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© 2008
Judith Velez
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
CROSSING CULTURES: HOW HISPANIC YOUTH ADAPT
by
JUDITH VELEZ
A Dissertation submitted to the
Graduate School-New Brunswick
Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy
School of Social Work
written under the direction of
Dr. Judith Baer
and approved by
____________________________________________
____________________________________________
_____________________________________________
_____________________________________________
New Brunswick, NJ
January, 2008
ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
Crossing Cultures: How Hispanic Youth Adapt
By JUDITH VELEZ
Dissertation Director:
Dr. Judith Baer
Despite the large number of Hispanic families living in the US, Hispanic
adolescents’ experience of adjustment to a different culture has been under-studied.
Traditionally, survey instruments have been the primary method of assessing
acculturation, which has not fully captured the complexity of the immigration and
adaptation process. This study used qualitative methods to elicit the experiences and
processual nature of acculturation among Hispanic adolescents. The purpose of the study
was to identify the specific issues that Hispanic youth face as they acculturate to the US.
In addition, the study sought to identify the role schools can take in facilitating their
adjustment.
The study’s design included the use of ten focus groups (53 students) comprised
of 7th and 8th grade students in two public schools in a northeastern, mid-sized city, and
individual interviews with three staff members. The student participants were largely
Mexican, Dominican and Honduran. The students represented a wide spectrum of
Hispanic acculturation experiences, ranging from the newly arrived to second-generation
status. Their concerns reflected the influence of a variety of contextual factors.
The results indicate that there are significant differences between the 1st and 2nd
generation participants. The topics of importance to the participants depended on where
ii
they were located along the adaptational process. Issues of the newly arrived were
relative to their native countries, while the issues of the more acculturated participants
were relative to the mainstream United States culture. The topics discussed by the
members of the school staff were generally consistent with those of the students.
However, they had additional concerns regarding the low levels of educational skills they
observed with new entrants into the schools. The school personnel also highlighted the
contextual issues that challenge Hispanic youth’s educational functioning.
The results of the study underscore the importance of examining the intersection
between developmental and acculturation processes from the perspective of Hispanic
youth. This type of data can help shape interventions that will positively influence
Hispanic youth development. The study identifies some of the measures schools can
implement to facilitate the overall adjustment of Hispanic youth to an academic
environment and US culture.
iii
Preface
As I grew up listening to the stories of my parents and family members recounting
their experiences in a new culture, little did I know where that would lead me in the
future. Immigration is a subject dear and close to me. My parents arrived from Puerto
Rico much like other immigrants before them, seeking to improve their economic
situations. They endured much hardship. Unfortunately, United States citizenship was
insufficient to protect them from the negative reactions to this new set of “foreigners.”
Their fortitude and perseverance was my first lesson about resilience. Growing up as a
second generation Puerto Rican, I traversed two cultures, negotiated the differing values
and did my best to find that happy medium between the two. As a result, I developed an
increasing interest in how people address life’s various adaptational demands.
Becoming a social worker and mental health practitioner allowed me the
opportunity to continue to listen to people’s life narratives and to help them surmount
their own adaptational challenges. I have had the privilege of working with many people
of varying cultures, ages, and walks of life. I also spent eighteen years in a local school
district, largely populated by Hispanic immigrants. There, I came face-to-face with the
daily realities of education and the complex interaction of individual, family and various
other environmental factors. My memory banks are filled with examples of the strengths
of the human spirit in the face of all kinds of adversity.
Consequently, it was natural for me to focus my dissertation on the acculturation
process of Hispanic youth. A qualitative design permitted me to listen to the participants’
narratives and hopefully contribute, at least a little, to the understanding of the
acculturation of Hispanic youth. With their help, I hoped to identify the role of schools in
helping them adjust. Long after the study was completed, I continue to hear the students’
iv
voices speaking of their challenges, hopes, dreams and disillusionment. This dissertation
is dedicated to their spirit and resilience.
v
Acknowledgements
If it takes a village to raise children, producing a dissertation is a close second.
There were countless people who helped me launch, conduct, and write this dissertation. I
will be indebted to them forever. The dissertation represents a collaborative effort of the
highest magnitude.
First, my committee spent countless hours reading and re-reading the chapters,
helping me shape and reshape the parts that eventually formed a coherent whole. The
chair of my committee, Dr. Judith Baer provided a great deal of guidance and propelled
me toward greater scholarly heights. She assisted me with issues of conceptualization and
with the production of a well written document. Dr. Claudia Moreno helped me to pay
close attention to methodology in qualitative research. When coding issues made my
head spin, Dr. Shari Much helped me to think like a researcher. I am especially indebted
to Dr. Peter Guarnaccia, a mentor extraordinaire. He was the first to suggest a study in
the schools. His expert guidance and encouragement, from start to finish, were
invaluable. I am also thankful to the School of Social Work for their financial assistance
with the project.
I had a great team of research assistants. From them I learned how stimulating and
enjoyable it is to conduct research with dedicated and talented people. Igda Martinez
performed the difficult job of typing notes during the focus groups and helped with the
coding. Her extensive experience with focus groups was priceless. The trustworthiness of
the study was greatly enhanced by additional research assistants who separately coded the
initial focus groups in order to obtain consensus about the codes. Dr. Alex Interian, Karol
Silva and Dr. Guarnaccia helped with this process and I am so grateful to them. A
heartfelt thank you is deserved by all of them. Fellow students, such as Nancy Scotto
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Rosato and Ranjana Banerjea, represented the behind-the-scenes assistance when I
needed it most.
There would have been no study without the approval of the school district. Mr.
Ramón Villafañe was particularly instrumental in obtaining the school board approval.
Mr. Villafañe has a deep commitment to the education of immigrant children and he
wholeheartedly supported the project. I also received a great deal of help from school
secretaries, teachers, and other school staff who assisted in those innumerable small, but
essential details, that had to be attended to before each focus group. I appreciate all of
their help.
I could not have sustained the pressures and challenges of completing a
dissertation without the love and support of my family and friends. My husband, George,
daughters Melissa and Amelia, the wind beneath my wings, cheered me on and provided
all kinds of encouragement. George provided his expert computer technology assistance
which saved me time and effort. Melissa helped me format the tables and Amelia
reminded me that I was actually moving along when I felt otherwise. Their presence,
love, and smiles kept me going. Of course, my parents have played an instrumental role
in this achievement. Their belief in education and in my ability to accomplish whatever I
set out to do has carried me throughout my life. This is an accomplishment for the past
and future generations of my family as a testament of what can be accomplished with the
right combination of factors.
Last, but in no manner least, I am grateful to the study’s participants. The students
were generous in sharing their experiences, hopes, trials, and tribulations. I enjoyed being
with them, even when some of them were far more rambunctious than I would have
preferred. We need to listen to them, for their knowledge, thoughts and ideas are under-
vii
valued. I am also grateful to the school staff participants, who offered their opinions,
experiences and thoughts about the challenges faced by acculturating Hispanic in their
schools. They are dedicated professionals and deserve a big hand for all that they do.
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION........................................................................................................ii
Preface............................................................................................................................................................iv
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................................vi
List of Tables.................................................................................................................................................xii
Chapter 1: Introduction ...................................................................................................................................1
Statement of Problem ..................................................................................................................................1
Goals of the Study .......................................................................................................................................5
Definitions ...................................................................................................................................................5
Goals and Usefulness of the Study ..............................................................................................................8
Chapter 2: Literature Review ........................................................................................................................10
Hispanics: A Diverse Population .............................................................................................................10
Adolescent Mental Health—Contemporary Conceptual Approaches .......................................................14
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Theory ........................................................................................................18
Acculturation Theory.................................................................................................................................20
Acculturation Research .............................................................................................................................22
Acculturative Stress...................................................................................................................................29
Acculturative Stress and Hispanic Adolescent Psychological Well-Being................................................34
Coping .......................................................................................................................................................39
Summary....................................................................................................................................................47
Chapter 3: Methodology................................................................................................................................49
Rationale for Qualitative Methodology.....................................................................................................49
Research Questions ...................................................................................................................................52
Setting........................................................................................................................................................52
Gaining Entry............................................................................................................................................54
Sampling Frame ........................................................................................................................................55
Participants ...............................................................................................................................................55
Research Design—Focus Groups..............................................................................................................57
Procedure for Approval of the Study.........................................................................................................59
Procedure for Recruitment of Participants for Focus Groups ..................................................................60
Procedure for the Implementation of the Focus Groups ...........................................................................63
Procedure for Recruitment of Participants for the Individual Interviews .................................................68
Procedure for Implementation of Individual Interviews............................................................................68
Human Subjects Issues ..............................................................................................................................69
The Researcher as the Instrument .............................................................................................................70
Analysis of Data ........................................................................................................................................73
Analysis of Student Information Forms.....................................................................................................78
Trustworthiness .........................................................................................................................................78
Summary....................................................................................................................................................82
Chapter 4: Characteristics of the Participants................................................................................................83
Results of the Focus Groups and Individual Interviews ............................................................................87
Chapter 5: Crossing Borders: The Road to the American Dream .................................................................93
Crossing Borders.......................................................................................................................................93
The Honeymoon and Posthoneymoon Phases .........................................................................................102
Chapter 6: All in the Family: Changes in the primary support network......................................................132
Family as Primary Support .....................................................................................................................133
Separation ...............................................................................................................................................136
Reunification ...........................................................................................................................................139
Reconfiguration.......................................................................................................................................141
Family Obligations..................................................................................................................................148
Environmentally Challenged ...................................................................................................................154
ix
Racial Toe Stepping ................................................................................................................................157
Ethnic Toe Stepping ................................................................................................................................162
Chapter 8: What Schools Can Do................................................................................................................169
Teach Us..................................................................................................................................................169
School-Student Relations.........................................................................................................................171
School climate .........................................................................................................................................173
Support Services......................................................................................................................................175
Summary of Main Findings .....................................................................................................................177
Chapter 9: Discussion..................................................................................................................................179
What Aspects of the Immigration/Adjustment Experience Do the Participants Find Most Difficult? .....182
Bilingual Class Participants................................................................................................................182
Monolingual Participants....................................................................................................................189
Neighborhood......................................................................................................................................198
The Second Generation Effect .............................................................................................................200
School Personnel Participants ............................................................................................................203
Participation in After-School Activities...............................................................................................204
Summary..............................................................................................................................................206
What Coping Strategies Does the Targeted Group Employ During the Acculturation Process? ...........207
What Can Schools Do to Facilitate the Adjustment Process of Hispanic Adolescents? .........................210
Academic Instruction...........................................................................................................................210
School Climate ....................................................................................................................................211
Support Service ...................................................................................................................................213
Limitations of the Study.......................................................................................................................215
Theoretical Implications......................................................................................................................217
Research Implications .........................................................................................................................220
Practice Implications ..........................................................................................................................222
Policy Implications..............................................................................................................................224
Conclusion...........................................................................................................................................225
References ...................................................................................................................................................227
APPENDIX A: PROPOSAL.......................................................................................................................256
APPENDIX B: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................264
APPENDIX C: RESOLUTION ..................................................................................................................267
APPENDIX D: MEMORANDUM TO THE TEACHERS.........................................................................268
APPENDIX E1: BILINGUAL STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (SPANISH) ...........................................269
APPENDIX E2: BILINGUAL STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (ENGLISH)...........................................271
APPENDIX F1: REVISED STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (SPANISH) ................................................273
APPENDIX F2: REVISED STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (ENGLISH)................................................274
APPENDIX G: MEMORANDUM TO THE PRINCIPALS ......................................................................275
APPENDIX H1: BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS (SPANISH) .................................276
APPENDIX H2: BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS (ENGLISH).................................278
APPENDIX I1: REVISED BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS (SPANISH).................279
APPENDIX I2: REVISED BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS (ENGLISH) ................280
APPENDIX J1: INITIAL FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW GUIDE (SPANISH) .......................................281
APPENDIX J2: INITIAL FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW GUIDE (ENGLISH).......................................283
APPENDIX K1: REVISED FOCUS GROUP GUIDE (SPANISH)...........................................................285
APPENDIX K2: REVISED FOCUS GROUP GUIDE (ENGLISH) ..........................................................286
APPENDIX L1: SCRIPT FOR ORAL ASSENT (SPANISH) ...................................................................287
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APPENDIX L2: SCRIPT FOR ORAL ASSENT (ENGLISH) ...................................................................288
APPENDIX M: CONSENT FORM FOR SCHOOL STAFF .....................................................................289
APPENDIX N: INTERVIEW GUIDE – SCHOOL STAFF .......................................................................290
APPENDIX O: INITIAL CODES...............................................................................................................291
APPENDIX P: REVISED CODES .............................................................................................................293
APPENDIX Q: DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS...........................................................................................295
APPENDIX R: PARTICIPANT FLUENCY AND LITERACY IN ENGLISH AND SPANISH..............297
APPENDIX R: PARTICIPANT FLUENCY AND LITERACY IN ENGLISH AND SPANISH..............298
APPENDIX S: PERCENT OF STUDENTS PARTICIPATING IN AFTER SCHOOL ACTIVITIES .....300
Curriculum Vita...........................................................................................................................................301
xi
List of Tables
Table
Title
Page
Table 1
Number of Students Who Signed Up and Participated in Focus Groups
88
Table 2
Open Coding - Student Experiences of Acculturation
89
Table 3
Chapter Headings (Themes and Subthemes)
90
Table 4
Crossing Borders
93
Table 5
The Honeymoon and Posthoneymoon Phases
101
Table 6
En Route to a Bicultural Identity
118
Table 7
All in the Family
133
Table 8
“Social” Studies: Crossing Social, Racial and Ethnic Boundaries
154
Table 9
What Schools Can Do
169
xii
1
Chapter 1: Introduction
Statement of Problem
Hispanics are the fastest growing group of immigrants in the United States (US
Census Press Release, 2004). As the Census Bureau statistics indicate, the Hispanic
population is now close to 13% of the total population (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002). The
Hispanic growth rate between April 1, 2000 and July 1, 2003 was 13%, almost four times
that of the 3% rate for the total United States population (US Census Press Release,
2004). Between July 1, 2003, and July 1, 2004, alone, the Hispanic population grew at a
rate of 4%, more than three times that of the total population (US Census Press Release,
2005). Projections to 2050 suggest that Hispanics will account for 24% of the population
(US Census Bureau, 2004). In addition to their growing numbers, Hispanics are unique in
that they are relatively young in comparison to non-Hispanic European-Americans. In
2002, the Current Population Reports of the US Census Bureau indicated that 34% of
Hispanics were under the age of 18, compared with 23% of non-Hispanic European
Americans (Ramirez & de la Cruz).
Despite their larger numbers and youth, Hispanics are underrepresented in
adolescent research (Fuligni, 1998a; García Coll et al., 1996; McLoyd, 1998). Rodriguez
and Morrobel (2004) conducted a comprehensive review of eight prominent adolescentdevelopment journals and two Hispanic-focused journals during the period of 1996-2002.
They summarized the journals’ attention to adolescent development for Hispanics living
in the United States and Puerto Rico. Out of 1,010 empirical articles in the six nonHispanic-focused journals, 62 reported results on Hispanic youth. Less than half of those
articles were focused on Hispanic youth exclusively. In the two Hispanic-focused
journals, 59 out of 261 articles were focused on developmental issues, and the rest were
2
symptom-oriented on such issues as substance use and depression. This deficit in
research is especially concerning given that Hispanic youth are experiencing the social,
psychological, and biological changes of adolescence, as well as undergoing the process
of adaptation to a different culture. The negotiation of these interconnected processes is
critical to Hispanic adolescents’ successful transition to adulthood and integration into
the wider society.
The scarcity of investigations related to Hispanic youth is particularly evident for
the middle school years (Crean, 2004). Early adolescence is defined in terms of
transitional events—including puberty, changes in school or the structure of classes, and
achievement demands (Brooks-Gunn, 1988). For the general middle school population,
little data exists that describes the kind of strategies young adolescents employ to manage
normative developmental transitions, as well as non-normative stressful events, such as
the death of a parent. Recently, early adolescence has received greater attention as a
phase of adolescence with unique characteristics, but few studies have examined the
years incorporating the transition to high school (French, Seidman, Allen, & Aber, 2000).
Simmons, Burgeson, & Reef (1988) proposed that the cooccurrence of several major life
transitions during the years preceding high school entrance result in negative outcomes
for academic achievement and self-esteem. Adaptation to such transitions to middle
school and high school is often experienced concurrently with the biological changes of
puberty and their attending social relational implications. It is unclear how the foregoing
propositions affect Hispanic middle school youth, especially when they confront the
additional demands of adjustment to a dissimilar culture.
The need for greater research attention is heightened in view of the variety of
contextual difficulties that impact on the well-being of Hispanic youth. Foremost,
3
Hispanics have a lower standard of living than the rest of the population (Casas &
Vasquez, 1996; García-Coll et al., 1996; Leyindecker & Lamb, 1999). Hispanic children
younger than 18 years of age comprise 28% of the children living in poverty, compared
to 9% of European-American children (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002). Other contextual
factors that are considered correlates of poverty include the limited access to health care
among Hispanics. In 2000, 25% of Hispanic children lacked health insurance, as
compared to 7% of European-American children. The absence of health insurance
impedes access to primary and secondary medical care. In addition to these contextual
factors, Hispanics largely live in substandard, crowded housing located in unsafe
communities (Hernández, 2004; Montaño & Lopez Metcafe, 2003).
The ramifications of the above demographic statistics are most evident within the
school environment, where the contextual constraints cited above interact with the daily
academic demands made on Hispanic children and adolescents. Hispanic youth represent
more than 25% of the students registered in major city schools and 14% of the publicschool registrants in the United States (Gibson, 2002). Along with poverty and the
attending features cited above, the low educational attainment of parents joins the list of
risk factors for low academic achievement among Hispanic youth (Montaño & Lopez
Metcafe, 2003; President’s Advisory Commission on Educational Excellence for
Hispanic Americans, 2001). Hispanic youth are less likely to have parents who have
graduated from high school (Hernández, 2004; Ochoa, 2003). The association between
parental level of education and their children’s academic achievement is revealed in the
fact that the Hispanic population younger than 25 years of age is less likely to have
graduated from high school. More than 2 in 5 Hispanics in this age group have not
completed a high school education (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002). While 89% of the non-
4
Hispanic European-American population under the age of 25 has graduated from high
school, the corresponding figure for high school graduation among Hispanics is only
57%. It is well established that youth who do not complete high school are more likely to
be unemployed and to earn less than those with a high school diploma (Llagas & Snyder,
2003).
In addition to the factors linked to socioeconomic status, academic success for the
immigrant sector of Hispanic youth has been associated with the age of arrival and prior
educational experiences (Moll & Ruiz, 2002; President’s Advisory Commission on
Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans, 2003). For example, Cortina and
Gendreau (2003) found a high number of Mexican immigrant children entering the New
York City schools with little or no prior educational experience, placing them further
behind mainstream youth in academic skills. Gaining English proficiency is a crucial
component of academic success and subsequent employment. Cortina and Gendreau also
found that it appeared to be more difficult for older immigrant youth to achieve Englishlanguage proficiency. Only 45% of all the Mexican children who entered the New York
City school system at the middle school level, and 15% of those who entered at the high
school level, achieved English-language mastery.
These issues are further complicated by the tendency of most Hispanic youth to
find themselves in large, overcrowded, urban school districts with limited resources to
meet the numerous educational and social/emotional needs of this population (Ochoa,
2003; President’s Advisory Commission on Educational Excellence for Hispanic
Americans, 2003). Yet, as institutions that have a significant impact on the daily lives of
Hispanic students, schools are in a prime position to facilitate their adjustment to a
different culture. Consequently, research studies within school contexts can provide
5
opportunities to increase knowledge about how Hispanic youth adapt to the United States
culture and what assists that process.
Goals of the Study
In order to address this lack of research on Hispanic youth, the Crossing Cultures:
How Hispanic Youth Adapt research project focused on the processes related to the
adjustment to a different culture. More specifically, the purpose of the study was to
explore the factors that affect Hispanic youth development and to identify the ways earlyadolescent Hispanics perceive and cope with the demands of culture change. Using focus
groups, this research study captured the experiences of the students who had various
lengths of residence in the United States. While the importance of context in the full
understanding of developing youth has been neglected in prior research (García Coll et
al., 1996), this investigation examines the intersection of adolescence and the
environment, with particular attention to the school setting. In sum, the research study
intends to increase the knowledge base of how culture change affects Hispanic adolescent
adjustment within the school context. Given the aforementioned threats to Hispanic
adolescent well-being, it is crucial that factors that facilitate adjustment are identified.
The adaptation to a different culture incorporates the concepts of acculturation,
stress, and coping. A brief definition of these key concepts will follow as an introductory
background to the in-depth attention they will receive in the Literature Review.
Definitions
Acculturation. This is the term used to describe the process of change immigrants
undergo as they adjust to the host society (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992;
6
García-Coll & Vázquez García, 1995; Marín, 1993; Miranda, 2000). The concept of
acculturation is closely tied to adaptation, defined by Rogler (1994) as incorporating the
ways humans accommodate to environmental changes and how the environment is poised
to produce such changes. Accommodation entails the incremental incorporation of the
skills useful for optimal functioning in the new culture (Miranda). Changes in behavior,
values, and attitudes generally accompany acculturation. In order to create facilitative
settings for Hispanic adolescents, the nature of the accommodating strategies and factors
most likely to lead to a positive adjustment need to be better understood. While
acculturation can be viewed as an individual or group process, this research study focuses
on psychological acculturation, defined by Padilla and Perez (2003) as “the internal
processes of change that immigrants experience when they come into direct contact with
members of the host culture.” (p. 35). The process of culture change can be accompanied
by varying emotional responses.
Stress. The immigrant experience is a life-altering one that challenges the
resources of the individual and group. Stress has been strongly associated with the
movement from a native country to an unfamiliar one (Balls Organista, Organista, &
Kuraski, 2003; Brody, 1990; Smart & Smart, 1995). A stressful event is one that an
individual finds “taxing or exceeding his or her resources and endangering his or her
well-being” (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984, p. 21). The source of the demands on
adaptational resources can be external, internal, or both (Smart & Smart). Grant et al.
(2003) extend the definition to include “environmental events or chronic conditions that
objectively threaten the physical and/or psychological health or well-being of individuals
of a particular age in a particular society” (p. 449). A process of appraisal, which includes
an assessment of the stressor, is part of the stress response and influences a course of
7
action (Lazarus, 1999; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Stress can be expressed in a variety of
ways such as depression, anxiety, or other behavioral manifestations (Lazarus &
Folkman; Sandler, Wolchik, MacKinnon, Ayers, & Roosa, 1997). While stress has been
considered a threat to well-being and health, the specific conditions associated with
negative consequences are unclear (Grant, et al.; Lazarus). Furthermore, the exposure to a
stressful event cannot be assumed to produce negative outcomes (Garton & Pratt, 1995;
Miranda, 2000). Although acculturation has been associated with stress, it is likely that
the relationship between acculturation and mental health is mediated by multiple
variables such as the presence of social supports and discrimination (Balls Organista,
Organista, & Kurasaki, 2003). While acculturation may influence levels of stress, how
individuals respond to psychologically challenging experiences is of critical importance.
Coping. This term refers to the ways people manage stressful events and is
considered decisive for psychological well-being (Compas, 1995; Miranda, 2000).
Specifically, it is defined as “constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to
manage specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or
exceeding the resources of the person (Lazarus, 1984, p. 141). Matheny, Aycock, Pugh,
Curlette, and Silva Cunella (1986) expanded on this definition as “any effort healthy and
unhealthy, conscious or unconscious to prevent, eliminate or weaken stressors or to
tolerate their effect in the least hurtful manner,” (p.509). Healthy coping skills are those
adaptive measures that lead to a sense of control over the event. Lazarus posits that
coping skills are not static, fixed aspects of functioning but dynamic measures, subject to
change and modification. Adolescence is especially a time when these skills are in flux
and in the process of development (Compas, Connor, Saltzman, Harding Thomsen &
8
Wadsworth, 1999; Donaldson, Prinstein, Danovsky, & Spirito, 2000; Eisenberg, Fabes, &
Guthrie, 1997).
The roles of stress and coping are of particular importance to educational
outcomes. Stress has been found to adversely affect academic achievement in youth
(Annunziata, Hogue, Faw, & Liddle, 2006; Crean, 2004; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001;
Wood, 2006). Coping skills help buffer the effects of stress (Lengua & Stormshak, 2000)
and are associated with healthy adjustment (Clarke, 2006), consequently, promoting
positive academic outcomes. Given the low high school graduation rate of Hispanic
youth, much would be gained from understanding the role of stress and coping in the
process of acculturation during early adolescence. The reduction of levels of stress and
the optimization of coping skills have the potential to contribute to positive educational
outcomes and psychological well-being.
Goals and Usefulness of the Study
The first goal of the Crossing Cultures: How Hispanic Youth Adapt research
project was to provide a rich description of the acculturation experiences of the Hispanic
middle school students under study. By eliciting the perspectives of the youth directly,
the study was able to identify the specific issues of importance to the participants. The
results were anticipated to provide a fuller understanding of the challenges faced by the
youth and to identify the strategies perceived as most helpful. Second, the results of the
research study have the potential to offer schools information about how the academic
setting can facilitate the adjustment of Hispanic middle school students to the demands of
the school environment. Third, it was further anticipated that the findings from this
research study would provide additional guidance to social workers and other mental
9
health practitioners in the development of interventions in the direct service to Hispanic
youth and their families. Increased knowledge about the interaction between
acculturation, environmental context, and adolescent adjustment would potentially
enhance treatment outcomes. Finally, the findings of the research study also offer the
opportunity to contribute to the debate about how acculturation is understood and
measured.
10
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Thus far, general characteristics of the Hispanic population have been presented,
obscuring the variability within the group. Actually, Hispanics represent a diverse set of
people nested within varying contexts and histories. In order to avoid the treatment of
Hispanics as a homogenous collective, a summary of the composition of the largest
Hispanic subgroups in the United States will comprise the first section of the Literature
Review. This will serve to frame the research study within its larger context and to
recognize the significance of context for acculturating adolescents. The rest of the
Literature Review will be organized into seven additional sections:
•
Adolescent Mental Health—Contemporary Conceptual Approaches
•
Acculturation Theory
•
Acculturation Research
•
Acculturation Stress
•
Acculturation Stress and Hispanic Adolescent Psychological Well-Being
•
Coping
•
Summary
Hispanics: A Diverse Population
For the purposes of this research study, the term “Hispanics” will be used strictly
as a descriptor, as done by the United States Census, indicating a group of people who
were born or whose parents were born in Spanish-speaking countries or regions such as
Mexico, Central and South America, the Spanish-speaking Caribbean, and Spain (Cauce
& Domenech-Rodriguez, 2002). While Hispanics share the same language and certain
values, their within-group diversity has been increasingly acknowledged (Guarnaccia,
11
1997; Massey, Zambrana, & Ball, 1995; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Suárez-Orozco &
Páez, 2002; Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002), contrary to its under-emphasis in the past
(García Coll et al., 1996). Racial heterogeneity, differences in socioeconomic levels,
sociopolitical contexts, and other situational factors, in both the exiting and host societies,
create varying influences on the acculturation process (Guarnaccia; Rogler, 1994). Even
within particular Hispanic countries, variations also exist in socioeconomic levels,
sociopolitical history, and diversity from indigenous cultures, as well as the incorporation
of their own immigrant groups over time. A brief summative review of the largest
subgroups—Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans—will illustrate how variation can
affect the acculturation process.
At 67%, Mexicans are the largest Hispanic subgroup in the United States
(Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002). Mexicans who lived in the Southwest at the time of the
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo found a new country superimposed over their land,
resulting in multiple generations of Mexicans living in the United States. Mexico lost
one-half of its northern territory as the result of this treaty to end the Mexican War
(Suárez -Orozco, & Páez, 2002). Given their proximity to the United States, the
incorporation of Mexican labor into the United States economy has a long history.
Between World War I and World War II, the United States looked to Mexico to replace a
declining labor pool. Recruitment of Mexican migrant workers took place during that
time and continued after World War II through the Bracero Program (Portes, 1994). The
demand for immigrant labor continues to encourage Mexicans to move to this country
(Suárez-Orozco & Páez).
More recently, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the treaty
implemented in 1994 to increase trade between Mexico and the United States, has
12
provided new motivations for immigration. While the treaty has modestly increased
wages in Mexico because of increased trade, it has also increased the ability to raise
money for the migratory path to the United States. In addition, an increase in
consumerism and consumption is posited to raise expectations for higher standards of
living, which also prompts migration (Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2002). Furthermore,
economic conditions in Mexico, immigration quotas, and the demand for immigrant labor
account for the large undocumented portion of the Mexican settlers in the United States.
Nearly 40% of Mexican immigrants are illegally living in North America (Suárez Orozco & Páez). The undocumented status of Mexican and other immigrants is a
significant contextual factor in the process of acculturation due to the constraints it
imposes on upward mobility and full access to society’s resources and services (Smart &
Smart, 1995).
As the second largest subgroup, Puerto Ricans represent 9% of the Hispanic
population in the United States (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002). As United States citizens,
they can travel freely between the mainland and the island (Cauce & DomenechRodriguez, 2002; Guarnaccia, 1997). While this may appear to create a distinct advantage
over other Hispanic immigrants, Puerto Ricans have the highest rate of poverty among
Hispanics (Ramirez & de la Cruz; Suárez -Orozco & Páez, 2002). A commonwealth of
the United States for the past 54 years, the island remains highly dependent on the United
States economy and vulnerable to the fluctuations of the markets. High unemployment
rates on the island increase the flow of migrants to the mainland (Guarnaccia). Such
economic determinants have caused a circular flow of migration between the United
States mainland and Puerto Rico (Duany, 2002).
13
In contrast to the immigration experiences of Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, the
Cuban immigration experience offers a prime example of how the socioeconomic status
of a group and a welcoming host country can significantly alter the incoming group’s
total experience. During the first main immigration of Cubans in the 1960s, entrants were
offered political asylum and generous financial assistance from the federal, state, and
local government (Moll & Ruiz, 2002). Hailed as anti-communist, Cuban immigrants
were awarded 1 billion dollars from the United States government via the Cuban Refugee
Program between 1965 and 1976 (Stepick & Dutton Stepick, 2002). In addition, the
Cuban immigrants that entered the US were among the most educated and skilled
members of the Cuban population (Cauce & Domenech-Rodriguez, 2002; Leyindecker &
Lamb, 1999). Today, Cubans are the wealthiest and most educated Hispanic group in the
US (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002; US Census Press Release, 2000d). The efforts of these
early immigrants have resulted in a powerful economic base.
However, the experience of the Mariel Cubans, who arrived in the 1980s from the
port of Mariel, Cuba, has been markedly different (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). They
entered under much less favorable political conditions and were among the least educated
of the home Cuban population. (Guarnaccia, 1997; Stepick & Dutton Stepick, 2002). In
contrast to earlier Cuban entrants, the children of Mariel Cubans hold the lowest level of
educational attainment of the group (Portes & Rumbaut). The differences in personal
resources and the context of the Mariel Cubans’ reception by the dominant culture have
significantly contributed to their adjustment experience.
Other Hispanic immigrants originate from the Dominican Republic, South
America, and Central America. Groups of settlers from El Salvador, Columbia,
Nicaragua, and Guatemala have fled their countries due to economic conditions, political
14
unrest, and violence. Some have been professionals in their countries of origin and have
had to accept low-skilled and low-paying employment due to an undetermined status.
These groups have not been favored by preferential treatment, such as the financial
support given to the first group of Cubans (Gil & Vega, 1996; Guarnaccia, 1997). The
countries of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru represent the largest portion of Hispanics
arriving from South America (Guarnaccia). In total, Hispanics from Central America and
South America comprise 14% of the Hispanic population (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002).
While Spain is considered a Hispanic country, it is not included in this summary due to
their relative small numbers. The United States Census reports a Spanish population in
the United States of 100,135 (US Census Bureau, 2000b), less than 1% of the US
population.
As such, the diversity of the Hispanic population precludes generalizations within
and between groups. Consequently, it is reasonable to expect that these differing contexts
will have unique implications for the different groups of Hispanics who immigrate and
stay in the United States. The Mexican adolescent, undocumented and struggling in
poverty, may have a different acculturation experience from the Cuban adolescent whose
parents are well educated and affluent. Consequently, within-group differences in
adaptation may be related to macro-level factors (Portes & Zady, 2002), such as the
economy or the political context. Therefore, it is essential to keep these contexts in mind
as the process of integrating into a new culture is more specifically addressed.
Adolescent Mental Health—Contemporary Conceptual Approaches
Research studies that have included multiethnic samples have identified some of
the similarities and differences in psychological well-being between Hispanic adolescents
15
and youth from different cultural backgrounds. For example, gender differences in certain
areas of psychological well-being appear to have cross-cultural relevance. In particular,
stress has been generally reported more often for girls than boys (Berry, Poortinga, Segall,
& Dasen, 1992; Garton & Pratt, 1995; Seiffge-Krenke, 1993). Investigations focused on
both mainstream and immigrant populations found that girls appeared to be more highly
affected by stressful life events in general (Compas, 1995; Griffith, Dubow, & Ippolito,
2000; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). Self-esteem, as another indicator of psychological wellbeing, has been found to be lower in girls than boys in both mainstream and multicultural
samples of adolescents (Griffith et al.; Rumbaut, 1994). Portes and Rumbaut found
marginally lower levels of self-esteem in their sample of girls when compared to boys.
Similar to the cross-cultural self-esteem and stress findings, depression has been
found to be higher among females of all ages in the general population worldwide
(Culbertson, 1997). This finding appears to hold for adolescent females as well. Portes
and Rumbaut (2001) found gender difference for depression was also markedly
significant among their study’s culturally diverse population. Over one third of the
females reported elevated depression scores, compared to only a fourth of the males. The
difference remained consistent over the course of their longitudinal study. Portes and
Zady (2002) and Benjet and Hernández-Guzmán (2002) conducted research that found
lower levels of self-esteem and higher levels of depression in the girls among their
Hispanic adolescent samples. However, developmental progression may influence the
variations of these indices of psychological well-being. For example, in a longitudinal
study conducted by Roberts, Sarigiani, Petersen, and Newman (1990) involving 242
mainly European-American sixth to eighth grade youngsters, self-image decreased for
girls and increased for boys as they moved from the sixth to the seventh grades. By the
16
eighth grade, girls re-established a more positive self-image and appeared to have
adjusted to changes caused by puberty and entrance into middle school. Additional
multicultural research is needed to demonstrate the replicability of these findings across
groups of adolescents.
For the mainstream adolescent population, the onset of puberty and middle school
entrance has been found to pose the greatest risk for increases in depressed mood and
reduced educational attainment (Compas, 1995; Gonzales, Dumka, Deardoff, Carter, &
McCray, 2004). Benjet and Hernández-Guzmán (2002) also found this to be particularly
true for girls in their study of 951 (512 females, 439 males) fifth- and sixth-grade students
in Mexico City. Furthermore, acute life stressors and social conflict were found to be
significant risk factors in early adolescent adjustment, each being positively associated
with symptomotology (Crean, 2004). Clearly more research needs to be conducted with
Hispanic middle school youth in order to understand better how the combination of
acculturation, the onset of puberty and middle school entrance affects their mental health.
The understanding of the complexity of the various factors that affect adolescent
psychological well-being is hampered by the lack of agreement about what is directly
associated with stress and how it is operationalized. Zane and Mak (2003) found this to
be particularly true for acculturative stress. For example, various aspects of psychological
well-being, such as depression and self-esteem (Valentine, 2001) have been measured by
the use of different scales (Gil & Vega, 1996). Szalacha and colleagues (2003) used the
Harter’s Self-Perception Profile for Children in their study including 248 Puerto Rican
adolescents (128 girls, 120 boys). This measure contains questions involving scholastic
and athletic competence, as well as social-acceptance components believed to be
important measures of self-assessed competencies pertaining to self-esteem. Sam (2000)
17
used another measure of self-esteem, the 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, in his
study with a multiethnic sample of 506 immigrant adolescents (50 Chilean, 112 Turkish,
150 Vietnamese, and 194 Pakistani). This measure obviously taps fewer aspects of selfesteem and focuses on self-perception of self-esteem in isolation from other
competencies. The use of multiple measures of psychological well-being affects the level
of comparability between constructs, especially when different aspects of the construct
are tapped in a questionnaire.
Despite some of the problematic aspects of adolescent developmental research,
newer perspectives offer the prospect of expanding the understanding of this age group.
Research and developmental theory focusing on adolescents have increasingly turned to
the importance of contextual factors in the lives of youth as they transition to adulthood.
Researchers in the field of developmental psychology have embraced the perspective of
the adolescent as embedded in a system of reciprocal relationships within multiple
settings (Coie et al., 1993; Compas, Hindren, & Gerhardt, 1995; García Coll et al., 1996;
Grant et al., 2003; Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1993). Cooper (1999) speaks to the “multiple
worlds” of adolescents, which include family, school, neighborhood, and friends that are
nested in the ecocultural framework of adolescents’ daily lives. Each world is seen as
containing values, beliefs, and expectations that the adolescent must navigate within and
across settings. Some studies have included differing geographical locations, as well as
historical periods in the assessment of educational achievement, self-esteem, and other
outcomes (Elder & Kirkpatrick Johnson, 2002; Massey et al., 1995; Moll & Ruiz, 2002;
Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Sarigiani, Wilson, Petersen, & Vicary 1990).
Integrative models of development also have recognized that mainstream theories
of youth development have not generally included the intersection of ethnicity, gender,
18
culture, social class, and race and their effect on growing youth (García Coll, et al. 1996).
For example, skin color is a major criterion of acceptance in the United States with
discrimination increasing as the skin color darkens (Massey et al., 1995; Portes &
Rumbaut, 2001). Darker skin has a negative impact on earnings (Gomez, 2000), and Hall
(1994) proposes that it may have negative mental health outcomes such as depression.
Thus, adolescent development is best understood when the interaction of the person
within the environment is fully appreciated.
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Theory
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Theory (1979) emerged from a time when
psychological research commonly involved models testing the effect of individually
oriented predictor and outcome variables. While the importance of the environment was
theoretically asserted, research studies tended to omit its presence from investigations
related to adolescent psychological growth. Ecological theory transcends the prior focus
on the individual and the areas of perception, cognition, and emotion. In this framework,
the adolescent is viewed as situated within layers of settings that include neighborhood,
schools, families, and wider geographical contexts. Development is conceptualized as an
evolving interconnection between the person and the environment. An ecological
perspective of human development emphasizes the mutuality of adaptational processes as
individuals and the systems surrounding them respond to each other.
Ecological theory outlines four successive layers of settings where adolescents are
situated (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The microsystem involves the adolescent’s immediate
context, such as family, school, and peer relations. The mesosystem is a structure of
microsystems and represents two or more settings involving the adolescent, such as
19
home, neighborhood, and school. The exosystem incorporates two or more settings,
where, in at least one, the adolescent is not directly involved. This can be seen in the
relationship between home and a parent’s place of employment. While adolescents are
not directly involved in their parents’ job, it nonetheless affects their well-being. Finally,
Bronfenbrenner defines the macrosystem as incorporating characteristics of all the above
systems. The macrosystem contains general, stable patterns of organization—such as
laws, customs, media, opportunity structures, beliefs, and so on—that are common to the
youngster. For example, discrimination is a part of the macrosystem that has a rippling
effect through the rest of the layers of systems affecting development. Culture is another
example of a macrosystem that provides the developing adolescent with “systems
blueprints” for behavior.
A contextual approach is particularly relevant to the understanding of Hispanic
adolescents of all nationalities. From the impact of immigration policies and
discrimination to the most immediate relationships of the adolescent, Ecological Theory
affords the researcher an increased appreciation for the impact of outside systems on the
growing adolescent. Thus, this theoretical model permits the exploration of varying sets
of interactions, such as how the exosystem affects adolescent self-esteem and selfconcept. Additional relevance to the process of acculturation is provided by the theory’s
concept of “ecological transition.” The definition includes changes in the individual’s
position that result from alterations in the setting or roles. An ecological model
acknowledges the role of these changes as represented in the acculturation process.
20
Acculturation Theory
Acculturation incorporates the psychological and social changes people undergo
as they adjust to a new culture (Cabassa, 2003). Conceptualization about this process has
a long historical legacy dating back to ancient history (Rudmin, 2003). More recently, in
the pre-World War years of the 20th century, interest in acculturation peaked in response
to the heavy influx of southern and eastern European immigrants arriving in the United
States (Gordon, 1964; Padilla & Perez, 2003; Rumbaut, 1994). A key figure in the study
of acculturation, sociologist Robert Park, developed his own theory of acculturation in
1914 (Padilla & Perez). His model incorporated three sequential stages of acculturation:
contact, accommodation, and assimilation. Contact was thought to pressure the differing
cultural groups to find ways to accommodate to each other. As the immigrants
accommodated to the host culture, integration into the dominant group led to assimilation
through intermarriage and a fusion of the groups. Assimilation implied a progressive,
linear adoption of North American behavior and values. This perspective assumed that
immigrants had to choose one culture due to the deleterious adjustment of living on the
margins of two cultures (Garza & Gallegos, 1995).
