakat sekitar hutan. Berdasarkan dialog di tujuh simpul
diperoleh gambaran fenomena kemiskinan dari sejumlah komunitas sosial-ekologis.
Bagaimana masyarakat lokal melihat persoalan kemiskinan dan juga terlihat mengapa hal
rersebur terjadi. Apa pengalaman real yang mereka hadapi dalam kehidttpannya seharihari. Peserta dalam diskusi kelompok adalah pcrwakilan dari masyarakat yang bc:rsangkutatr
serta para aktivis lembaga swadaya masyarakat yang tedibat dalam persc,ralan. l\{asyarakat
pada rnasing -r.rrasingJbca/ pointberada dalam ruang sosial-ekologis yang berbecla, dan clengan
demikian menghadirkan fenomena dan kenyataan sosial yang berbcda
prtrla.
Scjumlah catatan pedu dikemukakan sebelum lcbih jauh mendalarni rinciatr ungkapan
dari masing-masing perwakilan komunitas sebagai berikut :
l. Pentingnya mengungkap keragaman manifestasi persoalan kemiskinan berclasarkan
kategori ruang ekologi masing-masing kelompok komunitas.
2. Petlu dihindari reduksi, penyederhanaan dan penyefagaman pcrscpsi tcntang
3.
4.
kenyataan kemiskinan.
Skala dan derajat permasalahan kemiskinan sangat cukup parah dan pada kasuskasus di komunitas tertentu telah mengarah pada pelanggaran berat terhadap hakhak kemanusiaan.
Perwakilan masyarakat dari masing-masingJbtal point telah berhasil merumuskan
agenda aksi yang jelas dan terarah sebagai dasar upaya perbaikan di masa yang
akan datang.
Nampak bahwa pengertian kemiskinan sebagaimana dikemukakan di atas meniadi
demikian instrumental dan dirasa kehilangan makna esensialnya. Esensi dan cakupan
kemiskinan ini penting dan dipedukan untuk menghasilkan resPon penanganan yang
tepat. Seiumlah pengertian dan pengukuran kemiskinan telah dikemukakan untuk
berbagai upaya kaiian dan upaya kebijakan. Bagaimana konsepsi kcmiskinatt nlcnurut
peserta dialog?
$falau dalam rumusan yang betbeda namun Lrmumnya semua simpul diskusi scpenclapat
bahwa "kemiskinan adalah tidak terpenuhinya kebutuhan dasar atau asnsi tnanusia".
I(ebutuhan dasar dan asasi ini meliputi kebutuhan akan substansi (sandang, paugan &
papan), afeksi, keamanan, identitas kulrural, proteksi, kreasi, kebcbasan, partisipasi, rvaktLr
luang. lisensi mcngenai elemen-elemen dasnr ini munctrl cli scmtra sinrl:ul clisktrsi. l(ontlisi
miskin, yakni kehidupan serba kekurangan ini juga cliwarnai dengan kcptttt-tsasairn,
ketidakberdayaan dan aptisme terhadap situasi dilingkungannya. Namun clemikian, scbual.t
dcfiurisi tidak akan mampu menghadirkan kcscluruhan kenyataan tcr)tar)ll pengalatnan
kemiskinan itu sendiri. DeFrnisi hanyalah bungkusan dari ekstraksi pernahaman dan
pengalaman. Realita kemiskinan yang alami oleh mnsyarakat sunggul'r lebih rncmprihatinkan
karena hal itu tidak dapat diungkapkan dalam kata-kata ataupun gambar.
Cerita-cerita sedih tentang bagaimana masyarakat hutan dipinggirkan sccar^ paksa,
bagaimana mereka menatap kehancuran lingkungan hidup yang selaniutnya menghilangnya
PROSIDING ONE
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Reruewtne Povenw
Rrouclott Smnreev ru ltroouesn
tradisi dan kebudayaan mereka. Atau bagaimana rnasyarakat nelayan yang pastah dengan
menipisnya tangkapan dan senantiasa hidup dalam jera,tan pilxgapa. Bagaiamana dengan
anak-anak di jermal-jermal yang tidak dapat menikmati pendidikan karena harus bekerja
delapan belas jam per hari? Bagaimana pula dengan Jeritan buruh industri yang hidup
sangat kekurangan di lingkungan pabdk yang kumuh? Haga-harga barang melonjak tidak
terkejar dan jangankan susu atau pengobatan untuk anak, nasi pun menjadi barangmewah.
I(enapa alam tidak bersahabat lagi? I(enapa orang semakin serakah dan semakin kaya?
Bagaimana nasib kami dan anak cucu kami di kemudian hari? Apa yang sesungguhnya
terjadi dan bagaimana solusinya?
Tidaklah berlebihan apabila kita dapat betFrkir secara kritis sebagaimana dinyatakan
oleh teman-teman yang mewakili komunitas miskin kota bahwa :
'Kemiskianlangterjadi di Indorcsia adalah bentak, kemiskinan stnrktaral atas baatat
karena tebenarnla semra alamiah Indanuia mempiltJa ukup potensi dan sunber dEu
lang takup antak
kemiskinan ".
Semua pihak mengaku bahwa Indonesia kaya, sebuah negara yang mempunyai sumber
daya yang melimpah. Penggunaan istilah "buatan" dalam pengertian ini berarti adanya
mengatasi
"ulah dan pengaruh tangan manusia". I(emiskinan struktural adalah kemiskinan akibat
dari super sttuktur yang membuat sebagian anggota atau kelompok masyarakat tertentu
mendominasi sarana ekonomi, sosial, politik dan budaya.
Super sftuktur yang dimaksud adalah format relasi kelembagaan terhadap anggota
masyarakat yang secara terus menerus mendesak, mendorong warga masyarakat semakin
jauh dari pemilikan dan proses pengembangan pemilikan. Yang terlibat dalarn proses
pemiskinan ini adalah unsur kebijakan negara yang tidak berpihak kepada kepentingan
rakyat kecil, birokrasi yang korup, praktek ekonomi distortif serta unsur keamanan (militer)
yang berorientasi kekuasaan dan kekayaan. I(etiga unsut ini bekerja untuk memenuhi
kepentingna kekuasaan mereka sendid di satu pihak dan berhadapan dengan kepentingan
masyarakat banyak di lain pihak.
Sttuktur ini membuat tidak adanya pemerataan, tidalc berkembangnya kualitas dan daya
kreasi rakyat dalam pelaksanaan pembangunan. I{emiskinan multi dimensional yang
diutarakan di atas menghadirkan pengertian kemiskinan majemuk. I(emiskinan dengan
betbagai waiah ketidakberdayaan: tendahnya kesejahteraan, rendahnya akses pada sumber
daya termasuk informasi, rendahnya kesadaran kritis, rendahnya partisipasi, rendahnya posisi
tawar menawar. Inilah totalitas kemiskinan yang seharusnya ditangkap.
Data dari kelompok industri kecil di Indonesia berikut ini membantu menggambarkan
implikasi dari kemiskinan structural yang dimaksud. Data mengungkapkan bahwa pada
tahun 1996 terdapat sekitar 39 juta poengusaha kecil. Sementzrr^ terd^p^t sekitar 80 juta
tenaga kerja Indonesia, maka dengan asumsi mta-rata setiap unit usaha kecil mempeke{akan
1,05 tenaga kerja, maka lapangan kerja yang terserap pada sektor usaha kecil mencapai 41
juta lapangan kerja atau 51oh dari total lapangan kerja. Ironinya sektot ini dipetkirakan
hanya menghasilkan PDB 8% dari total. I(ontras dengan usaha di bawah 200 konglomerat
swasta Indonesia yang kontribusinya pada PDB mencapai 5804, dan perusahaan BUMN
24o/o. Arnnya tata-ta;t^ tingkat pendapatan sekator usaha kecil sepet-sebelas (1/11) kali
rata-rata pendapatan sektor usaha lainnya.
Usaha kecil atau usaha kecil-kecilan dan sering iuga disebut usaha mikro merupakan
fenomena dominan kegiatan ekonomi masyarakat pada kantong-kantong kemiskinan seperti
di petkampungan kumuh perkotaan (contohnya Jelambar, Jakata Barat), maupun pada
wilayah-wilayah pinggir kota, padanya juga sering muncul fenomena pekerja anak atau
pekerja di bawah umur, kondisi perempuan disektor usaha kecil termasuk besar,baik sebagai
pemiLik usaha maupun sebagai buruh, terutama pada unit-unit usaha pada kategori asset di
bawah 50 juta rupiah. Untuk membiayai keluarga maka seluruh anggota keluarga harus
mencari nafkah.
PROSIDING ONE
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Renewtrue Povenrv Rroucnoru SrnRrrev tru lruooruesn
Uraian di atas bukanlah sekedar mengungkap fakta dan olahan pengalaman. Ada pesan
yang ingin disampaikan dari uraian singkat di atas. Adalah suatu kekeliruan bila kemiskinan
dkeduksi menjadi sekedar rendahnya pendapatan (incone) dan rendahnya daya belt' (parchatingpowerpaifl). Sebagian dari manifestasi kemiskinan memang demikian . Natnun manifestasi
yang lain seperti rendahnya keterwakilan dalam pengambilan keputusan, rendahnva kesadaran
kdtis, dan rendahnya posisi tawar menawar juga adalah kemiskinan itu sendiri. Manifentsi
kemiskinan dalam pengetian power relation di antara berbagai pihak akan mengungkapkan
petsoalan yang berbeda pula.
3. Kerangka Keria ke Depan
Ada lima dimensi pokok dari kemiskinan yang dapat membantu menelusuri pokokpokok dalam diskusi pada ke tujuh kelompok. Ungkapan dirangkum dalam seiumlah unsur
dasar yakni :
| . Faktor lingkurgan f:ik. Hal ini menyangkut dimensi-dimensi Frsik yang menjadt latar
belakang ataupun akibat dari proses kemiskinan.
2. Hambatan uhara/. Termasuk dalam kategori ini adalah unsur-unsur budaya: nilai,
sikap, perilaku budaya, khususnya yang berkembang sebagai reaksi terhadap tekanan
eksternal masyarakat miskin.
3. Siluasi kelenbagaan. Yang dirnaksud adalah situnsi lembaga atau peng()rganisasiau
yang mempersatukan kelompok kemiskinan.
4. Dineni kebl'akan peneintah. Termasuk dalarn kategori ini adalah produk-produk
perundangan setta kepurusan-keputusan lembaga pemerintah yang mempun yai
dampak langsung kepada proses pemiskinan dan program penanggulangan
kemiskinan.
I(elima unsur ini membangun representasi kemiskinan dari ketujuh focal point dalam
dialog nasional. Uraian ini dibangun untuk menghadkkan dimensi-dimensi kritis yang
menyebabkan kemiskinan dan menjadi dasar bagi pengembangan kebijakan di masa yang
akan datang.
Inisiatif dari organisasi non-pemerintah untuk membentuk Kelompok l(erja Indonesia
untuk Penanggulangan I(emiskinan Struktural (KIKIS) merupakan upaya membangun
kesadaran bersama dalam bentuk jejaring yang akan terus menerus mendorong pemecahan
masalah kemiskinan struktural di Indonesia secara serius. Tujuan dari jaringan semacam ini
adalah menghasilkan pemikiran strategis mengenai masalah kemiskinan struktural yang
dituangkan dalam agenda aksi alternatif yang dapat disandingkan dengan program-progmm pemerintah dalam waktu lima tahunan. Selain itu, iejaring dapat berperan sebagai
informasi pemantauan program- program penanggulangan kemiskinan
baik lintas konteks komunitas ataupun wilayah. Agenda aksi merupakan respons yang
bertanggung jarvab terhadap tantangan yang sering dilontarkan oleh pemerintah bahrva
organisasi non-pemerintah hanya dapat mengeritik tanpa memberikan pemecahan
konstruktif.
sarana pertukaran
Agenda aksi yang telah disusun oleh jaringan dalam KII(IS secara umum melihat bahrva:
1. IQjian mendalam untnk menemukan ideologi ekonomi yang berorientasi pada kcadilan
dan kemakmuran rakyat pedu dilakukan karena terjadi kemandekan untuk tnenemukan
2.
paradigma baru;
Penegakan "good goaernarce" dalam rangka mengembalikan "daya kemampuan rakyat"
yang telah dan pernah dirampas sekaligus mengembalikan kepercayaan rakyat pada
pemerintah yang sah;
3.
Pemberdayaan rakyat lewat penguatan organisasi pada tingkat akar rumptrt Qratt roott:;
sehingga memiliki akses pada proses pengambilan keputusan, baik di tingkat nasional
maupun local dan pemanfaatan sumber daya yang dibutuhkannya.
masyarakat sipil dan pemerintah merupakan upaya
KIKIS menilai keriasama
^nt^r
l0
PROSIDING ONE
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Rrruewruo Povrnw Rroucroru SrnRteev ru luooruesn
yang konstruktif ke amh dimensi baru penanggulangan kemiskinan. Sikap
pro-aktif dari
kalangan masyarakat sipil dengan membangun fotum dialog dan jejaring menjadi bukti
kepedulian terhadap masalah kemiskinan struktural. Di samping itu, kami mendesak
terbukanya ruang-ruang dialog dan lobby dengan kalangtn anggota legislatif baik di tingkat
nasional maupun di tingkat daetah sebagaimana dialog telah dibuka dengan top eksekutif
di kabinet Persatuan Nasional. Upaya ini untuk meyalinkan para pengambil keputusan
politik untuk melihat masalah kemiskinan dengan paradigma baru dan mencari pemecahan
kemiskinan struktural secara mendasar atau menyeluruh. Hal ini terdorong oleh pemikimn
bahwa akar persoalan yang membelenggu pemecahan k.emiskinan struktuml di Indonesia
adalah cara pandang pembuat kebijakan yang parsial dan tidak melihat implikasi yang luas
terhadap setiap kebijakan yang dibuat terhadap masalah kemiskinan.
Salah saru kunci sukses penanggulangan kemiskinan adalah adanya partisipasi aktif dari
masyarakat sipil dalam proses perumusan dan impl':mentasi kebijakan pengentasan
kemiskinan yang strategis. Partisipasi aktif dari masyatakat sipil memungkinkan para pembuat
kebijakan menelaah prioritas kaum miskin dan para sttkeholder sekaligus memperdalam
pemahaman makna kemiskinan structural. I(arena kemiskinan struktural memiliki dimensi
yang luas dan bukan sekedar kekurangan pendapatan. Dengan pemahaman ini berarti pula
bahwa penanggulangan kemiskinan membutuhkan tinrlakan publik yang terpadu lintas
sektoral. Kecuali itu, partisipasi akan membentuk suatu kemiftaan yang didasarkan pada
kepercayaan (tnnl) dan kesepakatan (connnnt)
pernedntah dan masyarakat di semua
^nt^r
lapisan. Dengan salingpercaya dapat dijalin suatu dialogdalam suasana kesetaraan. Demikian
pula dengan kesepakatan akan terbentuk ketjasama pemc:tintah, masyarkat miskin, dan para
stakeholder dalam mengatasi kemiskinan s*uctural. Partisipasi dapat pula menunjang
kejelasan proses pertukaran antara pdoritas atau kepentin[an masyarakat dengan pemerinah
melalui mekanisme dialog dalam kemitraan.
4. Komitmen Pemetintahan: APBN dan Kemiskinan
Sebagai masyarakat sipil yang ingin ikutserta menyelesaikan masalah kemiskinao, kami
masih terhambat oleh berbagai praktek penyelenggrraan pemerintahan yang belum
menunjukan cara pandang baru mengatasi kemiskinan struktural. Kebiiakan yang dibuat
baik oleh pemerintah nasional ataupun daerah, masih terasa lebih banyak menyebabkan
terjadinya pembatasan ruang gemk masyarakat di tingkat akar rumput ketimbang mengatur
pola kerja antar anggota masyarakat sebagai komponen bangsa untuk mengatasi kemiskinan.
Secara praktis dapat dirunjukan bahwa pemerintah yang baru memperoleh legitimasi dari
rakyat tidak pula segera mengubah cara pandangnya. Dalam kenyataan progmm kerja
pemerintah ftabinet) batu yang tertuang dalam Anggard.n Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara
belum merespons secara arif ketesahan masyarakat sipil mengenai diabaikannya persoalan
kerniskinan struktuml. Perhatian yang tedalu besar dr:ngan jumlah dana APBN untuk
restrukurisasi bidang perbankan merupakan bukti terabaikannya masalah sosial yang kronis
yakni kemiskinan struktural. I(alaupun komitmen politik pemerintah memiliki "sense of
crisis" yang kuat, tetapi hal itu tidak diimplementasikan dalam angka-angka
^n1gmanbelanja
untuk menyelesaikan beban masyarakat yang hidup dalam lingkamn kemiskinan
struktural.
Catatan KIKIS mengenai program ke{a kabinet yang telah dituangkan dalam APBN dapat
dinyatakan dalam beberapa butir.
1. APBN sebagai dokumen publik ternyata tidak gampang diakses oleh khalayak luas
(umlah dokumen terbatas, fotmat dan isi tidak dapat dengan mudah dipahami oleh
khalayak), sehingga hak rakyat atas informasi diabaikan oleh pemerintah (atau dengan
kata lain pemerintah tidak memenuhi kewajibannya untuk mencerdaskan kehidupan
bangsa).
2. Terdapat petunjuk (indikasi) yang kuat bahwa kerangka pikir penyusunan
APBN tetap
menggunakan ketangka pikir dan wacana Orde Baru (yaitu asumsi hubungan
PROSIDING ONE
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^nt^ra
11
RErurwrug Povenrv Reoucrtoru SrnRreev tru lruooruesuq
pembangunan ekonomi dan stabilitas keamanan).
3.
4.
'fidak ada alokasi anggaran yang secara eksplisit diperuntukan bagi penanggulangan
kemiskinan struktural (meskipun disadari bahwa APBN bukanlah alat yang tepat
unnrk memberantas kemiskinan struktural), kecuali upaya sistematik dan karitatif
yaitu program JPS.
APBN tidak memberi informasi yang jelas dan lengkap mengenai kemungkinan dana
sektoral diperuntukan bagi penanganan masalah kerniskinan yang meluas di dalam
masyarakat.
5. APBN tidak menyediakan pos khusus untuk sektor "pemberdayaan masyarakat",
padahal pernerintah seharusnya bertanggung jawab untuk memberdayakan kembali
masyarakat sipil yang diperlemah dan tak bcrdaya selama rezim Orde Batu.
Bertolak dari catatan itu I{I{S sampai pada satu usulan, yairu pedunya dibuka saru pos
pengeluaran tersendiri untuk "Pemberdayaan Masyatakat Sipil" (menjadi sektor 2l) pada
APBN tahun 2001. Dengan alasan bahwa: Rezim pemerintah Orde Baru telah secara
sipil,
karena itu pemerintah berkcrvajiban
memberdayakan kembali masyarakat sipil yang telah dilemahkan itu. Masyarakat sipil yang
berdaya dan kriris akan dapat mengakrualisasikan hak-hak politiknya sehingga tcrrvujucl
kontrol yang kuat terhadap pemerintah, yang rnenjadi syarat bagi pemcrintahan yang
sistematis melemahkan masyarakat
demokratis. Anggatan untuk "Pernberdayaan Masyarakat Sipil" ini clikelola olch
sr-ratLr
lradan
independen yang dibentuk untuk itu dan bertanggung jawab kepada rakyat, serclangkan
porrcrintah hauya bcrfungsi mcrnbcrilcnn fasilitas clatr al<scs inftlrurasi.
Mata anggaran Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Sipil setidak-tidaknya clapat rnenjamin
terbtrl<anya ruang-ruang partisipasi untuk masyarakat. Pacla tahun anggaran 2001 strclah
scwajarnya dianggarkan kegiatan penyebaran informasi luas pada tnasyarakat mengctrai
prioritas anggaran kl'rususnya yang menyangkut program pengentasan kerniskinan melalui
kampanye media massa. Pada tal'run anggamn 2002 sudah dapat pula clin-rtrlai progranr
terpadu konsultasi publik mengenai kemiskinan structural yang bersifat dua arah antara
perumus kebijakan dengan kelompok masyarakat yang berkompeten, khususnya mereka
yang menderita akibat kemiskinan struktural. I(etjasama dalam proses penentuan kebijakan
yang lebih transparan dengan landasan akuntabilitas publik dnpat din-rulai clalam tahtrr-r
Kerjasama mencakup peranserta dalam penentuan prioritas dan peran dalam
^ng9a:uin2003.
perencanaan penanggulangan kemiskinan, mendapatkan kesepakata atas ketidaksesuaian
prioritas antar stakeholder. Mulai tahun anggann 2004 dan seterusny^, m t^ anggaran
pemberdayaan masyarakat sudah dapat membiayai kegiatan yang sungguh-sungguh
meninghatkan daya kemampuan masyarakat miskin melalui perwakilannya dalam rnencntukan
proses perumusan dan penennran prioritas kebijakan di bidang pengentasan kemiskinan.
12
PROSIDING ONE
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Rerurwr.ro Povenw Rroucnou SrRareov nr luoonesn
Alleviating Poverty:
Conundrums of Planning,
Administration and Governance
Stepping back from the Cdsis: Reflections on Indonesial99T-2000
Looking back over three yeats of emergency relief provided through the Social Safety
Net and thirty years of poverfy reduction over the term of the New Order government, one
is struck by basic continuity of government strategy. This is not surprising to people who
have patticipated in the massive cllanges of the last three years and seen the suuggles for
reform up close. However it does raise the question of whether the nation and its friends
should be looking for more substantial changes in the approaches and the stuctutes to deal
with poverty alleviation in a more democratic era. To reflect on this idea it is necessary to
review the economic problems descdbed in Indonesia as the Kismon - the monetary crisis
that hit Indonesia beginning around December 1997.
The economic problems that strangled Southeast Asian economies beginning with the
collapse of the Thai Baht in July 1997 were variously diagnosed as a financial crisis caused
by weakness in the banking sector and a structural crisis related to ineffective government
controls on corrupt and collusive ptactices. Whatevet the cause of the economic malaise in
Southeast Asia, the situation in Indonesia has been orders of magnitude worse than the
situations of Thailand, Malaysia or the Philippines. Betrveen 1985 and 1996 the average
rate of economic growth per capita was 6 percent per annum. At this rate the economy (in
per capita terms) would double about every 1.2 years. Indonesians enjoyed unprecedented
increases in all forms of welfare, including education, health, nutrition, and housing quality.
The rapid economic growth enjoyed in Indonesia in the years before 1997 produced a
decline in the number of people living below the ofFrcial poverty [ne from 87 million in
1985 to 22 million twelve years later. These people constituted the chronically poor and
provided an intractable challenge to efforts at poverty alleviation.
With the economic crisis the growth rate was thrown into reverse, with 1998 registedng
a decline in national product by neatly one sixth. Eady in 1998 the ptess carried several
predictions that the crisis would result in large-scale reversals in the progress against poverty. On faidy conservative assumptions, it was predicted that the number in poverty would
neady double rvithin two years as the incomes of many households declined due to unemployment or loss of tradc. In addition the 20 million pcople living in households with
incomes just slightly above the poverry line could easily slip below the poverty line as a
result of rising prices in a time of static incomes. If these changes were to occur it would
result in around 64 million Indotresirns living in poverty, 44 rnillion of whom were newly
poor, or rcimpoverished. Sornc obscrvcrs tcgarded thcm as the transient poor.
'l'lris figur:c clcpcnclccl on
al>out lrow far incorncs woulcl fall ancl how ftrr
prices would rise. Crucially it^ssutnl)tions
also depended on tl-re factors used to set the poverty line.
Recent experience in Indonesia has found signiFrcant differences in the categorisation of
householcls ns poor according to critcria sct out by ofhces of the Central Bureau of Statistics (llPS), I-,ocal Governments Q'}emda) and the annual Enumeration of Family Welfate
carried out by the National Iramily Planning Cootdinating Board (BKKBN). The measures
have been variously interPreted and projected to produce sorne truly fantastic estirnates of
poverty for Indonesia - with some influential reports decladng in 1998 that over half the
population would soon sink into absolute poverty. In fact this never happened, and was
never likely to happen.
PROSIDING ONE
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Terence H.
Hull
Demograp\
Program, Australian National
University
The views
expressed in this
publication ate
those of the
author and not
necessarily those
of the Australian
Agency for
International
Development or
the Australian
Government
13
ReruewtNe Povenrv Reoucttolt Smnteev tru lruooruesn
The problem was that the reports of economic decline at the outset of the economic
crisis deinanded extreme numbers in the vital economic signs to motivate complacent read-
ers. Mrere the lack of current data on actual numbers in poverry or nutnbers of recltrtrclancies shoulcl have made observers careful in speculating about the depth ancl breadth of tl-re
crisis, the opposite occurred, and lack of information ptomoted reckless speculation in the
press. Estimates of numbers in poverty were reported not as 44 million, or even 64 million,
but rather B0 million. The direst economic projections were rePorted as if they wete current realities. One influential report from the International Labour Organisation even spoke
of over 100 million in poverty in a matter of years. Instead of this the nurnber estimated to
have been in poverty in February 1999 ranged ftom 50 to 56 million people depcnding on
the method of calculation used (Pradhan et. al. 2000: 14).
While in no way belittling the seriousness of the economic decline ancl rising political
disruption in 1998 and 1999, it is important to note that the impact of the cconotnic crisis
on poverty was cleady overstated by well-meaning but misguided rePorters. The overstatcments rvere unclerstnndable. People are always concerned about their well being, so problems of poverry nutrition, and education are easily exaggerated as anxiety ovettakcs analysis in the discussions. Misrepresentation of risk is a problematic issue. Depiction of mass
ab.rohrte poverry may be an inappropriate caricature of a vcry scrious situati<tn rvhcre nril-
lions of people have been suddenly forced into transient re/aliue Poverty, but it is thc only
way many people can understand the problerns. I{eferer-rce to icons - the matastnic chilel,
the sunken cheeked or the despondent mother - m^y not caPture truth of nndcrnutritiotr
and chronic anemia but it does capture the attention and the symPathy of the average
viewer. Tl're problem is that such a depiction distracts attention frotn unclctstancling thc
complex issues of poverry. It directs actions to inappropriate solutions bascd on sirnplistic
'l'he irnrncassumptions and dsks addressing symptoms ratl'rer than toot causes of poverty.
diate causes of sudden shifts into relatjve poverty are confused with the persistent callses
of chronic disadvantage. Interventions are proposed that are neither adeguate nor slrstalrlable. This is the challenge for all parties to efforts to overcome poverry and alleviate
suffering in Indonesia.
Attention needs to be directed to a number of useful ptinciples of povcrty allcviation
set out by the government and its partners if we are to have a better understanding o[
recent social safety net prograrns. Have these principles been honoured in the design and
implementation of interventions? Are the principles equally important in considering the
distinct issues of chronic and transient poverty, and the different approaches of redressing
shortfalls in capabilities (such as education, employn'Ient, health) and shortfalls in consumption (food, health care, school fees)?
Elaborating Principles of Poverty Alleviation and Welfate Ptomotiotr
In much of the discussion of poverty alleviation in Indonesia there is reference to
principles that should be respected to ensure efFrciency and effectiveness of thc activities.
(.g. r.. Menko I(esra dan Taskin, 1998, 2000 and 2000) As with most statements of prirlciple these tend to be very general, if not to say vague but they do give a rough standarcl
against wl'rich activities can be compared'
.
PouertJ sbould be a clear and meawrable couepL
Hayes (2000) in his review
of
the various meirsures
of poverry
has described the com-
plexities undedying any attempt to identi$' the poor and disadvantaged in Indonesian sociefyl . In particular there are major differences betrveen measures based on consuurption
expenditurcs (which are extrernely tesponsive to inflation and exchange rates) ancl thosc
baied on measures of capability, (which better reflect the structural problerns underlying
chronic poverry). In both cases, though, the dilemma for analysts and policy urakcrs is drat
clear and accur^te ffreasufes of poverty levels (using sample surveys) may not be adccluatc
to identify the speciFrc individuals or families in poverty who need interventions. Conversely, efforts to determine the poverry status of each household in Indonesia (through the
Family Velfare Enumeration each year) are fraught with obscuriry in definitions of needs.
To gtve some idea of the types of definitional problems that arise, we need look no
t4
PROSIDING ONE
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further than two recerit reports from SMERU. Pradhan :t. al. (2000: B-12) have shown that
the estimation of proportions of the population below the poverty Iine depends critically on
the assumptions about the basket of goods and services used to compute the distdbution
of people according to expenditure patt€rns, and the selection of an apptopdate refetence
group to set as the standard. Reasonable changes in assumptions about the types, quality
of goods in the basket can influence the povr:rty estimates by a substantial margrn. In the case they descdbe, the poverty estimate differed by a iust undet a thitd - with
one assumpfion yielding 22oh in poverty compared to 2i3oh using another assumption. To
overcome these differences they develop an tterative'me,thod of working thtough assumPtions about the composition of expenditure baskets to produce a more teliable standard as
a foundation of drawing a poverty line. Extending their analysis to compare poverty across
regions, they assumed that the basket of goods in the expenditure sutvey in each region
remains constant (despite the obvious differences of foorl and odrer preferences in diffetent
provinces). The result is a measure of poverty that diffe rs from the orthodox BPS calculations, and produces a slighdy different rank otdeting of ptovinces (2000: 14). The estimated percentage rates of people below the poverty line in February 1999 ate as follows:
and prices
Region
Urban
Rural
ndonesia
Orthodox (BPS)
2OYo
26%
24%
f
approach
lterative
(SMERU) approach
16%
34%
27%
Source: Pradhan et. al. 2000: 14
I-Iad they taken account of the changes in the differe nces of pteferences and composiof expendirure baskets across regions the impact vtould have been to widen the gaps
between urban and rural areas. As a result of their analvsis Pradhan et. al. suggest that the
BPS definitions of poverty be elaborated through use ,:f the 'iterative'method to obtain
more consistent and realistic reflections of real differen':es in purchasing power and hence
standards for the estimation of povetty.
The second SMERU study by Suryahadi et al (1999: 27) comparcd the classification of
households into poor and non-poor categories (defined variously as the lowest20oh or the
lorvest 49oh of expenditure groups in the population) rnd the BK<BN 'pte-prospetous'
and 'prospetous' gtoups. Surpdsingly there was litde match between these categodes. Many
people whose expenditure levels indicate poverty are nonetheless shown in BIGBN data to
be 'prosperous' and many of the 'pre-prospetous' who ate thus defined as being eligible for
manyJPS benefits, ate in fact in expenditure categories above the 20oh and49 7o thtesholds.
Three-quarters of the 'pre-prosperous'are above the 20ohhne,while neady half are above
the 49oh hne. It is clear that these different measures are dealing with totally different
phenomena, and cannot be regarded as comparable deFrnitions of poverry. Ftom a purely
technical viewpoint the data on expenditures from BPS are more likely to give a valid picture of poverty incidence than the more complicated and contradictoty data used to dehne
the'pre-prosperous' families.
One serious cl,allenge facing government in Indonesia arises from the issue of setting
priorities for poverty alleviation program implementation. How much time, effort and
Frnance should be spent on the collection of data on povetry in any effort to design bettet
programs? In a sense the analytical efforts of the past three years of poverty alleviation
strategizing have been living off the social capital of drta collection systems built up over
twenty years in tbe Badan Putat Statiilik (BPS). Sample designs based on the detailed censuses, the rich and reliable collections of SUSENAS data and the innovative approaches to
economic analysis meant that BPS was well prepared to address questions about poverty
and poverty alleviation when government and donors were searching for ansvers in 1998
and 1999. Some mistakes were made (like the early incorrect calculation of the impact of
the Frnancial crisis on poverty rates) but these were minor compared to the valuable data
provided by the professionals at BPS.
Such data are not costless, and they do not arise automatically at the request of buteau-
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crats and aid workers. The 'otganizational capital' in BPS requires steady re-investment and
maintenance to produce a steacly stream of valid and reliable measures. In 2000 it is clear
tlrat the government is acnrally diinueilingin data. Thc budget for the 2000 I'opulation
Census has been severely cut such that the design and irnplementation of the data collection has been undermined. Even without the problems of coverage arising from localized
conflicts, the BPS has found it difFrcult to train and support enough interviewers and data
processing staff to complete the job. Outside observers are concerned that the informatiori
on a wide range of social issues will not be reliable, Moreover, the census was designed to
obtain general information on a full count of households at the smallest census unit, Ieaving detailed questions on education, occupation, health and vital statistics to be produced
by the SUSENAS. Unforfunately, after this strategy was designed other budget cuts forced
the reduction in the sample size and scope of the SUSENAS such that small area analysis
will not be possible. At a time when governmcnt is attcmpting to implemcnt the lar.vs on
Regional Autonomy (UU 22 and 25 of 1999), these changes to the statistical plans of llPS
are robbing analysts throughout the government of any hope of gencrating satisfactory
-fhis
is prtticuhdy trtrc
thc district levcl.
cstimates oI cconomic and social characteristics
^t
of virtually all the important measures related to any deFtnition of poverty or capability that
might serve as the foundation of poverty alleviation programs. Lnportantly, drcse pr<>blems are not the responsibility of the IIPS, but rather arise from budget clecisions ancl
debates in the legislature, and the finance and planning sections of government. Correction
of the problem will similady require a re-examination of budget priorities and a commitment to the BPS projects.
In consideting the principle of clariry in measurcment, thc greatcst thrcxt to data collcction in future may be the implementation of laws and regulations on regional autonorny.
Already there are indications that the central government considers the devolution of budgetary action to be relevant to BPS in concert with other cenffal government activities.
However it is not clear how the BPS will ensure that the design, implementation and analysis of national surveys and censuses will take place if 26 provinces or 365 districts are given
the responsibility to manage operational funds for statistics. Experience in federal systems
around the wodd point to many ways to contend with such issues, but none have been
selected as a model to guide the management of BPS in the next two or three years of rapid
transition. Unless the role of BPS as a centralized agency (or a decenualized set of disparate offices) is clariFred soon, there is a real danger that the entite statistical system of Indonesia will drift into a state of declining reliability and validiry from which there might be no
fecovery.
.
Spedfdy, regarding tlte Redpient: The benefts of pouertjt alhpiation thonld go to the poor and not to
people who are not liuiry in poaery.
Who are the poor? There are so many estimates, and such contradictory assessments ns
to make the question seem almost unanswerable. Looking only at the table of time trends
in estimates (in Suryahadi et. al. 2000: 26) of proportions of indiuiduals under the poverq'
line tlrere was a major increase in need, ftom around 1.0oh in February 1.996 to nenrly 24oh,
overall md 26oh in rural areas in February 1999. I-lowever at the same timc thc proportion
of faniliet classiFred by the BI(I(BN as Pra-s/ahtera and Sg/ahtera I was over 40o/o nationwideThe public discussion of poverty included estimntes ranging between thcsc two bounclaries
and tended to lump the two BKKBN gtoups together as estimates of 'the poot'. Since tht:
BKKBN data were used to identify individual families deserving social safery net protection there are serious a priori questions about the specificity of intcrvcntions. Iiithcr many
non-poor or marginally poor people (according to the SMEI{U deFrnitions) rvcre includcd
to
in the targeting, or the BKKBN categories rvere modifted on the ground to limit
^cccss
the interventions. Newspaper reports indicate that a cornbination of thc two was thc casc.
Some non-poor were reported to have obtained subsidised rice, school fce waivcrs and
health cards, and some Pra-ry'ahtera and Sg'ahtera I farnilies were not givcn bcncfits for rvl-rich
they might theoretically have been entitled.
TlTe Suryahadi ct. al. study (1999:19 ff) found that the social saiety rlct bcncfits for
health were far from speciFtc, but rather'have a tendency to be reaped by the poot and non-
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poor equally.' In one district all the benefits flowed to the non-poor. From the viewpoint of
targeting, the results showed that the programs essentially selected the recipients 'more or
less randomly'. Similady the ptograms of assistance for education, employment and subsidized credit tend not to reach the poor effectively, and are often utilized by people who
would not be classified as poor by fairly strict economic criteria.
While economic specificity might well be defined:in the BPS surveys, it is much less
feasible to do so in an operational program. In a sense the problem is that political speciIication of need overrides economic speciFrciry in any discussion of access at a local level.
Subjective perceptions of poverty are based on telative evaluations, with lower middle class
people making claims to poverty alleviation funds because they believe that thcit families
are suffering in comparison to the middle class and the elite, even if they might be doing
better than the absolutely poor. There is also an element of pol-itical bargaining involved in
programs of poverty alleviation. In the highly charged atmosphere of the emerging democracy in Indonesia's villages and towns, poverty alleviation programs represent a benefit
delivered by the local ofFrcials, and this may be linked to political parties and local debates
and tensions if citizens suspect favoritism or corruption in the activities. The degree to
rvhich this is a general problem is not easy to determine, but there is little doubt that it is a
problem in many specific contexts, and the publicity of these cases can undermine the
credibiliry of the whole program. Yet while publicity can promote cynicism in the public
mind, more intensive education about the purpose and naturte of povetty alleviation might
serve as an antidote and help to promote better efficiency in JPS program implementation.
'
Specifdry
of
-Need:
the recipient.
The beneft of poaer! alleuiation should addrer
the
pioit1
neetl:
of social safety nets tend to be directed to some of the most impottant
of the poor. In Indonesia the design of JPS ensured that food needs were met
through the Operasi Paur provision of subsidised dce, the educational needs of childten
Discussions
needs
v/ere met through the provision of scholarships to students and subsidies to school. Health
service needs were met through the issuance of health cards to poor families (Pra-S/ahnrQ
and associated subsidies to clinics and workers to ensure that they had the resources to
handle the mobilised demand for services. Each of these was designed to ensure that the
needy did not miss out on what might be regarded as basic human needs. In addition the
employment and ctedit programs were designed to ensure that poor families could work
their way out of general poverry. There is little argument that these are priodry needs of the
recipients. Sumarto et. al. (2000: 1) found, though, that the food distdbution programs were
of most bene6.t to the chronically poor, while the employment generation programs were
targeted to and benefited the transient poor.
What is less clear is whether there are other needs that might also be priodties, and that
might be amenable to government intervention, perhaps with greater long tetm benefit.
Since theJPS programs Frnd it hard to be speciFrc about in targeting the pooq perhaps they
could attain greater speciFrcity and efficiency by targeting serious areas of (in)capability
shared by groups who include the pooq but who may not easily be measured as poor. For
instance concentrated efforts to eradicate polio and leprosy and control malaria and dengue
fever would save many lives and alleviate more suffering of poor people than would the
provision of health cards that have uncettain impact. Such activities would also be speciFrc
to need in a technical sense, though they would have more general impact on health. The
prevention of malaria not only stops a specific infectious disease, it also improves the sutvival chances of mothers and infants who are no longer depleted from the nutritional side
effects of the disease. Similar genetalised improvements of health can be expected from
speciFrc programs of TB conttol.
.
Adequary: lY/i// the interueiliont
fulfi
alleuiate poaergt, or
will
tbere be a gap?
How much is enough to truly alleviate the debilitating effects of povetty? This is one
of the most basic questions of poverty alleviation, yet it is seldom cenffal to the design or
monitoring of interventions.
Any test for adequacy would have to address two distinct dimensions: the adequacy of
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provisions for each individual, and the adequacy for the family or community. The latter
dimension is in many ways one of coverage. Newspapers often reported complaints that
the volume of rice received in the special market operations to ptovide subsidized rice vzas
inadequate to meet the demands of particular districts or villages. Obviously, if this were
the case individuals would have also been inadequately served. But this does not tell us
whether all individuals in the group suffered equally, or if the intervention rvas biased
toward the most needy, or the least needy, among the eligible recipients.
The question of adequacy sometimes boils down to simple measures of coverage. It
was announced onJuly 25,2000 that a special social safety net program for urban employment would employ 170,000 people for 50 days (the PKP). An additional 40,000 unemployed women will be assisted in a separate effort @I(PP). This implies the potential coverage of 210,000 households if there is no overlap between the two groups, and only one
person per household is assisted. With an approximate household size oF four members,
tlris means around 900,000 might share in the benefits of the program. (lakarla Po$,July 26,
2000, national nervs "Neur social safefy net to cost Rp 876b" and Saara Pembaruan,July 26,
2000, "Pemerintah akan luncurkan 3 JPS baru") However, while these seem like very
significant numbers it must be remembered that the programs are only for a ferv months at
a tjme when the national estimates categoize 60 million in povetry and over 40 million in
the category of the'transient' poor.
'
Alfordabilit1t:
out
of
Fot poverty alleviation to be available it must be affordable. Given that poverry arises
numefous distinctive causes there obviously needs to be a variety of interventions
undertaken to assist those in poverry to both survivc and move out of their difFrctrlties. As
a guiding principle it would seem sensible to ensure that the funding of these interventions
is within the financial capacity of the agencies (governments, NGOs, donors) to sustain
their effort for as long as it requfues. During the economic crisis (1998-2000) the government attempted to build a set of safety net interventions while at the same time coping with
pressures to reduce budgets of govetnment departments and agencies.
Donors played an important role in underwriting the social safety net costs. The Asian
Development Bank, USAIQ the World Bank, and other bilateral and multilateral agencies
moved quickly to commit additional funds and reorient ptoject designs to contribute to a
vadety of JPS interventions. !0'hile this helped to ensure that the activities were affordable,
the concerns of government officials at the centre and in local administations indicated
that these interventions had touched a raw nerve: "How can we continue these progtams
once the foreign support phases out?" they said. As Suryahadi et. al. (1999:1) point out,
most of the social safety net funds once disbursed 'accumulate into Indonesian foreign
national debt, whose amount was latge before the crisis and has increased rapidly due to the
crisis.' The fear is that this debt will actually disadvantage the poor in the long term as
government funds are increasingly devoted to servicing debt payments, and hence diverted
from both productive investment and priodty welfare expenditures. As a result some commentators say that foreign assistance should be kept to a minimum, and that loan funds in
particular should only be used for activities that have an immediate prospect of increasing
productivity.
The problem with this line of argument is that many concerned citizens retort 'but cat'l
we afford to lose a whole generation of childten.' This is a frightening prospect indeed.
at three separate threacis
Flowever, much of the evidence of the last three years teases
^w^y
at risk? Thete are rnany
of the argument. First, can we be sure that 'a generation'is
children in need, but then the assistance should be directed very speciftcally to the extreme
cases, and not spread over the large numbers of the marginally poor. Second, can we be sure
that the interventions are not being diverted? Reports of continuing I(I(N and large numbers of needy people never receiving the assistance due to them undermines conFrdence in
the process. Thhd, have local resources and grants been utilized effectively before reliance
is placed on large foreign loans? Without doubt the Indonesian people have rnade extraordinary commitments to helping the poor in the community. There may still be scope for the
mobilization of indigenous resources through efforts at economizing on consumption (especially of the conspicuous variery) and ceremonials in favour of giving domestic priority
18
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to education, health and the welfare of those in poverty. This would seem to be the
inrplication of somc of the statelncnts of thc Prcsident when cotnmenting on the task of
povcrty allcviation. 'l'his is thc sort of qucstion that can only bc nnswered by Indonesians,
but it is onc that forcign fricnds should rccognisc nnd tcspcct.
'
Surtainahility
Docs thc proccss
of povcrty allcviation build strong institutions for both thc irnmcdiatc
assistancc of thc ncwly poor, and the long-tetm assistance of thc pcrsistendy poor? There
has becn substantial dcbatc over the chatacteristics of theJPS in this tegard. On the positive side, it is rue that theJPS for health provided institutional strengthening for the health
ccntrcs, bitthing huts and grass roots staff of the health system. It also attempted t<l idcntify thc pcoplc rnost likely to miss out on hcalth care due to routine charges and distributcd
'kartu schat' to tlrosc rcgardcd as truly poor. Thcy would not be charged thc rcgistration
fees, and would be eligible for 'free' health care. Recently it was reported that 7.3 million
such cards had been distributed to poor families, thus covering upwards
of
30 miilion
peoplc.
The reaction of many health care workers, ftom the administtative officets in clinics to
senior ofFrcials in Jakarta was one of concern. Where would the money come to maintain
tlie program after the first couple of years? At that point how could they reinstate fees for
those who (hopefully) had recovered economically and could contdbute to the operations
and maintenance of health service facilities? The Director General in charge of health
centres wanted an assurance that the JPS funds would be used to establish a sustainable
program of health assurance $PKIU). His desire was rejected by donors who demanded
that 'aid'money only be used to reduce financial barriers to access by the poor, and not to
inflate an insurance system that might not serve the poor effectively.
The jury is still deliberating the ultjmate impact of theJPS, but the prograrn obviously
did not build a sustainable administrative or Frnancial system for serving the poor, as the
SMERU results show clearly (Suryahadi eu al. 1999). The tap can be turned off. At that
point the scholarships stop, the health cards are not honoured, and the subsidies for food
and employrncnt schcmes dry up. Unless the DPR and the Departmcnt of Finance commit
routine funds in an ongoing fashion to the cause, such efforts ate destined to recede, and
schools and clinics urill return to the irnposition of a plethora of small fees and requireffrel1ts to maintain their activities.
'I'hc onc program that would seem to have the most chance of attaining sustainability is
the set of subsidised credit operations that have been promoted through the Takesra and
I(ukesra ancl related schemes. 'Ihc credit is meant to be paid back in a relatively short time
period, after which it is to be recycled through other borrovrers for productive activities.
Despite the existence of such credit institutions for virtually the entire life of the New
Order government (and back to the Dutch colonial days), it is difficult to determine if they
are indeed sustainable, or if they rely on the regular infusion of funds to make up for bad
debts or inefficiency. At a time vrhen the entite banking system is under a cloud, it may be
impolitic to request a detailed look at programs that loan pitifully small sums to poor people.
If they are working efFrciendy and effectively, they rnay have some real lessons not only for
the banking system as a whole, but also for the JPS programs in health and education. If
they are not generating higher incomes and stimulating productiviry we should probably
reflect on the wisdom of continuing the effotts.
.
Empowermeil: Actiou airued at poae@ alhuiation should terve to empower the poor
Wlrile the term empnwerrnent has crept into our daily vocabulaty and even the title of
important government ofFrces, the meaning of the term is not always clear, and the means
of turning ideals into practical realities are often obscure. The tetm needs to be elaborated
to distinguish a wide range of goals that might be followed to give people power in their
lives. In the General Gnideline of the Menko Taskin and I(esra (2000: 6) the organisation of
an integrated approach to poverty eradication is founded on a notion of empowerment.
This is meant to motivate poor families and communities to take up work and business
opportunities, and protect them from the competition of stonger groups and foreseeable
risks.
PI?OSIDING ONE
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The thetoric of the Menko documents calls fot empowerment of the poor and especially women, but the division of responsibilities among government agencies in this effort
is not consistent. In tbe General Gaideline (2000: 14-18) agencies are tasked to 'eradicate
poverty through empowering gtoups', but the link bet'ween power and politics is not spelled
out. Are the groups of poor people meant to organize themselves to defend their interests
through the political system? If not, can they really be regarded as having been empowered?
Moreover, the largest and most influential government department - the Ministry of Home
Affairs O4HA) - is not tasked by the General Guideline to empovrer the poor, yet that is the
organisation whose regulations, registrations, and direct control of a wide range of government activities has the most leverage to empower or disempower groups in society. For
many of the poor the barders to housing, employment or access to services is found in the
lack of an apptoved 'population registration' (karta keluarga, kartu penduda,€) or various
permits grving them rights in their chosen place of work or residence. The MHA has
substantial power to empower the poor', but is not given the specific mandate to do so. The
Ministry of Manpower similarly is not specifically charged with the responsibility of empowering workers. Presumable some of the most important ways of gti.g poor people
power is through the protection and promotion of their dghts to organise to bargain collectively.
When considedng the distinction between the transient and the chronically poor the
principle of empowerment would seem to be most relevant in addressing the needs of the
chronically poor. They ate the people who might be tegatded as being ttapped in institutions of poverry that can only be restrucfuted through political action and economic activNonetheless the transient poor - those who fall into poverty rapidly in times of
economic crisis - ate also in need of empowerment to address the structural conditions
that determine their vulnerability to poverty. In all these cases the central issue is that empowerment is about powef. Activities aimed at empowedng groups can and should be
monitored to detetmine the degree to which there are measurable increases in the power of
the groups to defend themselves against abuse by those who have traditionally held power
over them: the employers, the bureaucrats, the police, the racketeers and the usurers.
ism.
Conclusions and Recommendations
.
Settingprioitietfor tbe pinciples of poaerE alleaiation.
Tensions surrounding the establishment of principles for intervention were palpable in
1998-99 as governments, donors and NGOs sttuggled to direct attention and action to the
rapidly rising numbets of people in the new poor - or perhaps more accurately called the
re-impoverished. Different perceptions of the nature and severity of poverty provoked
debates in councils of donors and between different agencies of government. While the
rhetoric of the Coordinating Ministry continued.to highlight the need to develop interventions that empowered the poor, the talk of 'lost generations' fuelled efforts to strengthen
centtal authorities to move goods and subsidise services in targeted emergency relief. Poverw alleviation efforts became contradictory and confused.
At different stages of the process I was struck by the complaints to be heard across
Jakafia. Indonesian friends spoke of the damage done by donor driven programs insisting
on free and targeted disftibution of contraceptives, rice and health care services, undermining decades of wotk to sttengthen indigenous businesses and institutions to produce and
distribute these goods. At the same time well-meaning donors spoke of the complacency
of bureaucracies that wete not moving quickly to give assistance to the exploding numbers
of poor people. In hindsight it can be seen that there was no clear consensus understanding
of the nature of the poverty being alleviated and the pdnciples to be followed in designing
interventions. In 2001 the government and donors have a chance to reconsider the principles, and set out consensus undetstandings of the way in which Indonesia might most
effectively proceed.
.
ClaifiingResponibilitiet
of organisational linkages the mobilisation of resources for
poverty alleviation presents a confusing and confused pattern of overlapping responsibiliSeen only as a large plan
20
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ties. The poor and disempowered could be excused for wondering who is in charge, and to
whom questions ot complaints might be directed. At the ftont line teachets, medical staff,
and local government ofFrcials were the immediate distributots of the benefits. The programs, though, rely on Frnances from foreign entities, and rules and regulations set out by
the central government. The coordinating ministty has published a national strategy, but
government departments and donors often follovr their own agendas. NGOs criticise the
government on the one hand (often in shatp exchanges on television) but sometimes fall
into similar problems of maladministration and inefFrciency in their own projects on the
other hand. Throughout the debates hard data is dismissed as flawed in preference fot
of poverty and simplistic strategies for alleviation.
In the Frnal analysis to ensure that the poverty alleviation efforts succeed there are three
priorities that must be resolved:
. There must be consensus on preciselywho the beneficiaries of interventions should be.
The chronically poot? The newly re-impovedshed? The utban poot? The old, the
marginalised, the sick, the hungry, the minority or the unernployed bankers? Once the
beneFrciaries are deFrned in terms that are far more detailed than 'the poor'there is some
hope of agreeing on how to help them. This needs to be a national consensus, with
stereotypical depictions
.
.
international support.
There must be a greatly increased investment into the collection of valid, reliable data
on the various dimensions of poverty. The centalised statistical systems are being
cortoded by budget cuts and could collapse in the misguided st(uctures of regional
autonomy being implemented. Without good data thete wiil be great difficulty designing appropriate interventions, and little prospect of monitoring the results.
There must be greater efforts to involve the poor at every step of design and rnonitoring if there is to be any hope of 'empowering' the poor in the process.
Refetences
BPS. 1999. Crisis, Poverty, and human Development
in Indonesia
1998. Jakarta: Badan Pusat
Statistik.
BPS. 1999. Lapiran Sosial Indonesia 1998: Kemiskinan, Pengangguran dan Setengah
Pengangguran (ndonesian Social Report 1998: Poverty, Unemployment and Underem-
ployment). Jakatta: Badan Pusat Statistik.
BPS. [2000]. Perkembangan Tingkat Kemiskinan dan Berberapa Dimensi Sosial-Ekonominya
1996-1999: Sebuah Kaiian Sederhana. (Developments of the Poverty Level and Some
Social-Economic Dimensions, 1996-1999: A Simple Review). Jakarta: Badan Pusat
Statistik.