In 1936, anthropologists Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits (1936) developed the
definition of acculturation that continues to be the most often cited in current literature on
the subject: “acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of
individuals having different cultures come into continuous first hand contact, with
subsequent changes in the original patterns of either or both groups” (p. 149). This
definition challenged the assumption that change was possible only in the newly arrived
group. The authors identified three possible results of acculturation: 1) acceptance, or the
loss of the native culture and the assimilation of the values and behavior patterns of the
21
dominant culture; 2) adaptation, as defined by the combination of both the native and the
dominant group into a unified culture; and 3) resistance to the assimilation process due to
an oppressive stance by the dominant culture.
In 1954, the Social Science Research Council further elaborated on the prior
description of acculturation by specifying a more multidimensional, multifactorial
process. This definition incorporated the significance of ecological and demographic
variables that impinge on the native or newly arrived group. The definition also included
“the selective adaptation” of values, precluding the assumption of total adoption of all
aspects of the dominant culture. Acculturation was distinguished from assimilation,
positing that one could be acculturated, but not assimilated. For the Social Science
Research Council (1954), assimilation implied the progressive approximation toward
adoption of the dominant culture. A complete fusion was, nonetheless, the expected
outcome.
While an assimilationist perspective dominated acculturation theory, other
conceptualizations have also existed simultaneously since the 19th century (Gordon,
1964). For example, the popularized “melting pot theory” proposed that the many cultural
groups present in the US would eventually fuse and blend, with characteristics of each
culture integrated into the whole. The cultural pluralist perspective proclaimed the right
of each culture to maintain values and aspects of the native culture, while functioning as
full participants in a society.
Another approach to the examination and understanding of the immigrant
experience involves the concept of transnationalism, which refers to a dual affiliation to
the native and host country that is reinforced by the frequent returns to the native culture
(Duany, 2002; Suárez Suárez -Orozco & Páez, 2002) and such technological advances as
22
e-mail, shortened length of travel by planes, and other communication media (Guarnizo
& Smith, 1998). It also reflects the production of social organizations and links that
facilitate a continuity of contact with the native country (Moll & Ruiz, 2002).
Transnationalism addresses the decreased sense of belonging to a clearly defined territory
(Nyberg Sorenson, 1998). For example, Glick Schiller and Fouron (1998) wrote about
how Haitians from Haitian-populated areas in the United States participated in a radio
station program with their compatriots in Haiti. Transnationalism and Berry’s integration
strategy both share the concept of the mutual involvement in two cultures.
Acculturation Research
Initial operationalization of the construct of acculturation reflected the linear,
unidimensional conceptualization of acculturation (Berry, 2003; Ryder, Alden, &
Paulhus, 2000; Zane & Mak, 2003). The term dimension is often used in acculturation
literature and requires clarification of its definition as part of this review. Magaña, de la
Rocha, Amsel, Fernández, and Rulnick (1996) defined the term dimension as specifically
referring to the way a measure is scored, as opposed to describing domains of behaviors,
such as values or preferences. Unidimensional measures of acculturation attempt to
capture the process of change in one direction, toward the adoption of mainstream
behaviors, along an ordinal response set (Magaña et al, 1996). Consequently, adjustment
to a new culture moves across a single continuum, beginning with complete adherence to
the native culture and ending with total adoption of aspects of the majority group
(Cabassa, 2003; Zane & Mak). The midpoint on the scale is considered a bicultural
position, but as Magaña and colleagues indicate, the use of the means or sums of the
scores fails to clearly represent the underlying distribution of responses. It is possible that
23
a respondent had many low or high scores, or scores evenly distributed, thus limiting the
interpretive meaning of a bicultural score.
An example of a unidimensional instrument is found in Cuellar, Harris, and Jaso’s
(1980) first Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans (ARSMA), one of the
most widely used measures of acculturation. It was meant to serve as an index with
potential for use as a moderator variable in clinical practice and research. The
questionnaire incorporates a linear progression toward adoption of North American
culture by asking respondents to rate involvement in different domains ranging from one
extreme labeled Mexican and the other, “Anglo.” Increase in “Anglo” behaviors assumes
a reduction in “Mexican” behaviors, with the middle point assuming a bicultural position.
As a unidimensional model, the ARSMA forces a respondent to essentially choose
between the two cultures and negates the immigrant’s ability to gain competence in both
cultures (Cabassa, 2003; Garza & Gallegos, 1995; Rogler, 1994; Rogler, Cortés, &
Malgady, 1991; Salant & Lauderdale, 2003). Although unidimensional measures have
these limitations, Zane and Mak (2003) found that 14 out of 31 acculturation instruments
use this form of measurement.
The conceptualization and operationalization of acculturation along a
unidimensional continuum generated much debate among acculturation researchers. It
became increasingly apparent that adopting aspects of one culture did not necessarily
mean loss of elements of the other. As a result, Cuellar, Arnold, and Maldonado (1995)
developed the Acculturation Rating for Mexican Americans II to correct the zero-sum
assumption. The ARSMA II elicits responses about involvement in such areas as
language use and preference, ethnic identity and classification, cultural heritage, and
ethnic behavior, also using a Likert scale. The new instrument, however, allows
24
respondents to rate involvement in North American and native culture on two separate
scales. For example, the statement “I have difficulty accepting some behaviors exhibited
by Anglos” has a match, “I have difficulty accepting some behaviors exhibited by
Mexicans” on a separate section of the “bidimensional” measure. In other words,
acculturation is measured in two directions; the adoption of European-American
behaviors and the degree native-country behaviors are maintained. This provides a clearer
assessment of involvement in both cultures and a truer appreciation of the possibility of
adopting aspects of the host culture while simultaneously maintaining elements of the
native group (Gonzáles, Knight, Morgan-López, Saenz, & Sirolli, 2000; LaFromboise,
Coleman, & Gerton, 1993; Ryder et al., 2000).
The Acculturation Scale for Mexican Americans II inspired the additional
development of bidimensional acculturation scales. Zea, Asner-Self, Birman, and Buki
(2003) developed the Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale and reported
knowledge of six other self-report bidimensional measures of acculturation. The
Bidimensional Acculturation Scale (Marín & Gamba, 1996) is another example of a
measure that assesses acculturation in two directions by asking respondents to answer
types of questions such as; “how often do you speak English” and “how often do you
speak Spanish,” thereby acknowledging the limitations of a one-directional approach.
This measure also includes the assessment of preferences for participation in culturespecific holidays, daily cultural activities, and musical tastes.
While unidimensional and bidimensional models have identified changes in
characteristic behaviors over time and have yielded information about individuals’
relationship to two cultures, some acculturation scholars have viewed this type of
measurement an oversimplification of a complex process (Escobar & Vega, 2000; Marín,
25
1993; Ryder et al., 2000; Salant & Lauderdale, 2003). The scales involved in the
assessment of acculturation typically yield one or more summary measurements of
various aspects of behavior such as language preference (Cortes, 2003; Gonzáles et al,
2000). The over-reliance of proxy measures—such as food and language preferences,
social affiliations, traditions, and so on—have been questioned by researchers due to the
indirect nature of the measurement of change (Dana, 1996; Escobar & Vega, 2000;
Gonzáles et al., 2000; Negy & Woods, 1992). Language use, in particular, tends to be
used as a global indicator of acculturation (Gonzáles et al, 2000; Rogler; 1994, Zane &
Mak, 2003). While this has been found to be a reliable sign of the level of acculturation
(Gonzáles et al, 2000; Norris & Ford, 1996), it focuses on a single aspect of the process,
thus limiting a fuller understanding of underlying changes and adoption of new values
(Negy & Woods).
Generational status has been used as an indicator of acculturation in a similar
way. Adoption of the behaviors of the dominant culture is associated with the length of
time spent in the new setting (Pérez & Padilla, 2000). However, both the use of language
and generation do not tap the degree that core values of the native culture are maintained
even if superficial behaviors are adopted (Escobar & Vega, 2000; Negy & Woods, 1992).
Marín and Gamba (2003) asserted that some values, such as the importance of family
ties, remain strong despite a longer period of residence in a new culture. Similarly, Pérez
and Padilla found that cultural values did not change uniformly across generations in
their study of 203 Hispanic high school students, while an American cultural
orientation—in terms of foods, language, and so on—increased in a linear fashion. In
addition to the limited attention to underlying attitudes and values among acculturating
groups, Padilla and Pérez (2003) noted how the major theories failed to consider the
26
examination of other factors, such as personality characteristics and how they facilitate or
hinder the acculturation process. Thus, proxy measures offer gross categorizations of
acculturation (Dana, 1996) and consequently, an incomplete picture of the process
(Gonzáles et al., 2000; Zane & Mak, 2003). The complexity of the acculturation process
challenged the development of theoretical and measurement models that would more
fully capture the experience of adaptation to a different country.
Berry (1997, 2003), one of the leading researchers in the study of acculturation,
developed a more complex framework that posits four possible ways, or strategies, that
individuals can employ in the process of adaptation to a new culture: separation,
assimilation, marginalization, and integration. A separation strategy takes place when
immigrants remain primarily involved with their own culture, avoiding contact with the
host society. At the other extreme, assimilation refers to immigrants who abandon ties
with the primary culture and refuse to maintain a native cultural identity. Withdrawal
from both cultures is referred to as marginalization. When immigrants maintain their
original culture while actively involving themselves with the dominant culture, they are
using an integration strategy. Berry (2003) found that research conducted in a variety of
countries has generally uncovered either an orientation toward native cultural
maintenance or an orientation toward the new culture. Berry’s acculturation model
moved beyond previous models by proposing that individuals can adapt to a new culture
in various ways.
Furthermore, Berry’s (1997, 2003) theoretical framework distinguished between
psychological acculturation and sociocultural acculturation. The development of the
behaviors and skills needed to function with others in a new environment constitutes the
definition of sociocultural acculturation. This type of acculturation depends more on the
27
length of residence in the new environment and language ability. Psychological
acculturation refers to the internal changes individuals undergo as adjustment to the new
culture progresses and the demands of adaptation are met.
Even though Berry (1997) emphasized psychological acculturation more than
sociocultural acculturation, he acknowledged the influence of context on the
acculturating individual. He asserted that acculturation strategies could be imposed by the
dominant society through discrimination and economic exclusion. For example, the use
of a separation strategy, where individuals withdraw from the host culture, has not been
seen by Berry as necessarily a matter of choice if the host culture is a discriminatory one
toward the immigrant group. Berry’s definition of integration has included the freedom to
choose this strategy only when the dominant society has embraced a multicultural
perspective that is inclusive and tolerant of cultural difference. Although the model does
not explain how an integration strategy can still be employed in a discriminatory society,
Berry gave the role of context in the acculturation process greater attention.
The importance of studying acculturation within a contextual framework has been
increasingly reflected in contemporary research’s incorporation of situational factors
occurring before, during, and after immigration (Cabassa, 2003; Fernández-Kelly &
Schauffler, 1994; Guarnaccia, 1997; Guarnaccia & López, 1998; Padilla & Pérez, 2003;
Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Rogler, 1994; Rogler et al., 1991). For example,
preimmigration experiences of political unrest or persecution may result in already
traumatized individuals entering a new culture. The journey to the new country itself may
carry significant risk and affect an immigrant’s psychological well-being. On the entry
side, economic conditions in the host country may facilitate or hinder the financial
survival of the immigrant. Furthermore, the kind of reception immigrants experience
28
upon arrival may include discrimination based on their skin color, language spoken,
accent, and other non-European-American features. Exclusionary practices and attitudes
that result from discrimination may present the incoming group with barriers to
adjustment (Lorenzo-Hernández, 1998; Portes, 1994; Smart & Smart, 1995). For
example, immigration policies governing who may enter a country represent a contextual
factor that impacts on an immigrant’s acceptance into the mainstream culture. An
undocumented status has significant implications for the marginalization of the
immigrant. The absence of legal admittance into a country renders immigrants vulnerable
to exploitative employment practices and limited access to all the benefits enjoyed by the
dominant group (Rogler, 1994; Smart & Smart).
While acculturation research is appreciating the multifaceted nature of the process
in how it is measured, other concerns about the assessment of acculturation have been
voiced by various researchers (Cabassa, 2003; Escobar & Vega, 2000: Negy & Woods,
1992) in relation to issues of construct, and content validity in acculturation research.
Specifically, these researchers have found a lack of consensus in relation to how
acculturation has been defined, operationalized, and measured. Uniform measurement of
behavioral domains has been absent (Zane & Mak, 2003). Even when language has been
used as a measure, some researchers have used language proficiency, and others language
preference (Zane & Mak). Furthermore, it has not been clear if acculturation measures
are sensitive to the within-group diversity found among the Hispanic population.
The Crossing Cultures: How Hispanic Youth Adapt research study takes into
account the multifactorial nature of acculturation. In addition to contextual factors, the
study also recognizes the contribution of the concepts of stress and coping in the
understanding of acculturation and the overall adjustment of Hispanic adolescents.
29
Acculturative Stress
Due to the multifaceted nature of adjustment to a new culture, acculturation
theory has sought to understand the complex interaction between individual, family,
social, economic, and political factors impinging on the adjustment to a different culture.
The role of stress in this interplay of factors is a crucial one associated with acculturation.
Lazarus and Folkman (1984) define stress as an event or experience that is taxing or
exceeding an individual’s resources and is highly influenced by perception and the
appraisal of the stressor. Although the potential threat of stress on well-being is well
established for adults, similar research has lagged behind for children and adolescents
(Garton & Pratt, 1995; Grant, et al., 2003) in general and cultural subgroups in particular.
Accculturative stress relates to ways immigration challenges the psychological
resources of those involved in the demands of adapting to a new environment. Berry’s
acculturation model (1997, 2003) rests on the Lazarus and Folkman (1984) definition of
stress and has shaped his postulation of three levels of psychological challenge that
accompany the acculturation experience. The first psychological challenge, “behavioral
shifts,” involves minimal stress. The immigrant is learning new behaviors and there may
be some conflict, but it is assessed as surmountable. Acculturative stress, as the second
level of psychological difficulty, refers to more serious conflict that is challenging but
still within the individual’s control. The third level of psychological difficulty is a more
serious form of acculturative stress that represents those changes that exceed an
individual’s ability to cope and can lead to serious psychological disturbance. In his
research, Berry found that psychological problems generally increased soon after entry
but waned over time. Sociocultural acculturation has been considered a linear process,
while psychological acculturation has generally been held as more curvilinear. The
30
perception and appraisal of the stressor and its meaning contributes to the variability of
psychological outcomes. High levels of stress can lead to one of Berry’s acculturation
strategies, marginalization, where the individual withdraws from both cultures.
Acculturation stress (Berry, 1997, 2003) has been considered highly variable and
dependent on multiple individual and environmental factors. Hypothesized sources of
acculturative stress include the separation from significant personal relationships (AlIssa, I., 1997; Rogler, 1994; Smart & Smart, 1995), personality attributes such as
inflexibility and a negative attitude about immigrating (Hovey & King, 1996; Ward &
Rana-Deuba, 1999), negative experiences with the country of origin and the receiving
societies (Rogler), and discrimination (Gonzáles & Kim, 1997; Smart & Smart). An
undocumented status (Rogler; Smart & Smart) and the communication barrier caused by
limited English proficiency represent additional significant sources of stress (LorenzoHernández, 1998).
Berry’s conceptual framework has been used extensively to measure the effects of
his four acculturation strategies on acculturation stress and psychological well-being
(Rudmin, 2003). As previously indicated, those four acculturation strategies include: (1)
separation, sole involvement with the native culture; (2) assimilation, the abandonment of
ties with the native culture; (3) marginalization, the rejection of both native and host
cultures; (4) integration, the active involvement with the host culture, while maintaining
aspects of the native culture. Acculturative stress is usually examined in terms of the
presence or absence of mental heath outcomes such as depression. Berry (1993, 1997)
found the integration strategy, where both cultures were embraced, was the optimal form
of acculturation because of its association with positive mental health effects. It has been
31
posited that bicultural individuals have a wider range of coping resources at their disposal
(Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999).
Alternately, the marginalization and separation strategies have been most often
associated with high levels of acculturative stress expressed in behaviors such as
substance abuse or delinquency (Berry, 2003; Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999). In these
strategies, individuals withdraw from either the host society alone (separation) or from
both the native and host cultures (marginalization). However, Rudmin (2003) reviewed
some of Berry’s research studies and found the operationalization of his model to be
problematic. Specifically, Rudmin found that if respondents’ received a high score in one
strategy, such as integration, low scores in the separation strategy would have been
expected. Yet, in his examination of the analytic results of various studies completed by
Berry, Rudmin found conflicting results in positive correlations between opposing
constructs, such as marginalization and integration. Rudmin also found no empirical
evidence for the association between integration and positive psychological well-being.
However, Berry and Sam (2003) refuted Rudmin’s assertions by contending that such
apparent contradictions reflected the use of multiple acculturation strategies by
individuals experiencing the acculturation process. Thus, Berry and Sam asserted that the
sole use of one acculturation strategy was not to be expected. It has not been clearly
demonstrated whether and how acculturation strategies change and evolve over time, and
how that evolution affects mental health.
Inconclusive findings in acculturative stress research may also be attributed to the
conceptual frameworks that underlie the assessments used in mental health research with
acculturating groups. Specifically, measures of mental health have been shaped by
theories of human development dominated by male, European-American, middle class
32
values and perspective (Compas et al., 1995; Fuligni, 1998a; Lerner, Lerner, De Stefanis,
& Apfel, 2001; Rodriguez & Morrobel, 2004; Weisz, McCarty, Eastman, Chaiyasit, &
Suwanlert, 1997). Ethnocentrism, or the tendency to use one’s own group standards as
universal (Berry et al., 1992), can be translated to expectations for certain behaviors,
which are applied to other cultural groups. Furthermore, the instruments that measure the
effects or outcomes of acculturation have been generally standardized on EuropeanAmerican samples (Gutiérrez, 2002), creating doubt about construct equivalence and
validity (Knight & Hill, 1998). The automatic transfer of cultural expectations from one
group to another does not recognize the potential variation in the expression of
psychological distress across diverse cultural groups. Cultural forces can suppress or
facilitate the expression of certain behaviors considered acceptable to an individual’s
reference group (Weisz et al., 1997). In situations where assessments have been
translated to the targeted group’s language, the translated words may carry different
cultural meanings and connotations (Erkut, García Coll, & Tropp, 1999; Cooper, Jackson,
Azmitia, & López, 1998), also affecting the validity of the instrument. The role of culture
is important given that it helps define what is perceived as stressful, helpful, or harmful
(Copeland & Hess, 1995; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).
As research on acculturation stress and other aspects of psychological well-being
has evolved, the cultural definitions of psychological distress emanating from the
Hispanic population have appeared in some research studies. For example, Cortes (2003)
used both qualitative and quantitative measures to examine the mental health of Puerto
Ricans in New York. Focus groups identified the definitions of distress relevant to her
particular population and contributed to the formulation of the items in the questionnaire
she developed. Cortes utilized some commonly used measures and questions derived
33
from the focus groups. Results indicated that the affects of anger and disillusionment
more accurately defined depression for this group. When anger, disillusionment, and
nostalgia were added to the statistical model, they were positively related to depression.
In further recognition of the relevance of contextual factors, Cortes included migratory
and resettlement factors in the understanding of the impact of acculturation on
psychological well-being. Cortes and other researchers have proposed that the
relationship between acculturation and mental health is likely to be mediated by a variety
of factors (Balls Organista, Organista, & Kurasaki, 2003; Rogler, 1994). Cortes
recommended that experientially driven investigations be conducted to explore other
variables, such as perceived discrimination
The Hispanic Stress Inventory or HIS (Cervantes, Padilla, & Salgado de Snyder,
1991) is an example of a measure that incorporates cultural relevance. Semi-structured
interviews provided definitions of stress emanating from community samples of Hispanics
across the domains of marriage, family, occupation, economic, discrimination, and
acculturation. The instrument was designed to be used with both recent arrivals and more
acculturated Hispanics. As a measure standardized on a Hispanic population, the HSI
addressed the questions of content and construct validity posed by assessments
standardized on a mainstream population. The HIS took into account symptoms of
stress/anxiety among Hispanics, such as conflict between individual and family goals that
the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression scale omits. The identification of
discrimination, minority status, and stress related to language fluency represent
distinguishing factors of relevance to the Hispanic population in the understanding of
acculturative stress. While the HSI provides a valuable measure of the stress experiences
34
of the Hispanic population, as an adult-specific measure of well-being, it leaves a void in
the assessment of Hispanic youth, who may perceive different sources of stress.
Acculturative Stress and Hispanic Adolescent Psychological Well-Being
Stressful life experiences pose a potential threat to the healthy development of
youth (Grant et al., 2003). Major life events are assumed to affect an adolescent’s life by
its disruptive nature (Compas, 1995) and thus, pose significant risk factors for
psychological symptoms (Crean, 2004). Acculturative stress, in particular, is of
significance to the adjustment of Hispanic adolescents as it weighs in along with the
biological, social-emotional changes of adolescent development. Hispanic youth have
their own additional sources of stress beyond those experienced by the mainstream
European-American population. For example, discrimination has been associated with
elevated levels of depression (Rumbaut, 1994; Szalacha et al., 2003) and lower levels of
self-esteem (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001) among their investigations involving Hispanic
youth.
Research in the area of acculturative stress and Hispanic adolescent adjustment is in
its infancy, but one particular research study has examined immigrant adolescent
acculturation and well-being on a large scale. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) coordinated The
Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), a research project of first- and
second-generation immigrants. Their research used both quantitative and qualitative
methodologies and included 5,262 eighth- and ninth-grade children of immigrants and
2,442 of their parents. Interviews and surveys were first conducted when the students were
eighth and ninth graders and 4 years later, as high school students. The research project
included a multiethnic sample of Hispanic, Laotian, Vietnamese, and Cambodian
35
immigrant children living in Miami, Fort Lauderdale, and San Diego. The study captured
the within-group diversity of Hispanics by including Mexicans, Cubans, Nicaraguans,
Dominicans, and Colombians. A variety of factors were assessed including the influence
of the neighborhood, school, and family context; English literacy acquisition; ethnic
identity; family relations; academic achievement; and psychological well-being.
Portes and Rumbuat (2001) posited three acculturation strategies in their Children
of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS) that addressed the intergenerational components
of acculturation and how they affect the psychological well-being of acculturating
adolescents. The first, dissonant acculturation refers to negative outcomes resulting from
immigrant youth acquiring the English language and North American behaviors at a faster
rate than their parents. Portes and Rumbaut found that dissonant acculturation was
associated with greater intergenerational conflict. The more rapid acculturation of the
child was more likely to lead to role reversal as a result of parental dependence on their
children to help in the interaction with the new culture. Reduction in parental control
tended to lead to a greater potential for the child’s negative peer involvement. The CILS
study associated the combination of dissonant acculturation, poor schools, and weak
families to lower academic achievement.
Consonant acculturation involves both parent and child incorporating the new
culture at the same pace. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) found that this type of acculturation
included mutual support between the generations as adaptation took place. Consonant
acculturation was most likely to occur when parents already possessed educational and
economic resources. The third of Portes and Rumbaut’s acculturation modes was
identified as selective acculturation, which took place when the adjustment process of both
parents and children was embedded in a coethnic community of sufficient size to slow the
36
acculturation process. Coethnic communities were found to buffer the effects of change
and to prevent an accelerated rate of acculturation for the children of immigrants. Those
immigrant youth who adapted via selective acculturation tended to maintain their native
heritage while adopting the language and norms of the host culture. This mode of
acculturation is similar to Berry’s integration strategy and was also found to have the most
positive outcomes.
Other studies conducted on intergenerational relations within varying cultural
groups have found that United States-born adolescents endorse mainstream cultural values
at a faster rate than their parents, increasing the discrepancy between parent-child beliefs
(Fuligni, 1998b; Lau et al., 2005). Phinney, Ong, and Madden (2000) found divergence
from parental values across their multicultural sample of 701 adolescents (n = 197
Armenian; n = 103 Vietnamese; n = 171 Mexican/Mexican American; n = 95 AfricanAmerican; n = 135 European-American), suggesting dissonance in parent-adolescent
values may not necessarily associate with acculturation, but a part of adolescent-parent
relations in the United States. For scholars of acculturating youth, differences in parentadolescent values have the potential to increase conflict between the generations as
adolescents adopt more European-American values, such as an emphasis on independence
(Fuligni, 1998b). The increase in conflict resulting from the adolescent’s divergence from
traditional values has been considered a risk factor for negative developmental outcomes
(Lau et al., 2005). However, Lau and colleagues (2005) assert that intergenerational
dissonance in cultural values may not necessarily increase conflict or maladjustment in
adolescents. Santisteban and Mitrani (2003) observed a wide variation of responses to
acculturation by family members based on a variety of individual, familial, and cultural
factors that combined to affect adolescent adjustment.
37
Gil and Vega (1996) also included intergenerational components in their research
on acculturative stress, but they included the additional measures of language conflicts,
acculturation conflicts and perceived discrimination. They were particularly interested in
examining the temporal variation of acculturation stress. Gil and Vega sampled 885 sixth
and seventh graders that included a sample of Cuban (674) and Nicaraguan (211) youth
in southern Florida. They found that family acculturation conflicts (e.g., “How often do
you get upset at your parents because they don’t know American ways?”) followed a
curvilinear path. Acculturation conflicts were high for the first 2 years of settlement,
lower for the 3rd through 10th year and increased past the 10th year of entrance.
Language acculturation followed a linear path, which decreased with time residing in the
United States. This study highlights how acculturation stress appears to change over time
and that different types of acculturation stress have different trajectories.
In addition to the impact of intergenerational relations, other factors involved in the
psychological well-being of Hispanic adolescents have been identified. A higher incidence
of negative psychological outcomes has been associated to a higher level of acculturation
into the mainstream society (Gonzáles et al., 2000; Gonzáles & Kim, 1997; Harker, 2001).
Rumbaut (1994) found a decrease in self-esteem among Hispanic youth born in the United
States. Substance abuse among United States-born Hispanics is generally higher than for
those born in another country (Vega, Gil, & Kolody, 2002). Educational achievement, as
another measure of adolescent well-being, has shown consistent declines in association
with increased generational status (Buriel, 1993; Fuligni, 1998a; Gonzáles et al, 2000).
Portes and Rumbaut (2001) found that foreign-born Hispanic students achieved higher test
scores than second-generation students. Other researchers have found that students born in
their country of origin possessed a strong drive for academic achievement and performed
38
at higher levels than children born in the United States with immigrant parents (Gonzáles
et al., 2000). One potential explanation for these phenomena speculates that Hispanic
youth born in the United States may experience a relative deprivation due to higher but
unrealized expectations (Leyindecker & Lamb, 1999). Another hypothesis involves the
possibility that as length of residence in the United States increases, adherence to native
values decrease and some of the protective factors of the immigrant family, such as close
family ties, are lost (Gonzáles et al, 2000; Harker, 2001).
Gil and Vega (1996) also underscored the effect of within group differences
among their Cuban and Nicaraguan samples on acculturation stress. The different
experiences of the Cuban and Nicaraguan participants in the study emphasized the
significance of the context of entry. The first major group of Cuban immigrants was
welcomed by the United States government and given refugee status and various
supportive services. The Nicaraguan immigration of the late 1970s and early 1980s was
also associated with escape from a Marxist regime, as well as a civil war in Nicaragua.
However, as Gil and Vega have noted, Nicaraguans have not experienced the same type
of support and welcome the first group of Cubans received. Nicaraguans have found it
difficult to receive work permits and have a lower standard of living than the Cubans. Gil
and Vega found that the Nicaraguans in their study had higher levels of acculturation
stress. In addition, they found that language conflicts were higher for adolescents than for
their parents, pointing to the different effects of acculturation stress on adults versus
youth.
While the potential risk of acculturative stress is recognized, researchers warn
against conclusions that assume the process leads to negative psychological outcomes
(LaFramboise et al, 1993). The effects of stress appear to be mediated by varying
39
characteristics of the environment, such as family support (Compas et al., 1995; Hovey &
King, 1996), which can buffer the challenges of acculturation. Consequently, one cannot
assume that all Hispanic adolescents experience high levels of acculturative stress, the
kind that exceeds coping resources (Romero & Roberts, 2003). Moreover, a moderate
level of stress has the potential to promote positive development and improve adaptive
responses. Thus, stress alone does not determine any one type of psychological outcome.
The ways adolescent youth address and surmount acculturation stress in a particular
context is a key factor to be further examined in the following section of the Literature
Review.
Coping
While stress poses a risk to adolescent psychological well-being, coping mediates
its relationship to adaptational success (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Coping resources are
major determinants of adjustment during the developmental path to adulthood (Compas,
1995). Coping involves those efforts to manage and resolve stressful demands. Adaptive
coping skills are protective factors against stress (Crean, 2004; Lengua & Stormshak,
2000) and their increased strength can reduce the probability of negative outcomes
(Compas et al., 1995). When the factors related to stress cannot be resolved or mastered,
coping leads to strategies designed to tolerate or minimize its ill effects (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984). The understanding of the role of coping behaviors on adolescent
development is multifactorial and dynamic. The same environment can elicit different
responses, just as similar coping efforts can be identified in different environments, at
different times.
40
There is substantial variance in coping behaviors depending on a range of factors,
including personal resources, beliefs about control over the environment, problemsolving skills, and social support (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). In addition, biological and
contextual factors have varying impact at different points in development (Coie, et al.,
1993). On the biological end, temperament is an individual characteristic that influences
coping behaviors and developmental trajectories (Rothbart & Derryberry, 2002).
Differences in temperament refer to stable, automatic, and involuntary behavioral styles
based on genetic predispositions and those learned over time (Compas, Connor,
Saltzman, Harding Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 1999). Eisenberg, Fabes, and Guthrie (1997)
point to the role of temperament in influencing the level of emotion control and intensity
in the coping process. However, while moderation in inhibitory processes is generally
adaptive, excessive control can undercut effective coping. As an example of how
temperamental predispositions can influence coping, Eisenberg et al. found that
individuals with outgoing, positive outlooks tended to cope better.
Various researchers in the field of stress and coping have classified coping efforts.
Only the major approaches found in the literature will be cited here, as classifications of
coping behaviors tend to fall into similar categories. Lazarus and Folkman (1984)
distinguished between problem- and emotion-focused coping. Active attempts to act on,
solve, or master the stressor are considered problem-focused. These may lead to
information seeking or problem-solving behaviors. Attempts to manage and regulate the
emotions attached to a stressor define emotion-focused coping and are exemplified in the
use of distraction or ventilation of feelings. An alternative organization of coping efforts
is the approach-avoidance model (Moos, 2002). The model makes the distinction
between directly resolving stressors (approach coping), as opposed to ignoring or
41
distancing oneself from them (avoidance coping). While there is overlap between the
problem-emotion-focused model and the approach-avoidance one, the latter classification
changes the focus from the situation to the individual’s reactions to the stressor. Whereas
these types of coping involve conscious efforts, Compas et al. (1999) posited that coping
could also take the form of reflexive, automatic responses based on temperament,
learning, and conditioned responses.
Withdrawal or avoidant coping has been found to lead to negative psychological
outcomes such as depression (Seiffge-Krenke, 2000). Alternately, approach-focused
coping has been found to be most associated with the lower levels of depression
(Herman-Stahl, Stemmler, & Peterson, 1995). Other research findings have uncovered
that no single coping strategy is effective or preferable across all situations and for all
adolescents. For one, the type of stressor influences the category of coping efforts
mobilized. Problem-focused coping abilities and approach strategies are considered more
adaptive when the object of the stressor is perceived as changeable. Emotion-focused
coping has been identified as most adaptive in situations considered impermeable to
change (Compas, 1995; Crean, 2004; Eisenberg et al., 1997; Sandler et al., 1997).
Flexibility in the use of coping strategies offers the most adaptive benefits. Griffith et al.
(2000) tested the approach-avoidance model with 375 7th-, 9th-, and 12th-grade students
in a semi-rural, industrial, mid-western community, across three domains of stressors
including family, peer, and school. Avoidance coping was employed more often when
stressful family situations were seen as uncontrollable. In this study, adolescents
perceived school stressors as more under their control and thus used more approach
coping. Similarly, Compas et al. (1999) found that the increased use of problem-focused
coping in his sample of adolescents, a style comparable to approach coping, was used in
42
situations perceived as surmountable. Emotion-focused coping was implemented in those
situations perceived as uncontrollable.
The age of the adolescent also influences the choice of coping strategies. Coping
behaviors are in the process of development in early adolescence. The increase in
approach strategies over time, especially for family and peer stressors, reflects a
progression in cognitive and emotional development (Griffith et al., 2000). Emotionfocused coping, in terms of the regulation of affect, similarly increases with age.
However, problem-focused coping appears less determined by age (Compas et al., 1999;
Donaldson et al., 2000). It is thought that problem-focused coping is learned earlier due
to its greater accessibility through modeling from adults (Compas, Worsham, & Ey,
1992). Emotional regulation is less directly observable. Cognitive development increases
youth’s ability to regulate emotions in order to increase that type of coping.
While continuing research has led to a better understanding of the finer
distinctions of coping strategies and the factors under their influence, several areas need
clarification. For one, multiple classifications and interpretations of coping behaviors
hinder the comparability of research studies and have lead to confusion about the
definitions of the various categories. As a result, Gonzáles Tein, Sandler, and Friedman
(2001) proposed a more refined categorization of coping with a four-factor model that
consisted of active coping, avoidance, distraction, and social support. Even with this
more specific approach to distinguishing between the various coping behaviors, it has
also become evident that coping behaviors do not always fit into a single category. For
example, social support can be viewed as an emotion-focused approach or problemfocused depending on the intent of the effort (Gonzáles et al., 2001). Furthermore, some
avoidant strategies may be adaptive for the adolescent at a certain time or situation
43
(Compas et al., 1995). Herman-Stahl et al. (1995) found that avoidance was an effective
coping tool as long as it was not the sole strategy employed over time. An over-reliance
on any kind of withdrawal coping strategies was found to be related to negative
psychological outcomes. Even distraction, considered an avoidant coping strategy, may
also be adaptively used in certain situations. Thus, taken together, there is a need for a
clearer distinction and the consistent use of the various subtypes of coping (Compas,
1995).
Just as gender differences were found in adolescents’ experience of stress,
variation was also found in the type of coping strategies utilized by males and females.
Research has indicated that girls tend to use a problem-focused approach more often in
that they actively seek to resolve the situation (Griffith et al., 2000). Copeland and Hess
(1995) found that the females (n = 126) in their sample of 244 adolescents tended to use a
proactive style, ventilation, positive imagery, and self-reliance. The males (n = 118)
tended to use more avoidance and a variety of diversions. Approach or “active coping,”
as used by the study’s authors, and distraction served to buffer stressful events for girls.
However, approach or active coping held no effect on depression for boys exposed to
high levels of stress in the domains of family, peers, and neighborhood. Seiffge-Krenke
(1993) reviewed his own long history of research on coping and adolescents by
examining 3,000 adolescents, 12-20 years old, from various cultural groups. He measured
how the sample managed the normative demands of problems identified as typical for
adolescents. Three main modes of coping emerged: active coping, internal coping, and
withdrawal. A comparison to a clinical group revealed the greater use of withdrawal as a
coping response in the clinical population. In general, girls used social resources
(approach/problem-focused/active) more often. Other research on gender differences in
44
coping has found that boys tend to use distraction and avoidant coping more often than
girls (Grant et al., 2003).
Cross-cultural application of coping strategies has also been discussed by Berry
(2003), who explored how his acculturation strategies related to coping strategies. For
example, he proposed that the coping mechanism of avoidance could be applied to the
separation strategy, a form of acculturation that involves rejection of the dominant
culture. Seiffge-Krenke and Shulman (1990) conducted a research study with 353
German and 187 Israeli adolescents to examine general and group-specific coping skills
in a cross-cultural context. Coping strategies generally fell into either active, seeking out
social supports, or passive coping and withdrawal. The authors of the study found that the
Israeli adolescents tended to employ more of the internal coping (passive and
withdrawal), and the German group of adolescents employed greater use of active coping.
They concluded that culture played a role in shaping the type of coping behavior adopted
by adolescents, as shown by the Israeli respondents’ tendency to use one type of coping
more often than the German respondents.
There has been limited research on the development of coping abilities among
Hispanic adolescents (Crean, 2004). Given that Hispanic adolescents face additional
challenges involving acculturation and the stressors associated with minority group
status, poverty, skin color, and exposure to dangerous residential and school
environments, they have been under-represented in the coping-research literature. The
research that has been conducted with Hispanic youth in relation to coping has tended to
refer to negative psychological outcomes, such as substance abuse, physical abuse, and
pregnancy (Gonzáles et al., 2000). Copeland and Hess (1995) conducted one of the few
studies to include young adolescent Hispanics in the examination of the influence of
45
gender and ethnicity on more normative coping. Overall, Hispanic and EuropeanAmerican adolescents reported the use of similar coping efforts (catharsis, self-reliance,
and proactive orientation). However, Hispanic adolescents sought spiritual support and
social activities as coping strategies more often than European-American adolescents.
Crean conducted another study that involved 304 Hispanic sixth- and seventh-grade
students in an economically disadvantaged geographical area. His research found that the
pursuit of social support or approach-focused coping was associated with adaptive coping
and negatively associated with psychological symptoms. The identification of the coping
efforts employed by particular groups of adolescents in particular contexts will help
determine those measures that have the most potential for helping Hispanic immigrant
youth adapt.
Gonzáles et al. (2001) conducted a study using a four-factor model of coping
efforts with a sample of 445 (237 Mexican American, 81 African-American, 77
European-American, and 50 other low-income, urban, adolescent students) in a large
southwestern city. The study also identified some broad patterns of adolescent coping
across groups. Active coping was identified as the most adaptive coping behavior for all
respondents. However, even these generalities were found to have exceptions. High
levels of stress led to decreased use of active coping. Whereas avoidance and distraction
have been grouped together as passive forms of coping in other research, this study
distinguished the two. Avoidance was defined as coping that attempted to gain distance
from the problems through wishful thinking, suppression of thoughts. Gonzáles and
colleagues (2001) differentiated distraction by defining it as more of an active form of
coping because it involved the participants in a different activity in an effort to prevent
themselves from thinking about the stressor. Distraction was found to be an effective
46
coping strategy, but only if levels of peer stress were not too elevated. In this study,
avoidance had its benefit at high levels of family stress. The authors postulated that the
uncontrollable and chronic nature of the stressors faced in poor neighborhoods might
influence the choice of coping strategies and adjustment in this population. As previously
noted, the exercise of avoidant strategies has been most associated to situations perceived
as uncontrollable by youth.
In general, social support moderates the impact of stress and has been shown to be
a protective coping resource for the general adolescent population (Compas et al., 1992;
Crean, 2004; Sandler et al., 1997; Thiede Call & Mortimer, 2001), as well as for Hispanic
adolescents (Portes & Zady, 2002). However, there may be some variation between
groups. Chapman and Mullis (2000) found that the African-American adolescents they
studied (n = 245) made greater use of spiritual, peer, and family support than the
European-Americans in their sample (n = 116), who used ventilation of feelings more
frequently. Thus, the European-American adolescents appeared to use more
psychologically oriented coping measures, while the African-American sample used
more socially and spiritually oriented strategies.
The importance of positive family relations is a main factor in the facilitation of
coping behaviors for the general population, including Hispanic groups (Portes & Zady,
2002). Family cushions the adolescent against stress (Crean, 2004; Printz, Shermis, &
Webb, 1999) and remains one of the most significant influences in an adolescent’s life
(Frydenberg, 1997). Hispanic immigrants seem to bring with them familial and
communal mechanisms that are protective of their psychological well-being (Harker,
2001). As such, familialism, a Hispanic cultural value, is considered a buffer for the
effects of acculturation (Marín & Gamba, 2003). Familialism refers to a strong
47
identification and attachment with the nuclear and extended family, as well as feelings of
loyalty and reciprocity (Marín & Gamba, 2003). The decrease in family cohesiveness that
occurs for Hispanic immigrants as they acculturate may explain the decrement seen in
educational attainment and psychological well-being (Harker).
As another form of social support, the presence of a co-ethnic community has also
been found to cushion the effects of stress (Portes & Zady, 2002). The presence of
compatriots in the community also helps to moderate the pace of acculturation as
Hispanic youth adjust to a different culture (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001).
Summary
The literature suggests that Hispanic adolescent adjustment to a different culture
depends on multiple factors. As the complexity of the acculturation process continues to
unfold in the emerging research, the specifics of the interplay between the risks posed by
the transitional period of early adolescence, acculturative stress, adolescent coping, and
contextual factors need further clarification. While some general patterns have been
identified in cross-cultural studies, Hispanic adolescents experience additional stressors
compared to an adolescent population that is not involved in culture change. Furthermore,
Hispanic youth may use different coping skills in different ways, based on cultural norms
and the various contextual factors affecting their development. Thus, clarification is
needed to identify the stressors that are most salient for differing Hispanic adolescents
and the coping strategies that have been shaped by their cultural orientations.