BPS. 2000. Welfare Statistics 1999: National Socio-Economic Survey. Jakarta: Badan Pusat
Statistik.
BPS. 2000. Welfare Indicators 1999. Jakarta: Badan Pusat Statistik.
I-Iayes, Adrian. 2000. Poverty and Depdvation in Indonesia: An Assessment of Data Sources and
their Use in M.;rn,.rging ,.rnd Monitoring I)evelopment Assistance Ptoiects and Ptogtams:
Report prepared for consideration by AusAID. Canberra: ANU, Demography Program,
Eastern Indonesia Project.
Ivlenko Kesra dan Tirskin. 1998. Indonesia's Poverty Alleviation Policy lteform. Jakart:r: Minister
Coordinator for People's Velfare and Poverty Eradicrtion.
Menko Kcsr:r clan l'askirr. 1999. Laporan Pclnksanaan: Gerakan Tcrpadu Pengcntasnn Kcmiskinarr
Selama Kabinet lleformasi Pembangunan (Implementation Report: Integrated Movement to Overcomc Poverty in the Tirne of the Reform Developrncnt Cabinct). Jakartl:
Ministcr Coorclinntor for Pcoplc's Wclfate rtncl Povcrty liraclication.
Menko Kesra dln'faskin. 2000. General Guideline of Program Formulation on Integrated Ddve
to Overcome Povertv. lakatta: Minister Coordinator for People's Welfare and Poverty
Eradication.
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Rerurwtruo Povrnrv Reoucnon Srnnreov
Menko Kesra dan Taskin.
ZOOO.
Ir{aster Plan
of
ttt lttooruesn
Poverty Eradication. Jakarta: Minister Coordina-
tor for People's lJ7elfare and Poverty Eradication. flndonesian version
Pradhan, Mennq Asep Suryahadi, Sudarno Sumarto, Lant Pritchett. 2000. Measurements of
Poverty in Indonesia: 7996,1999, and Beyond. \florking Paper, June 2000. Jakarta:
Social Monitoring and Early Response Unit (SMERU).
Pritchett, Lant, Aslp Suryahadi, Sudarno Sumarto. 2000. QuantiSing Vulnerabitity to Poverty: A
Proposed Measure, With Application to Indonesia. $Torking Paper, May 2000. Jakarta:
Social Monitoring and Eady Response Unit (SMERU).
Skoufias, Emmanuel, Asep Suryahadi, Sudarno Sumarto. 1999. The Indonesian Crisis and Its
Impacts on Household Welfare, Poverty Transitions, and Inequality: Evidence from
Matched Households in 100 Village Survey. Working Paper, September 1999. Jakata:
Social Monitoring and Early Response Unit (SMERU).
Sumarto, Sudarno, Asep Suryahadi and Lant Pritchett. 2000. Safety Nets and Safety Ropes:
Comparing the Dynamic Benefit Incidence of Two Indonesian JPS' Programs.
Working Paper February 2000. Jakarta: Social Monitoring and Early Response Unit
(SMERU).
Suryahadi, Asep, Sudarno Sumarto. 1999. Update on thc Impact of the Indoncsian Crisis on
Consumption Expenditures and poverty Incidence: Results from the December 1998
Round of the 100 Village Survey. Working Paper, August 1999. Jakarta: Social Monitoring and Early Response Unit (SMERU).
Suryahadi, Asep, Yusuf Suharsq Sudarno Sumarto. 1999. Coverage and Thrgeting in the Indonesian Social Safety Net Programs: Evidence from 100 Village Survey. S(/orking Paper,
.t\ugust 1999. Jakarta: Social Monitoring and llady llesponse Unit (SMEltU).
Suryahadi, Asep, Sudarno Sumarto, Yusuf Suharso, Lant Pritchett. 2000. 'Ihe Evolution of
poverty During the Crisis in Indonesia, 1996 to 1999 (Using Full Suscnas Snrnple).
lVorking Paper, March 2000.
Jakarta: Social Monitoring and Early Response Unit
(SMERU).
I Suryadhi et. al. 1999 and Pradhan et. al. 2000 also have useful discussions of some of the
princliples undedying programs of poverty alleviation.
22
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Rrrurwrno Povrnry Reoucrroru SrnRrroy
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A Strategic Guideline for
Poverty Program in Indonesia
l.
Balance between alleviation and teduction pfogram
The poverty program shourld be designed to establish an appropriate balance between various measures, programs and projects whose specific objectives are to alleviate and reduce
Mohamad
Ikhsan
LPEM-FE,UI
Poverry.
o
Program alleviation
' thrget: most vulnerable group
' Time frame: not normal, emergency, short tenrr and temporary in natute
' Measures: an improvement in accessibility
o Program Reduction
' Target people whose income below the poverty line
. Time frame: medium and long terms
' Measures: any determinants of the toot of povetfy.
It is important to note that many programs or projects which objective to alleviate poverfy
to the poorest population would acrually bring any signiFrcant teduction in the poverty rate.
Fot example, scholarship program during the cdsis would achieve both alleviation and reduction objective since some of recipients are the people whose income below the line.
2. Targeted Access and Univetsal
Ac,cess
The poverty alleviation component ttanslates to programs ot setvices targeting patticular
vulnerable groups, using cdteria of cost effectiveness and given limited resources. Thus, the
following factots should be taken into consideration:
. It is necessaty to maintain any progmms that are highly targeted, based on existing
poverry mrps such as scholarship prograrn. The attempt would be to improve tatgeting
and establish objective ctiteria, vrith btoad patticipation by the community.
. Due the fact that in certain cases targeting measures may result in high administtative
costs and may be somewhat ineffective, a balance will be sought between this type
program and others that are more feasible, such as reallocatton of expenditures to areas
or sectors where the participation
.
of
the poor is relatively high rathet than restricting
access. Take an example of scholarship program. We can reduce administrative costs by
just simply reallocating the subsidies from the level of education where the poot participation is low (higher education) to basic or and secondaty education.
Gerreral ot universal targeting program like commodiry price supports (fuel, wheat)
and protection (soybean, sugar) are not effective in beneFrting poor group and should
be abandoned, because there is too much leakage to non poor An important lesson
from past policies is that some government policies which aimed at "helping" the poor
failed to achieve its target. Among them the most contloversial is the fuel subsidy. Even
before the crisis, this program including providing subsidy for ketosene, has absorbed
almost one third of toutine government expenditures and, ironically, most of the subsidies were enjoyed by the nonpoor. Similady evidence vras found for the case of sugar.
PROSIDING ONE
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Rrrurwtxe Povrnrv REoucloru Slnereov ttt ltloomsn
3. Rapid and Sustained Economic Growth
-Ihe
key factor in the decline in poverry dudng the past was sustainablc growth. Poverty
reduction in the long run can only succeed if economic growth sustains. 'I'he decline in
poverry which occurred in Indonesia during the past thirty yeats was the sum of two effects: a rise in the mean level of per capita household expenditure and a change in its
clisttibution. It is inrportant to note that growth per se is a necessaty but not sufltcient
condition for poverty redtrction. One impottant fincling of Ikhsan (1998) inclicates that the
-fherefore
the
trade off benveen gror.vth and cquiry has already tisen in the mid 1990t.
grorvth strategy fot Indonesia in the rwcnty first century will have to be emphasized on
incrensed productiviry of agticultute, iucreasecl employment crcation in the fotmal sector,
effective increase in human capital for the poor and selective and appropriatc intctvcnrion
to cmpowcr the poot.
hl this
sense the r<lle of public sectot is funclamental creating, maintaining and streugthening the condit-ions that foster increased private investrnent, taking into account flspects
such as the macroecouomic framework, the role of the financial sectot, and infrastlucture
development. It is up the pdvate sector to take advantage of investment opportunities, a
task rvhich, in broad terms, is the responsibiliry of large entetprises, as well as of businessmen from smail ancl tnedium-sized enterprises.
3.
Sustainable Rural Development
Rural areas contain the rnajoriry of the poor and almost all of the ultta poot, and must
be the pdme beneficiaries of poverry reduction efforts. Poverty affect srnail farrners, landless farmer ptimarily in remote areas with limited access to productive resoruces and market needed to generate sufficient agricultural income. With more than half of the economically active population in Indonesia working in agricultute and more than two thirds of the
poor living in rural areas, it is obvious that efforts to increase the ptoductivity of agriculture
.,vill have to be a "co{nerstone" of a pro-poor growth strategy. Thus the following elements
ate the paramount irnpottance to the strategy:
. Consolidating, integmting and sttengthening efforts within the framework rural development program, which seeks to implement transformation processes in rural areas,
rvith an ernphasis on individuals, using participatory methods and pol-icies designed to
reduce the social and economic vulnerability of this sector.
. The high dependence of Indonesian farmers on one or two crops, of which the prices
tend to fluctuate widely, implies the need fot nore divetsification. As part of broad
based agdculture strategy, a pro poor-odented sttategy will have to focus on the delivery to poor farmers of a package of extension services, geared to a wide variery of
crops and including support in the procutement and use of inputs, support in sales and
mnrketing, f'his rvill have to be supplemented by government efforts to inttoduce cash
crops such as rubber, oil palm, coconut, etc. Such programs are not new in Indonesia but neecl a ncw oricntation since this cllrrent prograln is so managcrncnt intetrsivc
(llarlorv and Jayasurya, 1 984)
. With respect to foocl crop farmer, sight should not be lost of the fact that they have
lower incomes than expott crop farmers. Price policies are rnuch less irnportant hr:re
.
since no single ctop d<>minates incotnc, with the exception of rice and sugar. .r\ povetty
str^tegy towards food crop fatmers will have to focus on extension setvice which can
effectively reach smallholders, and promote dtvetstfication towards cash crops such as
fruit and vegetables and support in the procurernent of inputs.
The irnportant lesson from tl"re past suggests that improving tural infrasuuctr,rre should
have an additional impact on poverty rcduction and forrn a precondition fot a broadbased agriculture strategy. In addition, imptoving the operation of product, land and
capital markets - particularly wl-rere monopolies reduce fatm proFrtabiliry ot viability
(for example cloves and oranges or whcre excessive regulations raise costs or inhibit
.) ,l
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Reruewrruo Povenrv Reoucrroru SrnRrrov
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entry to ptoductive eflterPrises among the poor should be
4.
5.
a
primary concern.
Poverty and Enuironment
Regulatory reform, decenftalization and poverty monitoing
Regulatory reform, decentralization and improvement in poverry monitoring ate the key
for implementation of a pro-poor development program. Several of the action programs
proposed for Indonesia's poverry alleviation strategy will be helped gready by tegulatory
reform. This is particulady the case for actions to promote the urban informal sectot and
those to improve the poot's access to urban setvices. Excessively complicated ptocutement
rules effectively keep small enterprise out of the bidding for the government contracts.
Regulations which distort the labor market, red tape which rnakes it very difficult to set-up
an entetprises, etc., all serve to discourage prospective entreprenuers. A critical teview and
subsequent rationalization and simplification of regulations affecting the functioning of
enterprises and the delivery of urban service would create a more sound envitonment for
the pro-poor development strategy. The guiding principle should be to recognize that the
public sector and tl-re pdvate sector are not competitors in this stJategy, but can work together and achieve a constructive interaction befween market mechanism and government
intervention.
Another implementation issue is the impottance of decenrafization in effective implementa[ion of the poverry alleviarion stfategy. Recent experiences have revealed that the
national or centralized program does not work effectively anymore because the local problems are more diversified. Thus, there is a need for decentralization of decision making and
resources to local govetnment.
By increasing the total amount of resources going to provinces ot kabupaten, where
thete are more poor people, telative improvement for the poor should tesult (even if withinregion targeting is not improved). The decentralization process must thus be seen as an
important ingredient of poverry alleviation policy.
In addition to the extent possible, community or non-government organizations should
be involved in all stages of decision making process, so that there is a sense that their
participation can make a teal difference.
F-inally, as mentioned above, the importance of poverry monitoring should be taken
seriously. The starting point is imptoving the quality of database. The second steP is to
extend the coverage of database since identiFrcation of poverty proFrle at ptovince level is
still too broad. A new set of core module of SUSENAS should enable to create a poverry
level at kabupaten level. However without any improvement in availabiliry and reliability of
price data at kabupaten level, our poverty level may be misleading because of heterogeneity
over demand system.
PROSIDING ONE
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.Reurwrue Povrnrv Rroucttott Smntrev tru lruoorursn
Diskusi
L
Herman Haetuman (Modetator)
1.
2.
Dipedukan adanya upaya untuk mendeFtnisikan kembali mengenai kerniskinan.
Dalam era otonomi daetah mendatang, BPS sebaiknya tidak didesenttalisasikan karena
3.
data-data yang dihasilkannya akan sulit untr-rk dipertanggungjawabkan.
Berbeda dengan tahun-tahun sebelumnya, maka dalarrr pen''usul1^n liebijakan untuk
penglltangan ken:riskinan tahun ini pedu melibatkan masyarakat.
M. Ildrsan (Pembahas)
1.
2.
3.
DcFrnisi tent^ng lierniskinan tergantung bagaimana kita menghitung jumlah orang miskin.
I(:rrena saat ini, tcrdapat perbedaan mengcnai jLrrnlah orang miskin yang dihasilkan olc:h
data Bank Dunia dan data BPS. Selain itu, anggaran pembangunan yang tersedta
mempengaruhi kebijakan pengurangan kemiskinan. Dehnisi kerniskinan yang dibuat harus
bersifat multidimensional yang nantinya akan bergurna dalam penyusun^n hebijakankebijalian tersebut.
Perbeclaan clatur yang digunakan akan rnempengaruhi perigalokasian anggar^n. Sebagai
contoh data yang dimiliki oleh Banl< I)uhi'a tnenunjulikan sclisih antar^ jr,rmlah orang
rniskin cli claerah petkotaan dan perdesaan aclalah sebesar 187o, sedangkan clata III)S
menunjukkan seliriir antara jumlah orang miskin di daerah perliotaan dan perclesaan
aclalah sebesar 6%. l?erbedaan ini akan berimplikasi kepada pengalokasian anggaran,
yaitu terjadi perbedaan yang cukup besat dalarn mengalokasikan anggaran ant^r^ daetah
petliotaan dan perdesaan.
Dalam men)'Lrsun kebijakan pengentasan kemiskinan perlu mernpettimbangkan dimensi
regional. Seperti kita ketahui, daerah perdesaan identik dengan kerniskinan,
4.
5.
maka.
pengalokasian anggaran sebaiknya ditekankan pada daetah petdesaan.
Diperlulian adanya keseimbangan antata pengentasan kemiskinan (pouefl1 alleuialion) dengan
penguran€Jall l<emiskinan (pouerg reduclion). Saat ini, telah terdapat program JPS bidang
Pendidrkan (beasiswa) yang didesain untuk pengentasan kemiskinan. Namun, dalart
iangka panjang ptogram ini akan berdampak pula pada pengurangan kerniskinan.
Dipedukan perbaikan sistem targeting serta pengadministrasiannya untuk digunakan
dalam berbagai program pengurangan kemiskinan. Ptogtam-ptogtam yang telah memiliki
tingkat targeting yang tinggi seperti beasiswa akan lebih baik drpettahanlian claripada
program-progran yang memiliki targeting betsifat universal seperti subsidi harga untuk
komoditas beras, BBM, dan gula. Perbaikan targeting untuk program JPS bidang
Pendidikan diperlukan. Pada ptograrn ini, alokasi beasiswa untuk tingkat SD lebih rendah
daripada untuk SMP, SMU, dan perguruan tinggi. Padahal jumlah orang miskin yang
hatus dibantu pada tingkat SD jauh lebih besar dibandingkan pada tingkat pendidikan
tinggi. Dapat dikatakan bahwa jumlah alokasi anggaran untuk sektor
pendidil,an di Indonesia sangat kecil (2ok) bila dibandingkan dengan negara-negata Asia
'Iimur dan Malaysia. Seharusnya semakin rendahnya tingkat pendidikan, semakin besar
anggaran yang harus dialokasikan, karena partisipasi orang miskin juga sernakin tinggi.
Sebaliknya, subsidi BBM justru akan memperbesar disparitas Jawa dan L-ratJawa, karena
subsidi ini akan dinikmati oleh sebagian besar masyarakat di Jarva yang merniliki
aksesibilitas tinggi.
Pentingnya mcmpertahankan pertumbuhan ekonorni (ennomic grouth). Pengurangan
kermiskinan pacln masa mcndatang akan dapat bcrhasil bila pertumbuhan cliotrouri clapnt
dipertnhankan. Selain iru diperlukan pula semacarn "lrade ol/'ant,u,r 1:crtunrbrrhan clatr
penlerataan (eqaifl). Oleh karena iru, strategi pertumbuhan ekonomi Inclonesia di nras:.
clcpan harus menekankan pada peningl<atan proclul<tifitas pcrtaniau, pcningkatr,n
pcnciptaan lapangan herja di sektot forrnal, peningkatan yang cfektif pacla sumber claya
mauusia kelompoh miskin, clan langl<ah-langkah intctvcnsi yang selcl<tif clan tcpat untuk
tnembetdayakan orang miskin.
Dalam rrrenyLrsllll kebijalcan pengurang^n kemiskinau, petlu mempettirnbangkan pr.rla
dimensi spasial (perkotnan-perdesaan). Mayoritas orang miskin bemda di daerah pedesaatr,
yang lebih
6.
7.
26
PROSIDING ONE
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RerurwNo Povenry Reoucrpru Srnnreov rr.r ltloorursn
dan oleh karena itu alokasi
r^n untuk pengurangan kemiskinan sebaiknya diperbesat
"nggjuga menjadi pethat-ian adalah upaya untuk mengusahakan
untuk daerah pedesaan. Yang
r or^ng miskin di daerah pedesaan dapat keluar dari sistem pertanian dengan
dikembangkannya kegiatan-kegiatan off-farm, seperti peningkatan kualitas butuh.
8. Penyusunan stmtegi pengurangan kemiskinan memedukan pula pertimbangan tentang apa
yang lebih penting, kelangsungan hidup manusia atau keberlaniutan lingkungan. (hanan life
w enuironmental aQed).
9. Diperlukan adanya peningkatan kapasitas sumber daya orangmiskin, agar mereka mampu
keluar dari kemiskinan. Salah satu hal yang dapat dilakukan adalah dengan meningkatan
kemampuan buruh.
10. Seiak Susenas tahun 1990, tidak pernah ada data-data yang mengungkapkan tentang aset
(endownentl yang dimiliki dalam unit keluarga (horuebolQ dan net produsen/konsumen dalam
unit keluarga. Hal ini berarti, kita tidak dapat mengetahui apakah lebih banyak keluatga
yang menjadi produsen atau konsumen. I(emiskinan sebenarnya dapat juga diukur dari
seberapa banyak aset yang dimiliki oleh suatu keluarga serta kemampuan keluarga menjadi
produsen Q<aitannya dengan produktivitas).
11. Hal penting lain yang perlu dilakukan adalah, perbaikan akses politik (political anut) orang
miskin terhadap kebiiakan yang akan dibuat setta hak-hak yang mereka miliki (sepetti hak
ag
mengeluarkan pendapat).
Imam B. Ptasodio (Pembahas)
'1.
2.
3.
Paradigma yang diuraikan oleh masing-masing pembicara memiliki banyak kemiripan.
Semangat desenffalisasi dan otonomi petlu menjadi pethatian betsama dalam penyusunan
s trategi pengurangan kemiskinan.
Berdasarkan buku yang ditulis oleh Amartya Zen (Deuelopnent *freedon), kemiskinan yang
menjadi fokus utama dalam pembangunan dipertanyakan. Zen juga mempertanyakan
tentang cara menciptakan kebahagqaan (craating hEpinut)pada level lokal. Pembicaraan
mengenai kemiskinan harus pula menyinggung mengenai cara menciptakan kebahagjaan,
tidak hanya berbicara soal data. Sebagai contoh, di suatu kampung secara materjal kebutuhan
penduduknya terpenuhi, namun angka kematian (irfunt nortalifl) penduduknya tinggi. Angka
kematian sebenarnya merupakan suatu indikator sensitif yang dapat meng,r:kur kemiskinan,
karena angka kemati^n y^ng tinggi menunjukkan kurangnya perhatian pada creating bappines. Oleh karena itu, lebih penting kfuanya kita menjawab bagaimana cara rnenciptakan
happiress danfreedon dalam komunitas lokal.
4. Ukuran yang sebaiknya digunakan untuk mengukur kemiskinan dm happinur adalah
komunitas lokal bukan rumah tangga. Pemberdayaan masyarakat merupakan suatu indikator
kemaiuan masyarakat pada hal-hal yang bersifat kualitatif (misalnya happinets). Perlu menjadi
perhatian pula tentang dampnk dari suatu program pemberdayaan masyarakat terhadap
happinex masyarakat di tingkat komunitas lokal.
5. Ilal lain yang juga penting adalah mengenai perlu dibangunnya berbagai jaringan (rekted
network) yang bethubungan dengan komunitas, seperti koperasi.
6. Berbagai kebiiakan yang dibuat seharusnya betsifat lokal dan aktual, tidak lagi benifat
general, dengan berdasarkan pada data-data lokal. Oleh katena itu, tidak dipedukan lagi
adanya keseragaman data, karena pengumpulan data betbasis pada keburuhan lokal tidak
pada kebutuhan nasional atau untuk studi tertentu. Yang juga penting adalah pemberdayaan
masyarakat jangan dilihat secara rnated tetapi secata kualitatif.
7. I(edua pendekatan tersebut akan berimplikasi pada petubahan kebijakan dari sentralisasi
(nasional) menjadi sangat lokal (lon@ bavd1. I(ebijakan yang dibuat sebaiknya bukan menuju
kepada pengurangan kemiskinan melainkan kepnda partisipasi publik ynng betbnsis
komunitas lokal dan bila dimungkinkan tidak pedu rnengikuti pembatasan wilayah-wilayah
administratif (seperti kecamatan atau desa). Hal ini karena di luatJawa, jarak antar wilayah
administratif seperti antar-kecarnatan atrtu desa bisa sangat jauh.
B. Hal kedua yang penting adalah knovhdge about pouertjt. Apakah para pakar benat-benar
mengetahui tentang kemiskinan? Oleh katena ilt,.centers of exnlhnn hatus disebarkan ke
daerah, misalnya dengan pemberdayaan universitas daerah atau clmmaritJ col/ege untuk
merespon kebutuhan lokal.
PROSIDING ONE
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Rerurwrruo Povrnw Reoucnoru Smnreev rru lruooruesn
9.
I(esimpulannya adalah harus didesain suatu naltiph polit1t barcd on nultipk conditiow and
nultiple cahure, sehingga tidak ada lagi generalisasi ptogram-program pengentasan
kemiskinan.
Pertanyaan-pertanyaan
Mei Ling Oey (Insan Cita Wacana Seiahtera Consultant)
1. Saya tidak setuju dengan Pak Imam. Penentuan, pengumpulan serta pengolahan
2.
data
statistik masih pedu dilaksanakan oleh tingkat pusat, tidak bisa oleh Caerah (okal). Dananya
pun masih berasal dari pusat. Akan tetapi, jika daerah punya dana sendiri bisa melakukan
hal serupa. I(ekacauan sensus BPS bisa diperbaiki dengan bantuan dana dari pusat
(dihatapkan Bappenas membantu pula).
Pertanluan untuk KIKIS: setelah berbicara dengan 7 focal points, apakah hasil dialog-dialog tetsebut telah dikembalikan ke masyarakat dan dicek kembali ketepatannya? Bila
sudah, apakah meteka mengatakan bahwa berul itu yang kami katakan? Pengalaman
menunjukkan bahwa seringkali masyarakat diberitahu akan hasil kesepakatan atau keinginan
yang telah mereka kemukakan sebelumnya, lalu keluadah suatu hasil yang kemudian
ternyata tidak sesuai dengan keinginan mereka semula.
3.
Dalam pembahasan dengan kelompok-kelompok masyatakat tadi, yang saya tahu
t-idak
ada perempuan yang dilibatkan dalam proses-proses dialog tersebut. Apakah perempuan
tidak mempunyai konstelasi dalam pemikiran Anda, dan tidak ada yang peduli? Meskipun
sudah ada departernen pemberdayaan perempu^n, tctapi sampai saat ini masalal-r perempuan
4.
5.
juga ticlak tnembaik.
l>ertanlaan anhtk Pak Janaedi : Siapa sebenarnya pemerintah itu ? Rakyat banyak dan
pemerintah hanya satu, berarti ide-ide rakyat juga banyak dan ide pemerintah harus satu.
Bagaimana pemerintah mengakomodasikan ide-ide rakyat yang banyak itu ?
Perlanlaan antuk lY/orld Bank : perlu diperbaiki istilah (dalam paper halaman 2) bahwa
posisi Wodd Bank bukan sebagai lembaga donor melainkan lend.tr (pernberi pinjaman).
Tolong IbuJacquiline menjelaskan posisi World Bank tenebut. Selain itu, apa perkiraan
hasil yang akan diperoleh dengan pendekatan yang Ibu Jacquiline presentasikan tadi
terhadap pengentasan kerniskinan, kapan, seberapa besar, dan bagaimana ? Apakah World
? Apakah akibat dan i-tnplikasinya untuk beberapa tahun mendatang
Brank dapat menjarnin
Erfan (LP3ES)
1.
2.
3.
Saya setuju dengan Iinam, katena deFrnisi kemiskinan seakan menjadi begitu rumit. Yang
penting adalah orang miskin memiliki pekerjaan terus-menerus agar mampu rnenghidupi
dirinya sendiri. Banyakpendekatan pembangunan mengakibatkan peningkatan kemiskinan
katena menyulitkan masyarakat mempetoleh peketjaan yang berkelanjutan. Saya setuju
terhadap data statistik berbasis lokal seperti yang diusulkan, tetapi perlu melihat spesifikasi
per daerah, seperti potensi ekonomi setiap daemh akan berbeda. Selama ini tidak petnah
ada apresiasi terhadap potensi ekonomi informal (undergroancl), sehingga tidak ada data
mengenai hal-hal tersebut. Data-data BPS selarna ini tidak berpihak pada kepentingan
orang miskin. Dan juga, definisi-deFrnisi yang ada sekarang mengenai kemiskinan sudah
tidak sesuai lagi dengan kondisi yang bedaku.
Benar, bahwa perlu memperbanyak kesempatan kerja, seperti kegiatan off-farm, tetapi
jangan sekedar hanya rnemberi uang atau lowongan pekerjaan dalam bidang pertanian.
I(ernbalikan saja masalah kemiskinan kepada pemerintah daerah (otonomi yang lebih
besar), dan masyarakat diberi akses yang lebih tedradap sumber daya setempat. Sebenarnya
pengentasan kcrniskinan iangan dibuat rumit sampai ke tingkat pusat, karcna scbcnarnya
masyarakat lokal mampu mengrtasinya sendiri.
Dalam otonomi belum banyak dibahas mengenai desentralisasi surnber daya uang/hskal,
kcbanyakan mengenai descntralisasi kcwenangan saja. Sernua kcgiatan diarahkan kc dacrnh,
namun sumber daya kcuangan tidak banyak tersedia di daerah. Pembcntukan liorunl
Lintas Pelaku (FLP) atau rtakeholderc Jbrun dt beberapa daetah sulit dilakukan, karena
banyak ornop juga tidak berpihak kepada masyarakat (connanil).
28
PROSIDING ONE
DAY
SEMINAR
Reuewtruo PovrRry Reoucrtoru Srmreoy
ttt lttooursn
Didin (Dirien Departemen Ttansmigtasi dan Kependudukan)
1.
2.
Tema kemiskinan telah hilang dad agenda pam pejuang teformasi. Tetdapat "elite bias"
dalam pengentasan kemiskinan ini. I{emiskinan struktutal terjadi katena adanya pihak
luar yang sengaja memiskinkan penduduk. Untuk inr ada sistern otonomi dan desentralisasi'
Namun proses sentralisme belum diubah, terutama dalam perencanaan ekonomi.
Mirullorution sumber daya mengakibatkan korupsi. Berdasarkan berita I{ompas, bahwa
sentralisasi masih rnenghambat realokasi Frskal ke daerah, yaitu besarnyaDana Alokasi
Umum pAU) dan Dana Alokasi Khusur (DAI9 tergantung pada lobi pemerintah daerah
kepada Bappenas. Rekapitalisasi perbankan menyebabkanT0o/o uang berputar diJakarta.
Hal ini berpengaruh kepada Bappenas, karena restrukturisasi perbankan yang dilakukan
sekarang hanya akan memperkuat sentralisme di Jakarta. Siapakah yang akan
mengembalikan hak-hak kaum miskin, apakah kaum elit politik? Bappenas seharusnya
memfokuskan pada satu strategi pengentasan kemiskinan, tetapi jangan untuk meniadi
sentralisasi. Harus ada penyadaran di kalangan elit bahwa hal yang mempedancat
kemiskinan dan menghambat desentralisasi adalah enlightment
elite.
BKKBN
1,
2.
3.
Strategi pengentasan kemiskinan sebenatnya sudah ada sejak dulu, baik di kalangan
pemerintah maupun NGO. Untuk inr perlu dikaji apakah yang sudah ada pedu dihapuskan
atau diperlukan adanya strategi baru. Sebelum dilakukan hal tersebut, musti dipilah mana
yang sudah terdesentralisasi dan mana yang pedu didesentralisasikan.
Apakah kemiskinan itu problem nasional? Jika iya, rnaka harus ada kebijakan nasional
dan kebijakan lokal. Setiap sektor sebenarnya rnemiliki program Pengentasan kemiskinan,
akan tetapi belum ada kajian mana yang berhasil dan mana yang tidak. Seperti I(ukesra
sebesar 1,3 ttilyun yang selama ini telah membangun usaha-usaha kecil. BKKBN memiliki
definisi kemiskinan yang berbeda (family based). Seharusnya Bappenas dan Menkol(esra
Taskin mengkaii terlebih dahulu, kemudian yang berhasil tetap dijalankan, agar tidak
petlu membuat progtam yang batu.
Dipedukan adanya data yang akurat dan konsisten. Penilaian atas data kualitatif dapat
menimbulkan bias. Yang juga diperlukan masyatakat adalah aksesibilitas mereka terhadap
data-data yang tersedia.
Tanggapan-tanggapan
Joe Fernandez (KIKIS)
1. Proses bertanya kembali kepada masyarakat saat ini sedang betlangsung, untuk dikoreksi
oleh masyarakat dan memperoleh kepastian apakah betul-betul dokumen yang telah disusun
2.
t.
bedsi materi mereka. Hasil dialog disusun dalam bentuk buku (1 paket dokumen yang
berisi 8 buku), dan diharapkan selesai pada akhir bulan ini.
Aspirasi perempuan dalam kelompok telah dikootdinasikan oleh Yaspuk pSM yang
betotientasi pada pemberdayaan perempuan dalam usaha kecil). Aspimsi Perempuan
tidak pedu diungkapkan oleh perempuan sendiri.
kalau ternyata
Job creationinpenting. Bagaimana rnasyarakat dapat menciptakan peketjaan
masih ada peraturan-peraturan yang menghalanginya (misalnya oleh preman, Pungutan
Pemda). Sehingga penghasilan yang diperoleh tidak dapat digunakan untuk
4.
5.
mengembangkan usaha. Oleh karena itu, keamanan menjadi hal penting. Terjadi kesalahan
persepsi bal'wajob reatior itu mengarah pada perdagangan, tetapi sebenatnya tidak begiru.
Job creatian dapat iuga beratti inprouingcapabilities dati suatu komunitas, katena kita tidak
mengharapkan masyarakat kita seluruhnya meniadi pedagang.
Tentang elite bias terhadap kemiskinan struktural. Penghambat terbesar untuk
mengentaskan kemiskinan ataujob creation adalah kebijakan yang tidak memihak kepada
orang miskin. Pedu ditanya pula kepada patai-pattai politik, karena tidak ada satu pun
parpol yang memuat pengentasan kemiskinan dalam Prograrnnya'
Penilaian secara kualitatif juga diperlukan. Misalnya hatapan masyatakat, aPa yang
dirasakan masyarakat, adalah hal-hal yang tidak dapat diukut secara kuantitatif.
PROSIDING ONE
DAY
SEMINAR
29
Reruewruo Povenry
Reoucnot Smntrov
tru luoorursn
Jacquiline Pomeroy (The World Bank)
1.
World Bank is becoming less significance as a lendet, much more as donor activities at
specific programs. \We do a lot of work, together with Government of Indonesia
2.
Broad systemic programs to the entire population.
How can we do for speciFrc people ? How can we design Poverty programs ?
The poverty reduction not chemical, that's why it cannot predicted.
Make sound of macroeconomic policies. Where are the tesources? Because the resources allocated for poverty redtrction are very Poor.
A good economic fundamental still necessary, but it need to complete with an overall
policy which gives benefit to the poor, or broad systemic Programs to the entire Population (but the policy focus not only for the poor).
(G"D.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Tetence Hull (AUSAID)
1. Demografi hanya memikirkan statistik. Statistik sama dengan jumlah warga negara.
2.
3.
4.
Satu angka dalam statistik menunjukkan satu warga negara.
BPS harus diamhkan sebagai badan independen yang menjamin data dapat dipakai
oleh siapapun, ualid dan reliabh.
Statistik harus diperhatikan kalalu kita ingin memperhatikan setiap warga negara. Flarus
diawasi agar masyarakat tidak menyalahgunakan data untuk kepentingan sendiri, untuk
itu perlu ada standarisasi data.
Imam pmsodjo dalam konsepnya juga menggunakan konsep dalam buku "Imagined
Communities" atau masyarakat impian. I(onsep ini sukar diimplikasikan untuk
pengentasan kemiskinan.
Imam Prasoio (Pembahas)
1
.
2.
Dalam statistik terdapatpa hntial biat yang sangat besar. Ada kekhawatiran bahwa desaindesain yang dibuat BPS, BKKBN, dan Bappenas tidak langsung pada kebutuhan. Hal
ini terjadi karena datanya tidak bersifat lokal. Jika data bersifat lokal, mungl<tn local
communitietbisa mendapat data sesuai keburuhan mereka. Fokus terhadap data nasional
selama ini tetlalu besar.
Inagine sodefl beratn hEpiml So how fi)e can illeasilre happinu:? Dalam imagine sociery
yang menjadi unit analisis adalah komunitas, bukan rumah tangga. Misalnya seberapa
jauh partisipasi terbentuk (termasuk perempuan). Banyak masyarakat yang daerahnya
dikategorikan sebagai desa tertinggal tapi akses pada pendidikan dan kesel'ratan lebih
mudah. Begitu iuga sebaliknya.
M.Ikhsan (Pembahas)
Lebih penting melengkapi data, termasuk data
enuironmezl
untuk kepentingan lokal dan
nasional.
Herman Haeruman (Moderator)
7.
2.
3.
Poverty issue is the simple issue. Hal-hal yang pedu disimpulkan adalah perlunya
.
'.
Communiry boundaries
Local versus national data
Usul pedunya macroeconomy policy belum adayangmenanggapi.
I{ariFrkasi soal berita Bappenas di media massa.
. Gubernur dan pimpro tidak tahu rumus alokasi dana, yang tahu hanya l(etua
.
'
30
:
Indicator hnppiness
Bappeda.
Bappenas menggarap sekitar 40oh deuelopnert budgeting. 6070 dana dialokasikan
langsung ke daerah dengan menggunakan suatu formula. I(cmudian formula tersebttt
disosialisasikan ke daerah agar daerah dapat menghitung kembali.
Dana yang dialokasikan dipublikasikan di koran daerah.
PROSIDING ONE
DAY
SEMINAR
Reruewno Povenw Reoucnou SrRRreov tt't lt'toottEsur
Indonesiats Poverty
Reduction Strategy
Soekarno
Introduction
.
.
$/irokattono
Focus on oui view of the key issues and challenges involved in teducing poverty.
Poverty is established as a key cross-cutting issue in PROPENAS.
Baclqgtound
Poverty reductjon in Indonesia has been widely acclaimed as a successful. In spite
Deputi Bidang
Makroekonomi
Bappenas
of
that we have a problem.
First the gains have been gteat, but the fact of matter is that the standatd for poverty is
still quite low.
Poverty is also a subjective phenomenon.
Our development strategy delivered growth and even jobs and poverty reduction but it
did not deliver an effective sense of ownemhip.
When we began to signiFrcandy deregulate the economy in the eighties and nineties we
did it in such a fashion that the economic control rernained centered in too few people
.
.
.
.
and in Jakarta.
PROPENAS
. Briefly these were among the issues as we began to draw up this year's PROPENAS
. PROPENAS are taking a two - pronged approach. First we have to delivet macroeconomic and sector stmtegies designed to reduce povefty and second we have to deliver
more directly tatgeted poverry programs
Macro / Sectoral/ Re gional/ Budget Policy
PROPENAS provides a framework for promoting broad-based or "quality" economic
growth.
. First, we are committed to maintaining sound rnacfo-economic policies and in particular low rates of inflation.
. Second, we are working to implement sound fiscal policies that find the balance between providing a stimulus to economic activity, and ensuring fiscal sustainability.
. Third, u/e are focusing industry policy on promoting growth in line with our advan-
.
tages.
.
.
Perhaps most importantly PROPENAS'"q,tolity" gtowth strategy is designed to improve access to economic resources for all Indonesians.
Fifth, we are rapidly moving to increased autonomy fot the tegions.
We need to focus scarce government resources on improving productive capacity. This
is done in two ways. First, by spending scarce resources on maintaining infrastructure.
Second, increasing access by the poor to general public services such as educatiou,
.
health, bank credit and inftastructure.
Another cross-cutting priodty concerns the role of women and especially poot v./omen
in development.
PROSIDING ONE
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3l
RruEwtue Povenrv Reoucnon Srnnrrov ttt lxooruesur
Proverty Programs
The second prong of our anti-poverty strategy includes progtams with more direct Poverty alleviation impacts.
. A critical element of our overall poverty alleviation and reduction strategy is empowerment of local communities.
. In addressing poverty dfuecdy I think we can divide our programs into two sorts. The
first set of programs are envolving out of our effotts during the cdsis. The second are
programs aimed at reaching those in chronic poverty and many of these have been
around awhile.
There are special programs aimed at structural problems in various tegions where poverry is especially severe, usually because of isolation. Again these are special programs
designed to ad&ess poverty by improving basic health and education, and raising farm
incomes in a sustainable manner.
Conclusion
of our thinking right now These begin from o,rr decisions on macro
industrial
policy the budget and Ftnally to poverty programs more
policy, track through
narrowly. !7e need to get the grord/th process restarted, but we want future growth from a
These are the state
broader and more inclusive base.
32
PROSIDING ONE
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SEMINAR
Reruewrrue Povenw
Reoucnox Snntrov tt'l lnoonrsn
On the Efforts of
Poverty Reduction
in Indonesla
1. Inttoduction: Japants approaches on poverty issues
Japanese Government has been putting poverty reduction as a priority agenda on its
development assistance program. Japan's OfFrcial Development Assistance (ODA) Charter
states that in its basic philosophy that, from a humanitarian viewpoint, the international
community can ill afford to ovedook famine and poverty. In addition,Japan's "ODA Medium-term Policy" of August 1999 established "support for poverty countermeasures and
social devekrprnent" as a priority issues in the countty's ODA. As Japan has ptovided
coopcration thar dircctly bcncfits thc poor of devclopirrg cotrntries in such areas as bnsic
education, health and medical care, and WlD/gender, it will continue to provide assistance
to developing countries in an effort to strengthen theh policy-making implementation capabilities in the area of poverty reduction. In recent years,Japan introduced consideration for
the "global human security" perspective" in its ODA, and is actively engaged in implementing countermeasure such direct threats to human life as mines, drugs, and AIDS, while
providing for the socially disadvantaged (including the poor and women and childten) who
are the people most seriously affected by economic crises (Annex 1 for information about
JICrts activities on Poverry).
Nobuhisa
Takeda
Assistant ltesident
Representative
(Project Formulation Advisor on
linhancerrrent of
Social Safety Nct),
JICr\
Indonesia Office
pressed here are
the :ruthors' nnd
do not necessarily
reflect the
position of all
UN
agencies.
2. Social safety net and poverty teduction in Indonesia undet economic ctisis
(1) Issues on implementation of SSN programs
Since 1998, the Government of Indonesia implemented Social Safety Net (SSN) programs to mitigate negative impacts of the economic crisis to poor households in the
areas of food securiry education, health and employment generation. SSN programs
were designed by the central government with certain characteristics to achieve quick
disbursement, direct financing to beneficiaries, transparency, accountability and participatory. The programs contributed to mitigate negative impact of economic crisis on
poor. However, a number of problems were also raised during their implementation
such as targeting beneftciary, socialization of programs, and transpatency of decisionmaking. Some poor people were missed out from the program due to data used fot
tnrgeting was not well reflected the effects of economic crisis. Infotmation dissetnination was not enough due fo time constraints in implementation and it also led to the
decision-making process to be less transparent. The progtams were Ftne tuned in the
second year of implernentation to improve the targeting, ttansparency, socialization and
monitodng.
on SSN service delivery institutions
JICA conducted the Studies on the Impact of Economic Crisis in FY1998, and the
Studies on the Problems and Improvement of the Institutional Capacity of Social Safety
Net Service Delivery in Education, Flealth and Micro/SMEs credit programs in ltrY
1999. The recent three studies analyzed best practice cases in the SSN service delivery
and identiFred factors associated in such cases in view of strengthening institutional
capaciry of local institutions in delivering social safety net services. 'l'he studies were
(2) JICA'S studies
PROSIDING ONE
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J.)
ReNewrrue Povenw
ReoucrpN SrRnrroy
rru lruDoruesn
aimed to consider how to integrate past expedences to medium to long-term sustainable
social safety net setvice delivety or poverty reduction program after the current rescue
phase of SSN progams. The summary of these studies is attached in the Annex 2. The
findings of the studies were presented at the JICA-Bappenas Seminar on Beyond the
Social Safety Net Tiansition ftom Crisis Resporise to Sustainable Social Safety Net
Building Jakarta, 10 July 2000. Based on the findings of the studies, the Seminar discussed potential policy options and future direction on sustainable poverry reducrion
pfogfams.
The findings of JICA studies indicate that it is necessary to consider some of the experiences and lessons leatned from current SSN program should be integtated into lhe
sustainable poverty reduction ptogram in future. Ffustly, there is a need to secure proper
targeting' To achieve ptoper targeting to specific beneficiaries, cornmunity pu"ticiputio.t
and clear criteria of tatgeting guidelines are necessary particulady to utilize community
based data and to ensure transparency. SecondlS there are need to sEengthen function
of various comrnittees fotmed under SSN programs in different levels. These cornmittees and multi-stakeholders fotum (FLP) that include membets fi:om civil society orynnizations can Ptomote participation and tmnsparency. However there is
a
need to
ttt."--
line these committees. Thitdly, there is a need to learn from positive factors from best
practice cases and utilize as well as suengthen local instjtutions.
Although the SSN Programs were centrally designed and aime<l to reach beneFrciary
ditectly, the good practice cases indicated that the local creativiry to adjust the program
to local conditions and better coordination and support by the Llcal gorr.rrr*.rrtLr.
associated factors of such cases. ft is, therefore, capacity building of local government
on poverty reduction measures and fostering community patticipation and their nwn
initiatives are important aspects for the efforts of poverty reduction.
3. JIC,rt's approaches for poverty reduction in Indonesia
As part of JIC-lfs goal to implement "people-centered development,,, the agency is
actively engaged in poverty reduction in developing countries. It's strategy in the Freld is
divided into two patts: 1) expansion 6f rfirscl anti-poverty measures, and 2) emphasis of
poverty reduction in all facets of its operation.
JICA's approaches to poverry reduction in
Indonesia are also reflected in the above strategy.
(1) Community Empowerment Program
To expand direct anti-poverty measures,JICA established the "Community Empowerment Program" in FY1997. under this program,JICA and local NGos cooperate at
the regional level to implement proiects in such arens as matemal/child health care and
family planning, suPPort for the socially disadvantaged, community development, fostering local industries, and human resources development. Through collaboration with
NGOs, which are more experienced in problem solving at the grass roots level,JICA is
implementing projects design to meet the needs of the community. In response to the
economic crisis,JICA introduced this ptogram to Indonesia since FY 1998.
JICA has
been collaborating 6 NGOs to implement various activities that directly benefir grassroots
communities particulady in poor areas. Information about CEP projects is attached in
Annex
3.
(2) Ptoiect on Strengthening Sulawesi Rural Community Development to Support poverty
Allevia tion Prograrnmes
Since 1997,JICA has been implementing the "Project on Suengthening Sulawesi Rural
Community Development to Suppott Poverty Alleviation Programmes" in cooperation
with PMD' Mnistty of Home Affairs. This proiect-type technical cooperationaims to
foster capability of local communities in identiSing issues and needs in the region and
to improve adminisuative structure that makes the implementation of development
34
PROSIDING ONE
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REruewrruo Povenw Reoucnoru Srnnreoy rr.r h,rooruesn
ptoiects satis$ring local issues and needs possible, and to provide training for PMD staff
for human resource development.
The ptoiect has been facilitating community participation in village level. One of the
activities is to organize field visits in which leaders of village groups go to othet province for exPosure to good practice cases. The ptbject also strengthens activities of
village grouPs and encourages formation of self-hell) group groups (ISM). Efforts for
human resource development were made though the introduction of the Participatoty
Local Social Development Planning (plsDp) training program. The ToT of pISDp
ttaining Program will be carried out in August 2000. The project also provided training
on all the Camat in South Sulawesi in public policy management. Furthetmore, the
project supported 27 PMD staffs with cost sharing basis from province and district
governments to entoll in the Masters degree program in Community Development in
Hasanuddin [-iniversity. In otder to support local initiatives and development activities
at community level, the project established the rural community development support
system that endorsed by the decree of the local govel:nment. Under the support system,
local initiatives from community groups is promotecl by facilitators from NGOs as well
as PMD staffs, and project proposals from community groups ate evaluated and ap-
prized by technical assistant team in kecamatan level with technical assistance if necessaty. The successful proposals will be funded by the project. The project has been
implemented in collaboration with local NGOs and training and research instirutions of
local university' The project aims to establish the nrodel of rural community development support system togethet with the training program of PLSDP for future dissemination to provinces of Sulawesi.
(3) Incorporating poverty reduction aspect in project activities
In addition to direct anti-poverty measures, as the poverty is the comprehensive issue, it
has a direct effect on such Frelds as agriculture, forestry and Frshery, health and medical
care, social development, mining and manufacturing.
JICA gives careful considention
to Poverty reduction in all aspects of its cooperation.
JICA has been assisting various
asPects in such areas as SMEs, education, and health with above poverty consideration in
mind. In the promotion of SMEs to generate ernployment opportunities, the extensive
study was carried out to recommend strategy and pr,tgrams for SMEs developrnent. In
health and nutdtion aspect, JICA has been introducing the MCH Handbook, which
contains important health data and health information for mothers and children, in sevetal provinces such as CentralJava, North Sulawesi and East Sumatra. In addition, to
improve the quality of primaty health services,JlCA has been providing assistance in the
improvement of district health setvices in South Sulawesi. Promoting community participation in education planning and implementation is another efforts of
JICA through
the Community Participation for the Strategic Education Planning for School Improvement (COPCEP) and the Regional Educational Development and Improvemenr Projecs
(R.EDIP). These projects are implemented with consideration of importance of community participation, quality improvement of basic services, and employment generation.
(4) Futute activities on poverry reducrion
Currendy, JICA is planning to otganize the in country raining program focusing on
'r
Poverty reduction Programs using good practice cases as a training material. In such
training program, experiences of good ptactice cases will be shared by other participants
and encourage discussion among participants to share their own expedences as well as
problems they faced to learn from each other. The frst Workshop on Good Pmctice on
the issue of rural credit making will be organized on22-Z3August 2000, at Makassar. In
the WorkshoP, tePresentatives from district governments and rural financial institutions
will be invited to learn from good practice cases as well as to learn from each other's
PROSIDING ONE
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35
Reuewrue PoveRw Reoucnou SrRnreev rru luoonesn
experiences. JICA is also considering to develop a regional training program to share
other countries such as ASEAN counfties. In the regional wotkshop, good practice
cases in poverty reduction program in future based on the good practice cases and
training materials developed through the in country training program in Indonesia on
this matter. In addition,JlCA in cooperation with the NAM CSSTC, is also planning to
develop regional povetty reduction network or mailing list based on the regional training
Pfogram.
4. Towatds sustainable poverty reduction strategy
There are number of issues to be considered to formulate sustainable poverry reduction
programs such as the stable macro economic growth, pro-poor policy making and good
governance as the foundation of the poverty reduction program. Among others, followings aspects can be considered as the important issues.
(1) Current SSN programs are costly operation and there is a need to provide selective
interventions to so-called hatdcore poor. Provision of services and targeting should be
selective and information of such programs should be clear enough to ensure better
socia[zation. In future, there is a need to strengthen social safety net or social security
progrnms such as health insurance and employment insurance programs. In this regards, e fforts to improve and strengthen present programs should be enhanced. It is
also bcneficial to study other potential altematives as well.
(2) Undet the decentralization, quality oF social services such as education and health
should be maintained and further improvement of quality of services is necessary. The
local government should formulate poverty reduction prograrn with participation of
various stakeholders. In this regard, FLP should be used as a forum of discussion.
(3) Promote local government of|tcials'attitude and way of thinking to bc more pro-poor
and participatory. Cooperation between local government and NGOs, universities,
community groups and private sector should be enhanced.
(a) In the efforts to Promote economic activities at communify level, do not create any
programs that lead to local dependency. It is important to utilize and strengthen local
financial institutions as a channel of credit assess.
(5) Provide pro-poor environment and rural community development support systern in
local government level with using various networks of government agencies, NGOs,
universities and community groups. Those who can't utilize access to supporting system or environment need to be assisted by selective welfare type programs or traditional community support mechanism.
(6) Exchange infonnation of good practice cases in poverty reduction. Disserninate infortnation aboutg<lod practice and promote rnutual learning to motivate people. Collaboration with NGOs should be enhanced as intermediary or facilitatot of information.
technical know-how, and funding
5. Some thought
on poverty teduction programs: six I and one N
In considering poverty reduction programs, there would be six key words starting from
initial letter I and one starting from initial letter N. Those 6 key words starting from initial
I are Information, Incentives, Initiative, Instirudon, Infrastructure, and Intermecliary, and
the one cross cutting key word is Network. Information is crucial for poor people to
identi$r access to the services provided by outside and potential opportunities and benehts.
The availability of information about certain beneFtts and opporrunities will reduce the
transaction cost and provide incentive to take action or to participate in development activities, as the poor people perceive the benefits exceed the risks of taking action. 'I"he poor can
take initiative to take action once clear information on benefit and opportuniry are given,
which provide incentive to do so. "lb facilitate thc poor to tnke initiativc or participate in
36
PROSIDING ONE
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Rerugwnro Povenw Reouclom Smnrrov rr.r lruoonesn
certain activities, communityinstitutions such as community self-help groups (I(SIr!, farmers groups, saving and credit groups, and cooperatives play an important role by reducing
the ttansaction cost of the poor for taking action. Community institutions also provide
channel to outside inforrnation and strengthen bargaining pou/er of the poor. Infrasuucture such as rural road, ffansportation, telecommunication, and market link community to
outside wodd and ptovide important cannel to facilitate information flows. Furthermore,
intermediary organizations such as NGOs, cooperative and association of community groups
ate important actors on the poverty reduction to facilitate and promote information flows
participation and initiative of the poor people.
The ctoss cutting key word or concept for above six I is a network. The net'works of
community instihrtions, intermediary organizations and infrastructure facilitate the flow of
information and support the local initiatives and participation of the poor. In other words,
the density of such networks indicates the accumulation of social capital. It is therefore,
important to utilize and strengthen traditional local institutions as well as interrnediary organizations to encourage local initiative of the poor people for their own efforts for getting
out from Poverry. Exchange of information about local initiatives or good practice cases
that reflect various tegional characteristics will also encourage new initiatives in diffetent
areas.