The literature further indicates that adolescents live within various levels of context
that need to be considered in research studies. Hispanic adolescents are in an ecological
transition that incorporates multiple changes, in acquisition of a new language and
48
adaptation to a different culture, settings, and to potentially different roles. This research
study has been conducted to address the need to understand how these differing contexts
facilitate or hinder Hispanic youth adjustment to a different culture. Increased research in
this area will inform the interventions that hold the most promise for a successful
adaptation.
49
Chapter 3: Methodology
Rationale for Qualitative Methodology
Qualitative research seeks to understand and interpret phenomena as perceived
and understood by the individuals involved (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Glaser & Strauss,
1967; Nelson & Quintana, 2005). This type of inquiry is focused on an in-depth
examination of people’s experiences within settings where the daily events of their lives
take place (Adler & Adler, 1994; Ambert, Adler, Adler, & Detzner, 1995; Lincoln &
Guba, 1985; Patton, 1990). Also known as naturalistic inquiry, qualitative research is
meant to bring the researcher close to the data and phenomena under study. Qualitative
research seeks to answer the how and why of social phenomena (Patton) in all its
complexity. Since this is an inductive process, the investigator is open to discovery and
derives concepts from the data. Given that qualitative inquiry seeks to understand the
meaning of people’s experiences (Janesick, 1994), it applies well to the study of
acculturation. Qualitative research provides an opportunity to examine the acculturation
phenomena from the perspective of the individuals who experience it (Cortes, 2003).
As such, the choice of qualitative methodology for the Crossing Cultures: How
Hispanic Youth Adapt research study is based on the nature of the inquiry. Qualitative
research is well suited to areas that are complex and have been understudied (Strauss &
Corbin, 1998), such as the acculturation process during adolescence. For example, an
inductive approach in acculturation research helps to identify those variations in cultural
expressions of distress particular to the targeted group for study. Furthermore, the
socioeconomic and cultural factors that affect behavior can be better distinguished
through qualitative methods (Zayas & Rojas-Flores, 2000).
50
Qualitative research enables the researcher to explore areas that have not been
fully captured by quantitative research (Fuligni, 1998a; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The
multifaceted nature of culture change is not well understood. The underlying processes
related to change are unclear. While language proficiency or food preferences serve as
markers of change (Cabassa, 2003; Gonzáles et al., 2000), the underlying processes
involved in adapting to a different culture remain unclear. Qualitative studies can help to
identify how culture influences latent variables (Knight, Tein, Prost, & Gonzáles, 2000).
The importance of context has been repeated often in the previous chapters.
Qualitative research recognizes the unique set of contextual forces that shape behavior
and experience. Naturalistic inquiry asserts that people’s lives and experiences cannot be
separated from the context in which they occur (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Since adolescent
development is nested within multiple layers of environmental influences
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979), their impact must be understood in order for research to identify
the conditions in which certain relationships occur. The overarching focus of this study is
the examination of how Hispanic youth adapt and the exploration of the conditions that
offer the least negative impact for their overall well-being. Qualitative research provides
a prime opportunity to understand the person within the environment.
The emic nature of qualitative research is particularly relevant to this research
study. An emic approach describes the unique aspects of a cultural group (Cooper et al.,
1998) and seeks to discover categories of meaning for the group under study. This
approach serves to avoid assumptions about the universality of developmental features.
As previously noted, mainstream theories of development and measures of psychological
well-being embody a European-American perspective and cross-cultural researchers have
warned against their universal application to different cultural groups (Gutiérrez, 2002).
51
A qualitative method of inquiry allows for the identification and understanding of each
group’s unique perspective and experience. Betancourt and López (1993) call for a
“bottoms-up” approach to cross-cultural research. The researcher begins with observation
of a given cultural group and then examines its cross-cultural applicability and its
implications for psychological theory. As research on stress and coping during the
adolescent years increases, qualitative research can contribute to the clarification of what
is defined as stressful to Hispanic youth and what helps them cope.
Grounded Theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1994, 1998) is a
qualitative theoretical framework and analytic strategy that coincides with the goals of
the proposed study. According to Strauss and Corbin (1994), grounded theory goes
beyond the description of phenomena as it also proposes to gain insight and
understanding through interpretation and theory development. It is based on a view of
reality as constructed by multiple perspectives and the constant, mutuality of influence in
the interaction between people (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Grounded theory is premised on
the belief that individuals’ behavior is determined by the meaning given to phenomena
through the interaction with others (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Consequently, grounded
theory is interested in the identification of patterns and the understanding of interactions
that produce theory. Strauss and Corbin (1998) define theory as plausible relationships
among the concepts generated by the data. Interview questions framed within a grounded
theory approach are “generative and conceptually-related” (p. 275). The Crossing
Cultures research study aspires to contribute plausible preliminary relationships between
the process of acculturation and Hispanic adolescent adjustment.
52
In sum, the search for greater understanding of the “how” and “why” of
acculturation phenomena among Hispanic adolescents is well suited to the use of
qualitative methodology.
Research Questions
The Crossing Cultures research study asks the following questions:
•
How do middle school Hispanic immigrants describe and perceive the
immigration and acculturation experience?
•
What aspects of the immigration/adjustment experience do the participants
consider most difficult or stressful?
•
What coping strategies does the targeted group employ during the
acculturation process?
•
Do the male and female participants differ in their perception of stressors
and use of coping strategies?
•
What strategies do the participants and school personnel see as facilitative
of the adjustment process?
•
How do the contextual factors of school, family, and community impact
on the acculturation process for the targeted participants?
•
What can schools do to facilitate the adjustment process of Hispanic
adolescents?
Setting
The Crossing Cultures research study takes place within an urban, mid-sized,
northeastern public school system. The name of the city and school district will be
53
withheld from all sections of the dissertation in order to protect the anonymity of the
participants. As the United States Census Bureau indicates in their American Fact Finder
publication (US Census Bureau, 2000a), the targeted community for the research study
had a population of approximately 49,000 in 2000. Hispanics of any race comprised 40%
of the population of which 39% was Mexican, 17% was Puerto Rican, 15% was
Dominican, and 1% was Cuban. The Central American population stood at 12% of the
Hispanic population of which the Honduran population contained the highest numbers at
8% of the Hispanic total. South Americans represented 4% of the city’s Hispanic
population. The category of “all other Hispanics” was 13% of the Hispanic population,
mostly (12%) containing those “not elsewhere classified.” The Mexican presence in the
city is clearly reflected in the numerous Mexican-owned establishments selling groceries,
fruit, music, and clothing along one of the main thoroughfares of the city.
As of February 15, 2006, the city’s school district reported a Hispanic population
of 73% (District Enrollment Count). Two schools in the school system participated in the
study and will be identified as the Smith and Jones Schools in order to protect their
identity. These schools are among those in the district with the highest Hispanic
population. Smith School contains a kindergarten to eighth grade configuration in a
building dating back to the early 1900’s. As of the 2004-2005 school year, the Hispanic
population at the Smith School comprised 90% of a total enrollment of 871 students
(National Center for Education Statistics, Search for Schools, College and Libraries,
2004-2005 school year). As of February 15, 2006, the Hispanic population had risen to
92% (District Enrollment Count). Similar to the Smith School, the Jones School
originally had a range of kindergarten to eighth grade in one building. However, the
school closed and two temporary spaces were built to house a K-5 school and a separate
54
middle school while new buildings are constructed. The Jones School opened its doors in
September 2005 as a newly built, separate middle school. According to 2004-2005
enrollment statistics, 74% of 905 students of the original K-8 building were Hispanic.
However, after the school was divided, resulting in a separate middle school, the student
population became relatively more heterogeneous as the school’s catchment widened,
including students from many schools. Thus, as of February 15, 2006, the Hispanic
population of the Jones School amounted to 67% of the school’s total population (District
Enrollment Count). Finally, the number of children in both schools who participated in
the free or reduced lunch program is an indicator of the poverty in the district. During the
2004-2005 school year, 87% of the Smith School population was enrolled in the free or
reduced lunch program, and at Jones School, the number was 88% of the school
population (District Enrollment Count).
Gaining Entry
Gaining entry for access to participants (Barbour & Kitzinger, 1999; Lincoln &
Guba, 1985) was facilitated by my employment in the targeted school district. I was
directly involved with the special education student population as a member of the Child
Study Team at the Smith School. The establishment of trust in the primary investigator is
an important component of gaining entry into the research site and obtaining access to
participants (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). A pre-existing affiliation assists entry and increases
confidence in the credibility of the investigator (Lofland, 1971). A previously established
working relationship with the principals assisted in the establishment of trust in my
integrity and professionalism. The teaching and guidance staff of the Smith School had
been involved in a collaborative association with me for many years in relation to the
55
academic achievement of their students. This type of positive relationship helped to
secure the cooperation of the teachers whose classes were directly involved with the
study. Although I was not directly involved with Jones School, I had previously worked
with the principal, which helped in gaining entry into that school. At the time the
proposal was introduced to the superintendent’s office, the interim assistant
superintendent charged with reviewing the study had also worked previously with me.
This person was central to the support of the project and its approval by the school board.
Sampling Frame
A purposive sampling frame was used for the study. Purposive sampling involves
the specific selection of “information rich” cases that will highlight the subject under
study (Patton, 1990). By focusing on particular groups, I have been able to provide
extensive details about the participants’ experiences (Nelson & Quintana, 2005).
Purposive sampling takes full advantage of the density of information obtained from
group participants and increases the ability to develop grounded theory due to the range
of perspectives presented (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Due to the lack of information about
middle school Hispanic adolescents, a purposive sampling frame permitted concentrated
attention to this group.
Participants
Study participants were Hispanic students who shared the experience of
acculturation and the early adolescent developmental stage. As such, seventh- and eighthgrade students were targeted for the study. In order to capture the passage of time in the
process of acculturation, students were drawn from the Welcome Center at the Jones
56
School, the bilingual classes, and the monolingual English classes of both schools. The
Welcome Center is a class in the Jones School designed for the newly arrived Hispanic
student (less than two years in the United States), who enters the district with academic
delays of two or more grade levels in their native language. Students newly entering the
school district take one examination to determine grade-level skills and another
examination to assess the level of English proficiency. There is a Welcome Center class
at the Smith School as well, but this class includes a younger age group. Students in the
bilingual classes are learning English while being instructed in Spanish. In order to
transition into a monolingual English speaking class, a certain level of English
proficiency must be demonstrated by the passage of an examination. Monolingual classes
are instructed in English only and generally include students who have been in the United
States for more than three to five years. Thus, registration as a seventh- or eighth-grade
student with enrollment in one of the targeted schools comprised part of the requirements
for student participation in the research study. Initially, seventh- and eighth-grade
students born in a Hispanic country were sought as participants. However, due to the
initial low response rate, the research study was subsequently expanded to include
Hispanic students born in the United States with at least one parent born in a Hispanic
country.
Additional participants in the study included one guidance counselor from each
school and the Welcome Center teacher of the Jones School. The triangulation of data
sources (Denzin, 1978; Patton, 1990) is the comparison of two data sources for the
purpose of examining the consistency of findings collected at different times from
different participants. The points of views emanating from school staff and students
provided an opportunity to evaluate areas of convergence and divergence regarding the
57
issues under study (Patton). Furthermore, triangulation strengthens the credibility of the
results of a qualitative study (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). The school personnel were
chosen because of their ongoing contact with the student population and close
involvement in their academic and social functioning. They were in a prime position to
observe and assess the needs of the student population and, thus, would be able to
provide their own observations and perspective involving the adjustment of the
acculturating Hispanic students. The criterion for inclusion of the Welcome Center
teacher and guidance counselors in the study was their direct assignment to one of the
targeted schools.
Research Design—Focus Groups
The method for data collection was the use of focus group interviews with the
students. Focus groups are group discussions centered on the investigation of a particular
set of issues (Barbour & Kitzinger, 1999). They are particularly suited for the
investigation and understanding of complex behaviors or insufficiently studied
phenomena (Krueger & Casey, 2000; Litosseliti, 2003; Lugo-Steidel, Ikhlas, López,
Rahman, & Teichman, 2002; Morgan, 1997; Morgan & Krueger, 1993) such as
acculturation. Qualitative research is based on the belief that people construct the
meaning of phenomena based on their interaction with others (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).
Focus group methodology, in particular, encourages the expression of different points of
view in a non-judgmental environment (Krueger, 1993) during the exchange of ideas,
feelings, and perspectives. Focus groups capitalize on the dynamics of group processes
and the premise that people do not form ideas and attitudes in a vacuum (Marshall &
Rossman, 1999). Consequently, this type of data collection has the potential to be rich
58
due to the interaction between the participants (Barbour & Kitzinger; Morgan; Patton,
1990).
Krueger and Casey (2000) affirm that when participants feel they are similar in
some way, it facilitates the expression of a shared experience. The study involved
participants who shared commonalities, such as school, ethnicity, and the acculturation
experience. The participants were also all in the adolescent phase of development, a time
when youth are highly involved with their peer group, as well as in forming their own
ideas and opinions (Koss-Chioino & Vargas, 1999). Thus, focus groups provided the
participants the opportunity to examine their experiences as adolescents involved in an
acculturation process, in their own words, from their own perspectives (Cortes, 2003).
Nine Focus groups were initially proposed. However, 10 groups were held in
order to accommodate the student interest in participating in the groups. In view of the
importance of male/female differences in the area of stress and coping, as indicated in the
literature review, the original design of the study called for the groups to be divided by
gender. However, due to the low initial response rate, the original plan was not executed
and mixed male and female focus groups resulted.
In order to guide the interviews without a restrictive format, an open-ended
interview was used to elicit the participants’ perspectives (Knodel, 1993). A
“standardized open-ended interview” (Patton, 1990) includes a set of predetermined
questions and/or topics as a guide. This not only maintains some general focus on the
subject under study but also facilitates comparability of data between groups. The
sequencing of questions allowed participants to become acquainted with the topic and
provided an opportunity to hear and reflect on others’ responses (Krueger, 1998a).
59
A research assistant, who was a bilingual, Hispanic graduate student in the
psychology department of the university, accompanied me during the focus groups. She
also was particularly experienced with the focus group methodology. As written
observations during focus groups are an essential component of accurately representing
the data (Krueger, 1993, 1998a), the research assistant typed field notes during the
sessions on a laptop and e-mailed the notes to me.
A medical anthropologist, professor, and member of my dissertation committee
was intricately involved in the research study. His long history of conducting focus
groups and work within the field of acculturation served as a constant guide for me. He
attended three focus groups and participated in the coding and debriefing process.
One interview each with two guidance counselors (one from each school) and one
teacher from Smith School were incorporated into the research design for the purpose of
comparability to the student participants’ results. Due to the concentrated amount of time
I was engaged with the participants (Greenbaum, 2000), the individual interview
permitted me to probe the subject matter in more depth (Marshall & Rossman, 1999;
Patton, 1990). Separate interviews were more convenient for these participants in terms
of scheduling. Additionally, interviewing these participants separately was helpful
because sessions were held in their own schools and natural environments. A
standardized open-ended interview format was also used for the two guidance counselors
and one teacher.
Procedure for Approval of the Study
At the beginning of the 2004-2005 school year, a research proposal was prepared
and sent to the principals of the Smith and Jones Schools (see Appendix A). In order to
60
have access to the student population, it was considered crucial to have the support of the
principals before approaching the superintendent and the school board. Once the
principals received the proposal, a meeting was held with each of them in his or her
respective school. I elaborated on the nature and scope of the research project and
explored the principals’ willingness to accept the research study in their schools. Once
the project received acceptance from the principals, the proposal was sent to the
superintendent of the school district. He gave the proposal to the assistant superintendent
for further examination. I met with the assistant superintendent, the research assistant,
and the medical anthropologist (Rutgers University professor). The project received
informal approval from the assistant superintendent, who recommended formal
submission to the New Brunswick Board of Education. Per the assistant superintendent’s
instructions, an “Executive Summary,” a briefer version of the original proposal (see
Appendix B), and a “Resolution,” (see Appendix C) that accompanies such submissions
to the board, were prepared and sent to the Board of Education. The Board approved the
study on March 15, 2005. Following this consent by the Board of Education, the study
was submitted to the Rutgers University Investigational Review Board for approval,
which was secured on May 31, 2005. After all of the necessary authorizations were in
place, the school principals were informed that data collection would be initiated in
September 2005.
Procedure for Recruitment of Participants for Focus Groups
Once the school year commenced in September 2005, the school principals were
contacted to discuss the procedure for the recruitment of the students. I proposed student
recruitment take place during a brief presentation of the study to the students in their
61
classrooms. The principals and I agreed that the study would begin with the Smith School
based on the reality that the Jones School had just moved into a new building,
necessitating a period of acclimation for staff and students. A copy of the Executive
Summary and Board approval was attached to a memorandum directed to the teachers
(see Appendix D) informing them of the study. Although the guidance counselors were
not directly involved in the study, they also received the same information about the
study because they were important contacts in the schools. Their cooperation had been
secured in the event that a participant needed to discuss any possible emotional reactions
that could occur because of a discussion of their experiences in the focus groups.
The teachers were individually contacted to secure a convenient day and time for
the presentation of the study to the students. The home-room periods at the start of the
day were designated as the best time for the presentations. During these presentations, the
purpose and scope of the study was explained to the students and questions were
encouraged. Bilingual consent forms (see Appendix E1 and E2) in English and Spanish
were distributed to the students with the instructions to discuss participation in the study
with their parents or guardians. If both student and parent agreed to participate, students
returned the signed consent forms to their teachers. I visited the classrooms on a daily
basis in order to retrieve the consent forms and to answer any further questions raised by
the students. In addition, I attended the “Back to School” evening program at the Smith
School. This is a yearly program designed to inform parents of school programs and
educational objectives and encourage their participation in their children’s education. The
research assistant and I occupied a table near the entrance of the school, along with other
tables promoting various school programs. I also spoke to parents in some of the
62
classrooms in order to present the study and encourage their children’s participation in
the focus groups.
The initial response rate for the consent forms was low. I decided to call the
parents in order to encourage the return of the consent forms and foremost, to explore the
reasons for the poor response. The parents that I reached reported that they did not
understand the consent form. The requirements of the Investigational Review Board
(IRB) resulted in the format and length of the consent form that appeared to be confusing
to the students and parents. In consideration of the low literacy rate of the parents in the
district and the possible fears that undocumented immigrants could have in relation to
involvement in research studies, I decided to explore the possibility of shortening and
simplifying the consent form. I contacted the IRB to discuss the possibility of simplifying
the consent forms. The sponsored-programs administrator of the Office of Research and
Sponsored Programs offered open, monthly meetings to researchers in order to discuss
any issues related to IRB approval of investigational studies. On October 14, 2005, the
research assistant and I met with the sponsored-programs administrator during one of his
monthly open meetings at lunchtime. He was willing to consider a revised, shortened
consent form. Based on his instructions, a new consent form was prepared. The revised
consent forms were accompanied by other changes, presented in the form of an
amendment to the original protocol. One change involved an augmented incentive of a
free movie ticket for each participant, as opposed to a raffle for two movie tickets per
focus group. Incentives are regularly used to encourage and increase the participant
response rate (Bloor, Frankland, Thomas, & Robson, 2001; Greenbaum, 2000). Another
change involved eliminating the Spanish word “investigadora,” the word for researcher in
Spanish, from the consent form. The concern was that the word would be associated with
63
investigations, potentially creating wariness in a largely undocumented population.
Finally, it was decided to expand the student participation criteria to include Hispanic
students born in the United States with at least one parent born in a Hispanic country. It
was anticipated that these changes would increase the number of potential participants.
During the process of amending the protocol, an assistant professor/psychologist,
who was completing a postdoctoral program involving focus groups, expressed interest in
joining the study as a research assistant. His name was added to the amended research
protocol for approval by the IRB. This additional research assistant was also Hispanic
and bilingual. He attended two focus groups and participated in the coding process.
On November 8, 2005, the IRB approved the new consent forms (see Appendix
F1 and F2) along with all of the other changes. During the wait for the approval from the
IRB for the amended application, enough students responded to conduct three focus
groups before the new protocol-approval date. Recruitment continued following the same
previously outlined format. The new consent forms were distributed immediately and an
increase in the response rate was noted at both schools.
Procedure for the Implementation of the Focus Groups
The location for the focus group meetings within each school building was
established with the principal. At the Smith School, the focus groups were held in the
teacher’s lounge. At the Jones School, the focus groups were held in the principal’s
conference room. Qualitative research considers the natural environment of the
participants to be important in conducting qualitative research as it brings the investigator
as close to the real world of the participants as possible (Patton, 1990). The familiarity of
the setting for the students was considered of particular importance in facilitating
64
participation and comfort with disclosure of thoughts, feelings, and experiences (Morgan
& Krueger, 1993). The choice of the location for the meetings was limited and was
determined by the privacy these particular rooms offered, the availability of a large table
with chairs and a table for refreshments. Although the focus groups took place in the
principal’s conference room and the teachers’ lounge, the students did not appear to be
uncomfortable with these sites. The fact that the meeting rooms were within the students’
school buildings may have subordinated the impact of attending the focus groups in
spaces they did not usually visit.
A memorandum (see Appendix G) informed the principals of the focus group
dates once they were set. I informed the students of the date via a yellow flier delivered
with a copy of the signed consent form in an envelope to their homeroom classes. In
addition, the teachers were also given a yellow flier with the date of the focus group and
the names of the students in his/her class who had signed up to attend. Once the students
were advised of the date for the focus group, two calls were made to the home, one to
confirm receipt and knowledge of the date for the focus group by the parent/guardian and
another call 1-2 days before the actual focus group, as a reminder. Another reminder in
the form of an additional yellow flier was given to the teachers and the students a day
before the meeting. This procedure was followed for each focus group.
The focus group interviews took place immediately after the school day. At the
Jones School, most students were transported by bus to and from the school building.
This required me to ascertain whether each student would need to use a late bus to get
home, or whether a parent would drive the student home. For those who did not typically
stay after school, the bus number was identified and the relevant administrators advised
of the additional passengers on the late bus. I accompanied the students to their
65
designated buses after the focus groups. This was especially essential for the more
recently arrived immigrant students, who were not familiar with their surroundings.
Smith School is a neighborhood school and most of the students walk to and from the
building. I, nonetheless, ascertained whether parents planned to pick up their students, or
whether they were permitted to walk home. I believed that these extra measures increased
the parents’ comfort with the project and me. I anticipated that by reassuring the parents
that I would attend to their children’s safety, the probability of student participation
would increase.
A Student Information form (see Appendix H1 and H2) in English and Spanish
was completed by the participants of the focus groups at the beginning of each group
interview. The form contained questions that provided important information about
length of time in the country, the use of English and Spanish language, and so on. After
the first focus group, the form was revised (see Appendix I1 and I2) by the removal of the
following question;
Do you speak any other language other than English or Spanish? Yes ____ No ______
If you answered yes, what other language do you speak? ________________________
Originally, this question was designed to explore whether any of the participants
belonged to an indigenous group in their native countries, resulting in the possible
acquisition of a language beside Spanish. However, the participants had a difficult time
understanding this question, and it was believed best to remove it.
The initial bilingual focus group interview guides (see Appendix J1 and J2)
provided an outline for a semi-structured interview comprised of questions formulated in
relation to the research questions and relevant issues for Hispanic immigrant youth. The
Interview Guide for the focus group included questions about the challenges of
acculturation, as well as what the participants believed the school could do to help them
66
better. A question about coping strategies was included to reflect its importance in
adolescent development. The Interview Guides were slightly different for the English
speaking and Spanish speaking groups. Both Interview Guides yielded expressions of
what was challenging for participants across levels of acculturation. The more
acculturated group (i.e., those with longer residence in the United States) was more
comfortable speaking English during the focus groups, while the less acculturated, more
newly arrived participants from the Welcome Center and bilingual classes preferred to
speak Spanish during the meetings.
In qualitative research, meaning is determined by the data as it evolves (Glaser &
Strauss, 1967; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Consequently, the focus group Interview Guide
was modified and shaped by the emergent data. After the first focus group, slight changes
to the Interview Guide (see Appendix K1 and K2) were made based on the responses
from the groups and the debriefing that took place after the first focus group. The
introductory remarks were shortened. I realized that some of the introductory information
was covered in the oral assent. The number of questions was reduced, but the essential
probes were kept. Furthermore, the decision was made to begin the focus group with the
writing exercise. This prevented redundancy while continuing to ease the participants into
the group discussion. The change proved to be a more efficient use of time and engaged
the students immediately. The quiet students were also engaged sooner and this gave
them an opportunity to verbalize in a more comfortable way.
The focus group format included: (1) oral assent from the participants (see
Appendix L1 and L2), (2) completion of the demographic data form by the participants,
(3) distribution of name tags, (4) introductions by all present at the group, (5) a writing
exercise, (6) discussion of the topics generated by the group, (7) pizza and soda, and (8)
67
distribution of the free movie tickets. By involving the participants in the oral-assent
process, I gained assurance that the students did not feel obligated to participate, even if
their parents had given their permission. Oral assent is a requirement of the IRB’s
protocol for research with minors. Name tags for all the participants were included in
each group to help create a friendly environment that encouraged conversation among the
participants (Greenbaum, 2000). The writing exercise eased the students into the
discussion and helped them to verbalize their thoughts, experiences, and feelings. The use
of the writing exercise was also a strategy to encourage participation from the quieter
students (Greenbaum) as it gave them an opportunity to offer responses within a more
structured format that was less anxiety-provoking than a solely spontaneous one.
The written exercise for the Spanish-speaking participants asked them to note the
three things that have been most difficult and three things that have been easiest since
arriving to the United States. The English-speaking groups were asked to write three
things that have been easy and three things that have been hard about being a Hispanic
teenager in the United States. The participants each had a turn verbalizing their written
answers to the question and these responses were written on a large poster paper that was
affixed to a wall in full view of all participants. The poster paper also served as another
record of what was being said and the participants were free to correct me if I
misunderstood a communication.
Each focus group met once for 1 ½ -2 hours. Each group was audio-recorded both
by a digital recorder and a tape recorder. This assured me that if one form of recording
malfunctioned, another would be recording at the same time. As previously mentioned,
the research assistant present at each focus group typed notes on a laptop. Pizza and soda
68
were served either at the beginning or the end of the focus group, depending on the pizza
arrival time. The movie tickets were distributed at the end of each focus group.
Procedure for Recruitment of Participants for the Individual Interviews
The recruitment of the two guidance counselors and one teacher followed a
similar format to the focus groups. A copy of the Executive Summary and Board
approval were attached to the same memorandum sent to the teachers earlier in the school
year. The members of the school staff were directly contacted by phone or by a face-toface visit in order to determine their willingness to participate in the study and to find a
convenient time for the individual interview. The teacher and the two guidance
counselors were not offered an incentive to participate in the interview, but they were
given a set of free movie tickets after the interviews as a token of appreciation.
Once the Welcome Center teacher and the guidance counselors agreed to
participate and a date was scheduled, each signed a consent form (see Appendix M)
before the interview.
Procedure for Implementation of Individual Interviews
As with the focus group Interview Guide, an Interview Guide was used with the
school staff (see Appendix N). The guide provided an outline of probes sequenced in a
way to gradually introduce the participants to the subject matter. The guiding questions
were similar to the focus group guide for increased comparability potential. Questions
were broad enough to allow the school staff to express their own observations and
thoughts, while specific enough to stay close to the topic under study. The Interview
Guide used for the school staff did not require changes.
69
The individual interviews of the guidance counselors took place in their offices
before the start of the school day. The interview of the teacher took place in the
classroom after the end of the school day. The individual interviews were 45-60 minutes
in duration and were audio-taped by a digital recorder. Only I was present at these
meetings, and I took notes during the interview.
Human Subjects Issues
The discussion about immigration and personal experiences can bring up difficult
feelings or memories among the participants during focus group interviews. As a licensed
clinical social worker, I was prepared to handle any adverse emotional reactions. If there
had been any students exhibiting or expressing such reactions, I would have immediately
addressed them after the focus-group interview. I would have assessed the level of the
adverse emotional reaction. If necessary, I would have made a referral to a community
agency or arranged for the student to speak to the school guidance counselor on the
following school day. The guidance counselors were aware of the dates of the focus
groups and the possibility that students would require their assistance after the groups.
Additionally, for students requiring ongoing support, counseling services offered by
school social workers was available within each of the schools throughout the academic
year. No adverse emotional reactions occurred during any of the focus groups. A few of
the students did become teary or cried during the focus groups, but these instances were
brief and handled successfully within the group.
Alternately, the support and concern offered by the discussion with other students
who have had similar life events can provide emotional support and potentially help
develop stronger bonds with fellow students, possibly facilitating the process of
70
adjustment. While there was potential for adverse emotional responses, there was also
potential for increased self-awareness and self-understanding resulting from the selfreflection and exposure to other students’ experiences and comments.
In relation to the school personnel, it was considered highly unlikely that adverse
emotional reactions would occur during their interviews. The content under study was
comparable to issues and material confronted by guidance counselors and teachers on a
daily basis and was considered unlikely to produce any additional stress or anxiety. There
were no adverse emotional reactions among the school staff during the individual
interviews.
As a member of the Smith School Child Study Team, I was aware that it was
possible that a participant could have been a student that was counseled by me as part of
my work responsibilities. This was the case with one student. Before the focus group, I
discussed with the student her thoughts/feelings on participating in a focus group with me
as the facilitator. The student did not voice any qualms or conflicts about this situation. It
was my impression that her familiarity with the facilitator of the group actually
encouraged this student to participate, rather than feeling pressured or obligated to do so.
I reassured the student that the content of her counseling sessions and participation in a
focus group would be kept confidential and that the student was under no obligation to
participate in the focus group.
The Researcher as the Instrument
I assumed the role of a participant observer, whose role was to listen and observe
while also interacting with the participants (Frey & Fontana, 1993). As investigator, my
role was to simultaneously study, explore, and examine phenomena and participate in the
71
phenomena (Patton, 1990). Face-to-face interaction with participants in a study affords a
prime opportunity to capture others’ perspectives and the given meaning to those
perspectives (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). The participant observer includes both the insider
and outsider perspective (Atkinson & Hammersley, 1994). The duality of this role of
participant-observer requires a balance between involvement and detachment (Bruyn,
1966). As there is a continuum between observer and participant that an investigator can
adopt, I was more of an “observer as participant” (Bruyn), where my purpose was openly
known to the participants, and the emphasis was placed on the observer role. In keeping
with the goals of qualitative inquiry, as participant-observer, I sought to understand social
phenomena from the perspective of the participants
The credibility of the researcher is an important component in considering the
trustworthiness of a qualitative study (Patton, 1990). I am a licensed clinical social
worker with 30 years of clinical experience working with adults and children of all ages. I
possess extensive interview experience, an inherent part of clinical work. In addition, my
educational training included an understanding of developmental processes.
As an employee of the targeted school district for 17 years, I was familiar with the
issues the population under study was facing within the schools. The credibility of the
investigator also involves how issues relating to the insider-outside perspective are
handled. An issue of qualitative research pertains to the advantages and disadvantages of
the proximity of the researcher to the participants and their setting. As a member of a
Child Study Team, I was familiar with the schools, the school district, and the Hispanic
population in the schools. I had direct knowledge of the issues facing the Hispanic
population within a school district. While I did not have direct contact with all of the
students before the focus groups, many of the students had seen me in the hallways of the
72
school. Thus, while this lent an additional advantage of familiarity for the students, they
also maintained some distance. At the Jones School, I was not directly involved with the
school but had worked with some of its staff.
I understood well the importance of being cognizant of the potential for personal
bias while conducting a naturalistic research project, where I was an “insider” as well as
an “outsider.” The benefits of working with a research team were especially pertinent in
this area. The feedback from the research assistants and the consulting professor was
invaluable in assuring that no personal bias interfered with the recruitment, conduct, and
analysis of the research study.
My second-generation Puerto Rican identity also augmented the credibility of my
role as a researcher. I am fluent in Spanish and familiar with the issues of acculturation. It
is considered an advantage if the investigator has personal and social characteristics that
permit a greater degree of mutual comfort between researcher and participant (Lofland,
1971). An inside perspective, however, requires the investigator be aware of any
tendency to over-identify with the focus group participants or make assumptions about
understanding the participant perspective.
While sharing similar characteristics with the participants contributed to the
insider perspective, I am Puerto Rican and therefore a citizen of the United States; I lack
the experience of having an illegal status, contributing to the outsider position. I am also
an outsider because I am an adult, as opposed to being an adolescent, who truly has an
insider perspective. A balance between the insider and outsider perspectives is an
important aspect of conducting qualitative research (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
As far as my role in conducting the focus groups and individual interviews, I led
the interviews in such a way as to encourage discussion and elaboration but kept the
73
interviews focused around the general topic (Frey & Fontana, 1993). I addressed the
participants in a nonjudgmental, accepting way that created a greater potential to help the
students increase their level of comfort for maximum verbal expression.
Analysis of Data
After each focus group, the research assistant e-mailed his or her typed notes to
me. Taking notes helped to capture verbal expressions that were inaudible due to low
voice quality or simultaneous speakers. These notes increased the reliability of the data
(Kidd & Parshall, 2000). I transcribed each focus group into a word-processing file. The
audio recordings were compared to the focus group notes and transcription to confirm the
accuracy of the spoken words. This was especially helpful with the clarification of poorly
audible words in the recordings.
The first focus group interview served as a pilot group and was included in the
overall data analysis. The transcribed audio recording from the session was listened to
and analyzed separately by the research assistant, the professor on the research team, and
me. Following this, a debriefing session was held to review the Interview Guide, format,
and the flow of the focus group. Debriefing sessions offer an opportunity to discuss the
immediate impressions of the group process (Krueger; 1998a) and to identify any
changes that may be needed in the Interview Guide or format of the group. Each member
of the research team generated an initial set of codes before the debriefing meeting. These
independently generated codes were compared and merged into one preliminary list (see
Appendix O). Based on this debriefing, the necessary aforementioned changes were made
to the Interview Guide and Student Information form. A final set of codes, which
included the pilot focus group, was developed and is included in Appendix P.
74
Face-to-face and e-mail debriefing sessions continued throughout the study
following each focus group. In addition to allowing for immediate discussion of the
group process, debriefing also ensures that the impressions and observations will be
immediately documented and discussed (Krueger, 1993). Debriefing enhances the
verifiability of the findings of a study (Krueger, 1998a). Notes were taken during each
debriefing session and treated as data that was included in the analytic process. The
insights derived from the debriefing notes were helpful during the data analysis (Krueger,
1998a). In addition to debriefing sessions, I held periodic meetings with the rest of the
research team for the purpose of the verification of the coding scheme.
The analysis of the focus groups was based on the analysis of the complete
transcripts, notes, and debriefing sessions. This is considered the most rigorous form of
analysis (Krueger; 1998b) as it is a form of triangulation. Grounded theory methodology
(Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1994) provided the specifics of a systematic
form of analysis for the study. The basic tenet of this type of analysis is predicated on
comparative analysis, which involves the joint activities of data collection, coding, and
analysis. In Glaser and Strauss’ “theoretical sampling,” the researcher performs all three
activities simultaneously in a back-and-forth manner, which allows for the continuous
assessment, classification, and verification of emergent categories and concepts.
Theoretical sampling involves the collection of more data in order to clarify categories
and ideas. In this way, the investigator returns repeatedly to the data and data collection
in order to sample emergent theoretical constructs. As outlined by Glaser and Strauss, the
specific procedure for analysis consisted of:
1. I began with some concepts or ideas about the phenomena that were gathered
from the current literature, observations, and so on. Bruyn (1966) refers to
75
these as “sensitizing concepts.” Some of the sensitizing concepts for this study
included acculturation, adolescent development, coping skills, and ecological
theory. They served to guide me and offered a frame of reference.
2. The data provided emergent categories, which represented conceptual
components that were coded. The eight categories that emerged from the data
included: access, adaptation, family relations, Latino culture, language, gender
relations, immigration, and interethnic relations.
3. Properties of the categories emerged and were coded as such. For example,
language emerged as a category for the more newly arrived participants. Some
of the properties that emerged were expression and vulnerability. A property
for the category of family relations was separation. The categories and
properties were labeled with numbers for the categories and letters for the
properties (e.g., 1a, 1b, etc.).
4. The emerging categories and properties developed into concepts that were
compared and, if indicated, combined with previous ones. This type of analysis
ensured that the focus group guide was relevant and signaled for any changes
that were indicated. Ideas about repeated emergence of categories and concepts
were documented. Categories and properties that emerged from the less
acculturated groups were compared to those of the more acculturated ones.
Strauss & Corbin (1994) continued to build on their original theory and
methodology by including “theoretical codes,” which refer to how the
relationship between the codes is conceptualized.
76
5. The procedure continued with the combination and integration of categories
and their properties. Possible relationships between category to category and
category to property were examined.
6. Cross analysis of groups took place, comparing the group’s categories and
properties. Themes emerged from this process. Cross analysis between the
individual interviews and focus groups also took place.
7. The collection, coding, and analysis of data continued to theoretical saturation.
This term refers to the analysis that proceeds to the point when coding
generates the same properties, without the addition of new ones (Strauss &
Corbin, 1998). It can also be the case that if any new properties emerge, they
do not add any new information. In relation to focus groups, saturation
involves the researcher’s empirical confidence that new groups no longer
produce novel information. Saturation was evident by the 10th focus group.
Saturation was also evident in the individual interviews by the third meeting.
8. Tentative hypotheses and theoretical propositions were formulated by the
repeated appearance of categories and properties. Tentative discovery of
underlying similarities and principles emerged.
Charmaz (2004) and Strauss and Corbin (1998) recommend initial line-by-line
analysis in order to keep the researcher close to the data and for the encouragement of an
analytic stance toward the data. Line-by-line analysis leads to the development of codes;
and, once categories and properties have been repeatedly identified, “focused coding”
highlights the most frequently emerging categories and properties. Focused coding is less
general and yields progressive conceptualization of the data. Line-by-line analysis and
focused coding were used when handling data. Analysis also included the search for
77
internal convergence and external divergence (Marshall & Rossman, 1999; Patton, 1990).
This examined both how internally consistent or separate the categories were from each
other. Another analytic strategy includes the search for negative cases and alternate
explanations, which involves identifying the exceptions and exploring other plausible
accounts for the relationships developed (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Marshall & Rossman;
Miles & Huberman, 1984; Patton). Thus, as the data was analyzed, I also critically
evaluated the emerging concepts or themes by considering alternative explanations. For
example, why was the social environment of the school apparently more of an issue for
certain focus groups and not others? Negative cases and alternative explanations were
explored, identified, and described. I accounted for and demonstrated how the data
exemplified the explanation chosen as most plausible.
Analysis with focus groups also includes other considerations. Morgan (1997)
contended that it is important to keep in mind that neither the group nor the individual is
the unit of analysis. This especially relates to coding the data from the focus groups. He
recommended that all references to a particular code be mentioned, whether it was done
by individuals or mentioned by the group. I conducted a simple count of codes in order to
examine how many times a code emerged. While qualitative research does not generally
emphasize quantity, a simple count can give weight to the perceived significance of a
code or theme, as well as guard against bias and making assumptions about the data that
do not exist (Miles & Huberman, 1984). All individual and group expressions of a code
were noted by the use of counts to summarize the data. Focus groups were first analyzed
by group and then across groups.
78
The two interviews with the guidance counselors and the Welcome Center teacher
were analyzed using the same procedures outlined above. The individual interviews were
also analyzed by case analysis and cross-case analysis methods.
Analysis of Student Information Forms
A third research assistant, who was an undergraduate student of psychology with
some experience in the analysis of data, joined the research team in January 2006. She
coded the data from the Student Information forms. I conducted frequencies and cross
tabulations on these data.
Trustworthiness
The trustworthiness of a qualitative study involves the degree that a reader is
convinced that the data and findings are credible (Huberman & Miles, 1994; Janesick,
1994; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). In addition to credibility,
trustworthiness incorporates the dependability and confirmability of the data, analysis,
and findings. The design of my study sought to address these issues in the following
ways:
•
The first focus group served as a pilot group in order to ensure the
questions were well understood by the participants and to identify any
other modifications needed (Janesick, 1994). This increased the
trustworthiness of the study by ensuring the relevance of the questions
being asked.
•
The presence of a research team permitted a more thorough confirmatory
process. A research assistant experienced each focus group while
79
documenting the content of the focus groups on a laptop. This helped to
preserve the integrity of the data, as well as to increase the overall
trustworthiness of the investigation and its findings. By being present at
each focus group, the research assistant also helped to ensure that bias
from me was not interfering with the conduct and interpretation of what
was heard and seen.
•
The involvement of a professor with an extensive background in focus
groups and the Hispanic population also contributed to the trustworthiness
of the results. He also read each transcript, participated in the coding
process, and attended three focus groups, as an observer and a participant.