Consensus
When the crisis started in July 1997 n Thailand and quickly sptead to Indonesia, the
initial concerns were with the gyrations of the exchange rate, thestock market and the need
for restoring macroeconomic stability. Over the course of 1998, this gave way to grave
concerns about the social consequences of the Indonsian crisis.
For a while, there was a lively and robust debate on what happened to the poor as a result
of the crisis. This largely methodological debate seems to have been resolved, thanks to the
fotthright manner in which BPS, in its capacity as a the national statistical agency, engaged
with its professional peers in a raoge of quasi-public seminars. Such an approach quelled
cynical speculations that the government was manipulating poverty statistics in a bid to
maximize the inflow of 'donor dollars'. We now know that consumpfion poverty rose very
sharply during the peak of the crisis, but that this tapered off as the 'inflation shock' of
1998 abated. Despite this, current levels of consumption poverty are still significantly higher
than the 1997 benchmatk. Considerable uncertainty prevails over medium-term tends in
poverty if slow growth and political instability persist.
One of the key methodological lessons that we have learned from the aforementioned
debate is that there is no single, simple approach to poverty measurement. Perhaps it is best
to focus on a 'poverty band' encapsulating alternative poverty lines rather than a unique
thteshold that leads to a contentious 'point estimate'. This will render the measurement of
Poverty into a confidence interval udthin which 'high-case' and 'lo'ur-case' estimates will be
bound.
\ife have also learned that the monitoring
of poverty requires going well beyond 'head
count'indices. They require an appreciation of the depth and severity of poverty for which
appropriate indicatots can be readily computed and have indeed been computed by BPS.
We have learned that poverty is a multi-dimensional problem that cannot be reduced to
simple numbers. It is not enough to focus on consumption poverty. It is critical to take
account of developments in real wages, on nutfitional standards and on a wide class oF
human development indicatots that fall under the rubric of capability poverry. Finally, we
have learned that it is necessary, particularly when an economy is subject to systemic shocks,
to ensure that annual surveys on which poverty measurement is typically based ought to be
supplemented by rapid-response 'mini-surveys'that can quickly ftack what is happening to
the poor' These lessons ought to feed into a comprehensive poverry reduction strategy,
PROSIDING ONE
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RErurwruo Povenry Reoucroru Smarroy rru lruoorursn
given that monitodng will be a core element of such a strategy.
While we are beginning to see some clear directions emerging from the evolving debates
on Poverty measurement, the same cannot be said of a host of othet issues. We will elucidate this proposition by focusing
. on the role of social protection in poverty alleviation
. on the link between decentralization and poverty
' on the fiscal squeeze and its impact on the government's commitment to social expenditures, such as health and education.
Social protection and povetty
There is no commonly agreed position on the issue of the costs and benefits that flow
from the prevailing practice of fiscal management. One could start by arguing that there is
no alternative (a case of TINA). The government has to diligenuy pursue rhe current
course of action. The oppottunity cost of not doing so is a fatally irnpaired financial system, a long-term cessation of the inflow of foreign capital caused by a lack of investor
confidence and hence the penistence of economic stagnation. This in turn will lead to
Iong-tetm increases in poverty, however creative the government is with attempts to protect
the poor from the predictable consequences of economic stagnation,
The TINA proposition would thus maintain that diligently pursuing the bank-restructuring Programme is ultimately pro-poot in orientation, despite the seemingly vast sums
that are being expended to sustain this strategy. Supplementing this pr:oposition is the argument that the pdmary focus in fiscal management as it pettains to funding poverty reduction programmes should be the optimization of efficiencyin the delivery of social services,
enabling the government to achieve its goals even in an era of dwind.ling public resources.
We ate not as sanguine as the advocates of the TINA proposition. We believe that an
open, but informed, public debate should occur on the implications of current and proiected budgetary allocations. After all, embedded in fiscal management are implicit value
judgements and unstated political priorities. When, for example, the government fails to pur
a cap on the escalating costs of recapitalizing the banking system, or vrhen it decides to
persist with the subsidization of pettoleum and electdcity that is five times as costly as a
social safety net programme, it is conveying a signal that it cares more about certain groups
and sectors in sociery than others. The virrue of an open public debate is thar it enables
stakeholden to consider these value judgements and political priorities in a tansparent and
accountable manner.
We also believe that the emphasis on efficiency in the use of public resources at a time
when the fiscal envelope is tightly circumscdbed creates a sense of false optimism on,what
is achievable.
if
If
there are minimal amounts that are required to fund an ti-poverry programmes,
cunent and projected tesoutces fall short of such minimal standards, then exhorting
the government to do more with less is to ask a starving person to be parsimonious with his
diet. To illusftate this point, consider the following numbers.
A casual glance at the available statistics shows that itwould cost the government around
2,3 pet cent of GDP to bdng everybody above the poverty line. This translates to roughly
Rp 26 trillion at curtent ptices. Will the government be able to mairrtain this threshold in
real terms over the medium term? Unless such a basic question is resolved, a poverty
reduction strategy runs the risk of being empty rhetoric. Our fear is that the government's
commitment to social expendirure is under serious pressure. For the year 2OOl,, for eyand
ample, development expenditure on education and health is likely to decline by 26 per cent
and 39 per cent in real terms relative to this year. It is difficult to believe that such steep
(projected) declines represent the culling of 'spare fat' from the system.
In sum, a cleat appreciation of the implications
expendirure must be at the core of any discussion
38
of current and projected budgetary
of a poverty reduction sftaregy for
PROSIDING ONE
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Rgruewrue Povenw Reoucnoru Smnrroy rru lruooruesn
Indonesia. There are competing interpretations on what these implications are. The reconof these interpretations within the context of informed public discourse is of
paramount importance.
ciliation
Moving ahead with a poverty reduction strategy: getting the process right
. As noted, identi$ring the core issues in an anti-poverty strategy and reaching a professional consensus on these issues is only one plank of strategy formulation. How the consensus itself is forged is critical. Let us te-state our proposition: we believe that consensus
building ought to occulvithin the framervotk of widespread public consultations. This
Process is fundamental to ensuring that policy debates do not become closed-door sessions
run by technocrats. The goal of inculcating national ownership
tutn becomes more feasible.
of
any
reform strategy in
We suggest a possible process that could take a putative poverty reduction strategy forward. Thus:
1. The government starts with a Presidential Commission on poverty alleviation.
2' The Commission launches quasi-public hearings from experts that trigger publicizing
of existing and forthcoming professional evaluations on the prevailing ptrtfolio of
poverty Programmes and draws in international experiences. This is combined with
regional consultations of all pertinent stakeholders.
secretariat within the Commission integrates the Frndings in a sedes of
cJiThite Papers' (e.g. on social protection,
on pro-poor fiscal management, on the linkage
berween decentralization and poverty etc) that are formally launched vrithin the cont;t
of a national convention.
The White Papers could include variants of a poverty reduction strategy (say, t'wo-tothtee versions) with a recommended option. The variants should contaioenough implementation detailvis-i-vis functions of differentlevels of government, Frnancingmechanisms, accountability mechanisms etc.
The White Papers, together with the deliberations of the convention, are conveyed to
3. A technical
4.
5.
Padiament.
6'
Assuming all above steps run smoothly, a poverty reduction strategy is set over the five
year planning period.
Donors can assist this process in a number of ways. Thus:
' They can facilitate the work of the Presidential Commission and its technical secretariat
and engage in a division of labour on the professional evaluations, reflecting preferences and cornparative advantage of different agencies
. They can facilitate the production of the White papen
. They can facilitate the regional consultations
. They can facilitate the holding of the national convention
We hope that the process that we have sketched is worthy of consideration by the
BAPPENAS and pertinent stakeholders. We stand ready to assist and support the governmcnt in building rrational ownership of a holistic dcvclol:nrcnt stratcgy.
PROSIDING ONE
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39
Rerurwrue Povenrv
Rroucrou SnRreev
rru lruoouEsn
Poverty Reduction At ttlntermediatett Level:
The Roles Of Local Government
Bhakti Setiawan
Department of
Urban and
Regional Plan-
ning Gadjah
Mada University
Abstract
Poverty reduction strategies have tended to be designed and implemented at two levels.
The Ftst is at the macro level, this involves policy and schemes designed and implemented
by central government and includes investment, subsidy, asset redistribution, pricing and
credit. The second is at the micto level, and this involves helping direcdy the poor with a
variety of schemes including credit, basic infrastrucrure, education, training and empowering communiry. Given the fact that poverty issues are unique in every locals and the trend
toward more decentralizaion, thete is an urgent need to specifically address poverry issues
at a thfud, intermediate level, that of local governments, the kabupaten and the kotamadya
levels. In this contexts, there afe many potential roles that the local government can play in
translating national policies on poverty teduction into effective schemes at the local level,
and giving support to the activities of local and communityJevel actions in helping the
poor. This paper atgues the importance of giving more roles, responsibilities, and resources
to the local governments in povetty reduction programs. It shows some practical actions
that could be initiated by local governments in reducing poverty at the "intermediate" level.
1. Economic Crisis and
Its Impacts
Economic crisis in Indonesia really became evidence on August 1.997, marked by the
drop in the rupiah exchange rate. The situation continued to worsen rrntil September 1998,
involving sharp fall of rupiah and the dramatic political developments in May 1998. The
falling of the rupiah also affected Indonesian industrial sectors with high dependency on
imported materials, such as textiles and elecftonics or with mounting short-term external
debt, such as real estate and construction industries. In consequence, massive lay off then
followed the collapse of the colporate sectors GLq 1998).
The crisis has not greatly impacted most Indonesians until eady 1998, when the value of
the rupiah plunged to its lowest point, followed then by a sharp increase in price of staple
goods. In 1998, inflation reached 787o, but in reality prices of basic food rose to between
100% to 400oh of pre-crisis prices. Meanwhile, real wage of average worker in Indonesia
fell by 47.2% Mdiastuti, 1999). This situation was further complicated by the fact that the
country was also facing its 'il/orst drought in 50 yeats-some say it was the worst in this
century. Combined with the sudden and far-reaching political changes, the ovemll consequence of the ctisis were unprecedented. 'Ihe following discussion will briefly discuss the
implication of the economic crisis into three aspects: economic growth, labor market, and
social problems.
1) Economic
gtowth
of the crisis on economic growth is very clear. The economy plunged into
deep recession in 1998, with ovetall growth plummeting to minus 13.7 percent. The
wotst contraction has been in the construction sector (-39.8 percent), the Frnancial sector
(-26.7 percent), trade, and hotel and restaurant revenue (-18.9 percent). Other sectors,
which have large contractions, are manufacturing (-12.9 percent) and transport and communication (-12.8 percenQ, while mining and other service sectors expetienced a contraction around 4.5 percent. The agricultural and the utility sectors still experienced positive
growth of around 0.2 and 3.7 percent respectively (see table 1).
The impact
40
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Renewrrue Povenrv Reoucroru Srnereev rr'r lr.roorursn
Table 1. The Growth of the Gross Domestic Product. 1996-1998
Classification
1996
1
997
{
998
By Sector
Agriculture, Forestry and Fishery
3.0
0.9
0.2
Mining and Quarrying
5A
2.2
-4.2
- tz.J
Manufacturing Industry
1
1.6
6.4
Electricity, Gas and Water Supply
12.8
13.6
Construction
12.8
6.4
-39.7
Trade, Hotel and Restaurant
8.0
6.0
-19.0
Transport and Communication
8.7
8.3
-'t2.8
Financial, Ownership and Bussiness Services
8.8
3.6
-26.7
Services
3.4
2.8
-4.7
0.'l
-14.4
By Expenditure
'
.ln o
Private Consumption
Government Consumption
-z.J
Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Formation
14.5
8.6
-40.9
Financial Stocks
-76.1
94.9
-137.1
Exports of Goods and Services
7.6
7.8
10.6
Less: lmports of Goods and Services
o.Y
14.7
-5.4
Gross Domestic Product
8.0
4.7
-13.7
Source: Central Board of Statistics. 1999
On the expenditure side of economic growth, the crisis affected both consumer demand
and investment. It is estimated that pet capita national income (based on current prices)
declined from around US$1,055 in 1997 to around US$ 460 in 1998 (based on 73oh economic contraction, and the average exchange rate of Rp.10,000/$). \x4rile GDP per capita
decteased by more than 50 percent, the decline in private consumption tilias only around 2.9
Percent, smaller than the decrease in governraent expenditure of more than 14 percent.
The effect of the crisis on inflation was also dramatic. Prior to the cdsis, inflation was
maintained below 10 percent and, in fact, there u/ere two months of deflation in the first
half of 1997, when the Consumet Price Indexes/CPl fell. A rise in prices was already
evident by the second half of 1997, with the CPI increasing by 8.51 percent, causing the
inflation rate for 1997 as a whole to reach 11 percent. Inflation rates continued to rise
rapidly in the first half of 1998, teaching a tecord 12.8 percent in February.
The exchange rate depreciated from Rp 2,400/US$ before the crisis inJuly 1997, to Rp
15,000/US$ inJuly 1998, around Rp 9,000/US$ in September 1998, and atound Rp 7,0007
US$ in Novembet 1999.The depreciation (up to 600 percent at the lowest point) was mainly
caused by excessive monetary expansion in an attempt to save the banking system from
collapsing.
It can be concluded that the Indonesian economic crisis was characterized by sharp
contraction in the real sector of the economy, a movement of resources from non-traded to
traded sectors, from import dependent to export odented industries, and from the modern
to traditional sectors. On the monetary side, excessive monetary expansion to bail out banks
led to hyperinflatiorr and drastic cLlrrency depreciation.
2\ Labor market
'fhe crisis had many implications in regard to labor market issues. While the growth of the
labot force had been telatively constant at an rnnual rate of 2.2 percent for the last several
years, the crisis has cleady increased the number employed or seeking work in tutal areas.
The estimated labor force growth rate in rural areas increased from around 0.5 percent a
PROSIDING ONE
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47
Renewno Povenw Reoucrpru Srnnreov rr'r lNrooNesLc
year from 7990-1,996 to 2.9 percent from 1997-1998. By contrast, labor force growth in
urban areas fell ftom 7.3 percent a year, from 1990-1996, to 4.7 percent during the crisis in
1997-1998 (see table 2).
Table 2. Labor Force in lndonesia. 1990 - 1998
Number (millions)
1990
Population of Working Age
1997*r)
Percent
I 999**)
1997*)
Growth (%)
I 998**)
19901996
19971998
100.0
2.2
2.6
135.7
135.1
138.6
100.0
Rural
94.2
81.7
82.5
60.5
59.5
0.4
0.9
Urban
41.5
53.4
56.1
39.5
40.5
5.6
5.1
Labor Force
Rural
77.8
92.7
100.0
100.0
2.4
3.5
58.3
89.6
57.7
59.3
64.4
0.5
2.9
Urban
19.5
31.9
33.4
3s.6
64.0
36.0
7.3
4.7
Female
30.2
34.3
36.0
100.0
100.0
2.3
4.8
Male
47.6
56.3
56.8
100.0
100.0
2.5
2.7
Employment (working population
Totalpopulation
75.9
85.4
87.7
95.3
94.5
2.0
2.7
Rural
57.6
56.1
57.4
97.2
96.7
0.1
2.3
Urban
18.3
29.4
30.3
92.0
90.7
6.9
3.2
Female
29.4
32.4
33.8
94.4
1.8
4.2
Male
46.4
53.9
95.9
2.2
'1.7
2.0
53.0
4.2
93.9
95.0
5.1
4.7
5.5
13.6
20.6
57.9
45.5
41.7
33.7
33.1
1.8
0.8
People looking for work *)
People not in the labor force
SoutcE
Notss
: Cenler of Board Stalistics, Sak6mas, yarious yoers
:' Open gmploymsnt, subjsct to soms changss in dofinition in 1994
"
Populelion ot ag6 t5 and aboye
The crisis also increased levels of unemployment. Data from Sakernas shorv that the
overall unemployment rate rose from 4.7 percentin 1997 to 5.5 percent in 1998. Preliminary tesults ftom the Susenas data also show a similat results - unemployment increasing
from 5.0% in 1997 to 6.8% in 1998. These data are generally thought to be underestimating
the size of the ptoblem. The government itself has estimated unemployment in 1998 to be
around 14.8 percent (13.7 million), while one special ILO task force estimated open unemployrnent rate in 1998 to be around t0 percenr, or 9.3 million people (ILO 19gg).
Moreover, as already mentioned, the crisis seriously affected the non-tradable sectors,
especially construction, the inefficient financial secto! and the highty import-dependent
manufacturing sectors. Labor laid off in these sectors moved to other sectors-esp ecially
the agricultutal sectors and othet natural resource dependent sectors. Sakernas data shoqr
that, duting 1998, agriculture itself to be the savior of the economy in the crisis period,
with an increase in labor absorption of 13 percent, while employment in the electriciry gas,
and water sectors declined by 37 percent, followed by mining (23 percent), consrruction (16
percent), and manufacrudng (10 percent) (see tablc 3)
In addition to these labot forces adjustments in the formal sector, it is important to note
the shift in employment from the formal to the informal sectors. Table 4 shorvs that informal sector employment share increased from 62.8 petcentin 1997 to 65.4 percenr in 1998.
When gender is taken into account, while the increase was larger for male workers, in both
years, the proportion of female workets engaged in infotmal sector activities was significantly higher than male workers (SMERU 1999: 14 -15)J
42
PROSIDING ONE
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Rroucloru SrnRreev
rru lruoorursn
Table 3. The Changing Pattern of Sectoral Employment, 1990-1998
Number (millions)
,|
990
1
gg7"*)
Growth (%)
Percent
I 998'.)
1
990
I 997**)
1
998.1
I 9901 996
1
997998
1
Total
75.85
85.41
87.67
100.0
100.0
100.0
2.1
2.7
Agriculture, Forestry,
Hunting, Fisheries
42.38
34.79
39.41
55.9
44.7
45.0
-1.9
13.3
Mining & Quarrying
Manufacturinq
0.53
O.BB
0.67
0.7
1.0
0.8
o.o
-23.0
1.01
9.93
10.1
12.9
1.3
5.8
-9.8
Electricity, Gas, Water
0.14
0.23
0.15
0.2
0.3
0.2
3.3
-36.9
7.69
Construction
Trade, Restaurants,
1
1
2.06
4.19
3.52
2.7
4.9
4.0
10.7
-15.9
11.07
16.95
16.81
14.6
19.9
19.2
6.5
-0.8
Transport, Storage,
Communication
2.31
4.13
4.15
3.0
4.8
4.7
9.3
0.7
Finance, Insurance, Real
Estate. Business
Services
0.48
0.66
0.62
0.6
0.8
n-7
6.3
-5.8
Community, Social,
Personal Services
9.07
12.57
12.39
12.O
14.7
14.1
4.4
1.4
Others
0.13
0.00
0.00
0.2
0.0
0.0
-34.6
100.0
Hotels
Source : Center of Board Statistics, Sakernas, various years
Notes: ** Population ofage 15 and above
3) Social Ptoblems
The Indonesian crisis was not sirnply an economic phenomenon, but created a combination of intetrelated economic, social, political, and envitonmental problems. Its implication
cannot thus be assessed by using purely macro-economic instruments. In particular, the
social costs of the financial and economic crisis shoulcl be carefully examined. The following discussion reviervs several key social issues emanating from the crisis.
a) Liood inrccuritl
Indonesia ptior to the ctisis was considered to be a food secure counfty. 'fhe United
Nations World Food Ptogtam (VFP) thus closed their office in Indonesia in 1996. I-Iowever, tlre economic crisis combined with the serious drought in 1,997, meant that problems
of food security emerged once again in the public agenda in 1998. T'he main issues was not
about food availability, but l'row skyroclieting food prices and dcclining worker's pr-rrchasing
power had testrictcd access fot a large nurnber of famiU,es to essential food items. Food
priccs incrcascd by morc than 118 pctccnt in 1998, comparcd with a gcneral
Table 4. Employment Share of the Informal Sector (%)
inflation rate of 78 percent. I)ata on rice
pdces is even more shocking. 'I'he average price of rice incrcased from aror,rnd
Itp 1,000/kg in 1997 jtrst l>cfore thc crisis to atound l{p 2,750 (275 percent incteasc) in carly 1999 (UNSFIII, 1999;
Feridhanuseryawan,
PROSIDING ONE
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1
997
1
998
Total
62.8
65.4
Male
58.3
61.6
Female
70.2
71.5
Urban
42.8
45.7
Rural
73.3
75.8
+1
Rrruewtrue Povrnrv
Rrouclot
Srnnreov rr.r lr'roorursur
Reduced earnings, coupled with sharp rises in food pdces, diminished dre ability of
large numbers of households across the countty to purchase adequate calories and other
nutrition needs. Data gathered in 1998 by the Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFIS2+) in
seven provinces show that food expenditutes have tisen dispropottionately in response to
the cdsis, so that:
On avetage, sample households spent74o/o of their budget on food in 1998; (compared
to 60 o/o previously)
InJakarta and WestJaw. a, the survey showed avetage urban expendirure for food having
risen 970;
Reductions in food expenditures among the poor translated into greater adverse nutitional effects in 1998 than in 1997.
'
'
'
b) Heahh
As reported by Helen I(eller International (HKI), the impact of the crisis on health conditions among the poor in Indonesia was serious. According to HI(I survey in eady 1999,
there was increased prevalence of micronutrient and energy deficiencies amongpoorwomen
and children in Jakarta and Surabaya. The Frndings include following:
' Anemia and vitamin A deficiency increasing among under-five children and their mothers;
' Fligh prevalence (around 207o) "wasting" among mothers, as measuted by body mass
index @MI);
'Ihe
situation is far worse in urban slums now than at the crisis lowest point in rural
'
ateas;
'
I
The national family planning program also threatened
nearly doubled (Widiastuti, 1999; SMEltU, 1999).
as
prices
of contraceptives have
Edacalion
Not surprisingly, the economic ctisis has disrupted the educational sector, both quantitatively and qual-itatively. With decreasing income, parents are less able to meet the costs of
education for their children. In 1998, GOI estirnated that at least 8 million primary and
junior high school students wete potential drop-outs. InJanuary 1999, the Minister of Education reported that the number of drop-outs had increased from 3 million to 3.2 million
students (see
d) Cender
table
5).
iruu
The gender impacts of the crisis are complex and heterogeneous. However, in contrast
to massive data collection efforts to identify and measure the economic impact of the crisis,
Table 5. Participation and Dropouts (DO) in Primary and Secondary Schools
Change
1
Primary schools
Participation
(millions)
D.O (millions)
D.O rate
a.
1.
2.
Secondary Schools
Participation (millions)
D.O (millions)
D.O rate
2.
3.
4.
996-1 997
1
997-1 998
29.24
0.88
3.00%
29.27
0.75
9.28
0.30
3.60%
9.69
0.47
5.10%
1
998-1 999
997/1 9981 998/1 999
1
28.99
-0.28
1.65
0.89
5.70o/o
3.10o/o
2.6A0/0
8.33
-1.36
0.64
1.11
1
1.500/o
6.40o/o
Source: Widiastuti 1999
44
PROSIDING ONE
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Rrrugwrr.ro
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thete has been very little intetest in horv it has affected the incidence of violence against
women in their homes, workplaces and in society at large. Several reports have identihed
that thete has not been a signiFrcant widening of gender gap as had been feared at the start
of the cdsis, but this is not to say that there are not areas where women or gids paid a heavy
piece. There ate indications that women' nutrition in low urban communities had deteriotated. In addition, thete has been a signiFrcant increase of violence against women. The
ilcrcase in women secking help from crisis centers, however, can reflect several phenomen^
nt 6nce: a teal increase in the incidence of violence against women, and more confidence
among u/omen rvho ate the victims of violcnce in rcporting such incidents (SMERU, 1999).
Accotding to SMllltU (1999), gender issues were covered only sporadically in the design
and development of tl-re eatly crisis response program such as Padat I(arya. In part this was
dr:e to thc lack <if cluicl< tnrnaround information on the social impacts of thc crisis including the ways that'the crisis has affected men and women. In general, howeveq women and
gids have shared the impacts of the crisis but they have not always shared the benefits of
the response progfams.
(e)
Soda/ relationr
Another social problcm that need to be dealt is concerning social relations. An erosion
of social telauonships is reflected in tising ctime and domestic violence, and weakening of
comrnunity cooperation and patticipation. As reported in the mass media, crimes are incteasing everywhete. Particulady in big cities, stteet crirnes, robberies of taxies, looting
stotes selling foodstuff, looting of plantation and Ftsheries product ate increasing. The
iucreasing and wide-spread ctimes then has caused increasing feeling of insecurity. Further,
declining income and inctease prices has forced people to work more. This will reduce time
fot volunteer social work and other non-wotking activities.
2. Poverty Deepening in Indonesia
With massive layoffs and high inflation, it is understandable that the incidence of poverry would signiFrcantly increased. In mid-1998, the Centml Bureau of Statistics (BPS)
estimated that the nurnber of people living below poverry [ne had reached 80 million,
incline 40o/o of the population (compated to 11% priot to the crisis), applying the same
methodology as 1996.r
An animated debate tegatding estimates of the number of poor people
has its origins in
theJuly-August period in 1998 pooth, 1999). The World Bank produced its update on rhe
Indonesian crisis Suly 1998) which estimated that poverty would dse ftom 10.10 in 1997
to 14,1"h in 1'999. This Frgute was in sharp contrast to the BPS projection of a dramalic
increase in poverty in 1998. More or less simultaneously, an ILO/UNDP study released in
Jtrne 1998, estjmated that poverry incidence would be around 48%by end-1998. InJanuary
1999, Popelle et al. responded to the BPS and ILO/UNDP estimates suggesting an "upper
bound" of poverry incidence around 20o/o, and an estimates lower bound around l4o/o (see
table 6).
'Ihe flawed analytical premise of the IIPS and ILO/UNDP projections, the need to
regain national confidence, and the concern over waste and potential abuse of social safety
net funds, have combined to create a strong momentum to re-engage in the debate on social
imPacts of the Indonesia crisis. This re-engagement has culminated in new, non-SUSIINAS,
survey data emerging in eady 1999 that enables analysts to suggest that the change in
aggregate Poverty was in fact quite moderate. The latest evidence compiled by BPS and
facilitated by UNDP - suggest that the incidence of poverty at the aggregate level was
around 24o/o in December, 1998 (UNSFIR 1999). Poverty incidence therefore increased by
12'47o/o, Febtuary 1996 - December 1998, or by around 26.2 mllhon In urban areas, the
number of poor increased by 10.1 million, compared to 16.1 mill-ion in rural areas.
PROSIDING ONE
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Table 6. Summary on Poverty Number Estimates
T*
1
ffiff{
ilHi.f,g ''r
BPS
Poverty line benchmark:
SUSENAS 1996
(July 1998)
Urban = Rp52,470/month/capita
Survey on crisis
impact on cost of
production and the
informal sector. 1998
Rural = Rp41.558/month/capita
2.
World Bank
(1
998
Baseline poverty rate 10.1 (1997);
Poverty rate = 39.1%
(79.4 million)
urban = 22.6 million
rural
= 56.8 million
n.a.
Poverty rale =
14.1o/o
assumed of a 12 % fall in GDP
3.
ILO/UNDP
Simulation using 1996 SUSENAS
n.a
Poverty rate = 48%
4.
Popelle et
al (1999)
Poverty rate in 1997 deflated by
1997 "realterms" (IFLS) deflator
The 100 villages
Poverty rate = 19.9%
Urban = 15.8%
survey;
IFLS (lndonesia
Family
Rural = 23%
Life Surveys)
5.
BPS.UNDP
(May 1999)
Poverty line:
1998 SUSENAS
Urban = Rp. 96,182
Rural = Rp.72,312
Survey on crisis
'
Headcount Index
impact on
unemployment and
poverty Dec. 1998
Poverty rate =
23.81% (48.7 million)
Urban = 21.58%
Rural= 25.27%
Source: Bapennas'1999; lkhsan 1999; UNSFIR, 1999
Anotherimportant dimention of the crisis is the regional dimensions of the Indonesian
ctisis. In otder to understand regional differences in the impact of the crisis on poverry,
Sumarto, rilTettenberg and Pritchett (1998) use kecamatan-level survey data collected by
BPS. Their srudy fond thal (1) urban ateas have been harder hit by the crisis than rural
ateas; (2) both urban and rural ateas on Java have been hard hit relative to othet areaa; and,
(3) the magnitude of the crisis impacts is not correlated with pre-crisis levels of poverry.
The third point implies that 'lttle connection befween initial poverty and the manitute of
the impact and that many of the ateas hardest hit were the relatively well-off ateas that had
booming modetn economy sectots pre-crisis.' Othet hard-hit areas were urban areas in East
ka[tnantan, West kalimantan, North Sumatra, Aceh, Lampung, Nusa T-enggara'Iimur. parts
of the Outer Isalnds reported positive effects from the crisis, largely through increased
export earnings due to exchange rate depriciation (Cameron, 1999).
The impact of the crisis itself in rural areas is an issue requiring further srudy. There
have been divetse reports on the impact of the crisis on village development patterns. For
example, Betman, Witadi and Woltets (1999) have argued that rural communities are in
disarray while, by contrast, White, Dwiyanto, Husken and I(oning (1999) pointed our rhat,
thus far, the impact of the crisis has been limited, and that village life goes on as usual.
Dwiyanto (1999) teported that local government agencies are presently confronted with
large sums of moncy with wl'rich to irnplement SSN programs. This has tendcd to contribute to a tural construction boom, as building activities are popular absorbers of funds
(Sandee, 1999; Dwiyanto, 1999).
In brieft, there is little doubt that the severity of the economic crisis in Indonesia is
greater than that in other cdsis affected countries in the region. The situation is worse in
Indonesia because 1) the economic crisis was immediately followed by the El Nino-telated
drought and widespread forest Ftes in part of Kalimantan and Sumater a;2) by the politicai
crisis that resulted in change of govetnment, this was accompanied by dots that had the net
46
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effects of dissuading foreign investment, disrupting foocl distribution network, and leaving
the counuy prone to civil disturbances. At the same time the government's ability to mount
an effective response to all the three interlocking crisis has been tempered by gowing
social tension and uncertainty. The consequence is clear, povefty deepening in Indonesia.
3. Engaging Definitions of Poverty: Toward a Con<:ept of Plutal Poverties
Up until the ptesent the most common definition <lf povetty has been the income,/
consumption model where a person or household is deFrred as poor if they are depdved of
access to economic resources which are insufFrcient to acquire commodities to meet basic
material needs. Basically this is a physiological deprivation model and involves two methods
of measurement. The ftst is a food- energy method which estimates the food-energy minimum tequired to satis$r dietary energy (caloric requirements). The second called the foodshare method estimates the minimum cost of a food basket sufFrcient to fulFrl basic food energy needs. This permits the creation of a poverfy line that represents an adequate intake
to achieve a required calorific level.
The second apptoach to the measurement of poverty is the basic needs approach which
is much broader including minimum speciFred quantities of needs such as food, clothing,
shelteq water etc. A lack of these basic needs is seen a condition of social depdvation
which also includes such features as lack of access to services such as education, income
and housing which has become an important component of development planning in the
dccades since the nineteen seventies.
There ate considerable difficulties in employing both of these approaches in a ctoss
country context particulady the basic needs approach which is much more holistic and
requires more data input. Therefore most countries adopt the first approach using household consumption and income data based on household surveys conducted at regular intervals. International agencies such as the Wodd Bank have attempted to overcome these
problems of international comparison by adjusting household income and consumption
data by purchasing power parity (PPP).These poverty levels can also be adjusted in relation
to the Per capita income in a given country. It is impottant to stress that the use of income
and consumption surveys presents considerable difficulties at times of econornic shocks.
First, because the data is collected over a given time pedod, for example once a year or even
longer, this means that any mpid acceleration of peoplc living below the poverty line as a
consequence
of
ic shocks is
difficult to measure quickly. Secondly the house-
hold income d^t^may be under-reported. Third, there is insufficient attention paid to ruralurban differences in the estimation of poverry numbers. Fourthly, macro-economic shocks
often result in high inflation in food prices in urban areas so since they form such a latge
component of the basket of consumption goods increased food prices increase the numbers of people living in poverty. This latter pointwas central to the debate over the nurnbers
of people who fell below the poverty line in Indonesia in the first year. of 'kitmon' (see
section 1 of this paper)
This papet argues that the concepts of "plural poverties" must be introduced which
captures the diverse target group of people below the poverty line. These would include
groups such as unemployed youth, poor farmers, women-headed households, and the poor
population in the informal sector. The concept of plural poverties involves mote flexible
ideas of "Access" and "deprivation" that enable more effective tatgeting of the recipients
of poverty programs.
In particular, thete is more need to understand how households react to situations of
poverty and what stratcgies they adopt to cope with povcrry. In some cnses, households
adopt sftategies that involve non-matket relations: gift and labor exchange, mutual assistance, etc. For example, a recent study on credit soutces for rural households in rural Vietnam found that approximately 1,/3 of all monetary loans were accounted for by relatives
PROSIDING ONE
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Renewrne Povenrv Rroucrrou Srnnreov rru lruoonesur
(seeJohnson 1996:1).
In the case of fndonesia, it may be suggested that there are four main categodes of tlre
"poor". While these categories often ovedap, they do tepresent a framework for targeting
recipients of "poverty alleviation" programs. The following categories are listed:
4 populations whose poverfy reflects persistent regional underdevelopment, e.g. !7est and
East Nusa Tenggara
b) populations who fot various reasons are vulnetable because of their social characteristics, e.g disabled, orphaned children, single mothers and the old aged
.) populations who have become unemployed because they have been laid off ftom wage
work. This creates a condition of open unemployment
d) populations that are unable to earn enough income to provide basic sustenance needs.
These populations are focused in the most densely populated rural regions of Indonesia, particulady Java.
Further explanation on plural poverry is provided by Setiawan's study on urban poverty
in Yogyakarta (1999). From his observation in Yogyakarta, he found that there are many
types of urban poor, each with their specific issues, problems and responses. First are those
of temporary migtants from the rutal areas who work in informal sector activities. These
kinds of people seem to have better capacity to cope with crisis since they have rwo alternatives of income-one in the ciry and another in their rural origin. Second are those of
permanent kampung residents who live and work in the city; they work in various economic
activities, but mostly in informal sector activities.
Third, are those who previously
Figure 1. lndicators of Increasing Vulnerability among the Poor
work in the formal sector activities,
perrw)ent
but then lost their jobs due to the
Oec[re ln occass it soclrl
[N
ol
lob.
'
ond ecorbmlc hf roslrrrchie.
Oecllne ln s€cure wog€ €mploym€nt,
economic crisis. Fourth are those of
Dec[re In school otlendonc€,
Decllne ln Income
Oecflre in occess to h€olth
the disabled, the aged, and the kids.
SeMCeS
lrcreoslng pelsorcl
Itr4ulty
ln pubfi:
as socially unacceptable, the
Decllre h Inl€|s
tutg the criminals and so on. Each
reclproclty.
of
D€cllre ln
communllv
fogelh€mess.
comlilon.
Hlgh level ol overcrowdlng,
b|eokdown.
lrcreose domesllc vlolence.
Householcl extensbn thol
reduces the |ollo of €otners ond
non-eorn€f,l.
lnottlwot rirorngn b bolonc€
rultlpl€ responslHllly orld
communlty porllclpollon.
Notes: Adopted from Moser, 1996
ally understand the lives
prosti-
ploces.
fwsefpkt
lrlcreosed
evlcflon.
Deledorotlon ol hourlng
Fifth are those who are forced to
work in an area which considered
them has there own characteristics and problems, but they all were
able to survive with relatively litde
support from both the government
and non-government agencies.
In bdef, this paper argues that
the reality of urban poverty in Indonesia is complex and varied and
rarely fits the perceptions or assumptions of outsiders. Indeed a
mote detailed study is needed to re-
of
the poor. However, it is clear that the whole process
of
the
intervention, from establishing objectives through design and implementation, rnust be developed based on a better understanding on how the plurality of poverry affects each type
of poor group and the responses of poverty allevintion agencies.
Vulnerability and the Importance of Social Capital
'fhc abovc disctrssions on the economic crisis nnd its impact shows drat thc cconomic
crisis in Indonesia has many negative tcsults for the urban poor. 'fhe severiry of thesc
tesults vary, depending on the type of the utban poot and their ability to cope with pressures. In general, however, there is a tendency of increasingvulnerability-defined by Moser
4.
48
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RenrwNe Povenn Rroucitoru SrnRrrov tt't ltloouesn
(1996) as the insecuriry of the well being of individuals, households, or communities in the
iacc of a changing cnvironment.
As can be seen in Figure 1., there are several factots that if they do not operate effectively
can increase vulnerability among the poor such as employment, social capital, household
relations, housing, and human capital. As the economic crisis accelerates the severity of
these Frve aspects, there is increasing risk and uncertainty among the poor. It is ttue that the
poor have ahvays had strategies for day-to-day coping with low incomes, high consumer
prices, and inadequate economic and social infrastructure. But when the economic crisis
hits the poor and when theit asset bases become so depleted, the poor are exttemely vulnetable.
Further detail study is needed to explore factors impottant in increasing or decreasing
v:rlnerability among the urban poor. Study done by Setiawan on the impact of economic
crisis on urban poor in Yogyakarta (1999) shows that the tendency for increasing vulnerability among the poor are clear such as: loss of permanent job; decline in secure wage employment; increasing crimes and social conflicts; decline in access to social and economic inftartructure; inability of women to balance multiple responsibilities and community participa-
tioii.
In this situation, there is the need for the external agents to help the poor so that they
rvould able to restore their assets or to increase their ability to cope with pressures. Various
means could be developed, but the basic requirement for helping the poor is to be able to
increase their social and human capital and to transforrn those social and human capital into
productive activities.
To help the poor requires
a comprehensive, holistic, socio-economic approach that recognizes the complex interdependency of not only economic but as well as social and human
capital. The possible erosion of social and human capital during the economic crisis can
break dorvn community-based systems for delivety and maintenance of social and physical
infrasttucture.
In this context, attention should be paid to the ways to strengthen existing social capital.
Revitalizing grass-roots level indigenous institutional mechanisms like religious groups and
community-based cooperatives for channeling vital productive inputs and local human capital
aqd material resource mobilization would be vital for the strengthening of dre social capital
or to reduce the possibiliry of a bigger and deeper social crisis.
5. From Social Safety Nets to Social Welfare Policy
In responscs to the crisis, the GOI and the people of Indonesia have initiated a number
of crash-programs, or SSN programs, that can be categorized into four main areas: (1) food
security; (2) social sector ptotection (realth, education, family planning, and social services);
(3) employment generation; and (4) SME development. A typology of this SSN program is
presented in table 7.
As has explained by Haetuman (1999) the above SSN schemes were considered by the
GOI as a crash-program which was not comprehensively planned. Seveml new initiatives
were tllen developed to avoid the eadier mistakes. Three new initiatives are now being
implemented namely: (1) i(ecamatan Development Program (KDP); (2) Urban Poverty Progtam (uPP); and (3) PDM-DKE (Penberdajtaan Daerab dakn Mengatari Danpa/e IQ*fu E,btoni/
he Empowerment of Regions to Overcame the Impact of Economic Crisis).
The I(ecamatan Development Program/KDP has concentrated on addressing the needs
-f
of ruml communities in combating poverty. It focussed on providing support to both pdvate sector economic activities as well as public infrastructure development. It was initiated
before the cdsis and reprogrammed to mitigate negative impacts of the crisis in rural areas.
The Urban Poverty Ptogram (IJPP) has an objective to empower local communities to help
rcsidents overcome a poverty in urban areas. The project will.provide capital to revitalize
I)ROSIDING ONE
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Renrwne Povrnrv Rroucnoru SrnnrEov rN INDoNESTA
Table 7. A Typology of SSN Programs in lndonesia
Agent:
Government
Quasi-government
NGOs
Local
Communities
Tvpe:
Food
Food subsidies:
Market operation;
security
OPK (market operation)
Darma Wanita
CRP(community
recovery program)
Dapur umum;
YKSM;
Suara lbu Peduli
YKSM
Social
protection
Scholarships;
Darma Wanita
CRP;
RT, RW;
DBO (subsidy for schools)
UPC;
Bunga Seroja
School grants;
PPSW;
Koperasi K5
Health services;
GIRLI;
Nutritional services;
PKBI
Grants for hospital
Employment
generation
PMTAS (supplementary feeding
for school children)
Padat karya (PKPS-PU; P3DT;
PKH; P3T; PDKMK; )
PDM.DKE;
KDP (kecamatan dev. Program)
Padat karya;
LIP.YUIMS
Warung Koboi
CRP;
PPSW.IGA;
YSM;
PLSP
PPK.
SMEs
KDP
PDM-DKE
CRP
PEKAPEK;
KSM/CBOs
YAKKUM craft
Source: compiled by author from several sources
economic activities of the communities and improve infrastrucfures. The PDM-DI(E is
another new initiative by which funds are sent ditectly to the people, using a communitybased approach. The scheme seeks to generate employment and income among those hardest
hit by the cdsis and to imptove the ovetall functioning of social and economic improve
inftastructure with a view to reinvigorating local economies across the entire country.
By deFrnition, social safety net (SSN) programs are aimed at helping the most vulnerable segment of society enabling *rem to deal with serious short-term social needs so that
they are able to survive. In fact, as shovrn in the Indonesian case, it is difFrcult to determine
what is included and what is exclurled under Social Safety Nets (SSN) Programs. In other
wotds, the entite design of the SSIrI ptogtams in Indonesia suffers from lack of clarity and
transparency regarding which groups receive how much and what forms of assistance.
In tegard to SSN programs beiug implemented in Indonesia, it is obvious that there is
considerable confusion as to what can be clasiFred as truly SSN schemes. Particulady in the
first year of its implementation, there were activities categorized by the government as
SSN schemes which did not have the chatactedstics nor the functions of SSN schemes.
Furthet analysis on the plethola of the SSN activities in Indonesia shows them to be
composed of the following: (1) nerrly designed initiatives such as CRP; (2) old programmes
that have been revised such as the l)adat Karya; (3) reoriented existing programmes that ate
implemented primarily thtough sectoral programmes; and (4) expansion of existing poverty alleviation programs.
While the SSN schemes innitiated by the GOI are wide ranging, there is a general
perception that these schemes a.re fragmented. These schemes neither seemed to contain a
coherent policy framework nor financing-targets and monitoring systems. Interventions
are targeted at specific sectors vrith almost no cross-sectoral influences factored into the
50
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Rerurwruo Povrnw Reoucnoru Srnnreoy tru lruooNesn
design. Program design is almost totally divorced from macto-planningptocesses, and there-
fore lacks an integrated approach in the overall national recovery effotts. In this rcgatd, a
closer look should be taken at the existence of conflicting programs.
In brief, the main task is now to move beyond a situation of immediate relief, streamline
the policies and deFrne an effective long-term approach. In other words, there is an urgent
need for the GOI to establish a much broader and longer social'welfare policy. Three
reasons behind urgent attention to the design of a comprehensive policy of social welfare,
of which the SSN is but one element, in Indonesia. First, urbanization and globalization
will continue to bring pfessures to local environment so that social issues such as Poverty
rvill remain appear. Second, social expenditure constitutes the largest component of the
government budget. Third, a prolonged economic clisis, accompanied by a rise in poverty,
irnplies that social assistance will remain at the forefront of the policy agenda in the coming
years.
6. Povetty Reduction at'(Intermediate Level" and'the Role of l-ocal Govetnment
It should be cleared to everyone that the nature of the Indonesian ctisis is not merely
economic, but it is a combination of a series of inter-related ptoblems: economic, social,
political, cultural, and environmental. Thetefote, using economic instrurnents only will not
solve the problem. The GOI should also tealized that policy and program on poverty alleviation cannot rely only on macro economic policy. Micro economic policy ot social policy
should bc adopted together with macro economic policy to alleviate Poverty.
With regard to the above argument, certaindy that the GOI needs to look beyond the
SSN prograrns and starts to think about a more longer and btoader social policy programs.
Attention rnust be focuses on the effective design of a social welfare policy fot Indonesia as
it moves from what might be a ptolonged economic crisis to a hesitant recovery.
The debate on social policy in Indonesia needs to move from numbers and information
to objectives and institutional framework for the design and implementation. One lesson
which the new government should draw from from the Suhatto period is that "top-down"
command structure, are increasingly less well suited to providing more differentiated and
higher quality of services for the poor as counffies developed. In this context, it is important to involve local governments, both at the design and the implementation of the social
policy as it is a part of the decentralization and democratic transformation occuring in the
country.
Poverty reduction strategies have tended to be designed and implemented at two levels.
The Frst is at the macro level, this involves policy and schemes designed and implemented
by central government and includes investment, subsidy, asset redistribution, pricing and
credit. The second is at the micro level, and this involves helping direcdy the poot with a
variety of schemes including credit,.basic infrastrucfure, education, ttaining, and empowering community. Traditionally the Ftst has been more targeted by the international agencies
and development banks working with national governments, while the second has been
promoted and suppotted more by NGOs and CBOs working with donors agencies.
Given the fact that povetty issues are unique in every locals and the ttend towatd more
decentralization, there is an urgent need to specifically addtess poverty issues at a third,
intermediate level, that of local governments, the kabupaten and the kotamadya levels. In
this contexts, there are many potential roles that the local government can play in translating
national policies on poverty reduction into effective schemes at the local level, and grti"g
support to, the activities of local and communityJevel actions in helping the poot
As has argued by Wegelin (2000), local government has the opporh:nity to act on poverty reduction strategies whereby specific manifestations of povetty ate systematically reduced, resulting in short and long-term conditions, In this context, it is important to rernember that what is really needed by the poor is not always financial capital assistance, but
PROSIDING ONE
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Reruewtue PovrRiv Repucloru Srnnrtoy rr.r lruooruesn
a conducive environment which enable the
poor to establish social and economic nerworks
ilon-gor.ernmental otgan)zaions are often the
among themselves. Local government
"nd
best institutions to provide this conducive environment.
This could include sevetal activities as follows:
. Creating enabling conditions for informal sectors to operate and develop
. Employment ceation through municipal works
. Establishment of credits for SMEs
. Provision of marketing advice and information support
. Training and capacity building support
. Provision of secudty of land tenure
' Access to urban services and land
As can be seen in Table 8 below, sevetal actions could be undertaken by local government to help the poor. In this context, it is important that poverty alleviation programs are
designed to coPe with all types of the poor. Particulady in time of crisis, several actions or
Programs should be carefully designed that could help the ability of the poor to mobilize
their assets to prevent increased vulnerability. Table B below shows several examples of
programs that may be beneficial for the poor, particularly in time of crisis.
Table 8. Plural Poverties and Plural Programs
Dimensions of Poverty
Economy:
'| .
2.
loss of lncome
decline in secure wage
emDlovment
Human capital:
6.
7.
8.
9.
Deficiency of human
resource;
Health problems
Drop out from school
Nutrition problems
possible Responds/Actions/proqrams bv Local Government
fmmediate income support such as PadatKarya
3.
4.
5.
10. Provide adequate, accessible low-cost health care and primary
1
1.
12.
13.
14.
1
P
Income generation
Establish credit schemes for home-based enterprises
5.
education
lmprove /enhance the 'Posyandu" (community health center)
services
F ood subsidy/security
Shelter for street children
Subsidy for contraception
Special support for the aqed. disabled. and sinole oarents
hys ic/infrastru cture:
16. Lack of access to
17.
18.
19.
infrastructure:
Overcrowding
Unhealthy environment
Deterioration of housing
20. Provide clean water supply
21.
Provide better infraslructure for vendors/informal sectors activities
22. Continue Kampung lmprovement Program
23. Credit for housing improvement
24. lmprove access
to land for lhe poor
slock
Familyrhouseholds
problems:
25. Stress
26.
27.
28.
Domestic violence
Marital breakdown
More burdens for women
Soclal problems:
33. Crimes
34.
35.
36.
Decline in community
togetherness
Decline in inter household
reciprocity
War among kamoung
29.
Provide community-based care for children
30. Subsidy for PKK (family welfare program) in each kampung
31. Subsidy for Karang Taruna (Youth Group) in each kampung
32. Subsidy religious groups
37. Established and strenglhen community-based organizations
38. Support community programs
39. Support religious facilities and activities
40. lnvolving community groups in income generation programs
41. Strengthen and support RT and RW institutions
42. Develop networks among community based groups
43. Enhance "gotong roycng" activities within kampung
44. Provide community facilities, especially for youth
45. Enhance community-based solutions to crirne (night watch etc.)
46. Enhance studv qrouD for children within kamounq
Lasdy, it is impottant to note that intervention to help the poor should remembered that
interventions complement and strengthen, rather than substitute for, people's own initiatives. To achieve this, the whole process of the intervention, from establishing objectives
through design and implementation, must be open and equal dialogue between participants
and planners/interveners. Local governments and NGOs could play their role in mediating
52
PROSIDING ONE
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Reuewrue Povenw REoucrou Srnnreov ttt lltoorursn
'
this open and equal dialogue.
Ilor local governrnent to undertake poverty reduction schemes does not necessatily require a change in mandate nor in powers, and may also not necessarily require additional
funding. Particularly if a participatory approach is used that wotks in partnership with local
communities, NGOs, and private sectors, existing resources can be more efFrciently deployed to undertake poverty reduction schemes'
However, local government action may be made difficult or constrained by financial
andf or political dependence on cenftal government, a lack of clarity of functions and responsibilities, or lack of a coherent policy for addtessing urban poverty. This as well as
possible changes in responsibilities of local government and the authority to act as a financial intermediaty requires an intensive dialogue with centml government. The need for
generating ancl increasing nccess to financial resources may also require a futther change in
local government powers.
A goocl ncws is that intcrnational agencics such as UNDP, UNCIIS (IJabitat), UNCRD,
the Wodd Bank, regional development banks and bilateral supPort agencies increasingly
share the above perspective and have begun supporting poverry reduction activities at the
local level flVegelin, 2000). Therefore, it is rea\ challenges for local governments in Indonesia to take this opportunities and develop their capacities to solve poverty-telated problems.
7. Conclusion
Given the fact that poverry issues are unique in every locals and the trend toward more
decentralization, the burden of poverty reduction will have to be carried largely by local
governments, which are often ill-prepared to deal with this. Howevet, even within many
constraints that the local government faced, there are many options that can be undertaken
by local government to reduce poverty at the 'intermediate" level. In taking positive actions
to reduce poverty, local governments must develop partnerships with community- and pdvate sectors stakeholders, as 'well as work in effective engagement with othet agencies of
government.
In this context, there is an urgent need for a majot effort in building the capacity of local
governments to be able to undertake these challenges. This implies tmining of local government staff as well as institutional and Ftnancial supports to strengthen the local government
units concerned. Support in this area by the international agencies is pethaps a more important tfpe of investment than financing physical inftastructute. Fot the local governments
themselves, experiences gained through the implementation of SSN schemes in Indonesia
could be further utilized.
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References
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Jakartai Bappenas.
Bappenas (1999) P*erjttk Pela,Qlauar Pmgrum Penbenlryaar Daerab Dalam Mangatati Danpak lGisit
Ekonomi (nplenefiation Gaifuline: Bcgional Enpou,ermeilt Program to Cope uith the Critil. ltJnpublished report. Jakattat Bapennas.
Bappenas (1999) Infornati Progran-Program laing Penganan Sotial Taban Anggaran 1999/2000 (Information on Social Safery N* Pmgrans for | 999/ 2000 Fitcal Year). Unpublished report.
Bappenas (1998) Prryek Penangnkngan KenisAinan di Perkotaan (IJrban Poueryt Projecl) IJrpublished
Report.
Booth, A. 0999) "Survey of Recent Developments." Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Sttldiet,Vol. 35.
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Booth, A. (1993) "Counting the Poor in Indonesia." Bulkting of Indonetian Economic St/d;et. 29 (1)
BPS (1997) "Proyeksi Penduduk Indonesia per Ptopinsi 1995-2005" (Indonesian Population Proiection 1995-2005) Jakatta: BPS Report.