•
By using constant comparative analysis, the data and codes were
simultaneously examined for the fit between the Interview Guide, codes,
and emerging categories and properties. Cross-case analysis also increased
the trustworthiness of the findings (Huberman & Miles, 1994).
•
The documentation of participants’ responses on the poster paper served to
confirm what I heard.
•
The study took place in two locations as a way to test for the
confirmability of findings.
•
The research assistants and I are all Hispanic and fluent in Spanish.
•
A second research assistant, who was not present at all the focus groups,
continued to code each focus group transcript independently. This lent an
additional confirmation of categories, properties, and theoretical
implications as they emerged.
80
•
Recordings (both digital and audio) and field notes preserved the integrity
and accuracy of the data (Barbour & Kitzinger, 1999). The integrity of the
data was further secured by storing the audio tapes and transcripts in a
locked cabinet with a key that only I possess.
•
Debriefing sessions after each focus group also helped confirm the
accuracy of the observations. In addition, peer debriefing helped me check
for bias and distortion and explored the need for methodological
adjustments (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
•
The use of quotes in the written report increases trustworthiness as they
express the experience of the participants in their own words (Adler &
Adler, 1994).
•
Triangulation represents another way to increase the trustworthiness of
findings. It represents an attempt to validate results against at least one
other source (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). A comparison of the consistency of
the data obtained at different times, by different people exemplifies the use
of the triangulation of qualitative data sources (Janesick, 1994; Patton,
1990). By conducting multiple focus groups in two different schools, I
was able to compare and contrast the responses from the different groups
and schools, which enhanced the convergent validity and credibility of the
findings. The comparison of the individual and focus group interviews
describes methodological triangulation, as well as triangulation of data
(Janesick; Patton). The inclusion of individual interviews with the school
staff was designed to increase confirmation and trustworthiness of the data
81
obtained from the student participants. This eliminated any possibility that
the responses from the students were not unique in some way.
•
Attending to internal and external homogeneity further increased the
trustworthiness of the data analysis. Internal homogeneity refers to the
extent to which data belonging to a category holds true. External
heterogeneity involves the extent to which differences among categories
are clear and how much they overlap (Patton, 1990). Multiple coders
facilitated this process. The member of the research team, who entered the
analysis process after the initial codes were established, used the available
codes and properties. However, discussion about the appropriateness of
the codes for the emerging data was continuously reviewed throughout the
study by all members of the research team.
•
The search for negative cases or cases that do not fit the patterns identified
(Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Patton, 1990) added to the credibility of the
results.
•
Seeking alternative explanations of the findings helped further assess the
credibility of the data (Patton, 1990). As the themes were collected and
findings emerged, alternative ways of organizing and explaining the data
were considered (Patton; Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). The credibility of
the results is enhanced when the researcher attends to instances when
phenomena do not fit the general observations made and explores whether
the data supports other competing explanations. The reasons for the
deviation may provide alternative explanations, or the absence of
82
deviations will increase the confirmability of the results of the study
(Patton).
Summary
The design and analytic strategies of the study have sought to facilitate the
emergence of rich data that would fill a gap in knowledge about how young Hispanic
adolescents adapt to living in a new culture. The attention to elements of trustworthiness
in the design, analysis and findings of the study increased the confidence in the
credibility and integrity of the research study, as a whole. While the study examined
Hispanic adolescents in one community, the results were compared and contrasted with
other research studies conducted in communities similar to the participants of the present
study (Cortina & Gendreau, 2003; Gil & Vega, 1996; Gonzáles et al., 2000; Portes &
Rumbaut, 2001) for the possible extrapolation of findings. The “bottoms-up” approach
previously mentioned (Betancourt & López (1993) advocates the observation of a
particular cultural group before its applicability can be considered across groups or
constructs. On a more limited, local level, the increased understanding and knowledge
gained from the study will inform the targeted schools about the ways Hispanic
adolescents adjust to their new environment, as well as how that adaptation can be
facilitated.
83
Chapter 4: Characteristics of the Participants
The Student Information Forms provided data on various characteristics of the
participants (see Appendix Q for demographic information). Of the 53 participants,
roughly 47% were male (n = 25) and 53% were female (n = 28). Most of the participants
were between 12 and 13 years old, although the ages ranged from 12 to 16 years. The
participants were divided almost evenly between the 7th and 8th grades, with 49% of the
students in the 7th grade (n = 26) and 51% of the students in the 8th grade (n = 27).
Fifty-three of the 54 students reported their country of birth. The majority of the
participants were born outside of the United States (64%, n = 34) with 28% originating
from Mexico, 23% from the Dominican Republic and 7% from Honduras. Of the
participants born in the US (n = 18), almost half of their parents were born in Mexico
(mother, 47%; father 45%). Slightly over a quarter of the parents were born in the
Dominican Republic (mother, 26%; father 28%) and Honduras had the next highest
number in terms of parental birthplace (mother 9%; father 7%).
The representation of Mexico, the Dominican Republic and Honduras indicate
that the nationalities of the focus group participants reflected the distribution of Hispanic
groups found in the city where the schools were located. As previously noted, the 2000
United States Census (US Census Bureau, 2000a) reported the largest Hispanic groups in
the city were Mexicans (39%), Dominicans (15%) and Hondurans (8% of the Central
American population). The distribution of the participants’ countries of origin followed
these larger city demographic trends, with the exception of Puerto Ricans, who comprised
17% of the city’s Hispanic population and were underrepresented in the sample (2%, n =
1).
84
Of the 34 focus group participants born outside of the United States, over half of
them (n = 21) were living in the United States less than two years, indicating a fairly
recent group of arrivals. Three focus group participants were born in the United States,
but returned to Mexico before the age of two and then immigrated back to the United
States. Twenty-two (65%) of the 34 participants born outside of the United States
reported immigration from an urban environment, and 13 (24%) from a rural
environment.
Seventeen of the 36 parents of the US-born participants were born in Mexico, six
in the Dominican Republic, five in Puerto Rico, two in Ecuador, two in Honduras and
one in Guatemala. One parent was African American and one European American. All
but five students had both parents born outside of the United States.
To gain a better understanding of the participants’ language skills, the students
were asked a series of questions about their Spanish and English language usage (see
Appendix R). One question asked about perceived verbal language proficiency. Ninety
one percent (n = 48) participants considered their ability to speak Spanish as good, very
good or excellent. Another question asked about usage of language in the home. Forty
seven percent (n = 25) of the participants reported speaking only or mostly Spanish, 49%
(n = 26) reported speaking both Spanish and English, and only two students (4%)
reported speaking mostly or only English. When asked about language usage with
friends, 32% (n = 17) of the participants reported speaking only or mostly Spanish with
friends, 58% (n = 31) reported speaking Spanish and English with friends, and 9% (n = 5)
reported speaking mostly English or English only with friends.
The participants also answered a question about how well they thought they read
English and Spanish. Fifty five percent of the participants (n = 29) considered their
85
ability to read English as good, very good, or excellent. Eighty seven percent of the
participants (n = 46) reported that their ability to read Spanish was good, very good or
excellent. One final language question asked the students about the language of their
dreams. Twenty-two participants (42%) reported dreaming in Spanish, 11 (21%) reported
dreaming in English, and 17 (32%) reported dreaming in both languages.
Two questions gathered information about the extent to which focus group
members participated in after school activities (see Appendix R). The data revealed that
the majority of focus group members did not participate in after-school activities. For
example, the first question asked about general participation in after-school activities and
revealed that the large majority (75%, n = 40) reported no participation in after-school
activities, while 24% (n = 13) reported participation in after-school activities. Of the 40
students who reported no participation in after-school activities, 70% (n = 28) were born
outside of the United States and 30% (n = 12) were born in the United States. For those
participants (n = 12) who responded that they did participate in after-school activities,
50% (n = 6) were born outside of the United States and 50% (n = 6) were born in the
United States. Thus, it appears that country of birth did not make a difference among the
focus group participants who participated in after-school activities. Yet, it appears that
birth outside of the United States has a greater association with a lack of participation in
after-school activities.
A second question asked more specifically about after-school sports participation.
Again, most focus group members (68%, n = 36) indicated no participation, with 32% (n
= 17) reporting involvement in after-school sports activities. Examining the participation
rates by birthplace revealed that 62% (n = 10) of the students who participated in afterschool sports were born outside of the United States. Of the 36 students who did not
86
participate in after-school sports, 67% (n = 24) were born outside of the United States and
33% (n = 12) were born in the United States.
In addition to examining patterns of after-school participation by birthplace, these
responses were also calculated by gender. The results indicate that for general
participation in after-school activities, of the 13 students who reported participation, 61%
(n = 8) were female and 38% (n = 5) were male. Although most of those who participated
in after-school activities were female, gender was more evenly distributed amongst the 40
non-participants, with 50% (n = 20) being female and 50% (n = 20) being male. Thus, the
data reveal no clear pattern between gender and participation in after-school activities for
this group.
Finally, patterns of after-school sports participation were also examined by
gender. The data indicates that for the 17 students who reported participating in afterschool sports, 47% (n = 8) were female and 53% (n = 9) were male. Among the 36
students who reported no participation in after-school sports, 56% (n = 20) were female
and 44% (n = 16) were male. Therefore, it appears that gender does not play a decisive
role in the participation in after-school sports for this group of students.
In summary, the responses from the student information forms indicate that most
of the focus group participants were born outside of the United States in Mexico, the
Dominican Republic and Honduras. The majority of the participants born in the US also
reported these countries as their parental countries of origin. Participants’ ages clustered
between 12-14 years and were of almost equal gender distribution. In reference to
language usage, a large majority of the participants believed they were fluent in Spanish.
Almost half considered themselves fluent in English. About one half of the participants
spoke mostly Spanish at home, while almost one half reported speaking both English and
87
Spanish at home. Most of the participants spoke in Spanish and English with friends.
Similarly to verbal abilities, the large majority of the participants reported they read
Spanish well and slightly over half reported they were proficient English readers. The
focus group participants reported that they mostly dreamt in Spanish. Finally, the
majority of this group of students did not participate in after-school activities. These
characteristics of the focus group participants provide the background reference
information for the following results of the analyses.
Results of the Focus Groups and Individual Interviews
Fifty-three students attended the 10 focus groups, ranging from 2-8 participants
(see Table 1). Four out of the 10 focus groups were conducted in Spanish. I could not
determine the number of students attending a focus group before each meeting. Even with
confirmations established with parent and student the night before the group, or on the
same day, there were students who changed their minds or decided not to attend at the
last minute. While a group of 2 or 3 participants is not considered the ideal number for a
focus group, I decided it was best to offer the opportunity to participate in a focus group
to the students who did present themselves. Whenever possible, researchers aim for the
optimal number of participants, but sometimes the number of individuals who appear for
a focus group results in limitations (Bloor et al., 2001).
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Table 1
Number of Students Who Signed Up and Participated in Focus Groups
Group
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Total
Number signed up
6
8
7
5
7
8
9
8
9
10
77
Participants
5
8
6
5
3
6
7
2
7
4
53
Group language
Spanish
English
English
Spanish
Spanish
Spanish
Spanish
Spanish
English
English
The results from the data emerging from the 10 focus groups and three individual
interviews were analyzed and coded for emergent categories and their properties. These
are found in Table 2.
89
Table 2
Open Coding - Student Experiences of Acculturation
Categories
Properties
Access
Education, goods & services, stores, economic
resources, better life, housing, freedom,
transportation parks health care, technology
Coping strategies, peer group, environment,
behaviors, school, rules, climate, food, hard work,
constraints, changing identity, reference group,
pride, appearances, bicultural identity, language
Separation, reunion, reconfiguration, conflict,
parenting styles, sibling relations, family
obligations, changes in family members
Food, music, accents, different meaning of words,
pride, appearance, bicultural identity, religiosity,
cultural self-perception, customs
Adaptation
Family
Relations
Latino
culture
Language
Gender
relations
Immigration
Interethnic
relations
Express, understand, defend, learn, vulnerability,
frustration and anxiety
Intergenerational cultural differences
Documents, the trip
Within-group, between-group, discrimination,
stereotypes, cultural messages from media
Through the process of axial coding and the constant comparative method
(Strauss & Corbin, 1998), I identified the relationships between and across categories and
properties, organizing them into their respective themes and sub-themes. The themes and
subthemes will form chapters 5, 6, 7, and 8 and are summarized in Table 3.
90
Table 3
Chapter Headings (Themes and Sub-Themes
Chapter Headings (themes)
Chapter 5: Crossing Borders - The Road to
the American Dream
Chapter Sub-headings (sub-themes)
Crossing Borders
• Unauthorized Entry
• Authorized Entry
The Honeymoon and Posthoneymoon
Phases
• The Honeymoon - Access to the
American Dream
• Posthoneymoon phase – Making
the Grade
• Unsafe Neighborhoods
• “They Judging a Book by its
Cover”
En Route to a Bicultural Identity
• Lost in Translation
• Spanish as a Second language
• Living in Two Worlds
Chapter 6: All in the Family: Changes in the
• Family as Primary Support System
primary support system
• Separation, Reunification and
Reconfiguration
• Evolving Parenting Styles
• Family Obligations
Chapter 7: “Social” Studies: Crossing
• Racial Toe Stepping
Racial and Ethnic Boundaries
• Ethnic Toe Stepping
Chapter 8: What Schools Can Do
•
•
•
•
Teach Us
School-Student Relations
School Climate
Support Services
The organization of the chapters is meant to evoke movement; the movement
from one country to another, the movement involved in change, the movement of
adolescence. Beginning with the trip to the US, the chapters progress to cover various
aspects of crossing cultures through the eyes of the fifty three focus group participants
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and three members of the school staff. Because the participants ranged so broadly in the
length of residency in the US, a longitudinal portrait of change emerges.
The results of the focus groups and the individual interviews of the school staff
provided data about how the participants perceived the experience of acculturation within
the contexts of school, family, neighborhood, and US society. Spanish was spoken in six
of the ten focus groups, representing the more recently arrived participants. Because these
students were instructed in Spanish, while they were learning English, they attended
bilingual classes, and will be identified as the bilingual class focus group participants.
English was spoken in the four remaining focus groups that contained students who were
born in the US or who had a more extended length of US residency. These students were
instructed only in English and will be referred to as the monolingual class focus group
participants, even though they may have been bilingual. The three members of the school
staff were interviewed individually and will be referred to as Mr. A, Ms. B, and Ms. C.
The findings from their interviews will be interspersed throughout the chapter. All the
names of the student participants presented in the chapters are pseudonyms.
Palpable differences emerged between the recently arrived and more acculturated
participants. The bilingual class participants were preoccupied with adapting to a new
environment perceived as full of hope and promise. The more acculturated participants
were involved in adjusting to an environment they perceived as discriminatory. Overall,
the bilingual class participants appeared to be comparing their situation to their home
countries, while the monolingual class participants were comparing themselves to the
wider society. Differences were also evident in how the two sets of groups presented
themselves behaviorally. Whereas, the bilingual class participants were generally
reserved and respectful, the more acculturated students were assertive and opinionated.
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Nonetheless, the participants generously shared their thoughts, perceptions, and
experiences.
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Chapter 5: Crossing Borders: The Road to the American Dream
.The first section of Chapter 5, Crossing Borders, focuses on the immigration
experiences of the students and the consequences attending an unauthorized versus an
authorized entry to the US. The themes and sub-themes are summarized in Table 4.
Table 4
Crossing Borders
Unauthorized Entry
Bilingual
Stress and trauma during trip
Monolingual Blocked access to rights and
privileges
Staff
Trauma of trip
Blocked access to rights and
privileges
Authorized Entry
Less stressful trip
High cost and waiting time for
entry
Access to rights and privileges
Crossing Borders
Unauthorized Entry. Five of the six bilingual class focus groups and one of the
four monolingual class groups discussed issues related to immigration. Because over half
of the participants had arrived from their native countries less than two years prior to the
focus groups, experiences associated with immigration were still recent. Consequently,
the trip to the US was a major topic for the newly arrived participants. Many of the
students from Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala entered the US without legal status. The
nature and experience of the trip to the US largely depended on the absence or presence
of legal documentation for entry, or “los papeles” (the papers). Foremost, an illegal entry
into the US exposed the students to trips across the border that involved various levels of
risk and danger. In some cases, more than one border had to be crossed. In other cases,
students used various modes of transportation such as airplane flights, cars, vans, buses
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and walking during their trip to the US. In the cases of illegal crossings, fear and anxiety
were often associated with the trip. While not all of the students who crossed the border
found the experience especially anxiety-producing, most of the reports included highly
stressful experiences due to the elevated levels of risk during the trip.
Alberto, a 15 year old Mexican student is an example of a student who crossed the
border illegally. He walked across the border with his mother during a trip that lasted
three days and two nights. At the time of the focus group he had lived in the US for two
years, one year in Oregon and one year in New Jersey. Alberto’s experience during his
trip to the US illustrates the kinds of threats to safety a border crossing can present:
En el desierto, puro seca, piedras, hay serpientes también, es peligroso y cuando
llega la noche, te duerme, duerme por una o dos horas, después te levanta a
caminar otra vez. Yo me acuerdo que me dormí una vez y ellos se habían ido. Me
quede. Y después, estaban contando cuantos éramos, y dice mi mama, faltaba
uno, y era yo que faltaba. El señor [volvió]me levantó, me tira una bolsa porque
me quede bien dormido, por poco me quedé.
(In the desert, very dry, rocks, there are also snakes, it is dangerous and when
nightfall arrives, you sleep, you sleep for one or two hours and then you get up
and walk again. I remember that I fell asleep one time and they had left. I
remained. Afterwards, they were counting how many we were, and my mother
said, somebody is missing, and it was me who was missing. The man [returned]
awakened me and threw a bag at me because I was so asleep. I almost remained
behind).
In addition to almost being left behind in the desert, Alberto’s story reveals some
of the other implications of an illegal status for youth. Once over the border, Alberto
traveled to Oregon, where he did not attend school, but was employed full time on a farm
for one year. An aunt advocated for him and arranged for his move to New Jersey, where
he registered in school. Clearly, minors without legal documentation do not have the
same claims to the protections that a legal status confers. Aside from the employment of
minors that would otherwise be prohibited in the US, the lack of legal protection of youth
potentially exposes them to other types of harm and abuse. One of the members of the
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school staff, Ms. B, shared her experiences with students who had been traumatized
during the trip over the border:
So, we have that whole issue and many of them I’ve referred and are suffering
with post traumatic stress disorder and, you know, they’ve described behavioral
problems, and a lot of it comes from leaving one place of origin to a new country,
but another thing is the way they got here. I mean I have students who made it
through the tunnels that they just discovered in California; they actually told me
about them before I even saw them on the news. This class not so much, but, like
there’s 16 boys in this class, but last year, I had fifth grade bilingual and there was
one girl that would not adjust and was having a hard time, was struggling and we
finally got her to open up. She had been raped; she came with other people, not
with any family members and was raped by several different men along the trip. I
had another one who had told me she had been raped several times in her
transition to come to this country and then dumped off in the streets of wherever,
you know, a call was made to some family member to go pick her up and it’s a
car to car exchange once you get into the country. The kind of backgrounds, it’s
just horror story upon horror story and the things that they go through to get here
are very difficult.
The observations shared by Ms. B. also indicate how experiences during the trip
to the US can affect adjustment to school and academic functioning. One of the students
in Ms. B’s quote had difficulties adjusting to school. In addition to the fear produced by
the potential for physical harm, an additional risk during a border crossing involved the
possibility of being caught by immigration officials. The consequences of being detained
are great in terms of the large sums of money lost by the families and the prospect of
being forced to return to their country of origin. Jacinto, a 14-year-old student from
Mexico had been returned once prior to his successful crossing. When he was asked
about how he crossed the border and if he, too, had walked across the border like so
many others, he shared the following:
Yo no caminé,….Corrí. Así que ya me habían agarrado una vez. Así que corrimos
al carro y ahí nos escondimos.
(I didn’t walk…I ran. They had already caught me once. So we ran to the car and
there we hid).
Other students shared their experiences:
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Difícil, viajar en puro carro. Es peligroso porque si nos encuentra la migra, lo
regresan para atrás.
(Difficult, to travel only by car. It is dangerous because if the immigration
officials find us, they turn you back).
Yo nerviosa porque si nos volvían a regresar, era mucho dinero para mi papa.
Volvernos a regresar difícil también porque yendo y viniendo, muy largo el viaje
e incomodo.
(I was nervous because if they returned us, it was a lot of money for my father. To
return us again is also difficult because you are going back and forth; the trip is
very long and uncomfortable).
Si, porque cuando nosotros vinimos fueron dos días y una noche, era un desierto.
En el día hacia demasiado calor y de noche demasiado frío…el camino largo, si
regresábamos otra vez para atrás, teníamos que caminar otra vez el mismo, difícil
caminarlo.
(Yes, because when we came it was two days and one night, it was a desert.
During the day it was very hot and at night, very cold …the trip was long. If they
returned us again, we would have to walk it again, difficult to walk it)
Another risk factor involved the unscrupulous behavior of the people, coyotes,
hired as guides across the borders. Some incidents were reported where money was
taken, or additional sums of money were demanded during the trip. The participants and
the other members of the traveling parties were at the mercy of the coyotes, who held the
power to abandon them at any point along the trip and to subject them to any type of
conditions during the trip. Elena, age 12, who had arrived to the US two years prior to the
focus group, described this type of experience. She had traveled from Guatemala across
the border to Mexico before entering the US.
El viaje fue difícil para mi porque cuando nos vinimos al aeropuerto de México,
un avión hasta, yo no se como se llama, después, el coyote nos llevó a un pueblo
que se llama Los Nacos y allí fuimos a tratar de saltar una tela bien grande y yo
no podía entonces nos agarramos el bus hasta Los Ángeles y en Los Ángeles nos,
un señor nos engañó que era el coyote y nos quitó todo el dinero y después
pasamos la frontera que ahí sufrí bastante porque allí, nos tiraban así, y también
sufrí bastante cuando yo me subí al carro, bastante gente venia arriba, yo estaba
llorando.
(The trip was difficult for me because when we reached the Mexican airport, a
plane, to, I don’t know how it is called, after, the coyote took us to a town called
Los Nacos and there we tried to jump over a large fence and I couldn’t. Then we
took a bus to Los Angeles and in Los Angeles, a man who was passing for a
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coyote deceived us, and he took all the money and then we crossed the border and
there I suffered a great deal because they left us there like that. I also suffered a
great deal when I got in the car, many people were in the car...I was crying)
The consequences of an undocumented status go beyond the experiences of the
trip. Some of the participants expressed cognizance of how their unauthorized status
denied them assurance of certain opportunities and protections conferred to legal
residents, such as the freedom to travel. One of the most painful aspects of this type of
status involves the inability to visit loved ones in their home countries. “Aunque
queramos viajar a México, no se puede, viajar para entonces cruzar otra vez, para
regresar, vamos a tener que cruzar de nuevo la frontera.” (Although we want to travel to
Mexico, you can’t, to travel then to cross again, you can’t return, we would have to cross
the border again). Aside from the travel restrictions, the consequences for the future of
the students with an illegal status are profound. This was particularly raised in one of the
monolingual class focus groups where several of the students expressed awareness of the
limited access to certain jobs and higher education without legal documentation. The
following is an excerpt from the monolingual class focus group where the subject was
discussed.
#2 - Opportunities, if we are legal, like for colleges, some people can’t go to
college because they can’t afford it…
JV – And why else can’t they go to college, you were saying…
#2 - And they don’t got papers, the legal documents. Cause in some works, you
get paid more, but they want legal papers.
#6 - Let’s just say that they don’t have papers, right? … Let’s say you have the
money to pay everything, right, but they still won’t allow it because you don’t
have, you don’t have legal papers… why wouldn’t you, if you have the money.
It’s not like, ‘cause I think the only thing that matters in this country is money.
#2 - You see people that don’t have papers, they really want to become something
in their lives, and people that have papers, they don’t take the opportunity, they
are like, “ah, whatever.” Some people be like that. They have papers and they
don’t take advantage of the opportunities.
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In the above excerpt, the students recognized the barriers to employment and
higher education without legal documentation. These participants found the blocked
access difficult to understand, especially when they perceived that there are those who
don’t take advantage of the opportunities. Despite the motivation and the ability to pay
for a higher education, access is still denied to illegal residents. A similar concern about
blocked access was voiced by Mr. A, one of the interviewed staff members.
I have one student here, two students that came and said they want working
papers and I asked them, “Do you have a social security number?” And they said
“No.” I said, “You can’t work;” that’s the first thing they’re going ask for, the
social security number. They don’t realize that the limitations that they have, I
don’t think … and it’s hard because a lot of the students they’re here since they’re
little kids and they might not know they’re illegal because a lot of them have been
here since the second grade, third grade, so all that they know is the US, and
that’s what they remember and they going to face hard consequences when they
finish high school, when they cannot go to college and it‘s going to be hard to
find a job. Something that I think, even though, perhaps, they know what illegal
is, but they don’t nothing else because they’ve always been here, so it is
something very, very difficult. because let’s say they get deported, they get
deported to where? Because they don’t know their country, you know, they only
know …, they don’t know nothing else. So, it’s quite a hardship, I think, very
difficult.
While, previous quotes indicate that some students are aware of the constraints
resulting from an undocumented status, Mr. A introduced the idea that some youth who
have been in the US for many years may not realize they do not have legal
documentation. The reality of an illegal status became tangible for his student when he
was seeking a summer job.
In summary, the participants who lacked authorized entry into the US and crossed
the border were exposed to significant risks to their physical and emotional well-being. In
addition, as one school staff member cited from her experience, the stress and
psychological trauma experienced during the trip had the potential to interfere with
academic performance and the overall adjustment to the new country.
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Authorized entry. Those students who entered the US with a legal status described
relatively less stress associated with their trip. They did not have to be concerned about
embarking on a dangerous journey or being caught by immigration officials. There was
one exception. A brother and sister from the Dominican Republic had a stressful plane
ride due to inclement weather. They had never traveled by plane and their first experience
produced a great deal of fear. The greater challenge voiced by the documented students
was in the length of time and money that legal entry entailed. One student had waited for
seven years before the immigration documents were finalized. Other students had
similarly experienced long delays in the attainment of legal entry, resulting in extended
periods of separation from parents or other family members. Ana, a 14 year old student
from the Dominican Republic spoke to this point:
A mi difícil, si, porque hay que hacer mucho papeleo, dura mucho, para nosotros
duró casi cuatro años, para los pasaportes y la visa, lo encontramos, ya lo
logramos.
(For me, difficult, yes, because you have to do a lot of paperwork, it takes a long
time. For us it took four years, for the passports and the visa. We finally got it, we
succeeded).
Another student from the Dominican Republic shared similar sentiments.
A mi, mi mama tuvo que casarse con mi papa en Santo Domingo, después tuvo
que gastar mucho dinero y eso, la boda, y después venir aquí, a inmigración a
pedirnos, y después, tuvo que gastar mucho dinero y ella fue muchas veces a
Santo Domingo, cada vez que tenía que ir al consulado, tuvo que ir al consulado a
sacarnos el pasaporte, el dinero para ir a Santo Domingo y volver para atra, ella
tuvo que gastar mucho dinero, cogió prestao. Ella lo pagó todo, ella dice que
contar que nos tuviera aquí a nosotros.
(For me, my mother had to marry my father in Santo Domingo. She then had to
spend a lot of money, on the wedding, and then return here, go to immigration to
put in a request for us and then, she had to spend a lot of money and she went to
Santo Domingo many times and each time she had to go to the consulate, had to
go to the consulate to get the passport, the money to go to back and forth between
here and Santo Domingo. She had to spend a lot of money, she borrowed money.
She paid for everything, she said, as long as she had us with her).
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Despite the extended waiting periods to enter the US, at least the documented
participants were assured the rights and protection offered to legal residents. The
participants with authorized documentation were largely from the Dominican Republic.
Most of these students generally had parents or grandparents who themselves had legal
documentation and had many years of residency in the US. For the most part, the
participants with an authorized entry appeared to have entered homes with greater
financial stability than those students who entered illegally. As one of the participants
remarked, “cuando yo llegue aquí yo tenía mi casita, mi camita” (when I arrived here, I
had my house, my bed), implying that he walked into a comfortable situation. The
documented participants were also aware of their freedom to travel and receive
government sponsored financial aid for higher education.
In summary, the above section has presented the participants’ views and
experiences related to a documented versus undocumented entry into the US. Entering
the US illegally placed the students in dangerous situations and in some cases, affected
their emotional well-being and school adjustment. The documented participants had
relatively less stressful trips, but the process leading to entry was long and costly. Aside
from the trip, the illegal entrants pointed to the blocked access to rights and privileges
that are typically conferred to those with legal status. The monolingual and bilingual
participants were aware of the advantages of a legal status in terms of access to better
paying jobs, university admission, and receipt of financial aid. The ability to freely travel
to their home countries was another advantage the undocumented participants wished
they could enjoy. On the whole, the discussion about immigration status permitted the
documented and undocumented participants to mutually increase their understanding of
each group’s experience.
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The next section, The Honeymoon and Posthoneymoon Phases, begins to cover
some of the experiences of the participants once across the border and engaged in the
process of adjustment to a new country. The honeymoon phase refers to how the newly
arrived participants perceived and experienced their new environment. The
posthoneymoon phase refers to a more acculturated view of the US and includes the
participants’ experiences within the contexts of school, neighborhood, and society. Table
5 provides a summary of the themes and subthemes pertaining to this section.
Table 5
The Honeymoon and Posthoneymoon Phases
Bilingual
Honeymoon Access to
American dream
Positive about
school
Access to
multiple
opportunities
High motivation
Protection by US
laws
Monolingual
Staff
Posthoneymoon
- Making the
grade
Theft
Assault
Constraints on
social
relationships
Discrimination
School climate
Bilinguals
motivated and
positive
Unsafe
neighborhoods
Overcrowded
housing
Entry with lower
academic skills
Monolinguals
low motivation
Theft
Shoot-outs
Gangs
Poor housing
Gangs
“They judge a
book by its
cover”
Discrimination
Discrimination
Stereotypes
Media
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The Honeymoon and Posthoneymoon Phases
Honeymoon Phase—Access to the American dream. However arduous the road
across the border, the majority of the bilingual class participants believed the US held the
promise of new opportunities and a brighter future. The newly arrived students looked to
the US as the provider of educational opportunities unparalleled in their countries. The
importance of education was prized as the vehicle leading to economic stability and an
improved quality of life. Overall, the bilingual class students expressed positive attitudes
toward school and were eager to learn. They expressed high motivation to succeed and
high hopes for the future. Maria, a 12-year-old student from the Dominican Republic
shared her thoughts:
Antes de yo venir a este país me habían dicho que era mejor porque así la vida
sería mejor. Entonces uno hace los estudios acá. En vez de hablar un idioma,
hablaba dos idiomas, porque el idioma de uno es español, ¿no?, y mi padre me
decía que uno podía aprender otro idioma. Podría ir a la universidad y tener
mejores cosa que el otro país y también que dijo el que también que el trabajo es
mejor que el país de uno.
(Before coming to this country they had told me that it was better because life
would be better. Then one can study here. Instead of speaking one language, you
can speak two languages, because one’s language is Spanish, and my father used
to tell me that one could learn another language. One could go to the university
and have better things than the other country and he also told me that work is
better than in one’s country).
A better quality of life was associated with the presence of wider employment
possibilities, the mastery of two languages, and a university degree. These ingredients
were seen as resulting in a higher economic standard of living. Ana, a 14-year-old student
from the Dominican Republic, who had just arrived two months prior to the focus group,
also expressed her view of the school as a safe haven:
Yo me siento muy bien porque estar aquí en esta escuela como si yo estuviera en
mi casa. Me cuidan; me protegen de todo mal y escucho mucho a mi maestra y a
todos los maestros por darme esa oportunidad de yo volver a la escuela. Para mi
es importante, echar para adelante para que mi familia no pase hambre, ni trabajo
tampoco, cuando yo sea una persona ya grande.
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(I feel very good because being here in this school is like I was in my home. They
take care of me; they protect me from harm and I listen a lot to my teacher and all
the teachers for giving me this opportunity to return to school. For me it is
important to move forward; so that my family will never be hungry, or go through
a lot either, when I become a grown-up).
Ana anticipates that her academic and financial success will also benefit her
family. Various students hoped to improve the lives of their families and felt a deep sense
of obligation to helping them. There was appreciation for the sacrifices that parents had
made and a desire to demonstrate their gratitude with future financial gains. Ana further
elaborates on the benefits of an US education:
A mi me ayudan mucho progresar y para yo hacerme ciudadana aquí, para yo
poder hacer una carrera, para no pasar vergüenza que no sé leer, no sé sumar, y ya
yo sé todo eso, y uno va progresando, y la vida de uno va cambiando.
(They help me a lot to progress and to become a citizen here, so that I can have a
career, so that I will not be ashamed of not knowing how to read or add and I now
know all of that and one progresses and your life starts changing).
A mi me ayuda aquí la escuela, a mi me ayuda mucho también a entender las
cosas y me ayuda también aprender el abecedario en ingles, me ayuda mucho
también, le dan oportunidad para que uno aprenda la computadora, cuando uno
este en la high school. También le dan oportunidades para que uno aprenda a
conducir.
(The school here helps me a lot to understand things and helps me also to learn
the alphabet in English; it also helps me very much have the opportunity to learn
the computer, when you are in high school. Also, you are given the opportunity to
learn to drive.
Ana sees her US education as leading the way to citizenship and to useful skills,
such as driving. Aside from the advantages of an education, Ana is also grateful for the
consistent access to food at lunchtime. She explained:
Si, pero aquí no se acaba la comida, pero allá llevaban una caja por dos cientos
niños, y si se acababa, no le importaba, lo dejaban ahí tirado, pasando hambre.
Pero aquí no; todo lo que desea. Aquí es todo por la regla, cuidan a los niños, no
lo maltratan, allá si los maltratan.
(But, here, the availability of food does not end, but over there, they would bring
one box of food for 200 children and it would finish. They didn’t care, they would
leave you there hungry. But not here, whatever you want. Here it is all by the rule,
they take care of the children, they don’t mistreat them. There they would mistreat
them.
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Despite their illegal status, many of the bilingual class participants perceived a
future fully open to all possibilities. Alberto, the 15-year-old Mexican student, shared
similar expectations:
Si, cambiar la vida. Del trabajo. Lo que se necesita es el inglés para conseguir un
buen trabajo. Y también, la escuela es buena para llegar a ser algo en la vida,
como abogado, para ir a la universidad. Llegar a ser abogado.
(Yes, to change my life and work. What you need is to know English to get a
good job. Also, the school is good in order to become somebody in life, like a
lawyer, to go to the university; become a lawyer).
Part of the excitement about being in the US and attending school here, was the
opportunity to learn new information, and to become computer literate. Many of the
students had limited access to computers in their home countries. They expressed
eagerness to learn about the US and the rest of the world. These are some of their
comments:
Aquí aprende nuevas cosas como la historia de los Estados Unidos, es cosa nueva
para uno y también las costumbres y muchas cosas.
(Here, you learn new things like the history of the United Status, it is something
new and also the customs and many things).
Otras clases nuevas aquí, como … te enseñan más que en otros países, entonces
aquí aprendes más cosas
(Other new classes here, like … they teach you more than in other countries, then
you learn more things here).
Para mi las cosas mas fáciles son que hay mucha tecnología para hacer cualquier
cosa. Aquí dan muchas buenas oportunidades, la vida aquí es fácil.
(For me the easiest things are that there is a lot of technology to do anything.
Here, you are given good opportunities, life here is easy).
For the most part, the bilingual students reported the quantity and quality of
instruction was greater in the US than their home countries. One student from the
Dominican Republic received only a half day of school in his home town. The
availability of transportation to and from school was also valued by the bilingual class
participants. In their home countries, schools were often located a long distance from
105
their homes, and transportation was not provided. This topic was discussed in three of the
six bilingual focus groups. Ana and her brother spoke about their daily trip to school:
Yo tenía que caminar como dos horas para llegar a mi escuela porque yo vivía en
un campo que le llamaban Jardines y la escuela quedaba en la ciudad. Y yo tenía
que caminar desde allá hasta la escuela. Me levantaba a las cinco de la mañana a
caminar y llegábamos a las siete. Nos tomábamos dos horas, caminando yo y el.
(I had to walk about two hours in order to get to my school because I lived in a
rural area that was called Jardines and the school was in the city. I had to walk
from there to the school. I would wake up at 5:00 a.m. and walk and we would
arrive at 7:00 a.m. It would take us two hours to walk).
The access to an education, transportation, food, and technology represented the
positive side of immigration for many of the participants. Several students reported
another favorable aspect of living in the US; the unexpected presence of other Spanishspeaking students and teachers. Before moving to the US, various students reported being
afraid that only English would be spoken in school. They were relieved to find bilingual
instruction and Spanish speakers in the community. This appeared to facilitate the
participants’ adjustment and to reduce the anxiety about living in a new culture. Maria, a
13-year-old student from the Dominican Republic and Antonio another 13-year-old
student from Mexico, both had similar expectations:
M. - Yo cuando llegué a este país, yo pensaba que se me iba a ser difícil a
aprender ingles, aunque yo sabía un poco. Yo pensaba que a mi las clases en la
escuela me iba a tocar todo en ingles y que yo no iba a aprender o a entender a los
maestros, pero no me pasó así.
(When I arrived in this country, I thought that it would be difficult to learn
English, even though I know a little. I thought that my classes in school would be
only in English and that I would not be able to learn or understand the teachers,
but it didn’t happen that way).
A. - También a mí, como este es un país que hablaban ingles, así pensaba que me
iban a poner en clases de ingles, y yo estaba bien nervioso.
(Me too, since this is a country that speaks English, I thought I would be put in
English classes, and I was very nervous).
Clara, another seventh grade student from Mexico, was also under the same
impression:
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Yo creía que aquí, cuando yo iba a llegar iba tener que esforzarme para aprender
mucho ingles y entenderlo rápido porque yo creía que la escuela no era bilingüe.
(I thought that here, when I was going to arrive, that I would have to force myself
to learn a lot of English and understand it quickly because I thought the school
would not be bilingual).
The participants appeared to know little about their prospective homes prior to
moving to the US. Once here, the bilingual class students were also pleased with the legal
protection given to children. Four of the six bilingual class focus groups discussed the
various ways US laws protect children. For example, several of the students reported the
accepted use of physical punishment by the school staff toward the students in their home
countries. They were relieved to find that the corporal punishment of children was not
generally implemented in US schools. Other students believed that the laws also
prohibited any kind of physical punishment by parents. While US laws were perceived as
protective of children, some of the school rules baffled the students, such as suspension
for both parties involved in a fight, even if one was reacting in self-defense. A few
participants reported that school rules for behavior were not clearly communicated to the
new students when they entered the schools.
Overall, the bilingual class students communicated a positive impression of their
new school environment and high motivation for academic success. Two of the school
staff members remarked on the motivational drive of the newly arrived students. Ms. C
and Ms. B confirmed what the previous quotes expressed:
Ms. C—The thing that I admire the most is that the majority of the students are
like the mailman, they’re here everyday. They are here everyday. I mean, it’s
snowing, it’s raining, it’s below whatever, they’re here. That is one of the
strengths that they have here. When you have parent conferences, the parents
show up, a lot of the parents are here.
Ms. B—They also come in with an incredible amount of hope, a lot of hope and
all of them see the US as something positive, all of them see the US as something
better than where they were. As many problems as I can find with the school
system here, comparing it to other school systems, where my own children go, it’s
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still 100 times better than the schools they were at…To me, not having hand soap
in the bathroom is a big deal, to them, it’s like, they’re glad the toilet flushes. So,
they’re definite survivors, they definitely look at the US as something positive.
Ms. B refers to the concept of relativity, where the more recently arrived students
are making comparisons to their home countries, while she is making comparisons to the
wider society. Relative to the limited access to a wide range of educational opportunities
in their home country, the participants see the US as a cornucopia of possibilities. The
posthoneymoon phase moves toward a more of a comparison to the wider society. The
next section will focus on a more acculturated view of the school experience and some of
the challenges to academic success faced by the students.
Posthoneymoon Phase—Making the Grade. The monolingual class students
expressed fewer positive comments about school and did not communicate the sense of
excitement about school that the bilingual class participants imparted. As a whole, they
were more focused on aspects of the school environment, such as the perception of
discrimination by school staff. This was raised in two of the four monolingual focus
groups in two separate schools. The issue emerged from one bilingual class focus group,
as well. The participants perceived discrimination from teachers, administrators, and
security staff. In both schools, the students felt that the African-American security staff
offered preferential treatment to the African-American students. These are two of the
comments made about this issue:
One time I was eating candy and they put me in detention and this kid he was
African American, he was eating candy and they didn’t put him in detention and I
was like that’s not fair.
I noticed that too, he got a warning. We get one warning and we go to the office,
while others say, they give them several warnings, the kid keeps on doing it and
they do nothing about it.