BPS (1998) "Statistik Indonesia 1997" (Indonesian Statistic of 1997).Jakarta: Badan Pusat Statistik.
BPS (1999) "On-the^Ground Monitoring" Survey Report. Unpublished.
Cameron, L. (1999) "Survey of Recent Development." Balletin ol Indonesian Econornic |'turtiet. Yol.35
No.1.
CRP 1'eam (1998) Progmn Pemulihan lQberdalaan Mayarakat (Connanig lbcouery Progmn). Unpublished report.
Dwiyanto, Agus (1999) Thc Econonic Citb Social Swigt and the Goaernment Pmgmn Failare. A studl of
tbrn
uillaget in Jaua. Paper presented for the Workshop on "The Economic Crisis and Social
Security in Indonesia". Berg-en-Dal, The Nethedands.
Feridhanusetyawan, T. (1998) "Sosial Impact of the Indonesian Economic Cdsis." The Indonuian
Qaarter!, Vol. XXVI, No.4. 1998.
Jacguand, N{atc (1999) "Povetty Alleviation in Indonesia Since the Economic Crisis: Beyond Immediate Relief" Tbe Indoaeian Quarter!, Vol.XXV[/1999, No.4.
SMERU (1999) "Covetage and Targeting in the Indonesian Social Sfaety Net Programs: Evidence
from 100 Village Survey" Jakarta: Unpublished report.
Haetuman, H. (1999) Tbe Social Safery Net in Indonwial Social and Economic Criis. Paper presented in
The Wodd Bank Regional Meeting on Social Issues Arising from the East Asia Economic
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Ikhsan, M. (1999) A Short Note on Poue@ Une E$imatiow: A Cas of Indoneia. Unpublished paper.
IlO-Jakarta Office and UNDP (7998) Enplrynent Cltalhnges of the Indoauiau Economic Citis. Jakata,
Unpublished report.
Manning, Chris (1999) "Poverty Decline and Latror Market Change in Indonesia: Lessons from rhe
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McGee T.G., Bakti Setiavran and Tommy Firman (1999) "From the Roots Up: A Report on the Role
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Priyono, E. and Herman Supriyanto (1999) "Perdagangan Eceran Skala Kecil-Menengah Saat Krisis
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Sandee, Henry (1999) "The Impact of the Crisis on Village Development in Java." Bulletin of
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Setiav'nn, B (1999) "Survival Strategies by the Poor: kssons ftom Yogyakarta" Unpublished paper
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Setiawan, B (2000) " Social Safety Net Programs in Indonesia" Paper presented at the Workshop on
SSN Programs in Southeast Asia, Dalat, Vietnam.
54
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Rrruewrruo Povrnrv Rroucrtou Srnnrrov tt't lruoorursn
Setiawan,
B (2000) "From Economic Crisis to Urban Crisis: The Challenges for Urban Environ-
Kota,ITB, Vol, 4,2000.
SN{EI{U (1999) "Monitoring Social Crisis in Indonesia." SMERU Balletin Vol 04. 1999
Soesasrro, FI. ancl ivl Chatib B. (1998) "survey of Recent Developments." Bulleting af Indoauian
mental lvlanagement in Indonesia" Jurnal
Perencanaan lY/ilayah dan
Econonit Studiet Vol.34, No.1.
Tjiptoherijanto, P. (1997) "Poverty and Inequality in Indonesia at the End
-I-he
I ndo nesian
of
the 20'h Century"' In
Quarterlt, XXV/3.
UNSFIR (1.999) Pnerlt, Ineqtaliry
and lbe Indonesian
Citis: From
Controaerg t0 Clilrenrttr.
Unpublished
reporr.
UITDI (1999) Docamentatian and Euahation of Seueral Social Safery Net Prograns in Yogyakarta. UnpubIished lteport
URDI (1999) Etahai Efektititas Progmm Perbaikat Kapann Krnuh/Nelqan 1998/ | 999 (Eaalaation on
tbe Effectiaeness of Kanpung Improaement Pmgmm in Coartal Areas) Unpublished rePort.
Wegelin, Emiel, A., (2000) "Urbanization, globalization, and poverty reduction" Unpublished paper
presented at the Gadjah Madt Universiry July, 2000.
Wetterberg, A., Sudarno s., and Lant P. (1999) ";\ National Snapshot of the Sosial Impact
nesirn's Cdsis. " Bullaing oJ lilonuian Economic Sttrliet Vol.35, No.3.
Wicliasttrti. l). (1999) .\'ocia/ Intpact 0J' t/)e Mthifa.yled Criit in Inloneia, Mimeo
World Bar* (1990) lndonetia: 5'lrategyfor a Saslainable l\etluction in Pouerj. \Washington, D.C.
of Indo-
I liirst, a poverty l-ine is set, from wlich the number of poor people living below this computed. The
poverty line is set at a rupiah value eqivalent with 2100 calorie intake per capita per day - considered
as the minimum food requirement - plus a rupiah value of a bundle of non-food items considered
ns basic non-food requirements. The minimum requitement for 2100 calori-eqtivalent of food is
based on the 1978 National Workshop on Food and Nurition, and is considered as the absolute
minirnum food requirement.'I'he rupiah value of this 2100 calorie food is determined on the basis
of prices of a bundle of 52 food iterns deerned to be basic food necessities.
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Rrruewtruo Povenry Reoucroru SiRnreev rNr h.roor,rssLq
Diskusi 2
Asisten
7.
III Menko Taskin, A. Mongid:
JPS menjadi social security system dapat dilakukan secara bertahap.
FISIP UI,Imam B. Prasoio
1.
2.
Uraian Takeda dan Bakti Setiawan pada innnya sama, tetapi yang penting adalah ybatJ
next? Hal ini ditujukan untuk Pak Mongid, sebenarnya acam ini mau apa? Letakkan
keputusan pada level lokal atau di Bappenas kalalu kita mau bersikap sentralisasi lagi.
Seperti Takeda katakan, pemda seharusnya membentuk pouerry reduction team dengan
anggotanya berbagai pelaku. Artinya, apakah selutuh pouerE redaction program yangnantt
rnelaksanakannya adalah pemerintah daerah? I(alau itu, maka implikasinya secara riil
beratti pemda-pemda baik propinsi maupun kab/kota harus menyediakan ruanganruangan unruk diskusi. Diskusi-diskusi akan berpindah telnpat danyanga,l<an berdiskusi
bukan lagi dari kalangan biiokrat yang selama ini selalu mendominasi program-pro-
gram seperti ini, walaupun bisa menjadi sparring partner dalam masalah-masalah
pengembangan Program. Ifu konsekuensi logis yang musti dilakukan. Unruk iru, pedu
ditanyakan kepada penyelenggara seminat ini, apa agenda setelah seminar? Bagairnana
dengan yang diuraikan oleh Takeda dan Bakti Setiawan tidak dapat terlaksana lagi?
Masalah ini adalah masalah kekuasaan (powe).
Apa yang akan menjadi petan institusi yang selama ini melakukan banyak sekali program-ptogram secara sentralistik? Bagaimana menemukan strategi yang tepat? Apakah
ada pernyataan yang jelas tentang itu atau hanya sekedar kajian-kajian akademis? I{arena
menyangkut masalah tentang siapa yang seharusnya memegang suaru program ini.
Stmteginya itu seperti apa, karena kalau seluruh diskusi-diskusi Takeda atau Bakti
Setiawan akan dilaksanakan tidak mudah karena manyangkut begitu banyak orang dan
3.
banyak kepentingan.
Saya agak terpetangah, karena sejak tadi pagi belum ada yang membahas tentang nasib
Para pengungsi (internalfi displace plpilktiur). Dan itu sudah jelas, bahwa mereka (para
pengungsi) bukan hanya miskin tetapi juga, tlte uery anhappl population. I-Ial ini paling
tidak pernah mendapat perhatian, dan sffategi mengatasinya akan berbeda dari strategi
pengurangan kemiskinan yang biasa. Hal tetsebut dapat dilakukan bila kita memiliki
sense of czizi dan peduli terhadap apa yang sebenarnya terjadi di negara kita. Saya katakan
bahwa penentu dari keberada n negara ini adalah bagaimana kita menangani kasus
pengungsi yang sangat sensitif ini. Penduduk dengan jumlah besar tidak hanya misklr
tetapi juga terusir, rumahnya tetbakar, lingkungan sosial mereka hancur, dan banyak
yang mengalami kondisi traumatik. Untuk menangani hal ini, diperlukan prograln
tersendiri untuk mereka. Pagi ini terdengar kabar mengenai pengungsi Ambon yang
ditolak oleh penduduk Papua. Saya dapat mengerti mengapa penduduk Papua menolak
pengungsi ini. Penduduk Papua sendid tidak memiliki cukup fasilitas kesehatan dari
pemerintah pusat. Oleh karena inr kalau penduduk papua ingin dapat bertahan, maka
mereka harus menolak pengungsi-pengungsi yang datang. Menurur saya, yaug perlu
dilakukan adalah bagi saja para pengungsi ini di Jakarta mempcrolch 100 ribu orang, cli
Medan 100 ribu orang, schingga masing-masing clapat mcrasalian l:crapr sulitnya
mengutus pengungsi. Berbagai kebijakan yang didiskusikan pada forum ini clan dibuat
seharusnya terfokus pada para pengungsi yang sekarang tersebar dimana-mana. Bila
kita tidak membicarnkan nasib mereka, maka kita bcdaku tidak adil clan itu rncrtrpalian
suaru kejahatan.
Asisten
l.
56
III Menko Taskin, A. Mongid:
Pada awalnya kernentrian yang mengurusi hal-hal seperti
itu adalah Menko I(esra,
lalu berubah menjadi Menko I(esta dan Taskin, dan kemudian saat ini bernama
Menko I(esra Taskin dan Urusan l(erusuhan.
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2.
3.
l-Iari ini, Menko I(esra memimpin satu tim yang tetdiri dari para mented untuk pergi
ke I(abupaten Poso. Lebih dari separuh waktu, tenaga, dan pikitan kami curahkan
untuk menangani masalah-masalah pengungsi ini.
Apa yang terjadi di Irian, bahwa gubernurnya mengatakan ada sekitar 3 dbu
pengungsi. Tetapi setelah diverifikasi, ternyata pengungsi yang ada di propinsi
tersebut hanya sekitar 1000 ornflg, dan sisanya sudah kembali ke Maluku.
FISIP UI,Imam B. Ptasodjo:
7.
2.
3.
Saya baru pulang dari Pulau Bacan beberapa waktu lalu. Di sana terdapat3.284 onng
yang hidup di sebuah kamp pengungsian selarna 8 bulan lamanya. Pada awal-awal
bulan, p^ra pengungsi ini tidak memiliki cukup makanan dan tidak berani keluar karena
dihinggapi rasa takut. Selama ini, para pengungsi ini memperoleh persediaan makanan
dari tentara-tentara yang kasihan melihat setiap hari selalu ada pengungsi yang meninggal
akibat kelaparan. Sampai saat ini, belum ada bantuan apa pun dari pemerintah pusat
maupun pemda setempat. Bantuan hanya berasal dari sebuah LSM perancis. Para
pengungsi yang pindah ke Irian Jaya memang sedikit, tetapi jumlah yang sangat besar
ada di Pulau Bacan, di Tual (sekitar 45 ribu orang), dan di Buton ftebanyakan adalah
perempu^n dan anak-anak). Para pengungsi perempuan tidak petnah menluarakan
penclcdtaannya. Salah satu penderitaan yang mereka rasakan adalah mereka berdiri
sepahjang malam sewaktu hujan, karena air terus mengalir rnembasahi tenda-tenda tempat
mereka berlindung.
Sayr rasa merlll',rpa, DPlt tidak mengintcrpelasi Presiden mengenai hal-hal scpcrti ini.
Saat interpelasi, tidak pernah ada pettanyaan kepada Presiden mengenai bagamaina ia
rrrcngntasi rnasalah-rnasalah pengungsi. Tetapi, yarrg ditanynkan oleh DPR adalnh
mengenni lluloggate, dll. Memang hal-hal tersebut penting, tetapi tidak ada hubungannya
dengan nasib para pengungsi yang sedang menderita. Para anggota DPR harus
membicarakan kondisi-kondisi pengungsi dengan Ptesiden.
Menurut saya, yang mernbuat Indonesia berdiri adalah solidaritas, dan sekarang sudah
tidak ada solidaritas dari masyarakat kita sendiri. Ada sedikit kebijakan pemerintah
mengenai pengungsi, tetapi jumlahnya sangat mencukupi. Negara ini bisa hancur, bila
tidak ada kebijakan-kebijakan khusus ynng menangani nasib para pengungsi.
LPEM UI, M.Ikhsan:
1.
2.
Seperti yang dikatakan Satish, bahwa penurunan kemiskinan dapat didekomposisikan
dari pertumbuhan ekonomi dan pemerataan. Semua sadat tentang hal itu. I(emudian,
pertumbuhan ekonomi adalah suatu kehatusan tetapi tidak cukup hanya itu. Pemerataan
juga penting, khususnya dalam masa transisi seperti ini. Dalam paper Satish telah dibahas
mengenai kemiskinan, tetapi belum secara khusus membahas tentang bagaimana
menangani masalah pemerataan. Saya merasa bah'wa perumusan untuk menyingkapi
masalah pemerataan akan lebih sulit, dibandingkan dengan masalah kemiskinan. Yang
mungkin terjadi adalah, adanya konflik atau trade off antata pertumbuhan dan
penrcrataannya itu scndiri. Bagaimana dengan laboar equiE dan juga high qualiE oJ grn,vth?
Apakah itu dan bagaimana diimplementasikan di dalam suatu kebijakan? Hal-hal tersebut
adalah catatan pertama saya.
Yang kedua, adalah akses politik dari orang miskin. Salah satu penyebab kemiskinan
selama ini adalah, rninimnya akses politik yang dimiliki orang miskin. Berbagai kebijakan
tentang hal ini sangat bias atau bahkan anti miskin, karena banyak orang miskin tidak
mcmiliki hak untuk mcngcmukakan pendapatnya. Adapun yang terjadi aclalnh lcbih
banyak kelompok-kelompok menengah yang menampilkan orang miskin dan
menggtrnakannya unruk kepentingan dirinya sendiri. Saya kutip lagi tentang l)BM sebagai
salah satu contoh favorit saya. Banyak sckali ornng rtraupun kelornpok rnenengah tanpa
sadar menggunakan orang niskin untuk kepentingannya. I(ebijakan yang
mempertahankan harga BBM agar tidak naik akan berimplikasi langsung kepada orang
miskin. Dana yang tersedia untuk program pengurangan kemiskinan menjadi berkurang,
PROSIDING ONE
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sehingga kesempatan orang miskin untuk keluar dari kemiskinan akan pula semakin
betkurang. Hal lain adalah dampak lingkungan yang ditimbulkan oleh subsidi BBM.
Dengan harga yang sangat murah dan lag|-lagl karena dikonsumsi oleh kelompok
menengah, subsidi BBM akan memberikan dampak lingkungan unruk orang miskin.
I(alau simpati Pak Imam itu terhadap pengungsi, maka simpati saya kepada orangorang miskin di pinggir jalan. Hampir setiap waknr menghisap debu/asap katbon yang
menyebabkan Penurunan IQ mungkin sebesar0,57o sehari. Hal ini akan mempengaruhl
pada kemiskinan jangka panjang. Selain itu, orang-orang miskin di desa menjaa bruan
dari kebakaml hutan yang mereka hitup udamnya. Tidak ada orang yang memperhatikan
mengenai hal-hal seperti ini, ditambah mereka sendiri tidak memiliki akses potitik.
Akses politik otang miskin hatus dimasukkan dalam strategi pengurangan kemilkinan
yang sedang disusun oleh Bappenas, agar strategi tersebut dapat menyeluruh.
Hanya sedikit komentar untuk Bhakti Setiawan tentang kemiskinan perkotaan (urban
pwerfi. Saya setuiu bahwa masalah kemiskinan perkotaan itu kompleks dan bahkan
kadang-kadang kemiskinan di daerah perkotaan itu menjadi economic-poaer$t. Orang-orang miskin di perkotaan merasa senang menjadi miskin karena mereka dapat
mengeksploitasinya sendiri. Sangat sulit, sangat kompleks, dan sangat ridak teratur.
Akan tetapi tita dapat melakukan bebetapa hal dalam konteks desentralisasi, seperti
bagaimana kita menyedethanakan petatuan-peraturan daerah yang akan dibuat. Seperti
yang dikatakanJoe, bahwa selama ini masyarakat miskin menderita karena tedalu banvak
Peraturan/regulatory dan pungutan yang terdapat dalam sektor informal. Berbagai
Pungutan itu memang tidak banyak kalau dilihat dari segi iumlahnya, tetapi kalau dilihat
dari persentase terhadap totd keuntungan/penghasilannya sehari mencapai 50%. Bila
seandainya peraturan itu disederhanakan, maka keuntungan mereka mungkin akan
bertambah, dan akan memberikan kesempatan bagi orangtua miskin untuk membiayai
anaknya, dan sebagainya.
Saya pemah mengusulkan tentang adanya sertifikasi tmah (kil titlinA, tetapi temanteman dad NGo menolak karena bertentangan dengan hak tanah/hak ulayat. Saya
kurang paham mengenai hat ini, tetapi kalau dilihat dari paradigma ekonomi, bahwa
pnryr\ igbt terhadap tanah iru bisa diatasi sedikit dengan hnd t;i;tiry.
5. TentangAgenda berikutnya (lY/bat's Next1. kita tadi sepakat bahwa kemiskinan itu sangat
kompleks, multidimensional, dan banyak sekali permasalahan-permasalahan dalam
kemiskinan itu yang tidak kita pahami. OIeh karena itu, proses pimahaman mengenai
kemiskinan menjadi s ng t penting dan proses pemahaman irumembutuhkan waktu
serta kesabatan dalam mengatasi soal kemiskinan. Yang kedua adalah, bahwa kebijakan
itu tidak bisa meniadi atget secara umum. Saya sangat setuju seperti pak Imam katakan,
bahwa harus didesentralisasikan ke daerah serta harus ada peningkatan kapasitas dari
kemampuan institusi lokal yang menangani soal kemiskinan. Ying selama ini hanya
ada di Bappenas, dan mungkin Bappenas perlu direform serta didelegasikan ke daerah.
Yang
bahwa pengentasan kemiskinan itu bukan suaru eksperimen. Biaya
lgdtrutnya,
yang dikeluarkan akan sangat mahal jika pengentasan kemiskinan diladikan suaru
eksperimen.
Sepertiapa yang dikatakan oleh Ibu Mei Ling bahwa perlu upaya unruk mengidentifikasi
faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan kebethasilan dan kegagalan di masa lalu-dalam program-program pengentasan kemiskinan. Langkah avnlnya dapat dilakukan dad hal
Tjt:blt, sehingga tidak memerlukan eksperimen y"ng
dilakukan pada Repelita-Repelita yang lalu.
7.
r.ngrt mahal seperti yang
Berikutnya, harus disadad bahwa adanya dinamika masalah yang tetus bergerak/berubah.
Oleh karena itu pedu kesediaan para pembuat kebijakan di tingkat pusat dan daerah
untuk setiaP waktu menerirna masukan terhadap kebijakan yang teiah mereka buat.
Pada dasarnya tidak ada satupun program yang sempurna yang mampu mengatasi
masalah-masalah kemiskinan. Di balik itu, saya kira institlsional iet up menjadi r"t gut
penting. Apakah kita mau menerima usulan dad Satish untuk memb ennk presidewial
eommithe oil p0?er0 yang menghasilkan white paper berisi strategi baik untuk tingkat
58
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pusat dan juga daerah? Forum-forum seperti ini tidak hanya dilakukan di tingkat pusat,
tetapi harus juga di daerah. Forum seperti ini dapat merupakan salah satu langkah
dalam menginstitusikan benruk managemen konflik yang sangat penting agar Indonesia tetap bersatu.
DISKUSI FORUM
AUSAID, Terence Hull:
1. Statistic of educations. What happen to expense on education and health of low
2.
level.
If only recomposition of
expenditure, is a different thing.
Untuk Satish dan Sukarnq apakah alokasi
nn untuk poverty reduction untuk
^ngg
2001 dapat diketahui, mengingat mekanisme pembiayaan (untuk pusat dan daerah) akan
berubah?
Asisten Deputi Menko Taskin, Diohatis Lubis:
1. Diastrmsikan bahwa desentralisasi tidak dapat terhindatkan. Saat ini, telah tersedia
bahan-bahan masukan dad daerah seperti rencana induk yang disusun oleh pemda
bersama dengan LSIU di 25 propinsi pada tanggal 18 dan 29 JuL2000. Mereka diminta
Llntuk membuat strategi pengentasan kemiskinan yang khusus untuk masing-masing
daerah. Apa rencana strategi yang kita akan susun ini juga akan berasal dari daerah?
2.
Mudah-mudahan masukan-masukan yang telah kami terima dari daerah dapat dituangkan
di dalam rencana strategi pengurangan kemiskinan yang akan disusun.
Bappenas sebaiknya tidak mempetgunakan istilah penanggulangan kemiskinan, tetapi
pengentasan kemiskinan. Dikarenakan nantinya selutuh program akan berada di bawah
koordinasi Menko l(esra Taskin. I(onsep penanggulangan kemiskinan telah ada yaitu
GAI{DU TASKIN, mengapa tidak menggunakan itu saja? Yang penting adalah
akuntabilitas terhadap publik.
BPS, Agus Susanto:
1. Setuju bahwa statistik iru multidimensional, tidak hanya sekedar mengukur jumlah orang miskin tetapi iuga melihat kesenjangan dalam kemiskinan (pouerry gaPs).
2. Masih diperlukan kriteda standar dalam pengukuran kemiskinan.
First Sectetary Embassy of Sweden, Mattias I*ntzz
1.
2.
3.
Poverty is a sensitive issue. Today, we are building a strategy, not an action plan. What
are gonna we do then, Iike in Swiss which we using tax ? How about Indonesia, what
should we do?
Right access of the poors The wodd bank has some instruments but it could be wrong
when they are aplicated. N7e need advice from Indonesia it self.
Donor countries using much the resutce of Indonesian and grning bad externalities
away. Donor countries pushing to do this poverty alleviation.
TANGGAPAN PRESENTER
UNSFIR, Satish Mishra:
1,. I would like to leave the question that was raised by Terry for more detail discussion
with my colleague about the figures. Because I think this general audience don't want to
2.
know about the detail.
I would like to ruse 2 issues. How do we begin to have a national plan? We can ask
what everybody thinks what should they do in the action plan. We get a lot of action
plans and nothing wrong with that. The problem is making the strategy and the mechanism.
PROSIDING ONE
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59
Reruewrruo Povenry
3'
Rroucnon Srnnreov rx
lruooruesn
The ultimate issues are the social consensus on relative merit and on economical justice, even in the developed country, taxing the rich and rewarding
the poor. It wasnt
very long ago there wete work houses for the poor. It consideredl,
,ig1 of laziness,
so even this is a result of
sophisticatedand...period of social "consensus in the
^very
crisis created after that the
result of the debate
th. d.iscussion come in, moving
ot the idea of the nation plan simply making"nd
sure that we were in the same value
iudgment. The point I want to make is, what'Je defined as poverty we de6ned as
deprivation. It's in democtatic sinration, the minimum level of living,
minirnum level
of-patticrpation, minimum level of social confidence or social statis
or everyindividual should enioy. That also unfortunately a social consensus
builcling, consid.r.d
perfectly_<lk, rights, to get away from the oclan of slavery
you should #ay from the
ocean of hurnan rights. I thjnk it's nothing wrong with the
slavery at ali. The li'k
between Povetty and human rights that's
,o
diificult
to
dealing
*ith r.ducirrg th.
-of.
resources as well as a maior and political change, and for me
this issies is should sirper
impose above all the issues about efficien.y Jout exactly
what would be subsidizing
the commodity X olwhat kind of infrastructure.
We have a lot of different models that was raised by my friend
from BpS, Agus. I think
it was recommended that if we move away from ihe'standard deFrnitions"of
poverty
consensus that will be part of deFrnitions of poverty, but if we read
it m6re in multidimensional sense we would still need to measure how serious the
problem was if only
lve make any actions in alleviating ot reducing. lVithout that, I
not sure horv we ca'
make progress about the statistic' I am trying t say is once
we have had the definitions
we have a consensus we support the government to produce
the data ,h^;;;;lir;.
and then to focus on the policy issues especially issues about
social justice, relative
allocation and soon. And that's the fiscal
come in, in the situation of saying
50oh of the population maybe poor, in the"rgu-"nt
democratic situation is so facmo that create
the priority in favor of the povetyprogramme we cant escape
this pressure of whether
allocation or bank testructury and otherof competiting allo.ations what
do they imply
fot the priority that already setting? We have been
about that in thaipaier
maybe the answer. is exacdy what we have had in 97"igoi"g
f,ut iany .h^nges since i7,'*,
aw^y
4'
5.
6.
should be open mind.
There is a need of.consensus in poverty mapping to go to srrategy, including
method,
Policies, oPPrtunities and obstacle. The straiegy depJnd on national stakeholders.
There is a need fot a rapid response mini survlys to identi$, condirions
which raisinoo
/
the pover$ number, it has to be part of the monitoring.
UGM, Bhakti Setiawan:
I.
2.
Ada beberapa hal yang pedu diklarifikasi atau dijelaskan, yaitu
Pertama tentangagenda berikutnya (what,s Nextj. S.p.rj yangmeniadtperhatian
pak
Imam, bahwa kita harus duduk dengan tenang drn
temikirkan
-.rr.ota
p.-b"giun
kewenangan antat^ pusat dan daerah. Dan itu seharusnya merupakan
,.ruot, y".ng
sifatnya dapat dinegosiasikan. Saya kira sudah bukan
lagi
pemerinton
-"r"oyo
frrot
merancang suaru proyek untuk dilaksanakan di daerah. Saya kiia-scbaiknya
l;usat,
seperti Bappenas fokusnya lebilr kepada kebijakan makto dan sebagainya,
sepertt ndal
welfareyanglebih umum- P-.rogTT-plogram yang terutama bersifatiya
u;i."uo
3'
lrrp.tri
banyak diserahkan ke daerah, tia"r u6 ditancang oleh pusat.'
kedua, mengenai pengungsi. Itu kembali ke apa yang-sudah pernah saya
kemukakan.
lang
Sebetulnya, tsl yang menjadi dasar di sini adalah mod--al sosiil
Dalam
$odal
situasi krisis ini, dipedukan-suatu kajian skala nasional dan komunitas
yang mendalam
terutama untuk melihat lagi peran modal sosial. Dapat dikatakan bahwa
Jelama krisis
yang-teriacli di negata ini, modal sosial yang dimiliki masyarakat telah rr.rsak.
Isu moclal
sosial benar-benar.pecah dan perlu kaji kembali karena merupakan
bagian dari ndal
welfarc, ncial proteAion dll.
_IPD-r"harusnya
ipltr4
4.
60
Komentar Pak Ikhsan mengenai sektor informal yang dimaksud adalah mencakup
PROSIDING ONE
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Rrruewrrue Povenrv Reoucnoru Srnnreov rru lruooruesn
bagaimana mengembangkan atau melunakkan sistem peraturan yang mendukung situasi
yang kondusif bagi sektor informal untuk bekerja. Kelihatannya sederhana, namun
sejak dulu ILO sudah menyarankan tentang petlunya sektor informal sebagai bagian
dati perencanaan perkotaan dan pengelolaan perkotaan, tetapi kita belum petnah benarbenar melaksanakannya. Sebagai contoh, soal DI(I melawan rukang becak. Sudah belasan
tahun orang membicarakan mengenai pedunya sektor inforrnal tetapi tidak pernah
memberikan lingkungan yang mendukung untuk sektor informal agat dapat bekerja
NGO
dan bertahan. Yang dipedukan dalam level internrediate, adalah kerjasama
^ntrrra
dan pemerintah lokal.
5. Ada suatu penelitian menarik
6.
7.
yang dilakukan oleh teman-temen di Yogya untuk
mengetahui hal-hal apa sajayang strategis yang dapat dilakukan pada tingkat kota dalam
upaya membantu kalangan miskin perkotaan. Salah satu isu besar pada daerah perkotaan
adalah akses pada perumahan dan tanah. Teman-teman di yogya menyimpulkan, bahwa
dari banyak aspek kemiskinan kedua hal tersebut sangat fundamental. I{erjasama
kemudian dilakukan antara NGO dan pemerintah kota, dimana NGO lalu melakukan
pengkajian terhadap tingkat kerentanan dan strateg'i dari banyak segmen masyarakat
miskin. Mungkin kita bisa menyusun apa sebenarnya isu strategis yang bisa ditangani
oleh pemerintah lokal pada level intermediate, dan -/ogya menyimpulkan bahwa salah
saru aspek yang bisa ditangani dari banyak segmen adalah isu tanah.
Yang kedua adalah akses kepada infrasruktur. Ini sederhana karena bagian dari
perencanaan perkotaan biasa. Akan tetapi dari pengamatan kita, investasi pada public
infrastructure sangat potensial untuk memecahkan masalah kemiskinan dan pemahaman
seperti ini yang harus dimiliki oleh aparat-aparat pemerintah kota.
Pada initnya adalah, SodalcEital and humar capitalpening bagi masyarakat miskin untuk
menanggulangi kemiskinan mereka sendiri.
JICA, Nobuhisa Takeda:
l)alam era desentralisasi mendatang, kita akan mendukung peningkatakan kapasitas
t.
2.
pemerintah daerah dan masyarakat sebagai bagian dari pengutangan kemiskinan.
Program pengurangan kemiskinan ke depan, Targeting-ryaharus dilakukan secara benar
dan jelas dengan menggunakan partisipasi masyarakat serta kriteria yang jelas dengan
menggunakan data yang berasal dari masyankat. Serta dibutuhkan pula adanya
transparansi. Data yang tersedia saat ini, tidak merefleksikan kenyataan yang ada.
Deputi I Bappenas, Soekarno'tl7irokattono:
1.
Ada beberapa pertanyaan yang sebenarnya sumbetnya itu satu. Tadi saya kemukakan
bahwa penyelenggaraan negara selama 30 tahun dilakukan secara sentralistis. Saat ini
kita sedang mencari kesimbangan baru. Pada waktu lalu juga terdapat keseimbangan,
tetapi yang lebih berat kepada pemerintah pusat daripada daerah dan keseimbangan
kepada eksekutif dadpada legislatif. Dalam PP No. 25 tahun 2000, sudah ada arahanarahan keseirnbangan baru antara pemerintah pusat dan daerah. Sesungguhnya saat ini,
dalam masalah perencanaann Ilappenas iuga mengambil reposisi. Sudah tidak seperi
jaman dulu lagi, dimana sekarang ini Bappenas banyak membatasi diri kcpada hal-hal
yang memarlg sangat pcnting, sangat mendesak dan sifatnya nasional yang harus segera
ditangani. I-Ial ini kemudian yang disebut sebagai sttategic planning di dalam propenas.
I(ita akan bcrhcnti sanrpai di situ scsungguhnya. llappcnas hanya mcrnfasilitasi, karcna
harus ada sescorang yang melakukan itu. Menurut Pak I-Ierman, kita sudah ke 5 tempat,
ke Padang misalnya mengundang stakel-rolder di Sumatra, di Banjarmasing, Makasar,
dll.
2.
Selutuh stakeholder dirangkul untuk diajak bekerjasama, sehingga dalam hal ini
Bappenas hanya sebagai fasilitator saja.
I-angkah selanjutnya dala perencanaan detnil apakah masih di Bappenas lagi atau tidak?
Yang pasti tidak, akan tetapi Bappenas juga masih ada fungsinya. Semuanya memiliki
tugas untuk menyusun strategi yang lebih jelas, misalnya mengenai pengungsi jangan
lalu semuanya lari ke pusat. Masing-masing NGO atau pemerintah daerah juga
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Reurwrue Povenrv Rroucrpru Srnnreev
3.
4.
rru lruooruesn
memikirkan masalah ini.
Rencana strategis penanggulangan kemiskinan yang bottom upperlu dibicarakan dengan
pak Herman H. Tetapi kalaupun ini draft pertama (maksudnya draft Bappenas), hius
menjadi draft nasional dan seseorang musti harus memulainya hitam ian putih dan
kemudian disempurnakan bersama oleh semua stakeholder. Setelah itu baru kemudian
kita semua mengeriakannya. Kesimpulan penelitian dari Yogya itu mengatakan bahrva
rencana strategis masing-masing departemen itu sudah ada, dan oleh karena itu Bappenas
tidak mau lagi menyusun aPa yang musti dikeriakan oleh masing-masing sektor.'Detail
dari action plan itu harus disusun sendiri oleh masing-*otirrg yo.r[ b.rt.rgas dan
bertanggungjawab, bukan Bapenas lagi.
Mengenai masalah high politic gtowth, Bappenas bisa memberikan semacam defigisi
sementara tetapi juga hatus menjadi konsensus bersama, tidak hanya milik Bappenas
saja. Demikian jalan ke depannya harus disusun, kita tidak akan terhenti pnau npn
yang disebut lYashirgton conxnrat plur itu antara lain dalam paper saya, paling tidak harus
u'orld bar. Tidak eksklusi{, seperti pada waktu lalu yang ttanya Afuasaioleh*sekelompok
orang yang menikmati hasil-hasil pembangunan. Dan itu tidak lepas dari masaiahmasalah politik., Bila politik demokratisasinya tidak jalan maka jangan mengharapkan
bahwa pertumbuhan ekonomi juga akan jalan.
TANGGAPAN PEMBAHAS
FISIP UI,Imam B. Prasodio
7.
Saya tidak anti statistik, saya tidak bisa berbuat
tanpa statistik. I(uncinya adalah
desentralisasi statistik yang akan berakibat pa da^p^-^p^
nuttiph/pliral ilrategy. Mungkin statistik
juga akan terjadi aeylglislsf dalam penyusunan pertany^^nnny^. Pertanyainnya
secara
terPusat disusun oleh BPS, kemudian jika terjadi nuttiph strategy yang dihasillan oleh
slrltu ar.rei|flent, maka upaya yang hatus dilakukan adalah
-".-p;..r..olisasi data
berdasarkan pada aspirasi lokal. Kuesionernya yang menyusun
orang-orang
^datah
lokal. saya kita pakTemy sebagai demographer akan mlmpeioleh banyak
data din akan
menikmatinya. Itu yang akan terjadi dengan desentralisasi data. Tanpa mengarakan
tidak ada standarisasi, mungkin akan ada beberapa pertanyaan yang sama untuk semua
da-e!!, tetapi mungkin daerah-daerah tertentu akan mempunyai kuesioner yang sama
2.
sekali berbeda.
Siapa yang bisa mengakses data BPS? Seperti di Amedk a, data bersifat publik dan
semua bisa dapat mengaksesnya. Mungkin dengan adanya desentra[sasi, satu daerah
dengan lainnya punya website dan tidak ada satupower yang tersentralisasi yang dipegang
oleh satu institusi. Saya pernah punya pengalaman,
1'ang mana teman-teman BpS malah
merninta data ke saya. Hal itu ironis, dan ini merupakan masalah dengan tersentralisasinya
institusi seperti BPS.
Mengenai orang-orang kaya yang harus dibebani pajak yang lebih besar, bila hal rersebut
dilakukan maka orang-orang kaya akan berpura-pura miskin.
62
PROSIDING ONE
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Reruewuo Povrnrv Reoucrroru Srnnreev tru lruoorutsn
Agenda ke Depan
DEN, Boediono
1.
2.
I(omentar nengenni.fuhtre agenda, "what are the next steps?"
Yang pertama petlu dilakukan adalah proses kebijakan yang menyangkut
pengentasan/pengurangan kemiskinan atau apa pun istilahnya, petlu dilakukan
secara berkelanjutan. Suatu proses konsultasi dengan betbagai stakeholder yang
berkelanjutan. Stakeholdet diikutsertakan dalarn setiap tahap konsultasi. Tahapan
tersebut dapat dilihat dari berbagai segi, yaitu:
Suatu Coordinatinglirameworkyang akan mengkoordinasikan sumbet daya dan
^. meng-sinkronisasikan kegiatan kita, apa pun namanya. Di tingkat nasional
pedu semacam payung yang dapat dinamakan strategi atau lainnya. l'etapi
yang p en ting adalah be rsama-sama menu j u snatl c0 0 rdi fla ti ng Jra m e w ork bagi
hita semua. Itu adalah suatu proses evaluasi, sasarannya akan betgerak terus
tetapi kita akan bergetak maju untuk mencapai sasaran itu. Ptoses ini pedu
dilal<urhan, clan mcmcdr-rkan suatu tim yang akan mengikutsertakan semua
stakeholders, baik pemerintah pusat, daerah, kelompok masyarakat, univetsitas, donor, dll. Pada setiap proses ada suatu milestone, suatu hasil sebagian
atau hasil sementara atau hasil patsial. Milestone inilah yang kita pedukan
untuk opetasionalisasi dan akan akan diterlemahkan di dalam actionplat Mihstone ini tidak bisa menunggu hingga beberapa tahun ke depan. Menutut
saya, horizonnya hanya beberapa bulan ke depan. Bebetapa hal yang perlu
diperhatikan dalam penyusunan framewotk tetsebut adalah:
' Definisinya dulu sangat sempit, tetapi sekarang mencakup sosial politik,
hak-hak sosial politik, dll., yang petlu dimasukhan dalam definisi untuk
mendapatkan framework bersama tadi.
' Aspek desentralisasi adalah aspek yang hatus dilaksanakan dalam situasi
politik seperti sekarang ini. Aspek ini masuk dalam definisi framewotk,
meskipun ada national strategy ddakberatti senftalitis. Nanti hatus dilakukan
pembagian kerianya, yaitu daerah lebih tahu mengenai kemiskinan di
daerahnya sendiri, Meskipun ada p eran daerah, tetap dipetlukan adany a
b.
framework koordinasi nasional. Desenttalisasi bukan hanya. betatti
pemerintah daerah dengan pemerintah pusat tetapi juga pattisipasi dari
kclompok-kelompok masyatkat. Dalam definisi framework hatus
dimasukkan desenffalisasi dalam atti luas. Mengenai yang masa lampau
jangan dianggap semua salah, tetapi ada juga yang mencapai sasaran.
l(ita tidak boleh mulai dari nol, karena kasihan masyatakat miskin jika
dalam beberapa tahun ke depan batu ada gzmbaran rnengenai framework tersebut. Manutut saya, ada bebetapa program yang bisa dilihat,
dikaii dan diperbaiki, sehingga tidak hatus memulainya dati nol.
Masalah organisasi. Tadi Mishra mengatakan mengena national comnission
dan sebagainya. Apakah ini perlu dibahas dengan mengikutsettakan semua
stakeholders? Jangan seluruhnya diserahkan langsung dati Bappenas atau
-fashin ke
claerah, tetapi usulan-usulan dari bawah petlu juga dipikirkan atau
dikonsultasikan. Apakah perlu ada gugus twgrs (task force) atau kelompok
ketja (working gnps) di tingkat nasional dan daerah? Untuk isu ini, pedu
PROSIDING ONE
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63
Reruewrruo Povgnry Rgoucnoru Srnnrrev rru hroorursn
zdanya suatu kelompok kecil untuk membahas dan mencapar suaru
umum. Adapun tentang struktur konkritnya perlu dipikirkan
kemudian. Sebelum yang konkrit ini terlaksana, dipetlukan aclany:r- inJbrmal
networkingantara stakeholder, dan ini adalah c tuy^ngp^ling pragmatis unruk
maju ke depan. Mungkin dalam sebulan sampai 2 bulan, sambil menunggu
perubahan politik/kabinet dan sebagainya yangl<rtabelum tahu. Dan untuk
itu, perlu pimpinan untuk infomal networkingim,dan apakah dari pemerintah
(Bappenas atau Taskin) universitas atau lainnya? Diperlukan adanya
kesepakatan siapa yang akan menjadi pimpinan networkingti.
c. Mulai menggarap kapasitas regional atau daerah untuk menagkap
cla'
melaksanakan strategi nasional termasuk sosialisasinya untuk mempengaruhi
Gubernur atau kepala daetahnya mengenai masalah kemiskinan. Sekarang
banyak orang baru di daerah, baik di DPRD arau di tingkat eksekutifnya.
Paling tidak harus ada program untuk rnempengaruhi kepala daerah mengenai
lralini. Jangansampai betasumsi bahwa dengan adanyaDpRD baru, Bupari
batu maka isu kemiskinan akan menjadi prioritas utama. yang penting udntat
bagaimana mernpengaruhi pdodtas mereka ini untuk tujuan yang mulia dan
akan dijabarkan dalam alokasi di daerah. Dengan adanya desentraliasasi,
banyak sumbet daya daerah akan ditangani daerah send"iri.
Jika tidak bisa
mernpengatuhi priodtas untuk kepentingan pengentasan kemiskinan, maka
kita gagal. Perlu program sosialisasi di daetah.
Yang lebih operasional l"gt di tingkar daenh adalahpriodtas alokasi
^ngg^nn
untuk rA 2001. Inilah peranan pusat (Bappenas atau Taskin dan depaitimen
utatna.larnnya seperti Diknas, I(esehatan, PU) untuk petlunya duduk bersama
dalam mengamankan alokasi anggaran minimum untuk melanjutkan program pengentasan kemiskinan. Untuk itu, diperlukan adanyakelornpok yang
mernastikan alokasi di daerah TA 2001 mernpethatikan pengenrasan
kemiskinan dan menjadi prioritas dasar.
Diperlukan adanyr kelompok kegiatan untuk rnembuat database kdteria
kemiskinan yangperlu dipegang bersama sena harus memperhatikan muatanmuatan daerah. Hal tersebutiangan didefinisikan di pusat, tetapi jangan
sampai semua lepas kendali yang lalu didefrnisikan sendiri-sendiri sehingga
kalau diagregasi tidak tahu garnbaran umumnya seperti apa. Harus ada
kornptorni
yang diperlukan untuk megetahui gambaran pusat dan
^rt^r^
y^ng diperlukan elemen lokalnya. IGiteda target penting dimiliki, bila
^p^
kita ingin men€operasionalisasikan suatu program harus mcngetahui target
kita. Tadi disdbutkan, bahwa kriteria tersebut musti diperluas tapi
luga perlu
dijabarkan secara spesifft, tidak pedu kuantitiatif, supaya operasional. Ini
juga nantinya termasuk masalah data, yaitu bagaimana kita nanti mampu
mernbuat sistem data yang dapat digunakan untuk perence.ntirn dan
penrantauan. Suatu program pedu direncanakan dan perlu dimonitor
kinerjanya. I(riteria kine{a landasanny a adalah informasi yang baik.
I(elima aspek tenebut acialah lontatan pertama dari saya sebagi pancingan, karena
apapun yang kita lakukan harus ada fokus apa yang kita lakukan bersama.
kesepakatan
3.
Deputi V Bappenas, F{erman Flaeruman:
1. Salah satu yang paling sEategis sekarang adalah mencoba merumuskan
64
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Rrruewrruo Povrnrv Reoucroru Srnnreov rru lruooruesn
yang disebutkan tadi. Oleh karena kondisi pemerintah yang tidak menentu sampai
2.
3.
dengan saat ini, maka networking tersebut bersifat informal. I(alau ini disetujui,
maka kita mulai dengan usulan Pak Boed, yaitu membentuk informal netwotking yang disusun sebagai popular decision.
Sementata, Bappenas dapat menyediakan tempat bukan sebagai institusi tetapi
sebagai bagian dad networking tetsebut. Ini adalah proses pertama dengan
mengundang semua orang untuk beqpartisipasi di dalamnya.
Yang penting adalah kita peduli terhadap orang miskin dengan kemampuan pada
institusi yang kita miliki.
Asisten
1.
2.
3.
III
Menko Taskin, A. Mongid
Sebagai infotmasi pada tangal 13 Marct2000 yang lalu, telah diadakan pertemuan
lintas menko Q4enko Taskin, Ekuin dengan masing-masing jajamn mentrinya)
mernbahas mengenai bagaimana menerjemahkan kebijaksanaan pengentasan
kemiskinan. Akhirnya disepakati kebutuhan untuk mernbentuk taskforce yzng
disebut KI(P atau I(omite I(ebijaksanaan Pembangunan.
Pengesahan komite yang melalui suatu I(eppres sedang dalam proses pembahasan.
Akan tetapi tidak perlu menunggu formal, namun dapat langsung beke{asama
dcngan workinggrouJt yang informal ini.
Sebenamya sudah ada langkahJanngkah dari pihak kebinet dan membutuhkan
masukan-masukan semacam ini. Selain itu, nanti
iuga ada semacam sekretariat
tetap dengan pakar yang bisa memberikan analisa yang lebih taja,m untuk
membantu baik di pusat fnaupun di daerah.
CLOSING REMARKS
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
'We all agree these
one-day seminar is hardly enough
to do justice to extremely
urgent to oul development that is poverty reduction, but we have a good start
and assembly out self in out serninar, to up date ourselves to work with othen.
We all agreed that the seminar will be followed by meetings and consultations of
all parties who concetn to form an overall ftamework for povety reduction
with the basic element that we all comfortable with it.
We also agree that time is short, the poor in this country needs a concrete
action, we must not loose time by making ourselves in this time in crisis at
perfection.
That we need is not a petfect strategy but a workable one, continually agreed
petspective and pdncipals and focus our thought and our effots to reduce
poverty in this country as soon as possible with an open mind and r shared
sense of urgency among us that we should have an agreement on priorities. If
not a cornmon platfotm for the actions we should work closely togethet over
the next few months to make all happen.
Depending to a more definite otganizational sftucture which itself should be a
product of consultation process. \fle should working right away through an
intensive but informal networking.
I would conclude my remarks by giving rny appreciarion to my colleagues in
Bappenas with the initiative to organize this seminar and you all attending the
seminar The concrete result will follow.
PROSIDING ONE
DAY
SEMINAR
65
ReruewrNo Povrnry
Reoucirolr Srnnreov rtr lruooruesn
Daftar Hadir One Day Seminar
PO\TERTY REDUCTION SEMINAR
Departemen/Instansi Pemerintah
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
77.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
47.
42.
43.
44.
66
Boediono
A. Mongid
Dioharis Lubis
Ahmad Zaba'di
Sunarti
M. Saad
Imam Hariyata
Ngatijo Ngayoko
Sugimin Pranoto
Djajadi Prajitno
Muh. Dirnyati
H. Sitompul
Dr. M. Dimyati
Umar Hamzah
Benny
I{.
Susmono
Budiharjo
Dewan Ekonomi Nasional
Kantor Menko l(esm dan Taskin
Kantor Menko I{esra dan Taskin
Kantor Menko l(esra dan Taskin
Kantor Menko Kesta dan Taskin
Kantor Menko Kesra dan Taskin
Kantor Menko Kesra dan Taskin
l(antor Menko Kesra dan Taskin
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Depkimbangwil
Yvonne L. Jarive
Suko Rahardjo
Depkimbangrvil
Depkimbangruil
Anwar M
Dit Bina Pasar Depkimbangrvil
Suratman
Dirien PMD Depdagri
Eppy Lugiarti
Depdagri
Affani M
Depdagd
A. Ganie
Depdagri
M. Simatupang
Depdagd
Musnidar
Depedndag
M. Darwis Djafar
Deperindag
Romauli Mangunsong Deperindag
Muchijidin Rachmat Deptan
Bambang Parikesit Depdiknas
Thamrin K
Depdiknas
Abdul Muchtar
Depdiknas
Ieke lrdjatiSyahbuddin Depkes
DirkJA Matahelummal Depkes
SiaZainab
Depkes
Setiawan S.
Depkes
Bachtiar Slamet
Depkes
M. Djohansyah
Kantor Meneg l(operasi dan PI(M
A. Jubaed
Kantor Meneg l(operasi dan PI(M
Y. Cahyana
Bulog
Edy
Agus Sidik
Mulyadi Kursi
Aprinaldi, BKSN
Deparpostel
DJA Depkeu
Depnaker
PROSIDING ONE
DAY
SEMINAR
ReNewrno Povenw Reoucnoru Srnnreov ttt h.tooruesn
Local Government/Bappeda
l.
Alan Tandiyar
2.
Alam T.
Bappeda l(ota Bogor
Bappeda Bogor
Kedutaan Besat/Embassy:
1.
Ben Dickinson
2.
Jeffrey Ong
3.
Julie-Anne-Lee
4.
Paul Parland
5.
Susan Wilson
6.
Mattias Lentz
7.
Ulf Samvelson
B.
Nicola Fragenello
9.
M. Aurelie
10. Mimi
British Embassy
Canada Embassy
New Zealand Embassy
Finland Embassy
Australian Embassy
Sweden Embassy
Sweden Embassy
Italy Embassy
French Embassy
Bdtish Embassv
International Organizations
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
76.
17.
18.
79.
Bishow B. Parajuli
PhilipJ. Clarke
lforld Food Programme
$7orld Food Programme
Helene Lindgren
International Labour Organizaion
u7orld Health Organization
Namita Pradhan
Nobuhisa Takeda Japan International Cooperarion Agency $ICA),
Indonesia Office
Moh Zulfan Tadjoeddin United Nations Support Facility
for Indonesia Recovery (UNSFIR)
Widjajanti I.
Suharyo UNSFIR
Mishra
Han Qunli
Laurence Pochard
L. Pochary
Paul R. Deuster
Satish
Jacqueline
Pomeroy
Rik L. Frenkel
Moh. Rum Ali
Rani Radjan
Dr. Bernhard May
I(hin-Sandilwin
Mukda Sunkool
UNSFIR
UNESCO
Jakarta- OfFrce
Asian Development Bank
ADB
United States For International Development
Wodd Bank
Swiss Developmenr Cooperation
USAID
UNDP
GTZ
UNICEF
ILO
Bappenas dan Organisasi Terkait Bappenas:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Macpherson CIDA-Bappenas
Velix Vernando WanggaiBappenas
IQthy
Thamrin
Eiko
Husain
Whismulyadi
Supriyadi
Cl-roesni
fuzal
Irawati S.
Ning D.
Sumedi A.M.
PROSIDING ONE
DAY
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
SEMINAR
67
Reruewrruo Povrnw Rroucnoru Srnnreov tN lNDoNEstA
11,.
1,2.
Bambang Pdjambodo
Sri Mulyanto
MariaL.
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
13.
14.
Dalle D.S.
EKUIN
15.
Soekarno
76.
Bintoro
17.
Leila R.
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
Bappenas
S.
18.
EdyDarmono
79.
Arianto
Tatag Wiranto
20.
Perguruan Tinggi
1.
Terrence Hull
The Australian Narional University
2.
Fakultas Teknik
5.
Bakti "Bobi" Setiawan
Imam Prasodjo
Latief MR
Hengki P
6.
Andi
7.
B. Setiawan
Subyakto
.LPM-UI
Mokh.Ikhsan
Tiiasih Djutahartz
LPEM UI
LP FEUI
1.
Joe Fernandez
Institute for Policy and Community
2.
Mita Noveda
Development Studies (IPCOS)
Puslitbang lGpendudukan dan l(etenagakerjaan
3.
S.
4.
Suhendar S.
Peter Gardiner
WIKDEP
Ptiya Subrata
Erfan Marvono
PI<BI
LP3ES
3.
4.
B.
9.
10.
S
UGM
FISIP UI
LPM IPB
PAN-SE UGM
IAIN Syarif Ilidayatullah
UGM
NGO'S
5.
6.
7.
Pamoedjo Rahardjo
LIpI
CRP
HIS
Pengelola Frogram Pengentasan Kemiskinan
1.
Aris Purnomo
PDM-DKE
2.
3.
Ari S
Andri
P3DT
P3DT
Undangan Lainnya
1.
Anto M.
2.
Sumardi
3.
Dudung Iswar
4.
Aclrmad Firdaus
Faizal
Agus Susanto
Achmad l-Iidayat
5.
6.
7.
B.
9.
68
M. Didien R,
Didin S. f)arnanhuri
SAM Transkcp
PROSIDING ONE
DAY SEMINA|i