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Some of the monolingual class participants also believed that the EuropeanAmerican teachers discriminated against the Hispanic students. Nancy, age 14, a second
generation Honduran student expressed her perception of how Hispanics and African
Americans are viewed by the some of the school staff:
They think that Hispanics and Black people we dirty and all of that just because
we powerless. They think we got our skin is like dirt and that is what I am saying.
Nancy’s powerful quote communicates her beliefs about the demeaned status of
darker skin, which she sees as perceived to be associated with dirt and powerlessness.
Later in the focus group, Nancy expressed other perceptions about how the newly arrived
Hispanic students are treated by school staff:
What I’m saying, though, white teachers what they’re supposed to understand is
that, for example, for Hispanics, when you’re new to this country, and when they
come to school, though, white teachers should, supposed to understand that right
now, the Hispanics, it’s their first time being in this country, they should be easy
on them instead of being strict. Just because they don’t understand the language,
what you speaking to them, though, it doesn’t mean people call them dumb and
take him out in school, or send him back to another different grade.
Patricia, in another focus group, echoes similar sentiments:
Here, when like some students are talking Spanish, like a little word, like they say
in Spanish, like ‘what’s up, or how are you?’ the teachers get mad and think
they’re like cursing, but they use it, like very little and the teachers begin to get
mad.
Ernesto, a Mexican student who immigrated to the US six years prior to the focus
group meeting, described his experiences with one teacher who made remarks about the
Mexican student:.
Last year I had her for ______ too and she always, could treat me nice, and my
friend that he’s also Mexican and then other Mexican students, they used to
behave bad, she would say, “you’re the worst Mexican, or Hispanics that I ever
met” Why does she have to say that, why doesn’t she just say student?
Perceived discrimination from school staff was reported as a major theme by the
participants in both schools. However, many of the monolingual class students and a few
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of bilingual class students of the middle school (Jones School) also expressed an
increased level of dissatisfaction with their school building as compared to the
participants of the Jones school. The middle school had just opened in September, 2005,
when recruitment began for the focus groups. The school is temporarily housed in a
former warehouse building while a new school is constructed. Aside from the issues of
discrimination common to both schools, the participants in the middle school reported
that the building was too large and contained too many students. The instability that
attended the opening of the school may have also contributed to the negative experiences
the participants reported in relation to school climate. Various participants voiced their
concerns about frequent fights, acts of vandalism and inadequate lunchroom and recess
facilities. Here are some of the comments made by the students:
I think yesterday, my teacher’s class they had a substitute yesterday too and in the
morning we came in, all the desks were thrown, all the books were everywhere.
We were the last class to leave and they blamed it on us, we had to clean it up and
it was all a mess, all the books in the desk were thrown, all the literature books
were thrown, there was a lot of garbage and the seats were everywhere, some
desks were flipped around and they made us clean it up.
I remember in ______[school] like rarely there were fights and here like every
week, there’s like two fights every week, that’s crazy and after school, I think it
was two days ago, when they took the same bus, when they got off the bus, they
started a fight,
I know somebody that they had a Northface jacket, I know two people, one of
them that got their Northface jacket stolen and the other one, somebody took her
wallet out of her jacket and only left her bank account card in it, they took the
wallet, and it had $24.00, I think.
These quotes highlight how school climate, as a contextual issue, affects the
academic experience of students. The participants from the Smith School, containing a
kindergarten through eighth grade configuration, did not express any concerns about
fighting within the school building. The school climate appeared to be perceived as more
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stable. For the middle school participants, school climate raised additional issues of
concern aside from the perceived discrimination from school personnel.
The school staff participants presented other challenges to academic success that
the student participants did not raise. Two of the school staff participants believed that
some of the students’ housing situations were a challenge to academic success. Ms. B and
Ms. C reported that it was common for the more recent arrivals to find themselves living
in overcrowded housing with multiple dwellers sharing an apartment. This type of living
arrangement placed some of the students in potentially precarious situations with the
other adults in the household, some of whom were strangers. Ms. B and Ms. C shared the
following:
Ms. B—There’s a whole boat of problems that they come in with and a whole
load of concerns and you know many of them are sleeping in kitchens or in the
hallway, or wherever, a lot of them, I see the leases that are in their files, they
have to show a copy of proof that they live in district and their lease might be
$1200, $1400 for an apartment and they wind up sharing that with other families
because who’s going to be able to afford, as an immigrant, scratching around for
work, $1200, $1400, so they’re sharing their spaces with other people, too, not the
best situations. So far, the girls that are here seem to be OK, but in, last year, I had
several girls that had all kinds of abuses and things going on because they were in
a situation where they were with other people, in the same living space. So, they
have a lot of things to deal with when they come in and then that’s what the
teacher has to deal with and you have to get passed all that before they can learn.
Ms. C—Also, we have families that have too many people living in the same
household that are not blood related or even friends, it’s just the son of a friend
that I had in Mexico called me up and said, Johnny, who is 18 wants to come over
and then things happen. And there’s all kind of abuse and the parents say you
know, if Johnny, who’s 18, comes to live with us, maybe I can leave those 13, 14
year old with him, while I go to work, that’s when things happen.
Ms. B and Ms. C work in different schools and their comments about the housing
situation of some students were unsolicited. The potential for sexual abuse of girls both
during the trip and on the other side of the border is a factor that that the two staff
members had encountered in their schools.
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In addition to the housing conditions, there was one other factor all three staff
members voiced as posing a challenge to the students’ academic progress. They reported
that many of the newly arrived students entered the school system with below grade level
skills in comparison to US educational standards. The Welcome Center was created as an
attempt to educate the students who had not attended school regularly or who had been
provided with limited instruction in their home countries. However, one of the school
staff reported that the number of these un-graded classrooms was insufficient to meet the
needs of the large numbers of students with lower grade level skills. Lower academic
skills sometimes resulted in placement in lower grade levels or retention in a grade. Ms.
B has had experience with the ungraded and bilingual classes. She reported the following:
I’ve seen a lot of Mexicans, but I’ve also seen a lot of Hondurians coming in
lately, Dominican Republic, many of them come by airplane and have family
members here, so they adjust a little quicker, but those that I’m getting lately are
the kids who at the lowest part of the totem pole as far as education. They were
either in the countryside or in another area where the educational system was not
really enforced and they’re all coming from countries that don’t have compulsory
education; they don’t have to go to school. So, there’s gaps in the education, some
cases there was no education.
And last year, in my fifth I had a student who was placed in my classroom, that’s
the other thing; they never have room in any of these programs. They know that
the kids come throughout the year, we now have one Intake Center, we’re
supposed to have two Intake Centers at this level, at this grade level, you know
this age level.. And last year in my classroom, I had a boy was placed in my class
who was 14 or 15 years old, same situation I have with two of the students in
here, could not read and write, could copy letters, so he had had some education
in the Dominican Republic, but could not read or write, did not have phonic
sounds or anything like that.
While the students did not voice concerns about low academic skills, the members
of the school staff found this to be an important issue for the academic success of the
Hispanic students It is unclear how the cumulative effect of retentions and lower grade
level skills affect student rates of academic achievement and overall adjustment. Another
staff member discussed student motivation in relation to academic achievement. Whereas
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the newly arrived students were seen as motivated for academic achievement, Ms. C
found some of the more acculturated ones to possess less initiative. In the following
quotes, Ms. C implied that a lack of motivation contributed to lower academic
achievement among some of the eighth grade monolingual class students in her school:
The students that belong to the Rhyme program, we went to Dupont the other day
and it was very motivational because this is to encourage minorities to become
engineers and there are minorities in there, motivating the students and telling
them, you know, knowledge is power and very motivational, but then, again, to
motivate them to have the grades to be able to apply and be accepted into the
program, that’s the biggest challenge.
Later in the interview, Ms. C noted that thirteen of the 84 monolingual class
eighth-grade students in her school were failing language arts literacy:
That is the interesting, because the monolingual students, if you look at the list, I
think all but 2 have Spanish last names, so they’re monolingual in the sense that
they speak enough English to be in a monolingual class, culturally speaking.
Culturally speaking, they’re Latino children and with parents that don’t speak
English. So, I tell the parents, you don’t have to speak English because my mother
didn’t speak English and my mother worked very hard. A lot of these students are
like, students that I see on a regular basis, you almost want to tell them, “what’s
wrong with you, do you want to repeat, is that where you’re heading for?”
Ms. C appears to be assigning a lack of motivation as a cause of academic
underachievement. However, it is conceivable that lower academic achievement may
influence attitudes toward school, especially given that thirteen eighth grade students
failed language arts literacy. The cumulative effect of below grade level academic skills
may have several consequences for school performance.
In summary, the student participants spontaneously raised the issues of
discrimination by school staff and school climate as part of their posthoneymoon
perception of school. From the perspective of the school staff, entering US schools with
lower grade level skills posed a significant challenge for the academic success of
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Hispanic students. Finally, overcrowded housing was also cited as a factor in the
academic functioning of students due to its potential threat to their well-being.
Unsafe neighborhoods. The safety of neighborhoods also influenced aspects of
the students’ lives. Participants from the monolingual and bilingual classes reported
incidents of physical assault, theft of bicycles and fights in their US neighborhoods. Not
all the students considered their new environment as dangerous. There were three
bilingual class participants who reported relatively more dangerous communities in their
home countries and felt greater protection in their new environment. However, most
comments about neighborhoods referred to more threatening environments. For several
of the bilingual participants, the threat of bicycle theft was enough to bar their use in the
community. One student’s bicycle was almost stolen and, as a result, he would only ride
his bicycle if accompanied by a family member. Arturo, a 12-year-old Dominican student
born in the US described his experience with a shootout:
Cause there’s been lately a lot of shoot-outs last year…. One happened right in
front of my building, “boom” I was playing baseball, I hear, boom, boom. I look
and the dude he put it in his pocket and he just ran through the park and I went
down cause I didn’t want to get shot and then I went back inside with my
grandmother. “Are you OK, OK, OK?” I said “yeah.” And then the other
occasion was when they had a shoot-out right in front of my grandmother’s house
and an old lady, I think she was in back of them and she got through here like
that, bloop, bloop and it came out through there and um, that’s about it and this
old crippled guy came out of his apartment with a machine gun out of his
building, he started shooting crazy…
When the students were asked how these incidents made them feel, they said:
You are just going to get involved in one of them one of these days, you are going
to get hurt.
You don’t feel protected no more.
Not only physically, but emotionally, mentally, you can get traumatized…. Like a
shoot-out, that could have traumatized him. You could be traumatized. You may
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not notice it today, as young life but when you get older you’re not going to feel
safe, you are always going to have fear.
These comments refer to the potential long term effects of living with exposure to
violence. In the midst of an unsafe environment, most students did develop friendships
and found ways to socialize with peers, but the sense of caution about trusting others, and
the sense of danger in the environment appeared to constrain their social relationships.
They could not freely ride their bicycles to meet with friends, visit friends as often, or
feel they could trust others easily.
The presence of gangs in the community was noted by Mr. A as a threat to the
safety and well-being of Hispanic youth:
I have seen a lot of students that even though they are not involved in gangs, they
admire what they get out of it, the colors, the prestige, the recognition by them,
but, it seems likes they’re good candidates for gangs, to be gang affiliation, but
they are not yet, but it seems like, admiring that part of it, it might be open the
doors to join the gangs.
Mr. A believes that gangs may attract students who are in vulnerable positions.
Gangs additionally affect the safety of the students due to the violence they perpetrate
within the community.
Thus far, the participants have discussed aspects of school and community that
affect their lives. In the next section, they consider their position within the wider society.
“They Judging a Book by its Cover”. The issue of societal discrimination
spontaneously emerged in all four of the monolingual focus groups and one of the
bilingual class focus groups. The monolingual class students discussed this issue at length
and with great passion. It was striking how similar the discussion about prejudice and
stereotypes was across the monolingual class focus groups in both schools. The
participants generally felt they were negatively judged by their color, dress, and cultural
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background by US society, in general. In terms of skin color, the participants believed
that their devalued position was associated to the negative perception of AfricanAmericans held by the US. Foremost, the participants felt strongly about the injustice
surrounding the assignment of negative characteristics to their Hispanic identity. Ada, a
seventh grade student, living in the US for the past 11 years expressed her ideas:
I get treated differently because I am part of a minority group so whenever people
from different minority groups come, we collide, they think of me as a negative
person and they get my culture confused with others because of my appearances. I
get treated and labeled because of one person’s actions and there’s a lot of
negative expectations of me. Also because of appearances they’ll think that I am
somebody else, they will treat me way differently than a normal person.
In another focus group, Clara echoed a similar sentiment by saying; “That we are
expected, most of us, to do less with our life than other people.” Ada and Clara appear to
believe that negative expectations are assigned based on assumptions about people with
darker skin color. Furthermore, as Ada said, “one person’s actions” are generalized to the
rest of the population resulting in stereotypes. Other comments follow:
Yeah, and if you’re like Hispanic and you’re skin is dark, they’ll think that you’re
Black and some people still are racist and they begin treating you like nothing,
like dogs, or garbage and they be giving you the worst that they can give, instead
of the best.
Like when I’m with my dad in stores and places, like most people don’t treat him
the same because he’s dark ‘cause from where he’s from in the DR, most of the
people are dark over there and my dad is real dark and they don’t treat him the
same, they think he’s from another race, but really he’s Dominican and they get
shocked when they find out what they think he is, he’s… Say like certain people
they’ll treat them like a certain way, though, like small things, they’ll give them
more manners, they won’t give like attitude, like with my father like they’ll rush
them with all the stuff and give him attitude.
Once stereotypes are established, negative behaviors are seen as inherent parts of
the group’s identity. Two students observed that stereotypes are assigned to other ethnic
groups, as well. For example, Italians are associated with the mafia and Colombians, to
drugs. The stereotypes associated with Hispanics involved laziness, theft and other
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criminal behavior. Several of the students felt that the media reinforced the stereotypes.
According to these participants, television news reports, in particular, emphasized crimes
committed by Hispanics and disproportionately blamed crime on Hispanics. The
following are additional comments about the prevalence of stereotypes:
Sometimes, let’s say, most of the time, they say that Hispanic women don’t go to
college and end up being housewives or pregnant or in the streets using drugs,
selling their body.
If there was a store full of Americans and one Hispanic, they would watch the
Hispanic that is innocent. They would watch the Hispanic more than the
American and the American will be guilty probably of stealing something and
they will be busy looking at the Hispanic, like they are going to steal something
and they don’t notice that the American is doing something, but the Hispanic is
not.
Ada expressed the emotional effect of feeling discriminated.
Like most of the time, like me and my sister and my cousin, most of the time
we’re together. Like most of the time if we’ve been stressing about, we sit down
and talk about it, we discuss whether it is right or not and we have our own
opinions and come up with conclusions. It usually results in Ok, just forget it, it’s
not really worth stressing over. It’s amazing how they try to be like us and they
are gonna discriminate us. So most of the time when we be discussing that, it
usually results in “just forget about it” cause it really isn’t that important. It just
interferes with your everyday life.
Nine participants reported that either they or their family members experienced
acts of discrimination. One student reported that his father was not hired for a job because
he is Hispanic. Another student believed that she was struck in the park by another
student because she is Hispanic. Ada had this experience in the mall and in New York
City:
Um, pretty much what I said by appearance, you know in the mall, where
everybody interacts and everything? When me and my sister and some of her
friends go, people from other races they looked at us like we were crazy or
something like that. When we walk into the store, me and some friends, they look
at us like we’re like gangsters or stuff like that. We are going to go rob their stores
or something, when we’re they’re trying to buy something. So pretty much
because of the way we are looking, or whatever, the way we are or the way we
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speak they are going to think that we are going to cause trouble. Like when I went
to the city this last year me and my mom were crossing the street and some white
guy stuck his head out the window and started yelling at us you’ve gotta get off
the street because we’re Hispanic. You don’t see that in New Brunswick, 'cause
here in New Brunswick it’s like people from different races, you know. When we
go somewhere out of the city, we get discriminated against. We get judged on the
way we be looking.
Cindy, a 13-year-old seventh grader, is of European-American and Puerto Rican
parentage. She has formed a strong identification with her father’s Puerto Rican heritage.
She expressed the emotions she experienced with an act of discrimination:
One time me and my dad we were in Texas because he had to go to a conference
and we were walking around, we had never been to Texas and these people they
like, they are really racist, we were walking around and everybody was yelling at
my dad, “go back to PR, you don’t belong here.” I got so pissed, I felt like hitting
somebody or crying and then I was watching the news and there was a teacher
and they were saying that they should go back to their country, they don’t belong
here and I got so pissed and I started crying and I wanted to go to that person and
start yelling at them, or something like that cause I felt so mad. I felt like I
shouldn’t even be here because, I should just go back.
The observation and experiences with discrimination appeared to leave Ada and
other students feeling marginalized by the wider society. Ada also felt offended when the
term “you people” was used as a reference to Hispanics. She believed this type of
identifier failed to appreciate individual differences without pre-conceived notions about
group behavior.
The sections about the honeymoon and posthoneymoon phases have captured the
perceptions and experience of the newly arrived participants, as well as the more
acculturated ones within the contexts of school, community and US society. The bilingual
class students were generally optimistic and positive about school. They appreciated the
opportunity to access an education that would lead them to a successful career. The
monolingual class students focused more on the school climate and perceived
discrimination of Hispanics in school and US society. Discrimination clearly emerged as
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a major theme among the monolingual class participants in the contexts of school and
society. Discussion about community life was raised by the bilingual and monolingual
class participants. Both groups reported generally unsafe neighborhood environments.
Finally, the school staff discussed the effect of overcrowded housing on student safety
and the challenge of entering US schools with below grade level skills.
Being on the other side of the border also involves the development of a bicultural
identity. The following section focuses on the elements of that process, summarized in
Table 6. Lost in Translation refers to the various aspects of acquiring English as a second
language. Spanish as a Second Language refers to the declining use of Spanish by the
more acculturated participants. Living in Two Worlds involves the negotiation of cultural
aspects of US and Hispanic culture. This subtheme also includes the ways the
monolingual class participants attempted to strengthen their Hispanic ethnic identities.
Table 6
En route to a bicultural identity
Lost in Translation
Bilingual
Monolingual
Staff
Spanish as a
Second
Language
Living in two worlds
Losing
Spanish
More
Spanish
instruction
Loss of Spanish
Generational tensions
Negotiation of different
cultural values
Pride and heritage
Showing respect
Communication
Social and emotional
consequences
of lack of English
More English Instruction
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Lost in Translation. Central to the development of a bicultural identity is the
acquisition of the English language. The bilingual class participants cited the process of a
gaining mastery of a second language as the most difficult challenge to their adjustment
to a new culture. English language acquisition was raised in each of the bilingual class
focus groups. Most of the bilingual class participants were well aware that English
language proficiency was critical to their future success in the US. Even though they
lived in a largely Hispanic community, they saw the importance of learning English. One
student expressed it this way:
Para mi también es muy importante aprender el ingles, porque en esta cultura, sin
el ingles uno no es nadie, porque así uno puede encontrarse un trabajo mejor.
(For me it is also very important to learn English because in this culture, without
English, you are nobody, because this way one can find a better job).
However, the acquisition of English was most often described as difficult. Beyond
the basic components of “expresar y entender,” (express and understand), the participants
also discussed the emotional and social consequences of a lack of English proficiency.
The limited ability to communicate with the larger society also had implications for the
participants’ social interactions with others. Limited English fluency constrained social
relationships. Beginning with expressive and receptive language skills, these students had
the following comments:
Aprenderlo, como se pronuncian las palabras y como se escribe, eso es difícil, es
fácil para el que lo sabe, para el que lo esta aprendiendo, es difícil.
(To learn it, how to pronounce the words and how to write it, that is difficult, it is
easy for one who knows it, but for the one who is learning it, it is difficult).
Mal, te dicen algo, tú como te quedas en el aire, no entiende y no sabe como
responderle. (Bad, they tell you something, you are left in the air, you don’t
understand and you don’t know how to respond to him).
The experience of blocked communication emanates from an inability to enter
into verbal interactions. As the second quote conveys, the participant feels lost, as if
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suspended in air. Antonio, an eighth grade student from the Dominican Republic, who
arrived to the US seventeen months prior to the focus group meeting, described his
experience with trying to speak in English:
Algunas veces como yo trato de hablarlo, pero la palabra no me sale, entonces yo
me calmo, y me tardo mucho para hablarlo, me calmo para un rato, entonces
pienso la palabra y vuelvo y la digo.
(Sometimes I try to speak it, but the word doesn’t come out, then I calm myself, I
wait a long time to speak it, I calm myself a while, then I think of the word and I
return to say it).
Antonio needed to calm himself when the words in English were difficult to
express. Eleven of the 28 bilingual class participants cited other feelings, such as anxiety
and fear as associated with the inability to communicate in English. Words used to
describe these feelings included “asustado” (afraid), “incomodo” (uncomfortable) and
“nervioso” (nervous). One of the sources of anxiety involved some of the participants’
perception of being placed in a vulnerable position, rendering them unable to
“defenderse,” to defend themselves in social situations. Six of the participants referred to
these feelings. These are some of the quotes that illustrate the vulnerability experienced
by the participants:
Como que el sabe ingles, y yo no puedo.
(Like he knows English, and I can’t do it).
Puede ayudar a defenderse en ocasiones difíciles.
(It can help [knowing English] in defending yourself in difficult situations).
Se pone uno nervioso, uno no sabe lo que dicen.
(One gets nervous; you don’t know what they are saying).
Yo no se, yo me asusto. Quiero saber obligatoriamente lo que ellos están
diciendo.
(I don’t know, I get scared. I must know what they are saying).
These quotes reflect an experience of being in a disadvantaged position. Those
who speak English appear to have the upper hand in the social interaction. Not only was
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fear and anxiety experienced, but feelings of frustration and anger were experienced
when the students’ ability to communicate to others was blocked:
Si uno quiere expresarse y no puede por no saber por no saber el idioma, eso te
frustra.
(If you want to express yourself and you can’t because you don’t know the
language, that frustrates you).
Aja, yo me enojo a veces porque a veces me preguntan cosas, direcciones, y me
da coraje no entender y no poderle contestar, pero a la vez me pongo a pensar, ya
aprenderá, tranquila.
(Yes, I get angry sometimes because sometimes they ask me things, directions,
and I get angry that I don’t understand and I can’t answer, but, at the same time, I
start to think, you will learn, calm yourself).
Four students in four separate focus groups were embarrassed by their lack of
English proficiency. This feeling was expressed with words such as “ponerse rojo” (to get
red) and “avergonzado” (ashamed). Additionally, the shame related to a lack of English
language skills appeared to carry an implication of being perceived as less intelligent.
The students appeared to perceive English language proficiency as possessing a higher
value. Ana, a 14-year-old participant from the Dominican Republic, had only been living
two months in the US at the time of the focus group meeting. She expressed her
sentiments as follows:
A mi también me da vergüenza porque como yo no sé ingles, y también todo el
mundo me dice algo y yo no sé que contestarle porque no sé lo que me dicen. Yo
bajo la cabeza y camino, y ellos me quedan mirando y yo no sé lo que decirle. Eso
me da mucha vergüenza, pero yo le estoy echándole muchas ganas a las clases y a
todo para que en un mañana ya sea una persona inteligente.
(I also get embarrassed because since I don’t know English, and also everybody
says something to me and I don’t know what to answer them because I don’t
know what they are saying. I lower my head and walk, and they stay looking at
me and I don’t know what to say to them. That makes me very embarrassed. But I
am trying hard in the classes and at everything so that someday I will be an
intelligent person).
Alberto, a 14-year-old student from Honduras expressed similar feelings:
Cuando uno habla mas ingles ya uno sabe comunicarse, pero con los niños que
casi no hablan ingles, ellos casi siempre pierden los grados, como “yo no hablo
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ingles,” no hacen nada, siempre están solos, le dan pena preguntar, o se creen que
no pueden.
(When one speaks more English, you already know how to communicate, but
with the children that hardly speak English, they almost always get left back, like
“I don’t speak English,” they don’t do anything, they are always alone, they are
embarrassed about asking, or they think they can’t do it)
The above quotes illustrate how some students may withdraw from certain social
situations with English-speaking peers due to the lack of English fluency. The various
implications of a lack of English fluency help explain the newly arrived students’
eagerness to master the language. In order to attain English proficiency at a quicker pace,
some of the students expressed a desire to receive more English instruction in school than
was being offered. English language proficiency would diminish the anxiety, frustration,
embarrassment, and vulnerability the participants experienced. Social relations with
English-only speakers would be less constrained and fraught with suspicion and distrust
(“I don’t know, I get scared. I must know what they are saying”).
The lack of English proficiency is also related to more practical affairs that
pertain to feeling defenseless within the environment. Marisol felt especially vulnerable
in the event she was lost in her new environment:
Por ejemplo si te pierdes…y tu no sabes hablar el idioma, como va a preguntarle a
la gente? Es importante aprender el idioma.
(For example, if you get lost….and you don’t know how to speak the language,
how are you going go ask people? It is important to learn the language).
The thought of losing your way and being unable to communicate rendered the
presence of other Spanish-speakers in school and the community a relief and a surprise to
many of the participants:
Yo pensé que era todo en ingles, y yo por eso no quería venir aquí.
(I thought it was all in English, and that is why I didn’t want to come here).
Yo pensaba que yo no sabia mucho ingles, entonces yo pensaba que todas las
clases me la daban en ingles, entonces no fue así. Me mandaron a la clase
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bilingüe. Me pusieron allí y me hablaron en español. Yo pensaba que era todo en
ingles.
(I thought that I did not know much English, and then I thought that all the classes
would be in English, then, it wasn’t like that. They sent me to the bilingual class.
They put me there and spoke to me in Spanish. I thought it would be all in
English).
In summary, the bilingual participants cited the lack of English proficiency as the
most challenging part of adjusting to US culture. The inability to communicate in English
imposed limits to social interactions with non-Spanish speakers. Moreover, the feelings
of anxiety, embarrassment, frustration, and vulnerability seemed to contribute to
distancing behaviors from the non-Spanish speaking peers. However, the anxiety about
the inability to communicate in English appeared to be diminished by the presence of
other Spanish-speakers. Several of the students expressed pre-immigration anxiety about
being in classes that would be taught only in English. While learning English was
expressed as a major goal of the bilingual class participants, the monolingual class
students had their own ideas about a second language.
Spanish as a second language. A theme that emerged for the students in two
monolingual class focus groups involved the decline of Spanish language fluency with
increased levels of acculturation. In one monolingual focus group, the participants voiced
a desire to increase Spanish language proficiency. The participants acknowledged that
they were losing their ability to speak Spanish fluently. While Spanish was the primary
language spoken in the home, the participants spoke English in school and with friends.
Lisa, a 13-year-old seventh grade student, who was born in the US of Honduran
parentage, felt the pressure around the issue of language:
See like, at home, I feel like I’m in an environment of Hispanics, sometimes in
school I feel like different, like American. I mostly speak English in school. I
mostly speak Spanish in my house because that is what my parents taught me and
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they want me to learn new words, and stuff and my father gets mad when I don’t
pronounce a sentence right, like in Spanish, if I say something like weird, he’ll
start screaming at me; you need to learn Spanish, I talk Spanish for a reason and
you should too. I’m used to English, cause that’ what I do 30 hours a week. I talk
a lot of English, not as much as Spanish.
Lisa is expected to maintain Spanish fluency by her father, but she finds that
difficult when she is increasingly immersed in English. Lisa’s quote also points to the
potential for tension to develop between parents and children around the issue of
language. Later in the same focus group, Lisa made a recommendation that would
strengthen her Spanish-speaking skills:
Talk more Spanish; pick a class like in New York we used to have a Latin class,
not like Greek. We should get a Spanish class so they can teach us more Spanish.
They should teach us more Spanish. What if you don’t understand in the future,
we are going to have to learn somewhere because our parents are not going to be
there forever.
Lisa also seemed to have felt an obligation to retain the Spanish language and
feared that if she didn’t learn it soon, she could lose it. Declining verbal abilities in
Spanish affected a few of the participants’ interaction with parents. Lourdes, who was
also born in the US, raised the issue of intergenerational communication:
Here in monolingual, they always talking in English and English, but if you go to
your house, and your mom wants to know a word, but you can’t say it in Spanish,
you know the meaning of the word, but you don’t know how to say it in Spanish.
There is potential to have communication constrained between parents and
children when the words of the once commonly shared language are forgotten by the
children. For those students who felt comfortable in both languages, their self-perception
appeared to be enhanced. Marisa, also born in the US of Puerto Rican and Guatemalan
parentage, recognized the advantages of being bilingual:
When you go somewhere and they talk English and you speak both languages that
makes you feel good because when you work and you speak both languages
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maybe they pay you more and sometimes it helps other people and you can teach
them Spanish or English.
The issue of language held different meanings for the bilingual and monolingual
participants. For the bilingual class students, the lack of English proficiency raised
feelings of vulnerability and affected their ability to function in US society. On the school
level, the absence of English fluency further affected their ability to verbally interact with
English-only peers and staff. The importance of language for the monolingual
participants was related to their interest in strengthening their ethnic identities. As a
component of a bicultural identity, gaining Spanish language proficiency appeared to
enhance their self-concept. Additionally, Spanish fluency improved communication with
their parents.
Living in two worlds. Other than learning more Spanish, the monolingual
participants sought to strengthen their cultural identities via other channels. Students in
two monolingual class focus groups sought stronger identifications with their particular
Hispanic ethnic group. In one of the groups, two of the students expressed a desire to
learn more about their cultural history and heritage. In the other group, most of the
students believed that their school ignored their particular Hispanic ethnic group,
bestowing too much attention to the Mexican population. The participants in this focus
group asserted that the important holidays of their ethnic groups were not recognized by
the school during the morning announcements. Cultural celebrations are usually
acknowledged during this time and such holidays as the independence day of the
Dominican Republic were not announced. Two participants expressed how they
perceived the situation:
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When there’s assemblies, the only main flags you see is the Mexican and
American flag. There’s Puerto Rican, Dominicans that come to this school, too.
What about those people? Whenever there’s a flag parade, you see those flags all
the way in the back where people can’t see them anymore. Mexico and America
is right there. I don’t mind the American flag, but, you know, why does it have to
be only Mexico? Why can’t it be the other flags, too? We all want to represent for
our country. It’s like an offense to us.
We’ll be in assembly and people will bring those big flags to show “viva,”
wherever they’re from. And they’ll say, don’t do that because it’s disrespectful.
You only represent Mexico, you don’t let us represent where we’re from. So, why
should we even be coming here because you only do Mexican stuff and you don’t
do anything for Puerto Ricans, or Dominicans and it’s not right.
The participants also expressed their particular group identity by displaying
various symbols of ethnic heritage, such as small flags on their backpacks or on bracelets.
It was interesting that during the focus group, the participants drew the flags of their
countries of origin while they spoke. They expressed a strong desire to display their pride
in their heritage through these various symbols.
Other students reinforced their ethnic identities when they returned to visit their
native countries or their parents’ country of origin. For those students who have legal
documentation, trips to the parental home country are possible. Three students reported
that they had visited their parental country of origin. For example, Josefina, a 13-year-old
seventh grade student, was born in US, of African-American and Dominican parentage.
She has developed a strong connection to the food, music, and culture of the Dominican
Republic. In the following quote, she expresses her desire to spend more time on the
island in order to obtain a deeper connection to her heritage:
I told my mom that I want to go live in the Dominican Republic for a while
because like to learn new things, like I haven’t really been there. I was only there
in my mother’s stomach. I haven’t really saw how it looks. So, I told my mom I
want to go live down there for a while because I know everything that I hear,
what they teach in school and outside of school, like when I’m dancing with my
friends. Now, I want to go to the Dominican Republic and learn new things and
learn new dances, and stuff.
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Dania, age 12, has been in the US for most of her life and expresses similar
sentiments:
Yeah, because I go to the Dominican like once a year and like every time I go I
feel better about myself, going back to my country and learning new things about
it. Like if I never go, what’s the whole point of being Dominican? I don’t know
anything about it then. But I go every year so I learn new things about it. I go to
paradises and I hear all kinds of music, see dances, eat their food and everything.
So I learn new things.
Dania’s comments point to how her strong, positive identification with her
Dominican roots is enhanced by the frequent trips to visit the island. “Learning new
things about it” is a way to discover aspects of your family history and of yourself, as
well. Dania equated the increased knowledge about the Dominican Republic with greater
feelings of self-esteem. Music, dances and customs, as representations of culture, serve as
identifiers of her heritage. However, for some students, visiting their parental home
country was associated with less positive experiences. For some of the acculturating
participants, visits to the home countries were reminders of how they were evolving
during the process of cultural change with the pull and push of two cultures. Some
students experienced a sense of rejection from the people in the parental home country.
For example, Elisa was born in the US, returned to Mexico at the age of two years,
returning to the US at the age of eight years. She is one of the few students who is here
legally and able to visit Mexico:
I’m not as comfortable because learning a new language. I am changing because I
am living here and maybe if I go back, maybe people will not treat me like they
used to. I’m changing and they’re the same.
Elisa has not been fully comfortable during the process of learning English in the
US, but she is also concerned about how others in Mexico will receive her. She is
“learning a new language,” that takes her away from her roots. Elisa realizes she is
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changing and senses the creation of a rift between herself and the people she once lived
with. Later in the focus group, she spoke about her experience during a visit to Mexico.
Sometimes even your own family, ‘cause some people, people from your town,
you go spend 2-3 years here and you go back and you dress the way you were
dressing here, then they tell you, “oh, you’re a gringa, you’re not like us anymore,
you don’t speak like us, you are different. You be happy like a gringa, or
whatever.
Elisa felt that signs of identification with European-American culture, through
dress or changes in behavior, were unwelcome by her family and resulted in rejection.
For Elisa, there is a sense of “we” and “them” when her family says “you’re not like us
anymore.” Elise is not fully comfortable in either world.
Cindy, the participant with a European-American mother and Puerto Rican father
visited Puerto Rico and was also called a gringa. Similarly to Elise, Cindy finds the label
offensive. The label gringa creates a separation between these participants and the
parental culture:
Yeah, they will call me that ‘cause everybody was Hispanic, they would be
calling me “la gringa,” or whatever, and I said “just shut up,” just because I’m
half white doesn’t mean you have to call me like that, it’s really disrespectful.
Other participants felt welcomed during visits to the parental countries of origin.
They considered those communities as safe havens where they could play freely outdoors
for long periods of time, unlike their US neighborhoods. One student, Raul, who
regularly visits family in the Dominican Republic, expressed it this way:
I go mostly every, I like it over there because you don’t have to worry about all
the stuff that you worry about like in America. In America, you have to worry
about going outside and wondering what’s going to happen to you. In the
Dominican Republic, if you go outside, you don’t have to worry because most of
the people that are bad they are not around in that kind of part where you be at.
They probably come out at night, you don’t worry in the daytime and plus there’s
freedoms that you have over there.
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Visiting the countries of origin can provide varying experiences in the quest to
clarify and establish the participants’ place within two cultures. Living in two cultures
can involve differing meanings attributed to the same behavior, based on cultural
expectations. This was especially problematic in school if the staff did not understand the
different cultural meaning of the behavior. Gabriel, age 13, who had arrived from
Guatemala four years before the focus group meeting, gave an example of how a
nonverbal communication can have different meanings for two cultures:
Una vez… cuando a uno lo regaña uno mayor, uno agacha la cara en mi país, y
aquí, ‘look at my eyes,’ pero eso no es mi costumbre, yo agacho la cara, tuve un
problema con un maestro porque no, mi costumbre es de agachar los ojos, la cara.
cuando me están regañando. Me puse en problema.
(One time… when one gets reprimanded by an elder in my country, one lowers
your face, and here, ‘look in my eyes,’ but that is not my custom, I lower my face.
I had a problem with a teacher because I didn’t; my custom is to lower my eyes,
my face, when I am being reprimanded. It caused a problem for me).
Nancy, who was born in the US of Honduran parentage, also faced the same
dilemma. How does one meet the different expectations of each culture?
In our country in order to show an adult respect is by looking down, but here in
the US, you show the person that you respecting them and that you are hearing
what they saying, you have look them straight in the eyes, so that’s what I’m
saying, at home my mom is yelling at me, she like ‘why you looking at me?’ I
like, ‘that’s how the teachers tell me to do, in order to show respect to an adult
you have to look straight in the eye,’ She says ‘no, no, no, in my home, you gonna
do whatever I say, look down.” OK, I’m looking down, and then when I come to
school. Though I follow my mom’s, whatever she tells me to do when I was
younger, now that I’m older and then the teachers start yelling at me and you get
in trouble, like I’m trying to do the, trying to show you the respect that you want,
but how am I gonna do it when there’s two different ways that you have to show
respect?
One of the members of the school personnel also remarked on this issue of
differing cultural expressions of respect. She has tried to explain the difference to the
school administrators when they are disciplining students:
I find, when they first get here, for about a year or so, depending on the teachers
in the situation, in a self-contained classroom, definitely, in a situation where
they’re switching classes, not so much, but I find that the Latino kids have more
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respect for their teachers, for the administration, for their elders. As much as I
have, I have one child out now, on another three day suspension, he’s three years
in the country, still gets into trouble and everything, but I have to say, regardless
of the trouble he’s been in, the administration talks to him, he puts his head down
in shame. When I explain to the assistant principal, “please look at me.” Well,
Hispanics don’t look in the eye when they’re in trouble, you put your head down,
you don’t look at your elder in the eye, you get in trouble, it’s a lack of respect.
So, they definitely show a lot of respect for their elders.
In addition to variation in ways that respect is expressed, the students discussed
other differences they perceived between US and Hispanic values. For example, the
students spoke about the high level of materialism in US culture. This topic was raised in
two of the four monolingual class focus groups. Some participants thought that children
in Hispanic countries were more appreciative of their possessions, while US children
took them for granted. The students appeared to be weighing the gains and losses
involved in a bicultural identity. While they possessed more in material goods, a sense of
their value appeared to have been lost. Here are some of the comments they made:
The thing I like about DR, the kids over there, they don’t take stuff for granted
over there, they cherish everything that they get. As of over here, the kids they,
most kids they, like money to kids over here is nothing, but for kids that get it in
the DR, they’ll kill to have money and like they cherish what they have, that’s
what I like about over there.
I think that here many people care more about getting money than about their
family. In Mexico, they might not have, or in other Hispanic, they do not care
about the money as long as they have the family together. I think that some
Hispanic people try, when they come here, they have family, that they try to give
them the best because they didn’t have it, but it actually makes it the worse
because they might have everything in the world, but not their love. So, I think
that many people should evaluate how they think about giving their kids.
In summary, living in two worlds includes the negotiation of two languages and
two sets of cultural values. For the bilingual class participants, gaining English
proficiency was on the top of their priority list. On the other hand, some of the
monolingual class students were losing proficiency in Spanish, but interested in gaining
better mastery of the language. Beyond language, various monolingual class participants
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demonstrated interest in strengthening their Hispanic ethnic group identity either by
clamoring for greater recognition of their particular group, or by wearing symbols
representative of their countries of origin.
Another major issue that involves both sides of the border was that of the family.
The following chapter will cover the changing dynamics of the family during the process
of acculturation.
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Chapter 6: All in the Family: Changes in the primary support network
The family was a topic raised in all of the bilingual class focus groups (6) and
three of the four monolingual class focus groups. The results clustered around three subthemes. When asked about what helped them when they were going through difficult
experiences, most of the participants considered their families as their primary support
network. As a major coping strategy, changes in the family dynamics would consequently
affect the management of stress. Second, the newly arrived students reported mostly
about issues related to the separation, reunification, and reconfiguration of their families.
The immigration process resulted in multiple changes in the configuration of families
over time. Third, the monolingual class participants focused on different family issues
relating to how culturally bound parenting styles affect intergenerational relations. Table
7 summarizes the subthemes emphasized by each group.
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Table 7
All in the Family
Family as
Primary
Support
Bilingual
Family as
major
source of
support
Monolingual Family as
major
source of
support
Separation,
Evolving Parenting Family
Reunification and Styles
Obligations
Reconfiguration
Loss
Changes in family
configuration
Staff
Reconfiguration,
Gender issues
Intergenerational
issues related to
acculturation
Differing cultural
values
Gender issues,
Family obligations
Family
obligations parents and
students
Parents’ work
hours and student
supervision,
Responsibilities
placed on
students
Effect on
school.
Family as Primary Support
While the participants cited a variety of coping measures, the family was
mentioned most frequently (nine out of ten focus groups) as the primary source of
support. Some of the other coping strategies included talking to friends, going to school
and listening to music. Even when the participants did not directly turn to the family in
times of stress, some of the coping strategies still involved the family. For example, two
of the participants looked at pictures of the loved ones they had left behind in their home
country as sources of comfort when experiencing feelings of loss. Family support
extended beyond the nuclear family to a range of other relatives. Grandparents, aunts, and
cousins were included among those accessed in times of stress. The participants
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considered their family as a major facilitator in their adjustment to a different culture. For
some students, a high level of family support served to mitigate the difficulties
experienced in the adaptation process. Here are some of the comments they made:
Para mi no ha sido difícil, como uno se acostumbra mucho a estar aquí, que mi
abuela me ha enseñado, me ha dado consejo como vivir aquí, yo lo he llevado en
mi mente, los consejos, y los seguidos a así me acostumbre muy rápido a vivir
aquí.
(For me it hasn’t been difficult, one gets used to being here, my grandmother has
taught me, she has given me advice in how to live here. I have kept their advice in
my head and I have followed it and that is how I have I got used to living here
quickly).
Mi mama, mi abuela, mis tíos, mi hermano, mi otro hermano, y mis estudios, me
gusta estar mas con mi mama. Pero también me gusta que mi mama y mi papa
estén juntos, porque entre los dos me pueden apoyar, apoyar a mis hermanos y
así vivir feliz de la vida.
(My mother, my grandmother, my uncles, my brother, my other brother and my
studies, I like to be more with my mother. But I like to have my mother and
father together because between the two of them, they can support me, support
my brothers and so live happily).
Acostumbrarme aquí es estar con toda mi familia juntos. Yo me acostumbro más
con ellos, en parte nos llevan a conocer otros sitios, vamos a la familia de mis
tíos, mis primos y me acostumbro más.
(To get used to being here is to be together with all of my family. I can get
accustomed better with them, partly because they take us to learn about other
places, we go to the family of my uncles, my cousins and I adapt better).
Family members are seen as facilitating the navigation through the new culture.
They advise, expose the participants to the new environment, and incorporate many
relatives in the process of adjustment. However, some of the students left their closest
relatives in their home country and had to find ways to ease the pain of loss while they
established new supportive relationships. The following excerpt from a focus group
highlights some of the measures used by the participants:
#3—También nosotros como mis abuelitos nos mandan fotos de ellos acá. Mi
mama tiene retratos allí, pues en la pared. Como yo y mis otros dos hermanos
grandes, estamos en un cuarto, y mi mama y mi papa en otro cuarto, y mi mama
nos da fotos de ella porque dice mi abuelita que no nos olvidemos de ella porque
ella nos crió.
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(Also, for us, our grandparents send us pictures of them. My mother has pictures
there, on the wall. Since my brother and two older brothers are in one room, and
my mother and father in another room, my mother gives us the pictures of her
because she says that we shouldn’t forget our grandmother because she raised us).
#1—Cuando yo me siento así triste, cuando me quiero regresar a mi país, yo a
veces le hablo por teléfono, miro fotos o cuando hablo con ellos me siento mas
mejor.
(When I feel sad, when I want to return to my country, I sometimes call on the
telephone, look at pictures and hen I speak to them, I feel better).
#2—Yo casi todos los días les hablo. Los únicos días que no les hablo es a veces
los domingos porque con mi papa y mi mama salimos. El domingo es el día que
mas salimos y no les puedo hablar porque tal vez venimos muy de noche y
aunque aquí son dos horas mas adelantadas, pero tal vez ellos ya están durmiendo.
(I talk to them almost every day. The only days that I don’t speak to them is
sometimes on Sundays because I go out with my father and mother. Sunday is the
day we go out and I can’t speak to them because perhaps we get home late and
although here it is two hours ahead, but perhaps they are already asleep).
Photographs and communication by way of telephone are additional ways to
maintain the connection to loved ones and to continue to access them as sources of
support. Family also helps in the adjustment process by providing words of support to the
participants. Sometimes participants derived encouragement and motivation by the
example their family members provided. Diana, a 13-year-old monolingual class student
sees a purpose to her mother’s scolding:
I think many kids lose out on their childhood when they have to work because
they don’t get to play outside or be with friends and all they have to do is work. I
think that my mom, some Hispanic parents, they do push you and do yell at you
for not getting good grades because they don’t want you to end up like them.
Paul finds inspiration in the example of fortitude his mother offers.
My mom, I know, like the main thing that helps me go on like every day is my
mom because my mom she’s no longer with my dad and my dad doesn’t live
around here, he lives like in another state, so my mom has to raise, my mom has
six kids, so she has to raise them all by herself and she has a job and she has to
manage six kids, so to me that helps me go to sleep, like when I’m down and out
and I know, I say to myself I can’t do this, I have to think of my mom, she’s says
it to herself everyday, but she keeps making it by herself.
While the presence of supportive family members was seen as a shield against stress by
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the majority of the participants, the students from the bilingual class focus groups had
their primary support system shaken during the immigration process. They had to sever
close family relationships, due to their own immigration or the immigration of significant
family members to the US.
Separation
Five of the six bilingual focus groups largely spoke about the separation,
reunification, and reconfiguration of their families. Twenty four of the 28 bilingual class
participants reported having been separated from either their mothers or fathers. This
number does not include the students who did not report a separation. There was one
participant who had been separated from her mother for ten years before they were
reunited. Some of the participants hardly knew their fathers because they had left for the
US when they were very young. Separations occurred either because parents left for the
US, or the participants immigrated to the US, leaving parents and other family members
behind. The pattern of immigration generally involved one or both parents leaving the
student with a grandparent or other relative in the home country. The parents who had
immigrated illegally were consequently unable to return to their home countries to visit
their children. Conversely, the parents with legal status were at least able to visit their
children periodically. Most of the students experienced the loss of their mothers more
deeply. Juan, a 14-year-old from the Dominican Republic, had arrived to the US
seventeen months prior to the focus group to live with his father. He spoke of the
experience of leaving his mother:
A mi afecta más por mi mama porque con ella fue que yo me crié el mayor
tiempo, con ella yo estaba impuesto, ella no me hablaba como muy fuerte igual
que mi papa. Siempre me quería quedar con ella y la quería mucho, y mi abuela.
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(It affects me more because of my mother, because she was the one who raised
me for the most part, I was used to her, she did not speak to me as strongly as my
father. I always wanted to stay with her and I loved her a lot, and my
grandmother)
Another focus group member agreed with him.
Igual que yo, yo me llevaba mas con mi mama que con mi papa porque como mi
papa es mecánico, mi abuelo tiene un taller de mecánica, so, mi papa siempre
como el pasaba, antes que yo me iba para la escuela, el se iba para el trabajo, y
volvía como a las seis, siete, ocho de la tarde o noche, so pasaba mas tiempo con
mi mama, so me acostumbre mas a ella.
(Me, too, I got along better with my mother than my father because since my
father is a mechanic, my grandfather has a mechanic’s shop, so, my father always
left before I would go to school, he would go to work, and he would return like at
six, seven, eight at night, so I spent more time with my mother, so I got used to
her more).
Although some of the students felt closer to their mothers, fathers were also
missed:
Yo también extraño a mi papa. Yo quiero que el este juntos con nosotros aquí,
pero el ha hecho viaje, pero no ha podido cruzar para acá.
(I also miss my father. I want him to be together with us here, but he’s planned a
trip, but has not been able to come over here).
Porque yo, a mi me gusta estar con mi papa, el viene cada, el vino el otro año y el
viene otra vez, y yo quiero que como mi mama y mi papa estén juntos, que no
estén separados. (Because I like to be with my father. He comes every, he came
the other year and he will come again, and I want my mother and father to be
together, not separated).
Focus group participants were separated from their parents and siblings at varying
points of development. Some parents left the participants when they were very young,
resulting in the participants’ development of very strong bonds to the relatives who cared
for them in their parents’ absence. Grandmothers were often charged with parental
responsibilities. The close attachment to grandmothers was expressed by the following
focus group participants. Elsa, a 12-year-old from Mexico shared what it felt to leave her
grandmother:
Al siguiente día nosotros nos íbamos a venir, entonces fue, nos despedimos, yo no
quería venir, pero tenía que hacerlo. Me dolió mas dejar a mi abuelita porque ella
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es muy ancianita y yo la quiero mas que no se porque ella me crió desde que yo
tenia 3 años y hasta los 11 años. Yo le tuve cariño más a ella.
(The next day we were going to come, then we said goodbye. I did not want to
come, but I had to do it. It hurt me more to leave my grandmother because she is
very old and I love her more than I don’t know what because she raised me since I
was three years old until 11 years old. I had more affection for her)
Sara, a 12-year-old Mexican student, here in the US for two years prior to the
focus group, expressed similar sentiments:
También porque mi abuelita me cuidó y yo me vine cuando tenia 11 años para
acá, y ahora tengo 12. Cuando yo me vine yo sentía algo así mal que a mi abuelita
le iba a pasar algo …. Pero lo pasó… entonces como mi tía y mi otra tía, mis dos
tías están en México y yo le dije que la cuidara. Mi mama siempre le manda
dinero a ella que compre su medicina y dice me abuelita que ella quiere que yo
me vaya mas para allá. Pero mi mama dice que no, hasta que este grande.
(Also because my grandmother took care of me and I came here when I was 11
years old and I now am 12 year. When I came, I felt something bad like
something was going to happen to my grandmother… but it passed. Then, since
my aunt and my other aunt, my two aunts are living in Mexico and I told them to
take care of her. My mother always sends her money so that she can buy medicine
and my grandmother wants me to go live with her. But, my mother says no, until I
am big).
In their home countries, most of the participants were surrounded by extended
family members, who were closely involved in their daily lives. Social activities included
aunts, uncles, and cousins, widening the field of loss. The following quotes speak to the
separation from extended family members:
Difícil a dejar mi tía, mi abuelito.
(Difficult, to leave my aunt, my grandfather).
Para mi fue difícil también a dejar mis tíos, dejar a mi familia, a Santo Domingo,
porque eso es muy difícil También acostumbrarme a vivir aquí, dejar a mi
hermana, yo tengo una hermanita de cinco anos. Fue difícil, porque yo no la vi.
Cuando venia para acá, mi papa no me la llevo a ver. Fue muy difícil para mí.
(For me it was also difficult to leave my aunts and uncles, leave my family Santo
Domingo, because that is very difficult. Also, to get used to living here, leave my
sister. I have a little sister five years of age. It was difficult because I didn’t see
her. Before I left, my father did not take me to see her. It was very difficult for
me).
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For the participants who are in the US illegally, it is conceivable that some of the
separations will be permanent, especially regarding the relationship with grandparents,
who would most likely remain in their countries. However, loss and separation from
family members at the point of immigration was followed by reconnection to other
family members once in the US.
Reunification
Most of the participants described the reunion with family members as a happy
occasion. Some students had been longing to be reunited with their parents for many
years. For others, the reunion proved more challenging. Because the students had not
lived with their parents or other family members for long periods of time, they had to
adjust to living with people they may have only spoken to on the phone, or seen in
photographs. Liliana, age 13, had arrived in the US nine months prior to the focus group.
She and her sister had lived with their grandparents in Honduras before immigrating to
the US. Their parents sent enough money to provide for a financially comfortable
standard of living, but that was not enough to make them happy:
Yo si tenía porque ellos nos mandaban dinero, o sea, teníamos dinero y todo, pero
no teníamos a mi papa, ni a mi mama, o hermanos. Lo que nos faltaba a mi y mi
hermana
…En Honduras tenia todo como le dije solo no tenia a mis padres.
(I did have [financial security] because they used to send us money, in other
words, we had money and everything, but we did not have my father, nor my
mother, or brothers. What my sister and I were missing in Honduras were our
parents).
Later in the focus group, Liliana spoke more about the early separation from her
parents and the reunion:
Cuando mi papa se vino para acá yo tenia tres años… así no me acordaba, estaba
muy pequeña. Mi mama se vino cuando yo tenía cinco años. Y cuando estábamos
nosotros allá en Nueva York ella nos miro, nos reconoció… porque ella nos había
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visto por foto, verdad, y por video, entonces y de ahí todo feliz. De primero,
cuando nos miraban nos pusimos a llorar de la alegría, se sentía bien bonito.
(When my father left to come here, I was three years old, so I don’t remember, I
was too little. My mother left when I was five years old. When we were over there
in New York, she looked at us, recognized us… because she had seen us in
pictures and video, then from there all was happy. At first, when they saw us, we
started to cry from happiness, it felt so good).
Liliana had lost both her parents through immigration at an early age and despite
her comfortable standard of living, she wanted to be with her parents. Ana, age 14, from
the Dominican Republic, had been in the US for two years at the time of the focus group.
She expressed her happiness at being reunited with extended family members:
Cuando yo tenía ocho anos, ocho años que yo no veía a mi abuela ni a mi abuelo
y cuando lo ví, me puse bien alegre. Me puse muy feliz cuando lo ví..
(When I was eight years old, eight years that I didn’t see my grandmother or my
grandfather and when I saw them, I became very happy. I was very happy when I
saw them).
Other comments from focus group participants included:
Es fácil estar con mi familia y hermanos porque estamos juntos ahora todos, mi
papa y mi mama.
(It is easy to be with my family and my brothers because now we are all together,
my father and my mother).
Yo aquí estoy feliz. Yo ya me acostumbre porque aquí estoy con toda mi familia,
mi mama, mi papa, mis hermanos. Pero extraño más a mi abuelita (de mi mama).
(I am happy here. I am already accustomed because I am with my whole family
here, my mother, my father and my brothers. But, I miss my grandmother most).
The above participants reported overall positive results to the reunification
process. However, there was one participant, Jacinto, age 13, who felt that his mother had
changed and was not as emotionally available as she once was:
Para mi fue negativo porque mi mama no es como era antes, que nos hacía caso y
nos llevaba a todo lugar. Ahora le hace caso a su marido.
(It was negative for me because my mother isn’t the way she used to be; she used
to pay attention to us and would take us everywhere. Now, she pays attention to
her husband).
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Jacinto implies that his mother’s change in behavior is related to the presence of his stepfather in her life. Like Jacinto, some students found a newly configured family once they
arrived in the US.
Reconfiguration
For participants like Jacinto, the adjustment to a newly configured family was a
major challenge to the overall adjustment to a new environment. Examples of the
reconfiguration of families included mothers who were living with new partners in the
US or participants who were sent to live with unfamiliar relatives. For Jacinto, not only
had his mother changed, but he also had to adjust to a step-father he found disagreeable.
In the following quote, Jacinto describes the difficult relationship that has developed with
his step-father:
Mi mama me dice que me tengo que controlar con Javier, mi padrastro… Porque
le grito, yo me llevo nada con mi padrastro, nos peleamos, le digo cosas y mi
mama me dice que me tengo que controlarme… Porque allá yo no tenía a mi
padrastro, yo feliz, tenía mi mama, con mi tía. Era yo allá mas libre Yo no peleaba
mucho, como peleo aquí con Javier, me sentía allá mas contento allá que aquí.
(My mother says that I have to control myself with Javier, my step-father …
Because I yell at him, I don’t get along with him at all, we fight, I tell him things
and my mother tells me that I have to control myself. .Because over there I didn’t
have a step-father, I was happy, I had my mother, and my aunt. Over there I felt a
greater freedom. I didn’t fight a lot, like I fight here with Javier. I felt happier
there than here).
Jacinto’s situation poses multiple challenges. Jacinto is a participant who crossed
the border illegally, after making one unsuccessful attempt. Upon his arrival to the US, he
is reunified with his mother. He is simultaneously introduced to his step-father. Jacinto is
told he must get along with his step-father, whom he dislikes and his anger is palpable
through his report of yelling at him. These challenges are in addition to the challenges of
learning a new language, adjusting to a new culture, and achieving academic success.
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Among all of the focus group participants, Jacinto gave the impression of being the
unhappiest with his situation:
Gabriel, from the Dominican Republic echoed similar sentiments about his stepfather:
Yo tengo mi papa que vive en Santo Domingo y es ciudadano Americano, y
entonces mi mama, yo tengo un padrastro, entonces cuando yo llegué aquí yo no
me llevo, no me llevo, con el, hasta la fecha.
(My father lives in Santo Domingo and is an American citizen, and I have my
mother. I have a step-father, then, when I arrived here, I don’t get along, up to this
point, I don’t get along with him).
Gabriel also found a reconfigured family when he arrived to the US. His situation with
his step-father was further complicated by his desire to be with his father.
Samuel, age 14, from a different focus group, arrived from the Dominican
Republic three years prior to the focus group. He found himself living with a side of the
family he was unfamiliar with:
Pa’ mi no es fácil porque es diferente con la familia, con otra familia que sea su
familia.
(It is not easy for me because it is different with the other family.
Carmelo, another classmate from the Dominican Republic, agreed:
También como uno estaba acostumbrado a la otra familia y se va acostumbrando
a la otra familia y cuando va a otra nueva familia, uno se siente como frustrado,
nervioso o algo así, pero después uno se acostumbra.
(Also, when you are used to the other family and when you go to a new family,
one feels, like, frustrated, nervous, or something like that, but you get used to it).
Samuel and Carmelo express anxiety, difficulty, and frustration in relation to
having to adjust to a newly configured family that included members they did not know.
One other student, in a similar situation, remarked about how his new family in the US
had different habits and behaviors than the family he was accustomed to in his home
country. Sometimes, the participants found different parenting styles in the new families.
One participant, who was sent to live in the US with his father, felt that his father was
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harsher in his parenting approach, while his mother was more “suave,” or softer in terms
of discipline.
Ms. B, who has had extensive experience with the newly arrived Hispanic
students, echoed the challenges of the participants in relation to the reconfiguration of the
family:
Then you have children who possibly, in their country, were left with either one
parent or a grandparent, or family member back in their country and then are now
coming to be with a different family member or parent, um, you know that’s not
the easiest thing. We have several students in this class who have been struggling
behavior-wise and we find out that their parent was not the parent who raised
them, you know they were raised by a grandparent, someone else, so that whole
respect that gets built, the trust that gets built, that affection is isn’t there yet.
Ms. B alludes to the connection between students who are having difficulty
adjusting to reconfigured families and their expression of distress through negative
behaviors in school. The transfer of authority from the parental figures in the home
country to the newly established authority figures was not necessarily a smooth process.
Because the family was considered the primary source of support for the participants, the
experiences of loss and destabilization of the family had the potential to affect the overall
adjustment to school and the US.
Family issues were equally important to the monolingual class participants.
However, they focused on intergenerational issues related to acculturation.
Evolving Parenting Styles
Three out of the four monolingual class focus groups discussed family related
issues. While the bilingual class participants were busy adapting to the changes caused by
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the separation, reunion, and reconfiguration of their families, the monolingual class
students were focused more on inter-generational parenting topics. Because these
students had been born in the US, or had spent a longer period of time residing here, the
negotiation of the values and expected behaviors of the two cultures received greater
attention. Tensions were reported when students moved away from some of the cultural
expectations of their parents, such as traditional gender roles, or overprotection. Some of
the monolingual class participants felt more constrained in relation to the amount of
freedom they were permitted by their parents. For example, one female participant spoke
about the parental rule forbidding a sleep-over at a friend’s house. In the following quote,
Ms. C, commented on how tensions can develop around the issue of parental restrictions:
They feel that their parents don’t understand them because they want to do things,
things are different, and sometimes, Latinos tend to overprotect in a way also, and
they want the 13-year-old to stay home cleaning and helping with the little
brothers and she wants to have time to go to the movies and go out with her
friends. So, at times, they rebel.
In terms of the gender issues alluded to by Ms. C, some of the participants
disagreed with the traditional male-female roles their parents expected from them. The
participants in one monolingual class focus group debated this issue intensely.
Specifically, the female participants were offended by the greater freedom given to the
boys in the family. Elizabeth, a second-generation Dominican, expressed her views on
the matter:
The boys get more freedom because if you are outside your house with a boy, he
drops you off, your mom comes out, you get in trouble. If it was a boy with a girl,
the boy with the girl, they won’t do nothing. They keep saying,“I don’t want you
to get raped. I don’t want a guy to hurt you.” The guys hurt girls feeling, but their
parents don’t say anything to them.
Lourdes, age 13, another student from Honduras expressed similar sentiments:
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About my brother, he’s 15 now. When he was 13, he had a girlfriend, my mom
was like “oh my God, my son is growing up, I want to see your girlfriend” and
then now I’m 13, if I go out with somebody, no, wait till you get 15.
Lisa, age 13 and also born in the US, had a similar experience:
When my brother was 13 years old, he had all the freedom. He used to come at
12:00 at night. When I come home at 6:30, my mom starts screaming at me and
I’m 13 years old. And I call her, I do everything. My brothers never called her
once. I leave the number on the fridge, I am with this person, no, they still go get
mad at me. At least I came home six hours earlier than them.
Even Cristobal, one of the males in the focus group, agreed with the above
comments:
Boys have more freedom than girls. They get to do whatever they want and girls
have to stay in the house cleaning. The thing is your parents don’t want you to
make the same mistakes they made when they were young.
As Elizabeth mentioned, and Cristobal alluded to, the restrictions placed on girls
are attributed to the need to protect girls from sexual involvement or assault. However,
Elizabeth remarked that “mothers are too overprotective because we only have one life”
indicating that the restrictions was justified. Similar to Elizabeth, other participants
struggled between understanding the reasons for their parents’ overprotection and
protesting against it:
#3—I think all parents, all around the world, there could be differences, but not
that much, a few differences. Cause Hispanic parents they are different because,
we are different from American. They will always like to protect us; they want the
best for us.
#4—Even if they go overboard, it’s for our protection.
#7—Parents think being overprotective is a good thing, but like kids don’t think
that’s a good thing, either way kids are going to do it and they are going to do
something worse than they were planning to do. Parents think that being over
protective is a good thing, keeping the child from harm but the child feels like
running away. What they couldn’t take upon their parents, they take upon their
teachers and others and that is not right.
Lisa (#7), a second-generation Honduran student, asserts that too much
overprotection can lead to more serious problems for a daughter. The possibility of
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rebellion and negative school behaviors are posed as possible outcomes to this type of
parent-child conflict. Here, also, a participant links the relationship between tensions at
home and behavior in school. Feelings related to family tensions can be displaced on to
the school environment.
The monolingual class participants appeared to disagree with some aspects of
traditional parenting and favor others. Some monolingual class participants believed that
as parents became more acculturated; they became somewhat over-ingratiating with their
children and lax about behavioral standards. This issue was voiced in two of the
monolingual class focus groups. In general, the participants perceived differences
between the children raised in the US and those raised in their parental home country.
Children raised in the US were considered undisciplined by several of the focus group
participants. They related this to the parents’ tendency to over-gratify their children’s
demands for material goods and a lack of sufficient discipline. Some of the students also
believed that US laws shaped parenting behaviors. Benito, a 14-year-old participant who
arrived from Mexico five years ago, expressed his views:
Estamos hablando de América. Ahora vamos a decir algo, si viene un niño aquí
que viene de un país de allá, viene aquí, es mas educado que un niño que nació
aquí porque el niño que nació aquí no le enseñaron a respetar, le dieron permiso
para hiciera desorden. Aquí, los niños que nacen aquí, les dicen, “no haga eso,” lo
siguen haciendo. En mi país tenemos una costumbre que cuando vamos a una casa
uno no toca nada… aquí entra a una casa y coge todo. Ahora, dígame, si Ud. le
dice a un niño aquí, “te voy a pegar, te voy a castigar porque lo estas haciendo
mal”, {el niño}”te llamo la policía;” ¿Como un niño va a respetar a un padre? La
ley aquí protege mucho a los niños por eso ahora hay mucha delincuencia porque
no le dan el permiso a los padres para que sus hijos vean.
(We are talking about America. Now we are going to say something; if a child
comes here from a country over there, comes here, is better disciplined than a
child born here because a child born here is not taught to respect, they gave him
permission to be disruptive. Here, the children born here, they are told, “don’t do
that” they keep on doing it. In my country, we have a custom that when we go to a
house, you don’t touch anything and here, you enter a house and take everything.
Now tell me, if you tell a child here, I am going to hit you, I am going to punish
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you because you are misbehaving, [the child] “I will call the police.” How is a
child going to respect a parent? The law here protects the children too much, that
is why there is so much delinquency now because they don’t give parents
permission to discipline their children).
Benito made several points. First, that he sees US born Hispanic children as less
respectful of adults and property. Second, he seems to allude that the lack of discipline is
associated to the US laws which protect children. In his view, when a child can threaten a
parent that he or she will call the police if he/she is physically punished, parental
authority is undermined. Thus, while some of the bilingual class participants embraced
the protection of children by US laws, this student perceived that there was a negative
side to the over-protection of children. Benito was not the only participant who voiced
this belief. As the following excerpt from his focus group revealed, the use of physical
punishment was perceived as an essential and accepted part of discipline by these
monolingual class participants:
#4—Que aman a los hijos, no porque le quieren dar, pa’ que ellos aprendan.
(They love their children, not because they want to hit them, so they can learn).
#6—I think here in the US, they protect the kids too much , they protect them too
much that why they take advantage of the power. As the kids grow older they
realize, they say, “I can get anything.” In other countries, Hispanic countries, they
have it the hard way, they have to learn. Let’s say they come from real poor
family, right, and then they come to the US and this is different, they going to see
everything is corrupted here. They are going to come with better manners because
in their countries they had a hard life and here they have it easier.
To these students, it appeared that learning “the hard way” instills greater
discipline. These participants believed that exposure to other behaviors and values in the
US loosen the standards established in the home country. On the other hand, Ms. C found
that some of the newly arrived students are less disciplined. Her comments related to
children who were left in the care of family members when their parents immigrated to
the US:
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They have been left with the grandparents; they went to school, if they went,
whenever they wanted to go. They come in with all these issues, they don’t know
the parent because the parent left ten years ago, to be able to give them a better
life, but in the mean time, the grandmother felt sorry for this poor kid, the mother
left him with me, I’m going to give you love and they define love by allowing the
child to do whatever he wants and its hard to tame those children.
This staff member may be referring to cases, where, in fact, the children were
undisciplined by their caregivers in the home country. Once in the US, these students
may resist discipline from their parents. Ms. C was the only participant who voiced this
perception. Ms. B found the recent arrivals to be more respectful. Ms. C is demonstrating
that there is variation in behavior, depending on the experiences of the student with
parental figures before their arrival to the US.
Family Obligations
The issues discussed here demonstrate how the level of responsibility held by
parents and children can shape the nature of family relationships. Specifically, economic
conditions help to determine how many hours the parents work and how much
responsibility is placed on the participants. The members of the school personnel raised
this issue more often than the students. One staff member cited concerns about how
parental work schedules affect the level of supervision received by students after school.
Sometimes, long work hours limited the parents’ and students’ involvement in afterschool activities. The financial obligations of the parents included monetary contributions
sent to the home countries to assist family members. Additionally, work schedules could
result in additional family responsibilities for the students. Two of the three staff
members made the following comments:
Ms. A—Some of these parents have two jobs. I don’t know how they do it. I talk
to parents that tell me, you know I go from 5 to 4 and then I come home for an
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hour and then I leave again and I come back at 10:00 and I don’t know how they
do that. In the mean time, they have to send money back to their country; they
have to support the family here. But, the institution of the family gets torn apart.
Mr. B—I see parents that come to school, they are really engaged, they are home
when the students are home and they are not working three jobs, they are only
working one job and they know what the students are doing, the students behave
better than those ones that the parents are working all the time. It’s like a
correlation between lack of supervision and behavior. And that happens a lot with
the Latino students, which most of the parents are working a lot; they are more or
less raise themselves.
Both of these comments make reference to the effects of long work hours on
family life and on the student. For one, the parents’ daily contact with their children is
minimized. Mr. B associated the lack of supervision of the students’ after school hours to
negative behavioral outcomes in school. Mr. B also indicated that there is range of
parental work schedules; resulting in the existence of parents who work one job and are
able to have increased supervision of their children. Diana, an eighth-grade Mexican
student, born in the US, spoke directly about the effect of her father’s long work hours on
their relationship:
My dad works two jobs, one in the morning, one in the afternoon. I only get to see
him, I only have an hour, but I don’t really get to spend time with him because
he’s always, he’s sleeping, and resting and eating. So, I can’t bother him and my
mom, only gets to work full time in the morning…
Diana explained how her father’s two jobs limited her contact with him. Long
work schedules not only affect the relationship between parents and students, but
sometimes resulted in extra responsibilities for the student. Students who must serve as
babysitters for younger siblings after school are not able to participate in after-school
activities. Ms. C also commented on this issue:
And I have kids who are responsible for little kids till late hours, so they can’t
participate in after school activities and therefore, we have to re-educate the
parents that this child’s main focus is the education and activities at school.
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The challenge is how to relieve students of family responsibilities when they perform an
essential function in the family? Mr. B. further noted that some parents equated a 15–
year-old adolescent with an adult status and therefore, expected the student to assume a
greater level of family responsibility:
I see also something that for Latinos, males and females, in general, that once
they reach the age of 15, they see them as an adult and some of them I don’t think
are ready to carry that responsibility of helping in the house, and raising the rest
of the brothers and sisters. And they see them, you are a man and a woman
already, you are 15 or 14, or whatever, so you are part of the family. We have a
few students they’re 16 and they are working already because they have to help in
the house. They looking at the prospective of dropping out of middle school
because they have to work. So, it’s that sense that you reach 15, and you are
already, you have to help us take care of the family kind of thing. Some of them
are not mentally prepared to do that, they’re still kind of immature.
Mr. B’s quote indicates that some students have difficulty fulfilling all of their
responsibilities in school when they have too many obligations at home. Nancy, a
second-generation Honduran participant offers thoughts that echoed a similar perception:
The school should help us out though about giving less homework because some
of the teenagers after school, they have another life, they have to go work in order
to live and survive, in order to live in a decent place, sometimes their parents
cannot afford when they go to college, the student is really serious about your
education. Teenagers have to start at a young age in order to, they have to start
working in a young age in order to get what you want, sometimes your parents
cannot afford what you want, need for school, the materials, the books,
everything. So that’s why I’m saying the schools should be more easier on us.
Nancy also points to how heavy familial obligations may interfere with the
fulfillment of school responsibilities. She alludes to her perception of the school staff as
insensitive or unaware of the particulars of a student’s life. The following participants
spoke directly about other adolescents who must work:
Sometimes Hispanic teenagers are different from American teenagers. I know
these people, they came from Mexico, he is 16, he came with a friend and his
sister, it’s a boy, he is 16 and has to work everyday so that he can send money to
Mexico. He has to support himself and his family are in Mexico.
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I know this girl that she is 14 and she don’t come to school and she go to work.
She has to send money to her parents in Mexico.
While overly burdening family obligations can have a deleterious effect on
academic performance, Mr. B’s following quote acknowledges that there is a positive
aspect to developing a strong sense of responsibility. Mr. B suggested that a sense of
obligation to the family can be a motivating factor, a force that helps to “move them
along”:
I would think because, even though it could be negative or positive, the sense of
responsibility that’s a strength they bring into, they see, “I have to be successful to
help my family, my mom, or whatever, because I don’t want her or him to be
working in the factory for the rest of their lives. So, that’s a very good strength
because they have this responsibility early in their age, that is something that will
move them along. That’s a very good strength, I think.
In summary, the issues raised by the participants related to family relations point
to the importance of family, as sources of support and inspiration for the participants. The
bilingual class participants focused on the process of separating from family members in
their home countries and establishing new families in the US. The monolingual students
emphasized intergenerational issues during the acculturation process. As acculturation
progressed, the participants appeared to increasingly compare themselves to the wider
society. They questioned traditional beliefs regarding such areas as gender and styles of
parenting. Some of the monolingual participants also considered the positive aspects of
more traditional child rearing practices, such as inculcating respect for adults. Those
monolingual class students who believed that more acculturated children were showered
with too many material possessions, associated thi type of parenting behavior to a
reduced impetus to strive. Their responses demonstrate how parents and children evolve
and change over time during the process of acculturation. Finally, family obligations
were seen by two of the staff members as over-burdening the students and interfering
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with extracurricular school activities. This section has shown how the economic needs of
a family shape parent-child relationships.
Outside of family relationships, peer relations were frequently discussed by the
participants. The next chapter will focus on this topic.
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Chapter 7: “Social” Studies: Crossing Social, Racial, and Ethnic Boundaries
Some aspect of peer relations was discussed during each of the ten focus groups.
Table 8 summarizes the sub-themes that emerged from the discussions on this topic. The
environmentally challenged sub-theme refers to the social constraints imposed by the
changes in climate and the nature of the US communities the bilingual participants settled
in. Racial toe stepping focuses on the tensions cited between the Hispanic and African
American students. Both the bilingual and monolingual participants discussed their
interactions with the African-American students. Ethnic toe stepping refers to the
tensions between the Hispanic sub-groups. Overall, the monolingual class participants
gave peer relations the most attention, covering a wider range of relationships across
multiple groups. Two of the members of the school staff also offered their perceptions of
the relations between racial and ethnic groups.
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Table 8
Social Studies — Crossing Social, Racial and Ethnic Boundaries
Racial toe stepping
Ethnic toe stepping
Tensions
Bullying
Vulnerability
Mutual defensiveness
Miscommunication
Monolingual
Tensions
Bullying
Vulnerability
Identification with AfricanAmericans.
Tensions
Perceptions of
Mexicans and
various Hispanic
subgroups
Staff
Tensions
Perceptions
Tensions; between
bilingual
and monolingual
Hispanic gangs
Skin color
Bilingual
Environmentally
challenged
Cold weather
Anonymity
Trust
Less freedom to
socialize
Environmentally Challenged
All of the bilingual class focus groups discussed the challenges of adapting to US
winters. The cold climate was described as constraining in the sense that the participants
had to spend so much time inside their homes. More time indoors meant less time
socializing with peers. In their home countries, many of the bilingual participants had
spent a great deal of time outdoors playing volleyball, soccer, or baseball. This is an
excerpt from one of the focus groups:
#2—A mi me aburre estar en casa todo el día, muchos días sin clases, yo me
aburro.
(It is boring to me to be in my house all day, lots of days without classes, I get
bored).
#3—Yo también, como en el invierno estas casi en tu casa metido y es aburrido.
(Me too, like in the winter, you are stuck in your house and it is boring).
#6—Yo jugaba pelota to’ los días pero aquí no se puede porque hace mucho frío.
Eso era mi vida. Porque yo iba a la escuela en la tarde, podía jugar en la mañana y
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cuando salía podía jugar otra vez, entonces cuando yo pase a la mañana, en la
tarde jugaba pelota, hasta la noche.
(I used to play baseball everyday, but here you can’t because it is too cold. That
was my life. Because I would go to school in the afternoon, I could play in the
morning and when I finished, I could play again, and then when I was changed to
the mornings. I would play baseball until the night).
In their home neighborhoods, increased time outdoors allowed the participants to
engage in social activities in spontaneous ways within their communities. Additionally,
many of the recent arrivals originated from smaller, closely knit communities where the
inhabitants knew each other on a personal level. One student, Martín, from an isolated,
rural setting in the Dominican Republic, came from a town so small that there were no
street names or street lights. He found the transition to his new community quite difficult.
Most of the bilingual participants originated from more developed towns, but ones still
containing a network of family and friends closely involved with the participants on a
daily basis. Many of the participants were surprised that people did not greet each other
on the streets of their new neighborhoods. In their home countries, most families knew
each other for long periods of time, resulting in a greater sense of freedom to socialize
with friends. Families did not question their children’s safety in neighbors’ homes. In
their new environment, the participants felt constrained. They were not free to go out into
the community and visit friends and they felt that establishing trust in others was more
challenging. Elisa was born in the US, but returned to Mexico when she was 2 years old.
She remained there for nine years before moving to the US again. She was still adapting
to the different community environment:
What I meant by different environment is that in Mexico, the streets you know
everybody in the streets, you interact with them, you play with your friends, they
are your friends. Here in the US, most of the people you see are strangers, you
don’t know them, or sometimes they look at you like you are something else and
by limited, in Mexico I could just go to the store by myself and I could find some
friends, or the person who works in the store, he knows me and we could talk.
Here, I can’t do that.
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Other participants made similar comments:
En México, como ahí es más pequeño adonde yo vivía, pues ahí todas las
personas yo las conozco desde cuando estaba chiquita y yo se que podía confiar,
los conozco.
(In Mexico, since where I lived it was smaller, well, there; I know them since I
was little and I know that I could trust, I know them).
Yo, allá con mis amigas yo confiaba mas porque ellas, como estaban cercas de mi
casa, yo podía ir a la casa de ellas, ellas iban a la mía, y conocía a sus papas y
todo y ellas eran, si tu decías algo, ella no lo decían a nadie.
(There, I trusted my friends more because, since they were close to my house, I
could go to their houses and they came to mine, and I knew their parents and
everything, and if you said something, they wouldn’t tell anybody).
These students are also talking about trust, or “confianza” and how intimacy in
personal relationships is easier to establish in a smaller, more familiar context. Because
personal community ties and trust in others were diminished in their new neighorhoods, a
few of the students were also concerned about how they would be found if lost in a
community where they felt anonymous:
“Y allá si alguien de su familia se pierde, uno chiquito, ya la mayoría todo le
conocen, aquí no, si se pierde, tiene que andar buscando.
(Over there, if someone in your family is lost, someone small, most people know
him, not here, if you are lost, they have to go looking for you).
You can get raped, or killed, or robbed and over there, if you go missing, they
actually do help to search for you. Right here, I don’t say that they don’t care, but
not many people, they go “I don’t know that person, so why should I really help?”
The above quotes imply that personal relationships within a community contribute
to a sense of caring about your neighbors’ well-being. For the less acculturated
participants, neighborhood ties are seen as looser in the US. The experience of anonymity
is seen as breeding a lack of concern about your neighbors. Trusting relationships are
more difficult to establish in this context. Together with the lack of English proficiency,
the cold climate, and the danger in the community, the participants’ social interactions
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were constrained in ways they had generally not experienced before. Peer relationships
were further challenged by the tensions that developed between groups.
Racial Toe Stepping
The African-American population has been gradually waning in the local school
district, and increasingly replaced by the influx of Hispanics. In some schools in the
district, this has resulted in the African-American students becoming the minority group
in the school. While the Jones school is predominantly Hispanic, the middle school
(Smith School) has a higher proportion of African-American students.
Six of the ten focus groups reported tensions between the African-American and
Hispanic students. In school and in the community, the Hispanic participants developed a
generalized perception of African-American peers as the “trouble-makers,” who picked
on the Hispanic students, bullied them and provoked fights. As the tensions and divisions
between the African-Americans and the Hispanic students developed, physical
altercations took place in school and spilled over into the community. The following
excerpt from a focus group at Jones School (middle school) highlights a discussion that
centered on the participants perceptions of the African-American students:
#6—Algunas personas de aquí le gusta pelear mucho, aunque a uno le gusta
pelear pero…. Aquí gente busca problemas por el gusto.
(Some of the people here like to fight too much, even if you like to fight, but….
Here, people look for trouble just because they want to).
#5—Por dársela como que es mejor.
(Just to show they are better).
#2—Casi la mayoría son las personas morenas.
(Mostly, the majority are African-American.
#3—Luego que este, son muy peleones.
(They are argumentative/fighters).
#5—Como si uno lo mira mal de una vez.
(Like if you look at them the wrong way).
#3—No mas si lo miras así, ya tienes un problema. Mejor es no hacerle caso.
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(You only have to look at them and you have a problem. It is better to ignore
them).
JV—¿Te has pasado a ti (#5 y #6)?
(To #5 and #6, has this happened to you?)
#5—Y aquí en la escuela, muchas veces. Yo no le hago caso, con tal que no me
toquen a mí.
(Here in the school, many times. I don’t pay attention, as long as they don’t touch
me).
A focus group participant from the Smith School presented a similar theme.
Observando, a veces que cuando nosotros nos paramos aquí en los árboles, ahí
salimos a jugar, las niñas, las negritas, a veces van allá a buscar problemas. El
security viene a separarnos.
(I have observed that, sometimes, when we stand by the trees, when we go out to
play, the girls, the African-American girls, sometimes they go to us to look for
problems. The security guard comes to separate us).
These participants attempted to cope with racial tensions through avoidance. Eye
contact, or a look, was interpreted as a provocation or personal attack. Some of the
students responded by ignoring the behaviors and others were ready to fight if they felt
attacked. One student reported repeated incidents of bullying. These quotes represent a
sample of perceptions, experiences, and feelings voiced in one of the monolingual class
focus groups in the middle school:
Los morenos (the African-Americans), you have to do whatever they say because
if not they going to either punch you, or like everybody like, they going to call
their friends to beat you up, all of them, you can’t do nothing, except just tirarle
botella, roca…(throw a bottle, or a rock)
Ok, yo soy una victima… si dicen que supuestamente somos iguales como uno va
a permitir que alguien lo…. Le dicen “oh you Indian…. Oh, you Mexican.” Le
pegan a uno y le dicen if you say anything we’ll kill you. Eso es muy fuerte.
We’ll kill you.
(Ok, I am a victim… if they say we are supposed to be equal, how are you going
to permit someone to…. They call you “oh you Indian…Oh you Mexican.” They
hit you and they tell you that if you say anything, we’ll kill you. That is hard.
We’ll kill you).
You get scared.
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Excuse me, can I say something? Nosotros los Hispanos siempre jugamos en el
patio, cuando ellos no tienen pelota, ellos nos la quitan a nosotros…. Para no
tener problemas con ellos, las dejamos, los security le decimos, los security la
agarran para tras, y de nuevo nos la quitan. No nos dejan divertirnos.
(Excuse me, can I say something? We, the Hispanics, always play in the yard.
When they [African-Americans] don’t have a ball, they take it away from us …
To avoid problems with them, we let them. We tell the security guard, they bring
the ball back to us, but they take it away again. They don’t let us have a good
time).
In these quotes, the participants expressed a sense of frustration and helplessness
about the situation. One of the participants perceived a discrepancy between US ideals of
equality (“if they say we are supposed to be equal”) and their every-day experiences with
other students. The behaviors of some of the African-American students were seen as an
exercise of power, “to show they are better.” One of the students, Gabriel, a short
Mexican student who was the target of repetitive bullying, felt that students needed to
speak up, “but if you stay quiet, they will continue to do it.” However, they generally felt
at a loss about how to address the problems with school personnel.
While many of the participants attempted to avoid interaction with the AfricanAmerican students, Teodoro spoke of how the Hispanic students could potentially
influence the interaction to a more positive outcome by taking a less defensive position:
Como si tu tratas de ser amigable, ellos son amigable, pero si tu como trata de ser
como rechazando la persona y como que tu te concentra que tu no sabes hablar
ingles, y tu dice no se, no se, como si tu tratas mas, como que ellos son mas
amigable contigo y te ayudan un poco.
(Like if you try to be friendly, they are friendly, but if you, are like rejecting of
the person and if you concentrate on how you don’t know English and if you say
“I don’t know, I don’t know, if you try more, like they {African-Americans] are
friendlier with you and they help you a little)
Teodoro believed that if you attempted to communicate with the AfricanAmerican students, it is possible to receive a friendlier response. He also implied that the
lack of English proficiency affects social interactions if one is concentrating on the
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inability to speak English. The above quotes suggest that a defensive stance develops
between both parties that contribute to the tension between groups. Furthermore, from the
participants’ perspective, defensiveness emanates from feeling vulnerable and threatened.
Some participants had their own theories of why the African-Americans
“disrespect” the Hispanic students. A few students felt that the African-Americans were
making Hispanics experience the discrimination they had experienced in the past. One
student stated that the African-Americans were taking their hard earned freedom
“overboard,” implying that they were taking too much liberty. Raul had the following to
say about this issue:
I’m adding to what he said, the reason why now the Blacks are disrespecting
Hispanics is because back in the days they felt that nobody was paying attention
to them, they felt nobody gave them the opportunity, now that Martin Luther King
made this whole integration stuff, now they think it’s their time, it’s their time in
the world that they can do whatever the Caucasian people did to them. The
Hispanics have to go through what the Blacks had to go through back in the days.
Raul implied that the Hispanic experience of victimization by the AfricanAmericans is a rite of passage to earn a place in US society. He believed that AfricanAmericans were now feeling empowered and this included the discrimination of
Hispanics as some kind of retribution for past offenses made by the European-Americans.
The relationship between the Hispanic and African-American students was also
discussed by the three staff participants. Here are Mr. A and Ms. B’s. comments:
Mr. A—The Latinos that just came to the US, they see African Americans as
aggressive people instead of that’s part of the culture. They see them the way they
speak, the way they behave is they are aggressive, they trying are trying to
threaten, I think they feel threatened by them, but that’s the way they are, it is part
of getting adjusted to it. So, I think once they learn the culture and they learn
more the language, they will get used to it. Because that is what it seems like the
students think.
Ms. B—Yes, and most of the arguments and the fights in the school, I mean it’s
starting to calm down a little bit, but it was really scary for a while there, it was
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very Black-Hispanic, the kids were saying, I had one boy who was beat up in a
park, by a nice gang of boys [sarcasm]and a lot of situations that have happened
this year, just, it became, I’m hoping it’s calmed itself down, but it did start to
become very racially divided amongst the kids. It was a very black on this side,
Hispanics on this side; it was like a race war. We actually heard a couple of kids
use that verbiage, “race war.” As a new immigrant, I’m teaching in class
everybody is equal. Black History month, I’m teaching you the struggles that the
Blacks had and how it relates to what you’re going through, and how Black
Americans had all these struggles, all these things they had to overcome, that they
fought for rights for all of us and you, as a Hispanic are being stepped on now.
Those kind of things in a school make it a little difficult.
Mr. A also spoke to how vulnerability influences social interactions. The Hispanic
students feel they are in a vulnerable, threatened position due to their perception of the
African-American students as aggressive. Ms. B echoed the students’ view of a rite of
passage, “you, as a Hispanic, are being stepped on now.” She seemed to agree with Raul
that African American students are treating Hispanics as they have been treated, a
necessity in the process of integration into US society. Ms. B explained further:
I can only imagine it’s the same thing in __________in that it seems like the
African American population fought for their space and pulled themselves to have
this space, rent and whatever else they had to do and now all these immigrants are
coming in and taking their space and the money from the schools, the clinics and
whatever other programs are available, now have to be shared with another set of
immigrants. And it’s not going to change, everybody’s got their turn.
Ms. B believes that the African-American population views Hispanics as
encroaching on their “space.” She implied that this may be a source of resentment that
contributes to the tensions between the groups. However, some of the participants also
acknowledged the influence of African Americans on Hispanic students. Some of the
participants remarked about how a portion of the Hispanic student population had
adopted African-American styles of dress, hair, and behavior. Elizabeth, a 14-year-old,
second-generation student of Honduran parentage and Samuel, a 13-year-old Mexican
student explained:
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E—There is three things, there’s “wanna be’s.” If you see a Mexican dressed up
as a gang member, Oh you wanna be Black. And Hispanics want to blend with
them.
S—Something that really gets me mad is that some people sometimes they deny
who they are just because they want to be like somebody else, for example, some
Hispanics try to become cool and pretend their black so they could fit in, but is it
really worth it to deny your own heritage just to be something else that you’re
not?
Both of these participants refer to the efforts of some Hispanic students to
“blend,” or “fit in” to the wider social landscape. However, Samuel viewed this type of
behavior as a disloyalty to one’s own heritage. In terms of ethnic identification,
sometimes participants considered themselves as Hispanics in the collective sense, and at
other times, they identified themselves by their particular Hispanic sub-group. Within
group diversity was accompanied by other issues.
Ethnic Toe Stepping
Tensions within the sphere of social interactions were not limited to those
between Hispanic and African-American students. Five of the ten focus groups (Two
bilingual and three monolingual) discussed within group relations. In addition to tensions
between the various Hispanic ethnic-sub-groups (e.g. Mexicans, Dominicans, etc), two of
the focus groups discussed the tensions between the students in the bilingual and
monolingual classes. One aspect of these tensions included the area of verbal
communication. Due to the evolution of the Spanish language across diverse
geographical locations, some words have attained different meanings, or new words have
been created among the different Hispanic ethnic groups. Words with multiple meanings
sometimes resulted in miscommunication during verbal interactions. This is a portion of
the discussion that took place in one of the bilingual class focus group.
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#3—También es como un idioma, varias palabras que significan otras cosas en
otros países.
(Also, in the language there are various words that mean other things in other
countries).
#1—Aparte, en unos países si tú dices una palabra que significa una mala palabra
en otro país, te toman mal a ti. En tu país es buena palabra.
(In addition, in other countries, you say a work that means a bad word in another
country; they interpret it the wrong way. In your country, it is a good word).
JV—¿Y están hablando entre Hispanos o entre Hispanos y no Hispanos?
(And you are talking about Hispanics and Hispanics or Hispanics and nonHispanics?)
#3—Hispanos, algunos tienen, pueden ofenderse porque no conocen su cultura.
(Hispanics, some of them can be offended because they do not know your
culture).
#5—Y si uno dice una palabra todos se entienden toditos, pero si uno lo dice aquí,
¿que dijo el?
(If you say a word [back home], everybody understands, but if you say it here,
they say, “what did he say?”)
The misunderstanding of certain words in Spanish among the Hispanic ethnic groups
adds another layer in the process of verbal communication. Not only do the bilingual
class participants have to learn English, but they are confronted with variations within the
Spanish language, as well.
In two of the five focus groups, the participants reported an assignment of a
hierarchical order to the Hispanic ethnic groups in the schools and community. Mexicans
were considered holding the lowest status, while, at least as reported in one group, Puerto
Ricans were assigned a higher value. Some students allegedly denied their heritage in
order to have a more favorable position within the hierarchy. Ada, who arrived from the
Dominican Republic 11 years ago, and Cindy, a US born student of Puerto Rican and
European-American parentage expressed these phenomena clearly:
C—I have something kinda off topic. There’s people and they’ll say that they’re
something that they’re not. They’ll say that they’re Puerto Rican, but they are
Mexican. They’ll just say it, because they don’t want to be labeled as Mexican,
they think that Mexicans are bad, or whatever, and they tell you “oh you’re PR?”
I say, no, “I’m Mexican.” “But you said you were Puerto Rican.” I don’t say
anything about it to anybody and it gets me pissed because you shouldn’t be lying
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about who you are because you should be proud of who you are, instead of
denying it.
A—There’s a lot of people, they are mixed. I’ve seen this a lot. They take the
most famous part of their heritage, whatever, and they isolate the other one and
say they are that. Like if you are Honduran and Venezuelan. They will be what is
wanted and they’ll forget they’re Venezuelan. Even though, I oppose to that,
because it’s not very right, because you are made both of your mom and dad,
whatever, you should be able to be proud of representing both sides of your
families. No matter how different they are.
According to these participants, some students tried to disassociate themselves
from a heritage they perceived as devalued and less accepted by peers. Negative
community perceptions contributed to the low status of Mexicans. Ada reported that she
heard comments about Mexicans “destroying the community.” The stereotypes of
Mexicans as gang members and lazy were reported, as well. However, some students
questioned these assumptions and expressed disagreement with the negative comments.
As one US born Dominican participant, Arturo, voiced, “I gotta ask a question, what’s so
wrong about Mexicans, what’s wrong about Mexicans?”
In two of the five focus groups, the participants discussed tensions between the
bilingual and monolingual class students. Their comments offered some explanation for
the animosity between the newly arrived and more acculturated groups.
#6—What I think, it’s because we’re in monolingual class and we take our classes
in English… they are in bilingual class and take all their classes in Spanish; they
think that they are …
#4—Smarter than us
#6—They think that we are smart and we’re denying our heritage. So that’s
where, they think we are denying that we’re Hispanic and trying to be something
we’re not.
The same issue was raised in another monolingual class focus group. Diana, age
14, a US born Mexican student, talked about the tensions between the “bilinguals” and
“monolinguals” in a similar way to the previous group:
At _______ School, there wasn’t really no bilinguals, so we’re not really used to
having bilinguals in our school. It was all regular, nobody, if you talk Spanish,
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you talked Spanish with your friends, not like classes talking Spanish, so it kind
of weird for us, for me I’m kind of OK with it, as long as they don’t start talking
about me or get intimate. I would become friends with them, but some of them
just think that they’re all that, which I don’t like.
A staff member also voiced his observations about the tensions within the
Hispanic student population.
Here in ________school, it is strange. I have seen two things; I have seen a
division between bilingual students, the ones that they are very low proficiency in
English and students that are Latinos, but they speak more English. It’s like a big
division, like them and us and we have some problems within, at the beginning of
the year, between Latinos and African Americans and it was strange that all the
Latinos that were fighting with the African American, they were all in Bilingual
classes…None of the Latino students in monolingual classes, none of them were
fighting. So, it was a big, it is a strange division between the ones that just arrived
and the ones that are here already. So, it is strange, within the same group of
Latinos.
Mr. B’s comments suggest that the more acculturated Hispanic students are less
likely to fight with the African-Americans. These students may be the ones described
previously as adopting more of the African-American dress and behavior. Consequently,
the bilingual class students would see them as disloyal Hispanics.
On a more general level, perceptions of the various groups among the students
appear to be at the heart of the tensions reported. For example, the students in
monolingual classes see the students in bilingual classes as presuming superiority over
the other group. From the bilingual class perspective, the monolingual students are
denying they’re Hispanic heritage. From the monolingual class perspective, the bilingual
class students think “they are all that.” Being on the defensive (“as long as they don’t
start talking about me or get intimate”) appears to be born from the various assumptions
made by the various groups.
The presence of gangs was another aspect of within-group relations that was
raised in two of the monolingual class focus groups. Gangs with varying identities fight
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among themselves to strive for dominance in the community. Participants in one focus
group made the following comments:
#7—That even Hispanics are against other Hispanics.
#2—Like gangs, let’s talk about gangs now. You see a lot of Hispanics fighting
Hispanics… I think that is kind of dumb, if they are from the same race, it would
make sense if it was against a different race…but, against each other…
#6—It doesn’t make sense…
#4—But the problem is that some Hispanic people like looking for trouble.
While these participants are opposed to within group fighting, one participant considers
fighting as justifiable if it took place against a “different race.”
Two of the three staff participants also felt that the influence of gangs posed a
challenge to the Hispanic youth in their community. Mr. B offered these comments:
I have seen a lot of students that even though they are not involved in gangs, they
admire what they get out of it, the colors, the prestige, the recognition by them,
but, it seems likes they’re good candidates for gangs, to be gang affiliation, but
they are not yet, but it seems like, admiring that part of it, it might be open the
doors to join the gangs.
Mr. B refers to students who are not directly involved with gangs, but who are at
risk for gang involvement. Gangs may appear to be symbols of prestige for some
students. For other students, gangs contribute to negative stereotypes about Mexicans.
One student, Antonio, felt that one of the reasons Mexicans are discriminated against in
the community is due to being associated with gang membership:
I think that many people think that because you are Mexican, that you are going to
start trouble because there’s a lot of gangs, but not all of them are Mexican,
there’s a lot that also Dominican, and Puerto Rican, so I don’t think that people
should be judging Mexicans, like ‘oh, don’t mess with her, or him because they’re
going to start problems, or don’t get along with them.’ I don’t think that’s fair
because you don’t really know them. Like, somebody could look tough and
everything and they might not be, they might be actually scared of somebody
smaller than them. I don’t think that’s right.
Similar to other participants quoted, this student felt that it is unfair to conclude or
assume gang membership on the basis of appearance or a Mexican heritage.
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Another form of within-group tension involves skin color. While this issue was
discussed by two of the participants, it is worth noting considering the importance of the
topic across cultures. One of the staff members gave an example of the discrimination of
darker skin among the Hispanic students:
But, the preconceived notions of the darker skin, that’s still a big thing for many
of them. They got on the case of one of the boys in here, who’s from Mexico, who
happens to be darker skin, he has indigenous hair, if I can even try, not to
stereotype him, but what you would consider indigenous hair, very straight, dark,
jet black hair, that’s the hair he has, but then he has black skin tone, like a black
person would and then very indigenous features. It’s just very strange to look at
him, it takes you a while to get adjusted to the features and the skin and the hair.
Then I met his mother and his mother looks just like him and they’re obviously
indigenous, I’m not sure what area of Mexico, but they probably go back to one
of the old indigenous cultures, who were in the sun all the time. But, in here, they
started on him about being black.
Cindy, age 13, the student who was born in US with Puerto Rican and EuropeanAmerican parentage, has felt some rejection from her peers because her mother is
European-American and Cindy is of lighter skin color:
I think that because my mother is Caucasian, if somebody just sees me they think
I’m white and you’re not so great because you’re just white and not Puerto Rican.
I’m like, “well I am Puerto Rican so you are just going to have to deal with it”
because they think because I’m half white that I’m nothing. They see me as white;
they don’t see me as anything else.
Cindy also felts judged and demean based on her European-American
background. This type of marginalization of students by students has contributed to the
tensions reported by the participants.
In summary, the participants voiced their concerns, perceptions, and ideas about
the nature of social interactions between African-American students and Hispanics, as
well as peer relations among various Hispanic sub-groups. The defensive stance between
groups, misperceptions, and miscommunications appear to contribute to the tensions
within social interactions, creating fragile relationships. Generalizations and stereotypes
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have developed between the groups, promoting and perpetuating misperceptions. One
participant expressed his appeal for an end to peer-group tensions based on shared human
experiences:
Some people may say that just because you are a different race and you are from a
different country, they say you are different, but basically we’re all the same, we
are all human beings. For example, if someone punches me I’m going to feel pain,
if somebody punch the person, they are going to feel the same thing I did, so I say
we’re all the same, why fight about it.
The participants expressed their concerns, but also provided suggestions for
improving their schools. The following and final chapter reports the findings in this area.
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Chapter 8: What Schools Can Do
When asked about what their schools could do to facilitate the adjustment of
Hispanic students, the study participants offered a variety of recommendations,
summarized in Table 9.
Table 9
What Schools Can Do
Teach us
Bilingual
Teach new
information
Teach English
Prepare for future
Group meetings
Monolingual Teach more
Spanish
Control fighting in
school
More interaction
between groups
Group meetings
Staff
Schoolstudent
relations
School climate
Support
Services
Interest
Respect
Control fighting
Group
meetings
Respect
Ethnic group
validation
Control fighting
More interaction
between groups
Group
meetings
More interaction
between groups
Group
meetings
New entrant
screening
Collaboration
with other
districts
Teach Us
The bilingual participants were essentially satisfied with their education and
schools. They primarily expected their schools to provide an education leading to a
successful career and they believed their hopes would be fulfilled. Because they
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understood the importance of acquiring English-language proficiency, many of the
participants were eager to learn English. Two of the bilingual group participants went as
far as to recommend an increase in English-language instruction.
Aside from learning English, many of the bilingual class students expressed the
expectation that the school would provide opportunities to learn new information.
Antonio, age 13, who had arrived from Mexico seven months before the focus-group
meeting, expressed his expectations:
De que te enseñan de todo, de que puedes aprender lo que no habías aprendido en
México, diferentes materias.
(That they teach you everything, that you could learn what you did not learn in
Mexico, different subjects).
Carlos, a 14-year-old student from the Dominican Republic, who participated in
another focus group, agreed:
A mí, los estudios, que me enseñen cosas que yo no sabía, como aprender más de
esta cultura que la misma propia de uno.
(For me, the instruction, that they teach me things that I did not know, like to
learn more about this culture than our own).
These are two other comments expressed in another focus group:
Le brindan mejor educación.
(That they offer a better education).
Mejores clases que en el país de uno
(Better classes than in our own country).
Many of the bilingual focus group participants sought a goal oriented future with
a variety of occupational interests envisioned. They expressed an interest in future
college attendance. The following excerpt from a focus group exemplifies the
participants’ hopes for the future and the role of school in securing their goals:
#6—Como, por ejemplo, en la universidad, preparar la gente para la carrera que
van a ser,
(For example, the university, prepare people for a career they want).
JV—¿Qué pueden hacer ellos para ayudarte en eso?
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(What can they do to help you in that?)
#7—Enseñarnos, muchas cosas, diferentes cosas.
(Teach us, many things, different things).
JV—¿Alguien más sobre que puede hacer la escuela?
(Anyone else about what the school can do?)
#6—Además de enseñarnos, prepararnos para nuestras carreras, para el futuro,
medicina, doctora, matemáticas.
(In addition to teaching us, prepare us for our careers, for the future, medicine,
doctor, math).
The adjustment to a new school and culture also include an understanding of the
rules of conduct in the new environment. Various bilingual class participants were
confused or unaware of certain rules in US schools and in the community. Liliana, a
recent arrival from Honduras recommended that the school teach about rules and
expectations for behavior:
También diciéndole también lo de aquí, que aquí no se le puede pegar a un niño
(Also, telling them about living here, that you cannot hit a child here).
Other participants were not initially aware that both students would be suspended if they
fought, even if one student provoked the incident. The newly arrived participants
appeared to feel that they were entering an environment where the expectations were not
clearly communicated to them.
School-Student Relations
The quality of teacher-student relations was discussed in one bilingual class and
three of the monolingual class focus group participants. Generally, the bilingual class
participants made positive comments about teachers. However, a few of the students
recommended that their teachers demonstrate a greater interest in them personally and in
their cultures. Carlos and Ramiro illustrated this point in the following quotes:
C—Para mi sería mejor que los maestros supiera un poquito sobre mi cultura,
para que ellos sepan lo que a mi no me pueda gustar, que ellos le agradan de mi,
cosas así.
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(For me it would be better if the teachers knew a little more about my culture, so
that they might know what I might like, what they like about me, things like that).
R—Como que te conozcan mas porque como antes, antes, los first day of school,
ellos siempre te preguntan de donde tu era, que te gustaba, pero ahora casi no,
solo te preguntan tu nombre, de donde tu eres, y que edad tiene. Como antes te
preguntaban mas cosas, que cosas te gustaba, que materia te gustaba. Eso era
mejor porque el maestro conocía más a los niños.
(Like that they know you better because at one time, on the first days of school,
they would always ask you where you were from, what you liked, but now, it
hardly happens, they only ask your name, where you are from and your age. They
used to ask you more things, what you liked, what subject you liked. This was
better because the teacher knew the students better).
C—Como el problema que uno tiene, hay a veces que yo tengo problemas y ellos
no saben porque yo lo tengo. Hay veces que los maestros me dicen, so saben que
problema yo tengo, entonces yo me encojono, me da rabia, no me cabe el maestro,
eso lo que me esta pasando últimamente con la de ESL.
(Like the problem you have, there are times when I have problems and they don’t
know why I have them. There are times when the teachers tell me, they don’t
know what my problem is, then I get angry, I don’t like the teacher, that is what is
happening to me lately in the ESL [English as a Second Language] class).
Carlos and Ramiro described teachers who appeared distant and disconnected
from their students. They preferred teachers who demonstrated a personal interest in
them. When Carlos had problems, the teacher did not seek to understand the reasons for
his behavior. Carlos was also looking for some positive feedback from the teachers when
he expressed an interest in knowing “que ellos le agradan de mi” (what do they like about
me).
Some of the participants from the bilingual and monolingual classes believed that
the attitude of the school staff toward the students needed improvement. These
participants felt that the teachers failed to consider them with “respect” in various ways.
One issue raised by some of the monolingual class participants is how teachers frowned
on the use of Spanish in monolingual classes. This is especially significant given that
some of the monolingual class students expressed a desire to further develop their
Spanish language skills. Some of the monolingual participants felt that their Hispanic
identities were not respected. While both schools celebrate Hispanic heritage month,
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which is meant to validate ethnic identity, the participants believed that the staff members
communicated contradictory messages. Elisa, a Mexican student, experienced some of
the comments from teachers as a sign of rejection:
Actually trying to accept them, how they are. Some teachers they actually tell you
that since you are in America, you should act like an American and when you’re
in your country, act like you’re in your country. And I feel very sad for them
'cause if they went to another country, and they told them that, they wouldn’t feel
very comfortable and they want to get out as soon, as quick as possible. I feel that
way when they tell me I should stay where my parents are from and that’s that.
Elise added the following recommendation:
They could let the kids give their own opinions about how they feel and the
teachers when they ask you something, like when it’s your independence how you
feel? And you say something and they change it all the way around. They don’t
give you the opportunity, they should let us express how we feel and when
somebody wants to say, “I am this” they should say, “Ok, you are this and we
accept you as you are and not tell you, oh, you shouldn’t be that, you should be
like us, you’re less because you’re that, or we’re more because we are African, or
whatever we are.
Along with this request for acceptance, some of the monolingual class students
specifically recommended that their school announce significant holidays belonging to
the various Hispanic ethnic groups during the morning announcements. This
recommendation further highlights the participants’ desire for the recognition and
affirmation of their heritage.
School climate
Focus group participants and school staff recommendations converged in the
recommendation for the amelioration of tensions between the various groups. Many of
the participants were in agreement with having all cultural identities recognized. One
recommendation made by the participants included the addition and extension of cultural
celebrations through activities involving all groups. One student, Antonio, a seventh
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grade monolingual class student, considered school the natural setting for improving
inter-group relations when he said, “I think school is made so everyone can be together,
for everyone to get along.” Another monolingual class student, Samuel, offered
additional ideas:
The question is, how can school help us, right? I think that since, as a Hispanic,
and there are different types of people, race of people here. I think the school
could help us like, help us understand and interact with each other so that way we
could understand, instead of always fighting, we could understand each other
instead of fighting. So far, it doesn’t seem to be working.
Ramiro, in another focus group, offered his thoughts:
Como eso es muy bueno, cuando hay history month, que hay black history,
Spanish history porque así uno conoce mas la cultura de otra persona y los
entiendo mas a ellos, so cosas así, y como compartir mas con ellos. Eso ayudaría
mas a las personas.
(It is very good when there is history month; there is black history, Spanish
history because that way you know about other people’s culture and understand
them better. Things like that, and how to share more with them. That would help
people more.)
The above quotes reflect a desire on the part of some of the participants to learn
and understand more about the various groups in the schools as a way to increase positive
interaction among the groups. This is an insightful recommendation given that the groups
are inadvertently segregated within the schools. One of the staff members, Mr. B, spoke
to this same issue:
I would think if they have more activities with the monolingual students. Because
right now, the bilingual students they do everything with the bilingual students
and they never mix with the other students. So, I think, if they mix with the other
students, perhaps in the specials, or some classes, they do some kind of transition
activities together like I don’t know, they take English once a week together or
something, they’re able to relate more because they don’t really relate at all. Even
the monolingual Latino and monolingual African Americans, they don’t relate at
all. I think if they do more activities together, I think they would be able more
have a sense of “we’re here, we are all the middle school.” It’s not like the
bilinguals, we are all here, all students kind of thing. I think some mixing between
classes or something.
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For participants who attended the Smith school (middle school), school climate
included the degree of fights that frequently erupted in the school. Many participants
remarked about this issue and looked to the administration of the school to take charge of
the problems in the school. As one focus group participant remarked, “debían de tener
como mas control” (they should have more control), indicating that the school
administration lacked effective interventions to stabilize the environment. Many of the
middle school students made recommendations pertaining to ways to improve the school
building, such as with the provision of lockers and an attractive outdoor area for recess
periods.
Support Services
Finally, the participants from the bilingual and monolingual classes welcomed the
opportunity to share their experiences in the focus groups. Many of the participants
considered group meetings as an outlet for feelings, ideas and as a problem-solving
modality. Various students asked about the availability of additional meetings. Here are
some of their comments:
A mí, como aquí en la escuela me ayudaría más así como programas como Usted
que nos reunió aquí para platicar y eso nos ayuda mas, así puedes platicar todo lo
que te pasa y por lo que pasaste.
(For me, a program like this would help me more, like you, who brought us
together to talk and that helps us more; that way you can talk about everything
that happens to you and what you went through).
#1—I think that we should have a program like this one, we get to talk about our
culture and we could.
#2—Feel better. Like what we feel inside about being Hispanics.
The school staff also felt that group meetings would be helpful to the students,
especially the newly arrived ones. Although guidance counselors and social workers are
available in each of the schools, the routine tracking of new students as they enter is not
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provided. All three members of the school staff recognized the benefits of the availability
of a counselor to address the issues of newly arrived students. The adaptation of students,
who have experienced traumatic trips, or other stressors, would be potentially facilitated
with the access to a school counselor. One of the members of the school staff, Ms. B, had
the following to say about the availability of a counselor for the new entrants:
Yes, you don’t know, [counselor can] figure out what their transition was, figure
out what, some of them come in with. Some people can come from a country and
be at the upper echelon and come in with money and walk into a house that’s
ready for them, come into school and have all the materials, and all that. But, I
mean a counselor can more readily ask questions and assess without everyone
knowing what the needs are. If you don’t have a jacket, they were afraid to say
anything. Do you need jackets, do you need school materials, do you need pencils
and pens and paper, what do you need? What can we do to help get adjusted
here? Not only that, sometimes, there’s stuff going on at home.
Ms. B describes the importance of assessing for concrete needs, such as winter clothing,
in addition to screening for stressful family situations. She also points to the variability
within Hispanic immigrant youth entering the school. There are some entrants who arrive
with sufficient economic and family resources who would not require as much assistance
as those who enter with more challenging situations.
In view of the multiple challenges schools face in the process of educating
acculturating youth, Ms. B also suggested the need for a greater amount of collaboration
between other districts with similar populations:
I know people who work in other districts, I’m not saying they’re all perfect,
they’re not, but some of the things that they have done, trial and error, and used
and is now working, those are the things that we need to start looking at, the other
models and see what’s working and how are they transitioning their children and
how are there scores are going up and ours aren’t. What are they doing that’s
different? What books are they using? What programs are they using? How are
they setting up their classrooms? How is their time for classes divided up?
Ms. B suggested that school districts can learn from each other through joint
collaboration. The cross pollination of ideas and experiences would help administrators
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and educators address the complex issues that a largely immigrant student population
presents.
Summary of Main Findings
The main findings of the Crossing Cultures study are broadly represented in
issues of loss and the negotiation of two cultures. The more specific findings are listed
below.
•
The bilingual class participants focused more on immigration issues and the
immediate issues related to adjusting to a new culture. Learning to speak English
was defined as the most challenging task, followed by family separation issues.
•
The more recent arrivals tended to compare their new situations with life in their
home countries.
•
The bilingual class participants found the reunification with family members and
educational opportunities as the positive aspects of immigration.
•
The bilingual class students were largely satisfied with their schools. They were
optimistic about their futures and appreciative of the opportunities available to
them in the US.
•
The monolingual class participants tended to look at their situations in relation to
the wider society.
•
The monolingual class participants focused more on school climate and
discrimination in the schools and society.
•
The monolingual class participants discussed the negotiation of the different
values associated with a bicultural identity and how they relate to
intergenerational issues.
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•
The monolingual class participants reported tensions within the Hispanic student
population and between the monolingual and bilingual classes.
•
Participants across the monolingual and bilingual class focus groups reported
tensions between the Hispanic population and the African-American population.
•
Participants across the monolingual and bilingual class focus groups used the
support of family and friends as primary coping strategies.
•
The responses from the school staff participants clustered around the educational
challenges faced by the Hispanic students as influenced by immigration, housing
situations, and family stressors.
•
The school staff also cited tensions between the African American and Hispanic
students, among the Hispanic ethnic groups and between the monolingual and
bilingual classes.
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Chapter 9: Discussion
The purpose of The Crossing Cultures: How Hispanic Youth Adapt study was to
explore the processes related to Hispanic adolescent adjustment to US culture. More
specifically, the research project sought to identify the factors that affect the development
of Hispanic youth as they adapt to a different culture. Through the use of focus groups,
the study captured the perceptions and experiences of 53 student participants at varying
points of residency in the US. In addition, the three individual interviews with the school
personnel provided the perceptions of adults who have worked with Hispanic students for
extended periods of time. Aside from a greater understanding of how cultural change and
developmental processes interact, the study was designed to provide the schools with
interventions that would hold the potential to facilitate the adaptation of acculturating
Hispanic youth.
The student participants voiced those aspects of their lives they considered as
most influential. The general results of the study concurred with some of the most recent
child development research pointing to the importance of contextual factors in the
everyday lives of youth (Lerner, Lerner, De Stefanis & Apfel, 2001; Quintana et al. 2006;
Spencer, 2006). Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological theory (1979) provided a relevant
theoretical framework for understanding contextual influences during adolescence.
Ecological theory outlines four successive layers of context that encircle adolescents’
lives. The first layer, the microsystem involves the adolescent’s immediate context, such
as family, school, and peers. For example, the following quote by one of the students
highlights the importance of family:
My mom, I know, like the main thing that helps me go on like every day is my
mom because my mom she’s no longer with my dad and my dad doesn’t live
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around here, he lives like in another state, so my mom has to raise, my mom has
six kids, so she has to raise them all by herself and she has a job and she has to
manage six kids, so to me that helps me go to sleep, like when I’m down and out
and I know, I say to myself I can’t do this, I have to think of my mom, she’s says
it to herself everyday, but she keeps making it by herself.
The mesosystem is the second layer of contextual structures and is comprised of
multiple microsystems represented by two or more settings involving the adolescent. In
the following quote, one of the school staff participants provided an example of a
mesosystem involving the interaction between home and school:
Then you have children who possibly, in their country, were left with either one
parent or a grandparent, or family member back in their country and then are now
coming to be with a different family member or parent, um, you know that’s not
the easiest thing. We have several students in this class who have been struggling
behavior-wise and we find out that their parent was not the parent who raised
them, you know they were raised by a grandparent, someone else, so that whole
respect that gets built, the trust that gets built, that affection isn’t there yet.
The third layer, the exosystem incorporates two or more settings, where, in at
least one, the adolescent is not directly involved. This can be seen in the relationship
between home and a parent’s place of employment. This student’s quote demonstrates
how her father’s work hours affect family life:
My dad works two jobs, one in the morning, one in the afternoon. I only get to see
him, I only have an hour, but I don’t really get to spend time with him because
he’s always, he’s sleeping, and resting and eating. So, I can’t bother him and my
mom, only gets to work full time in the morning…
Bronfenbrenner‘s fourth layer, the macrosystem is comprised of general, stable
patterns of organization—such as laws, customs, media, opportunity structures, beliefs,
and so on—that are common to the youngster. For example, the following quote
describes one of the student’s beliefs about discrimination:
Yeah, and if you’re like Hispanic and you’re skin is dark, they’ll think that you’re
Black and some people still are racist and they begin treating you like nothing,
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like dogs, or garbage and they be giving you the worst that they can give, instead
of the best.
Overall, the major themes voiced by the participants were embedded in the contexts of
family, school, neighborhood, and US culture.
The discussion of the major themes will be organized around the research
questions that guided the study. Research questions were as follows:
1. How do middle school Hispanic immigrants describe and perceive the
immigration and acculturation experience?
2. What aspects of the immigration/adjustment experience do the participants
consider most difficult or stressful?
3. What coping strategies does the targeted group employ during the
acculturation process?
4. Do the male and female participants differ in their perception of stressors and
use of coping strategies?
5. What strategies do the participants and school personnel see as facilitative of
the adjustment process?
6. How do the contextual factors of school, family, and community impact on
the acculturation process for the targeted participants?
7. What can schools do to facilitate the adjustment process of Hispanic
adolescents?
Questions two, three, and seven will form the sections of the chapter. The
discussion of the first, fifth and sixth questions will be subsumed under questions two,
three and seven in order to avoid redundancy of related content. The fourth question was
not answered due to the absence of gendered focus groups. Following the discussion of
the results, the limitations of the study will be addressed along with the theoretical,
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research, practice, and policy implications of the study. Finally, the chapter will end with
concluding remarks.
What Aspects of the Immigration/Adjustment
Experience Do the Participants Find Most
Difficult?
Bilingual Class Participants
Language. The bilingual participants cited the process of acquiring English
language proficiency as the most difficult aspect of adjusting to the US. While this is not
surprising, the results elucidate and highlight the social dynamics of verbal interaction,
beyond the comprehension of words. The participants articulated these dynamics through
the words “entender, expresar y defenderse” (understand, speak, express and defend).
Many of the participants associated the inability to communicate in the language of the
majority with feelings of vulnerability. In particular, the participants perceived the
African-American students to have the upper hand in social situations because they spoke
English. Vulnerability appeared to lead to various responses in social situations such as
avoidance, withdrawal, defensiveness or hostile responses on both sides of the
interaction. Additionally, for some of participants, limited English proficiency was
connected to diminished intelligence and a lower social status, which contributed to
feelings of embarrassment.
There is little in the research literature that records the experiences of
acculturating youth in relation to the process of English language acquisition. Two
research studies documented the social/emotional implications of limited English
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proficiency. Streng et al. (2004) interviewed ten Hispanic adolescents in the mid-west
about their experiences as newly arrived immigrants. A theme of social isolation emerged
in relation to a lack of English proficiency. Valencia and Johnson (2006) also found that
the lack of English proficiency was a barrier to school involvement among the
participants in their study. Similar to the Crossing Cultures project, these studies
highlight the role of language in social interactions.
Based on the social disadvantage of limited English proficiency, it is
understandable that several of the newly arrived participants advocated for increased
English instruction. Their eagerness and desire to learn English was clearly expressed.
This would contradict the popular belief among segments of the US population that
Hispanic immigrants are unwilling to learn English (Cornelius, 2002).
Contrary to public perceptions, the bilingual participants understood the
importance of learning English not only for the purposes of social discourse, but because
it was critical to their future success in the US. Additionally, the inability to speak
English constrained and shaped social interactions. While there are a variety of factors
contributing to peer relations, the absence of a common language to equalize the playing
field appeared to contribute to the between-group tensions reported by the participants.
Immigration. The bilingual participants identified the trip and initial entry into the
US as a major challenge to their psychological resources. Attention to pre-immigration
and immigration factors is considered important for the understanding of the overall
adjustment of youth to US culture (Guarnaccia, 1997; Guarnaccia & Lopez, 1998). While
the initial entrance into the US incorporated various levels of stress for the participants,
those who entered the country illegally faced the greatest level of threats to their wellbeing. They began their trips with the knowledge that they were transgressing laws that
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govern immigration. There were dangerous aspects of the trip. Alberto who was almost
left behind in the dessert offered the most poignant example of the risks faced by youth
who enter the US without legal documentation. The school staff confirmed the kinds of
experiences cited by the participants. Ms. B., in particular, reported first-hand experience
with students who had been traumatized during the trip to the US. In one particular
example, a student displayed significant difficulty adjusting to school due the sexual
assault she experienced during the trip.
A search for investigations about the experiences of youth during border crossings
revealed scant attention to the issue. While the mental health risks of highly stressful trips
to the US for immigrants and refuges are acknowledged (Guarnaccia & Lopez, 1998;
Nicholson, 1997; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001), there is little specific
documentation of the experience of youth from their own reports. Nicholson (1997)
found that many of the 447 adult Southeast Asian refugees continued to suffer significant
psychological symptomotology nearly twenty years after traumatic pre-immigration
experiences. However, the results of the study also indicated that current stressors
experienced by the participants were stronger predictors of negative psychological
outcomes than pre-immigration trauma. The concept of stress pile-up (McCubbin et al.,
1980) due to the accumulation of stressors over time may help explain how current
stressors were more significant for Nicholson’s participants. In the Crossing Cultures
study, it was unclear whether present or past stressors held more weight in terms of the
psychosocial adjustment of the participants. However, many of the participants were
candidates for stress pile-up given the multiple stressors they faced in the past and
present.
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While the documented participants reported less dramatic trips, the immigration
laws that dictate the process of admission into the US directly affected them, as well. The
lengthy processing of documents led to extended separations from parents and other
family members. Notwithstanding the legal obstacles for the documented students, they
enjoyed the opportunity to visit their home countries. They also had access to the rights
and privileges conferred to all legal residents. In the present study, the documented
participants also appeared to enter situations with greater financial stability.
Despite the hardships related to immigration, the bilingual participants presented
an optimistic and positive view of their new school and environment. This led to the
association to a honeymoon period, or an initial period of pronounced positive feelings
and perceptions communicated by the newly arrived students about their new home. In
the limited research on the topic, mixed results have been demonstrated. In a randomly
selected, non-clinical sample of Southeast Asian refugees, Rumbaut (1985) identified an
initial period of euphoria lasting about six to nine months. However, among her sample
of refugees in New Zealand, Pernice (1996) did not find any support for a migratory
experience characterized by an initial predominance of positive affect. The apparently
contradictory results may underscore the variety of experiences among immigrants and
refugees precluding generalizations. The refugee experience, alone, has its own unique
aspects that may distinguish it from the general immigration experience. Nonetheless, the
positive quality of attitude and affect among the newly arrived participants in the
Crossing Cultures study stood in stark contrast to the more acculturated ones.
Separation, Reunion and Reconfiguration. The bilingual students also considered
the separation, reunion, and reconfiguration of family members as a difficult aspect of
their adjustment to the US. Whereas, this result was not particularly surprising, the
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number of participants who reported separation from at least one parent was striking.
This does not include those participants who did not reveal separations during the focus
groups. Moreover, the staggered immigration, where parents left their children for
various lengths of time with surrogate caretakers, resulted in additional separations when
the participants left their home countries to immigrate to the US. Current research
(Mitrani, Santisteban & Muir, 2004; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001;SuarezOrozco, Todorova & Louie, 2002); confirmed the staggered pattern of immigration seen
in the Crossing Cultures study among a large portion of the families moving from
Mexico, Central America and parts of the Caribbean. Yet, the prevalence and effects of
separations between Hispanic youth and their parents have received little attention in past
research.
More specifically, the immediate and long term mental health outcomes of
familial separations related to immigration are unclear. One empirical study was
conducted by Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, and Louie (2002), which combined quantitative
and qualitative methods to examine the prevalence and effects of parental separation for
385 recently arrived immigrant youth in a non-clinical population. The authors found that
90% of the Hispanic youth had been separated from one or both parents during the
immigration process. While youth who had not been separated from a parent were less
likely to report depression, the results of this longitudinal study did not indicate a clear
relationship between separation and psychological symptoms. There were youth who
experienced negative psychological sequelae as a result of parental separations, but there
were youth who had made positive adjustments despite the familial disruptions. The
importance of studying non-clinical samples in order to reveal the wide spectrum of
adjustment outcomes is highlighted in the Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, and Louie study and
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the Crossing Cultures project. While it is difficult to know what the effects of familial
separations were in the present study, there were students who discussed positive,
postimmigration family situations.
Aside from the separation of family members, the nature of pre-immigration and
post-immigration family relationships was also highlighted in the Crossing Cultures
study. Examining the quality of those relationships further advances the understanding of
adjustment outcomes for the newly arrived participants. In his clinical work with
Hispanic families, Falicov (2002) found that the attitudes of the surrogate caregivers
responsible for the children remaining in the home country was an important factor that
contributed to the adjustment of youth once they reunited with their parents in the US. In
the present study, the influence of the reunion and reconfiguration of family members
was illustrated. Two participants were in conflicted relationships with their step-fathers.
Other participants encountered different parenting styles with fathers they had never lived
with. Some participants moved into homes with unfamiliar family members. Thus, the
present study’s participants faced multiple adaptational demands which included the
acquisition of a new language, adjustment to a new school and set of peers, as well as a
newly configured family.
In one of the few studies about preimmigration and postimmigration family
relationships, Smith, Lalonde, and Johnson (2004) conducted a retrospective analysis of
Afro-Caribbean immigrants who had settled in Canada. The families of the participants in
that study had also immigrated in the staggered manner found among many Hispanic
youth. The results of their study illustrate the significance of how youth perceive and
understand their parents’ motivation for leaving them in their native countries. The
authors of the study found that a more successful reunification process was attained by
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those participants who had understood their parents’ departure for the US as driven by
parental sacrifice. Thus, the study suggests that those youth who can perceive their
parents’ departure as an act of love as opposed to an act of rejection have a better chance
of achieving a more satisfactory adjustment.
Smith, Lalonde, and Johnson (2004) also found that the length of the parental
separation, as well as the incorporation of new members into the family during the child’s
absence, reduced the chances for successful reunions. Their results further indicated that
the family reunification process was more challenging for older children. Thus, age,
lengths of separation and reunification factors appear to be important mediating variables
when examining adjustment outcomes. This is especially relevant for the participants in
the present study, who, as adolescents, had established lives in their native countries and
reported varying family reunification experiences.
Consistent with one of the reports from a staff member in the Crossing Cultures
study, Smith, Lalonde, and Johnson (2004) found that older children with extended
separations from their parents were more likely to resist the discipline of their parents
once in the US. Ms. C had cited how some of the newly arrived students had difficulties
accepting the authority of the parent after lengthy separations. She associated some of the
behavioral problems exhibited by some of the immigrant youth in her school with
varying forms of family conflict. The scope of the present project did not permit an
exploration of the effects of parental separation on parent-child conflict. However, given
the prevalence of parental and family disruptions, it is an important factor in adaptational
outcomes and represents an important topic for future research.
While separation from parents is a powerful emotional event in a child’s life, the
context of the separation holds the key to understanding what factors emerge as risk
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markers. The limited research indicates that length of separation, age of separation, the
nature of the reunification and reconfiguration of the family, as well as the attitudes
transmitted to the youth by the surrogate caregiver about the immigrated parent
contribute to the success of the reunion with the parent(s) in the US. Continued research
using non-clinical samples will contribute to a more precise identification of the
protective and risk factors that combine to determine adjustment trajectories.
Monolingual Participants
Discrimination. Discrimination emerged as a central theme in the Crossing
Cultures research study, confirming current research findings. Developmental research
affirms the importance of discrimination as a contextual factor in the lives of minority
youth (Brown & Bigler, 2006; McLoyd, 2006; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Quintana et al.,
2006; Shaunessy, McHatton, Hughes, Brice & Ratliff, 2007; Streng et al., 2004; Valencia
& Johnson, 2006). Despite discrimination’s significance, little attention has been given to
developing youth’s perceptions of discrimination (Brown & Bigler, 2006). The shortterm and long-term effects of discrimination on such areas of development as selfidentity, academic achievement, and overall functioning remain unclear. In relation to
Hispanic youth, one study conducted by Valencia & Johnson (2006) found that
discrimination was most frequently cited as an obstacle to involvement in school
activities in their sample of 277 Hispanic middle and high school students in North
Carolina.
In the present study, discrimination was raised as an issue primarily by the
monolingual class students. In comparison to the bilingual participants, the more
acculturated participants expressed a heightened awareness of discrimination and the
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stereotypes projected by society. They also asserted a higher degree of moral objection to
stereotypes and discriminatory behavior. The eighth grade social studies curriculum may
contribute to the participants’ perceptions. The curriculum covers US history, including
instruction about the constitution. One student’s assertion of “we’re supposed to be
equal,” appears to indicate an increased awareness of the contradiction between US ideals
and everyday reality. While the bilingual class participants are taught the same eighth
grade social studies curriculum, their limited exposure to discrimination in the US may
help account for the reduced level of discussion on the topic. Brown and Bigler (2006)
propose that increased sensitization to discrimination may take place when children
experience an early exposure and understanding of others’ false perceptions. Due to their
extended length of residency in the US, the monolingual participants appeared more
acutely aware of discriminatory attitudes and behaviors. Various participants or their
families had direct experience with discrimination. For the monolingual participants, to
“judge a book by its cover” meant to have preconceived notions about their character and
behavior projected on them by society. They believed that their personal identities were
rendered invisible because of the stereotypes generated by the wider society.
Aside from societal discrimination, the participants reported experiences with
discrimination within the local contexts of school and community. Both the bilingual and
monolingual participants perceived discrimination by school personnel and their AfricanAmerican peers. In the Jones School, particularly, where the population was more
diverse, the participants reported tensions which were associated with physical
altercations and in some cases, bullying behaviors. While more research is needed to
identify the effects of discrimination on adolescent well-being, Fisher, Wallace and
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Fenton (2000) found that distress related to peer discrimination negatively affected selfesteem and academic functioning.
A surprising result from the data was the tensions reported within the Hispanic
school population among the Hispanic sub-groups. While the diversity within the
Hispanic population is great, given that the students are nested in a different culture, it
would seem that the broader commonalities between the groups would result in a more
united in-group in the face of discrimination and their relations to the African-American
students. The conflicts between the Hispanic sub-groups appeared to revolve around
misperceptions about the meaning of behaviors. For example, some of the monolingual
participants believed that the bilingual students perceived them as disloyal to their ethnic
identities because they dressed like African-Americans. A monolingual student felt that
the bilingual students thought they were “all that.” In their qualitative study of ten
immigrant Hispanic adolescents, Streng et al. (2004) also found that the more
acculturated Hispanics in their study rejected the new Hispanic entrants. Similar to the
dynamics of the Hispanic and African-American tensions, themes related to social
hierarchy such as superior versus inferior social positions abounded. This is consistent
with the concept of stigmatization, where individuals or groups are demeaned and
excluded by other individuals and groups (Major & Eccleston, 2005).
The issue of language emerged here, as well, with perceptions of superiority
associated with the English proficient Hispanic students. Streng et al. (2004) found
comparable results. One of their participants echoed similar sentiments to those reported
in the Crossing Cultures study: “Because they already know two languages they feel
superior to you and they joke about you whenever they want.” (p. 411).
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Some of the monolingual participants also reported within group categorization of
Hispanic ethnic groups in a hierarchical manner based on the perceived value of certain
groups. Mexicans were placed on the bottom of the hierarchical ladder due to the
reputation of gangs and other negative behaviors in the community. While Mexicans
were perceived to have less social status, some of the participants in one school resented
the disproportionate amount of attention they believed Mexican students were receiving
from the school administration during Mexican holidays. The phenomena of tension
within the Hispanic ethnic groups do not appear often in the research literature. However,
two studies confirmed the existence of the tensions within Hispanic groups found in the
Crossing Cultures study. Quiroz (2001) and Henze, Katz and Norte (2000) also found
tensions between the newly arrived and more acculturated students.
Skin color was raised as another within-group source of tension by a staff
member. Ms. B cited the example of negative comments made by some of her students
about a very dark skinned Mexican youth. Rothe (2005) further confirms the existence of
within group discrimination based on skin color with a clinical example of a Puerto Rican
adolescent who was rejected by a Cuban youth because of her darker skin color. Hall
(1994) refers to the “bleaching syndrome” among Hispanics to describe the perceived
value of lighter skin. The within-group discrimination based on skin color found in the
Crossing Cultures study is consistent with the literature on the intraracial preference for
lighter skin found within the African-American community (Thompson & Keith, 2001).
Within group discrimination further exemplifies the variation within the Hispanic
population and the need to address the differences as well as the similarities when
conducting research
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Interethnic relations are an aspect of school climate that has received increasing
attention as schools struggle to address tensions between groups of students in diverse
school settings. The results of the Crossing Cultures study not only highlighted the issue,
but helped to identify some of the perceptions that fuel and maintain the conflicts. Social
Identity theory (Tajfel, 1974; Brown, 2000) offers a theoretical framework for
understanding group relations. Based on the premise that people aspire to maintain
positive social group identification, Social Identity theory asserts that this results in bias
toward their group. The association of favorable attributes to one’s group is associated
with higher individual self-esteem. A negative outside opinion of one’s group can lead to
separation from the group or the search for positive qualities within the group. According
to Social Identity Theory, sometimes a group is reclassified into subcategories, as seen in
the example of the categorization of Hispanic sub-groups based on ethnicity, or level of
acculturation. It is conceivable that because Hispanics are discriminated against by the
larger society, ethnic groups attempt to carve out unique positive identities that separate
them from the stigmatized group.
Consideration also needs to be given to developmental issues. Scholars who study
ethnic identity indicate that by the senior year in high school, ethnic identity is better
established and a favorable sense of ethnic identity appears to lead to more positive outgroup perceptions (Phinney, Ferguson, & Tate, 1997). Early adolescence may be prone to
greater variability in social categorization perceptions due to the developmental flux of
this period.
The monolingual participants raised important issues that have significant
implications for their overall adjustment. A greater understanding of how discrimination
affects adolescent well-being is important because it is unclear if perceptions of
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marginalization influence the ways acculturating youth integrate into the wider US
society. Research on intergroup relations is important because it has implications for peer
relations and aspects of school climate. Given the increased diversity of school
populations throughout the country and globally, the Crossing Cultures study
underscores the need to identify models of interventions that address inter-group tensions.
Additionally, more research needs to be conducted to identify the impact of peer
discrimination on such areas as academic functioning and emotional well-being.
Bicultural identity. As more acculturated Hispanics, the monolingual students
raised various aspects of negotiating the intersection of two cultures. One of the main
features of the bicultural identity theme involved the negotiation of values discrepancies
between Hispanic and US cultures. For example, three of the participants spoke of the
Hispanic cultural practice of averting eye contact by lowering the head as a sign of
respect for authority which has a contrasting meaning in school. Some of the female
participants voiced opposition to traditional Hispanic gender roles that bestow greater
freedom to boys in the family. Yet, other female participants seemed to accept the
restrictions as part of the parental intent to protect them.
Intergenerational values discrepancies have been found among minority and
majority youth (Phinney, Ong & Madden, 2000; Portes & Zady, 2002). The questioning
and reassessment of parental beliefs is considered an inherent part of adolescent
development. In the present study, the values discrepancies centered on the overprotection of girls and the greater freedom given to boys. Some of the female participants
voiced opposition to traditional Hispanic gender roles that bestow greater freedom to
boys in the family. In comparison to the boys, the girls were restricted to the home and
domestic duties more often and were not permitted to date as early as boys. Divergence
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from traditional values is an important area of research because it can lead to family
conflicts, which are associated with markers of psychological well-being such as selfesteem (Portes & Zady, 2002) and anxiety, depression and conduct problems (Ary et al.
1999; Lau et.al., 2005; Pasch et al. 2006). From what the participants of the Crossing
Cultures study shared, the perception of the parental child rearing practices influenced
the degree of tension the values discrepancy generated. For example, while some of the
participants did not agree with the level of restriction their parents imposed, it appeared
to be more tolerated if the intent of the practice was motivated by the intent to protect
them. The gender socialization differences found in the Crossing Cultures study is
consistent with other studies that have found similar gender role expectations for
adolescent dating in Hispanic families across levels of acculturation (Raffaelli, 2005;
Raffaelli & Ontai, 2001). In comparison to female Hispanic adolescents, girls in the
larger US society begin to date at an earlier age (Raffaelli, 2005).
However recent studies with community samples have revealed that
intergenerational gaps in acculturation between adolescents and their parents do not
necessarily result in conflict or negative psychological outcomes (Lau et al., 2005; Pasch
et al., 2006). Santisteban and Mitrani (2003) observed a wide variation of responses to
acculturation by family members based on a variety of individual, familial, and cultural
factors that combined to affect adolescent adjustment. Gil and Vega (1996) suggest that
intergeneration conflicts may have a temporal element. In their research with Cuban and
Nicaraguan youth, intergenerational acculturation conflicts were high for the first 2 years
of settlement and lower for the 3rd through 10th years, rising again past the 10th year of
immigration.
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A surprising result from the data included some of the monolingual students’
perception of child protective laws in the US. While the bilingual participants generally
perceived the US as protective of children, some of the monolingual participants believed
that child protective laws undermined the authority of their parents. Interestingly,
physical punishment was not perceived necessarily as a negative child rearing practice,
but as an expression of love and as an effective form of discipline. Furthermore, the
participants, and likely their parents, appeared to believe that any kind of physical touch
as a form of discipline was illegal in the US. Children in the US were seen as having the
power to call DYFS (Division of Youth and Family Services) and thereby diminish
parental authority. If this is a common belief within the community, it can have a serious
effect on parents’ perception of their position of authority in the family. Given the illegal
status of many Hispanic parents and the fear of government intervention within the
family, such a misunderstanding about child protective laws could have a detrimental
effect on the disciplinary power of some parents. While there has been a greater emphasis
on intergenerational values discrepancy in the study of acculturation, the foregoing
example of intergenerational values accordance indicates that despite a higher level of
acculturation, the next generation may maintain certain values. This is based on the
findings which indicate that more acculturated youngsters tend to endorse mainstream
values at a faster rate than their parents (Fuligni, 1998a).
A component of a bicultural identity also involves the extent to which elements of
the native culture are incorporated into the overall self-concept. Ethnic identity includes
cultural behaviors, a sense of group membership and positive feelings about individual
group membership (Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001). As a
developmental process, ethnic identity is explored and affirmed during early and middle
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adolescence (Phinney, 2003; Quintana, 2007). In the Crossing Cultures study, many of
the monolingual participants demonstrated a desire to strengthen ethnic group identity.
Some of the participants sought to attain this by advocating for increased Spanish
instruction. Other students protested about the lack of recognition given to their ethnic
group’s significant holidays. Still other participants expressed eagerness to learn about
their ethnic group’s history and visit their parental home countries. One student expressed
pride in her bilingual fluency. Shaunessy, McHatton, Hughes, Brice, and Ratliff (2007)
also found a sense of pride in bilingual fluency expressed during their interviews of
sixteen Hispanic adolescents. Consistent with the Crossing Cultures study, Romero and
Roberts (2003) found that US born adolescents in their study felt pressured to learn more
Spanish. In the Crossing Cultures study, according to the students, some of the parents
were dismayed about the participants’ loss of Spanish language proficiency. Quiroz
(2001) found similar overall struggles to define ethnic identity in her study of 27 Puerto
Rican and Mexican adolescents.
Social Identity theory (Tajfel, 1974; Brown, 2000) can again offer some
understanding related to ethnic identity formation. A positive regard for ethnic group
affiliation appears to function to maintain higher levels of self esteem. However, selfcategorization also seems to be fluid phenomena. In the present study, the participants
appeared to move from identification with Hispanics as a group, to their ethnic groups.
Some of the participants spoke about Hispanic identification with African-American
dress and behavior which further indicates that identity among Hispanics may be
multicultural.
The issue of ethnic identity is important because adolescents, who have a positive
regard for their group affiliation, tend to have higher levels of self-esteem (Phinney,
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Horencryk, Liebkind, and Vedder, 2001) and higher levels of overall well-being
(Quintana, 2007)). In their study, Supple, Ghazarian, Frabutt, Plunkett & Sands (2006)
found that positive feelings about ethnic identity were also associated with better grades.
Yet, a negative feeling toward one’s ethnic group does not necessarily lead to self
derogatory attitudes (Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind & Vedder, 2001). Clearly, there are
other mechanisms that interact with ethnic identity and psychological well-being
In the present study, a bicultural identity also appeared to have its painful aspects.
This was observable in the participants, who visited the native country and felt rejected
because of their more acculturated, “gringa,” status. As acculturating youth strive to
strengthen their bicultural identity, the prevalence of rejection from the native culture is
unknown. Furthermore, it is not clear how this rejection may affect self-concept
development.
The advantage of a positive sense of ethnic group affiliation was not well
understood in all schools. For example, some of the participants reported that several
teachers frowned upon the use of Spanish or that staff members opposed the display of
ethnic group symbols. Research on Hispanic youth can be used to foster a better
understanding of how ethnic group pride buffers the effects of discrimination and fosters
a stronger sense of identity. Such findings may help members of school staff appreciate
their students’ search for ethnic identity as an important developmental process.
Neighborhood
Both the bilingual and monolingual participants cited the neighborhood as another
important contextual factor in their everyday lives. Adolescent development researchers
have been paying increasing attention to neighborhood processes and their relationship to
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a variety of outcomes. Neighborhood disadvantage characterized by high concentration
of poverty, unemployment and a high incidence of crime have been directly and
indirectly associated to less effective parenting behaviors, educational outcomes and
internalizing symptoms, such as depression (Bowen, Bowen, & Wate, 2002; Deng et al.,
2006; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). On the other hand, coethnic communities have been
found to buffer of the effects of cultural change (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Zhou, 1997).
Thus, the neighborhood is seen as powerful mediating factor that contributes to
adolescent development.
The Crossing Cultures participants lent support to the growing body of evidence
on the influence of neighborhood on developing youth. Various bilingual participants
discussed the “confianza” (trust) they had in their friends and neighbors in their native
countries. In their home countries, they were free to socialize with peers due to their long
standing relationships and familiarity with the other community members. In the US, they
felt confined to their homes partially because of the neighborhood crime, which added to
the constraints imposed by a lack of English and US cultural proficiency. For example
the high likelihood of having their bicycle stolen, meant that the participants limited or
refrained from bicycle use. The participants in a study conducted by Gonzalez-Ramos
and Sanchez-Nestor (2001) similarly expressed a lack of trust within the neighborhood
due to the incidence of crime. As found in the Crossing Cultures study, neighborhood
factors constrained social relationships and extracurricular activities outside of school.
The fear associated with unsafe neighborhoods conceivably has the potential to affect
parenting behaviors, as well. In response to safety issues, parents may restrict their
children’s activities, further limiting extracurricular activities that serve to promote social
skills. While neighborhood safety is of concern to most parents, Hispanic parents may not
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have the financial resources to pay for extracurricular activities that would provide the
additional peer interaction outside of school. Additionally, older siblings may have to
care for younger ones while parents work. Examining the influence of neighborhood
processes is a prime example of how studying the interaction of the ecological domains
of family, neighborhood, and school contributes to a fuller understanding of the effect of
environment on developing youth.
The Second Generation Effect
The Crossing Cultures study revealed clear differences between the bilingual and
monolingual students, not only in terms of the themes that emerged, but in attitudes and
outlooks. The optimism of the newly arrived participants was in contrast to the less
positive outlook of the more acculturated students. For example, a tone of cynicism is
revealed in such comments as; “I think that here many people care more about getting
money than their family.” Discrimination appeared to contribute a large share of the
perceptual differences among the monolingual participants. Suarez-Orozco and SuarezOrozco (2001) refer to “social mirroring, “or the development of a self-concept that is
shaped by the attitudes and beliefs of the wider society. They suggest that the
disparagement acculturating youth receive from society forms a part of their identity.
However, the role of discrimination in shaping adjustment outcomes is not clear. The
ways that youth respond to discrimination may have more of a deciding factor. Some of
the participants were propelled by discrimination to “prove them wrong.” As they
compared themselves to the wider society, poor neighborhoods, overcrowded schools,
and poor housing situations may combine with discrimination to negatively affect their
view of their situations and futures.
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A study that addressed this phenomenon was conducted by Suárez-Orozco and
Todorova (2006). They analyzed the narratives of Mexican adolescents living in Mexico,
as well as first and second-generation Mexican adolescents living in the US. The authors
used the same projective measure for all the groups to elicit perceptions about
achievement aspirations. They found that the Mexican and Mexican immigrants were
more optimistic about the future and eagerly asked for help from others. On the other
hand, the second generation Mexicans revealed themes involving discouragement and
diminished expectations for the future. They asked for help from adults less frequently
and expressed self-doubt more often.
Acculturation research has documented a higher incidence of negative
psychological outcomes with increased levels of acculturation into the mainstream
society (Gonzales et al., 2000; Gonzales & Kim, 1997; Harker, 2001). Rumbaut (1994)
found a decrease in self-esteem among Hispanic youth born in the United States.
Substance abuse among United States-born Hispanics is generally higher than for those
born in another country (Vega, Gil, & Kolody, 2002). More recently, the National Latino
and Asian-American Study (NLAS) reported that US-born Hispanics, particularly third
generation ones, were at a significantly greater risk for developing psychiatric disorders
than their first generation counterparts (Alegria et al., 2007). Within-group variability
was indicated by the finding that Mexicans and Cubans tended to have a reduced
incidence of psychiatric disorder when compared to Puerto Ricans, who had the highest
incidence of psychiatric disorder. Regardless of age and date of immigration, first
generation immigrants had a lower lifetime incidence of substance abuse disorders. While
the study was comprised of an adult sample, this type of research is needed for Hispanic
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youth. The NLAS study confirmed differences found between immigrants and more
acculturated Hispanics.
With particular attention to Hispanic youth, educational achievement, as another
measure of adolescent well-being, has also shown consistent declines in association with
increased generational status (Buriel, 1993; Fuligni, 1998a; Gonzales et al, 2000; Portes
& Rumbaut (2001). Other researchers have found that immigrant students possessed a
strong drive for academic achievement and performed at higher levels than children born
in the United States with immigrant parents (Gonzales et al., 2000). Members of the
school staff in the Crossing Cultures study confirmed the high motivation of the newly
arrived Hispanic students. While the reasons for the failing grades in language arts
literacy for 13 of the 34 monolingual eighth grade students in the Jones School are
unknown, these students represented the more acculturated group of eighth-grade
students. Acculturation researchers continue to posit that the declines in the indicators of
well-being among Hispanic youth may be attributed to the decreasing adherence to the
native cultural values that have provided a buffer against the stressors involved in
acculturation (Gonzales et al, 2000; Harker, 2001).
The Crossing Cultures study provided a window into the perceptions of Hispanic
students across the acculturation spectrum that may partially explain the declines in wellbeing documented by various research studies. The changes in perception involve the
growing sense of marginalization expressed by the participants. This may be partially
related to their growing awareness of discrimination and the contradiction between US
ideals about equality and the reality. For those participants who know that their career
aspirations will be trumped without legal documentation, an uncertain future may lead to
a gradual change in outlook. As the participants begin to compare their situation with the
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wider society, a decrease in optimism may result. The effects of higher levels of
acculturation highlight the need to separate the generations for a clearer understanding of
how the process of acculturation over time contributes to developmental outcomes.
School Personnel Participants
The three members of the school staff who were interviewed individually as part
of the triangulation of data sources, echoed, and thus, confirmed some of the perceptions
of the student participants. The trauma of the trip, issues of family separation,
reconfiguration, and reunion, between group and within group discrimination were
themes also presented by the school staff participants. However, they also raised different
issues. All three of the school staff participants spoke about the lower grade level
academic skills among the newly arrived students. This was not only presented as an
educational challenge for the school district, but as also having important consequences
for the academic, social, and emotional development of the students. One participant, Ms.
B, believed that the district needed to increase the number of ungraded classrooms that
are designed to instruct new entrants based on their skill levels. Otherwise, students were
retained or placed in lower grades with younger children. Consequently, older students
have been educated with younger children, at incongruous developmental levels. These
placements can potentially embarrass the older students, compounding the effects on
academic achievement.
The low academic skills of immigrant students have not been examined
sufficiently as a risk factor for negative psychological outcomes. However, Cortina and
Gendreau (2003) studied the educational outcomes of Mexicans in New York City.
Similar to the Crossing Cultures study, they also found a high number of youth with
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either no prior education or low levels of education upon immigration to the US. They
also found that Mexican-born students tended to finish high school more often than their
US-born counterparts. Consistent with Ms. B’s report in the Crossing Cultures study,
Cortina and Gendreau found that students who entered the US schools with literacy in
Spanish had a better chance to be academically successful in the US. Furthermore, those
students, who arrived during early or late adolescence, without prior schooling, were
more vulnerable to poor academic outcomes. The Mexican population in New York City
studied by Cortina and Gendreau is similar to the participants of the present study.
Another theme that emerged from the school personnel was the additional risk
factor imposed by crowded housing arrangements. The long parental work hours, the
presence of strangers in the apartments and crowded circumstances were associated with
an increased risk for sexual abuse. While it is generally acknowledged that many
immigrant families live in multiple family households, the increased risk for sexual abuse
has not emerged in the research literature. A question about the adolescent’s living
arrangements would be an important question to include in any screening measurement of
risk factors for the well-being of immigrant youth.
Participation in After-School Activities
The Student Information form gathered data about the participants’ attendance in
after-school activities. The majority of the participants did not participate in sports or
other after-school programs. There was no difference in rates of participation across
generations or gender. Bacallao and Smokowski (2007) also found that participation in
school related activities was uncommon among the twelve, undocumented immigrant
adolescents they interviewed. In the Crossing Cultures study, the reasons for lack of
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participation were not directly queried. However, one student spoke broadly about how
some students have familial responsibilities after school. The school staff also cited the
same reason as an obstacle to participation in after-school programs. Other participants
noted that some students work after school in order to provide financial assistance to their
families. Outside of what the participants reported, a factor to consider is whether the
after-school activities were of sufficient interest to induce participants’ attendance. It is
also unknown whether the students participated in community sponsored sports activities.
During the recruitment process, telephone conversations with the parents of the
participants indicated that some of the parents were uncomfortable with their children
coming home on the late bus or walking home in the dark after the focus group meetings,
especially since it was getting dark earlier. Some parents would only allow their children
to participate if they were available to pick them up at school or meet them at the bus
stop. The limited participation in after-school activities is a prime example of how
different aspects of Bronfenbrenner’s mesosystem (1989) interact to affect an outcome
for Hispanic youth. Parental work schedules may require students to care for younger
siblings. The neighborhood context imposes its own constraints and the financial
situation of a family may require a student to work.
Thus, the advantages of participation in after-school activities were not available
to the students in the present study. For example, team sports have been associated with
higher levels of academic achievement and self esteem (Bowker, 2996; Pedersen &
Seidman, 2004). While there are no apparent negative effects of non-participation in
after-school activities, the participants in the study did not gain the advantage of the selfesteem enhancement that sports activities provide. In addition, students were not
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attending the available academic support provided by after-school programs. More
research is needed to uncover why students do not participate in after-school activities.
Summary
The participants framed their issues of concern within the layers of context that
affect their daily lives. The results of the Crossing Cultures study have confirmed similar
findings in the acculturation literature related to the family disruptions experienced
during the immigration process, ethnic identity, intergenerational issues and the second
generation effect. However, the Crossing Cultures study has identified specific areas that
have received little research attention in the past. For example, current research tends to
focus on values dissonance between the generations, but the results of the Crossing
Cultures study indicate that there is values concordance, as well. One finding that was not
found in the acculturation literature involves some of the monolingual class participants’
views of child protective laws as undermining parental authority. This was in strong
contrast to the perceptions of the newly arrived students who welcomed the child
protection laws of the US. This type of perceptual change was illustrated often in the
study across various domains and contributes to an increased understanding of the
subjective experience of Hispanic adolescents over time. The study offered a window
into the qualitative changes in attitude and outlook the participants experienced as they
acculturated.
The dangers experienced by the undocumented participants during border
crossings, the profound effects of societal discrimination, the potential for sexual abuse in
crowded housing situations, and within group discord are other important findings that
contribute to the acculturation literature on Hispanic adolescents.. They are important
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because they have the potential to affect the academic functioning of Hispanic youth, as
well as their overall well-being. The study emphasizes the need for additional research to
better understand how the issues identified specifically influence Hispanic youth
adjustment. Particularly, how does the increased sense of marginalization expressed by
the more acculturated participants affect academic functioning and future aspirations?
What Coping Strategies Does the Targeted Group
Employ During the Acculturation Process?
The monolingual and bilingual participants consistently cited the family as the
primary source of support during stressful experiences. Family remains one of the most
significant influences in an adolescent’s life (Frydenberg, 1997) and serves as a cushion
against stress (Crean, 2004; Printz, Shermis, & Webb, 1999) across cultures.
Acculturative stress, in particular, can be ameliorated by the presence of family support
(Compas, Hindren & Gerhardt, 1995; Garcia Coll et al., 1996; Hovey & King, 1996). The
centrality of family may be heightened for Hispanic youth due to the cultural value of
familialism, which emphasizes the importance of loyal and interdependent relationships
within the nuclear and extended family (Marin & Gamba, 2003). The Crossing Cultures
participants underscored the importance of family as a facilitator of coping.
Coping processes that include active attempts to solve problems or master
stressors have consistently been associated with adaptive adjustment in youth (Compas,
Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsorth, 2001; Crean, 2004; Gonzales, Tein,
Sandler & Friedman, 2001). Some researchers have included the use of family as an
aspect of social support (Crean, 2004) in their assessment of coping strategies. Other
research defines active coping as including social support, without specifying the
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involvement of family versus peer, or the engagement of both, in the process of coping.
In one of the few studies that directly measured Mexican American adolescents’
perceived stress and coping, Kobus and Reyes (2000) found that family support followed
active coping as the most commonly used strategies among the adolescents in their study.
These authors conceptually separated family support from active coping. Research
focused on coping processes currently lacks clarity in the use of definitions, categories
and subtypes of coping strategies (Compas, 2001). Despite the confounding of terms,
researchers have generally associated family support with adaptive coping responses
(Portes & Zady, 2002) and as a cushion against stress (Crean, 2004, Printz, Shermis, &
Webb, 1999).
Consequently, based on the reports given by the student participants in the
Crossing Cultures study, the use of family, as an active, engaged form of coping would
indicate a potentially protective measure when faced with the challenges of acculturation.
When family members were accessed in times of stress, the participants found
encouragement, inspiration and a purpose for working hard in school. Interestingly, the
second-generation participants also reported the use of family more often than other
coping strategies, indicating the continued importance of family as primary sources of
support with higher levels of acculturation.
Considering the centrality of family, conflict, loss and changes in this domain
would potentially threaten the availability of a main coping mechanism. The broad nature
of the question about coping in the present study did not provide more specific
information about coping processes among the participants. For example, it is unclear
how family is used in the coping process, or how and when other coping strategies are
employed in the absence of family as a source of support. Nonetheless, the results are of
209
particular importance to schools and helping professionals involved in assisting Hispanic
youth adapt to US culture.
Clearly, immigration and acculturation pose additional stressors not experienced
by mainstream youth. Acute life stressors, such as immigration, are considered significant
risk factors for adolescent symptomotology (Crean, 2004). While the presence of
multiple, simultaneous risk factors has been associated with negative psychological
outcomes (Rutter, 1999), family support is one factor that appears to provide a buffer
against acculturation stress.
The concept of resilience, as an aspect of coping, has attracted increased attention
by scholars who study developmental processes. Defined as an ability to overcome
adversity, resilient individuals are able to resist the negative outcomes of experiences
associated with a high risk for psychopathology (Rutter, 1999). Resilience refers to
relatively positive outcomes emanating from the individual’s competence and
employment of effective coping strategies (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltman, Thomsen,
& Wadsorth, 2002). Resilience is thought to also include family support (Condly, 2006).
Many of the students in the Crossing Cultures study demonstrated resilience in various
ways. Despite the adversity they faced during their pre-immigration and immigration
experiences, the bilingual participants remained unshaken in their hope and positive
attitudes about their futures. The more acculturated participants showed resilience in their
attempts to establish a positive ethnic identity that may serve as a buffer against
discrimination. Research on Hispanic youth has tended to focus on negative
psychological symptoms to the under-emphasis of their strengths (Morrobel, 2004).
While the risk factors faced by Hispanic youth are multiple, there is sufficient indication
that positive developmental outcomes occur in a portion of the population. In their five
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year experience helping Hispanic immigrant youth adapt to the US, Gonzalez-Ramos and
Sanchez-Nestor (2001) found a great deal of resilience in the students’ ability to master
their negative experiences in positive ways.. What is unclear is what are the specific
personality attributes or environmental conditions that promote resiliency.
What Can Schools Do to Facilitate the Adjustment Process of Hispanic Adolescents?
The participants offered several suggestions that schools could implement to
facilitate the adaptation of Hispanic youth to the educational environment. These
suggestions revolved around language instruction, inter-group relations, educational and
supportive services. Improving school environments is important because school
adjustment is a major developmental task.
Academic Instruction
When the bilingual participants were asked what schools could do to help them
adjust to the US, they simply asked to be instructed. The newly arrived participants’ high
motivation for academic achievement and openness to learning is a resource that the
schools can capitalize on. Particularly with regard to English language instruction,
various bilingual students clearly advocated for greater instruction in this area. Afterschool English instruction may provide the newly arrived students the opportunity to gain
proficiency of the English language more quickly. Due to their high motivation, the
newly arrived students would most likely accept an extended school day.
Likewise, after-school programs can offer Spanish language instruction for the
more acculturated students. Many of the monolingual class participants expressed an
interest in learning more Spanish, as well as increasing their knowledge about their ethnic
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heritage. Given their interest in establishing a bicultural identity and the apparent benefits
this confers for their psychosocial adjustment, schools have the opportunity to offer
activities that can strengthen students’ self-concept. High interest activities may attract
more students to after-school programs. The use of peers as adjunct instructors may
provide the additional advantage of increasing peer interaction. Programs that include
language instruction may also be of high interest to parents, resulting in a greater impetus
to find ways for the students to attend after-school programs. An extended day for all
immigrant students would solve the issue of child-care coverage after school.
School Climate
The monolingual participants attending the Jones School (middle school) voiced
the most concerns about school climate. The Center for Social and Emotional Education
(2007) defines school climate as incorporating the quality of the relationships within the
schools, and the students’ and staff’s perceptions of the physical, emotional, and social
safety within the school environment. Among the elements of school climate, the
participants cited the presence of discrimination and unfair discipline in their schools.
Incidents of multiple fights, theft, bullying and a sense of chaos were particularly
reported in the Jones School. The school staff confirmed the presence of fighting in and
outside of school. Additionally, a few of the participants reported disengaged teachers
that appeared disinterested in them as individuals.
While the participants did not offer any specific recommendations for improving
their school climate, various students in the Jones School called upon the administration
of the school to intervene more effectively. The opening of the Jones school, as a new
middle school, may have contributed to the school climate at the time of the study.
212
Nonetheless, the participants formed impressions of an administration that was failing to
take charge of the situation. Along with school administrators, students can help find
solutions to problems in schools. The under-utilization and under-estimation of the input
students can provide results in missed opportunities to join forces with the student body
to find ways to improve the learning environment. I found the student participants to be
insightful and easy to engage once an adult was truly interested in what they had to say.
The student participants did have suggestions regarding the amelioration of intergroup tensions. One recommendation was to increase the contact between students of
varying groups. Some of the students in the Jones School and a staff member believed
that there was insufficient interaction between groups due to the segregation of student
groups within the building. Even in the more homogenous Smith School, the bilingual
and monolingual students had little interaction. Several research studies have found
support for theories proposing increased contact between groups as a way to decrease
tension (Connolly, 2000; Goldsmith, 2004; Henze, Katz, & Norte, 2000). While some
researchers believe that contact alone is insufficient to reduce tensions, it is considered an
important feature within a larger strategy (Connolly, 2000). Goldsmith (2004) found that
interracial and inter-ethnic friendliness and conflict occur simultaneously and that the
existence of both in a school needs to be examined. In a study completed by educators
examining school climate, personal interactions between students during the school day
and in after-school activities increased the likelihood of positive relations (Henze, Katz,
& Norte, 2000). Consequently, it appears that the organizational structure of schools can
inadvertently influence how varying groups interface during the school day. Moreover,
various students expressed a genuine interest in learning about other cultures and
welcomed such school-wide events, as African-American or Hispanic heritage week. The
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improvement of inter-group relations may require a variety of interventions. Given that
much of the intergroup tensions were fueled by misperceptions and misunderstandings,
greater dialogue between groups may foster increased communication and serve to dispel
myths.
There is insufficient research to postulate specifics about how negative school
experiences affect the trajectory of a student’s academic functioning. Quiroz (2001)
conducted a study involving written autobiographical narratives completed by twenty
seven Puerto Rican and Mexican students in the 8th grade and in the 11th grade. Negative
descriptions of their school experience emerged in the 8th grade and were magnified by
the 11th grade. The participants of Quiroz’s study were similar to those of the Crossing
Cultures project in that they were also predominantly a Hispanic, low income school
population. The adolescents in Quiroz’s study similarly spoke of disengaged, distant
teachers. Quiroz further found a pronounced drop in the level of optimism about future
vocational aspirations between the 8th and 11th grades among the participants. Keeping in
mind that many Hispanic students succeed academically, there is still a disproportionate
number that do not graduate from high school. For a portion of the Hispanic youth
population, negative school experiences may contribute to progressive disengagement
from school. A systematic evaluation of school climate will help schools formulate
interventions that will create positive academic environments.
Support Service
The student and staff participants generally welcomed the focus groups in their
schools. Many of the participants believed that the groups would assist students with
acculturation issues and the adaptation to US culture. From the researcher’s perspective,
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the provision of supportive services to Hispanic youth provide them with the opportunity
to address stressors in a timely manner with the goal of better psychosocial adjustment to
school and the US. The results of the Crossing Cultures study indicate that the focus
group discussions offered students an opportunity to process, share and integrate their
experiences.
One example of a program that has offered direct services to immigrant youth in
their schools is Project Mi Tierra/My Country (Gonzalez-Ramos, Sanchez-Nester, 2001)
in New York City, a school-based program created in joint partnership between an urban
school of social work and the school district. Housed in an elementary school, the project
has offered short term groups, mentoring programs, workshops for parents and field trips
to the university involved in the project. In addition to discussing topics related to
immigration, the groups have also provided a forum to address within-group tensions.
The teachers, who have referred students to the program, have reported improvement in
academic performance and levels of socialization among the program participants. The
parent workshops have also been well attended.
In summary, the following recommendations for schools were generated from this
study:
•
Conduct a psychosocial assessment of new entrants in order to screen for
trauma and other risk factors that would affect adjustment
•
Assign a buddy to new entrants
•
Provide orientations to the new entrants to review school procedures and
rules
•
After school programs to include English and Spanish instruction, possibly
provided by peers
215
•
Increase interaction between groups
•
Increase cultural sensitivity of school staff
•
Assess school climate and develop improvement plan
•
Collaboration with other school districts to identify effective interventions
No doubt schools are charged with a tall order; they must provide an education
that will prepare students for the work force, while managing all of the personal, family,
and social difficulties that are enacted in the classrooms and school halls. With increased
understanding of how the educational setting affects acculturating youth’s school
engagement, schools can develop more supportive learning environments.
Comprehension of the how acculturation issues affect academic progress help schools to
tailor education to the needs of the students. For example if school staff understand that
supporting Hispanic adolescents’ ethnic pride helps establish a more positive selfconcept, they may be less inclined to discourage expressions of ethnicity.
Limitations of the Study
As a qualitative study conducted in one school district, generalizations to the
entire adolescent Hispanic population cannot be made based on the results of the
Crossing Cultures study. However, qualitative research can generate findings that are
applicable to other similar populations (Newman & Benz, 1998). Conclusions can be
transferred from one context to another (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). For example,
other research in the literature indicated some similarities between the low income
Hispanic adolescents in their studies and the Crossing Cultures study, particularly for
those also residing in low income communities. However, Hispanic adolescents, who
216
attend predominantly European-American or African-American schools, may have a
different experience than the participants in the current study.
Despite my attempts to lead the interview in a way to increase every student’s
participation, there is chance that the focus groups participants may have been overly
influenced by other stronger and more assertive students. I attempted to mitigate the
monopolization of the more assertive students by actively engaging all the students
during the focus interviews and remaining alert to students who tended to dominate the
discussion. Furthermore, selection bias may have resulted in the participation of the most
outgoing students in the focus groups, or the ones having the most difficulties. I
attempted to reduce the influence of these factors by offering pizza, refreshments and free
movie tickets to encourage a larger selection of students.
The student participants within each school were familiar to each other. This can
be seen as an asset or a potential limitation. Morgan and Krueger (1993) are among the
focus group researchers who believe that participating in groups with others who share
similar experiences provides a sense of security that fosters verbal expression. On the
other hand, some participants may have been wary of sharing experiences and feelings
with familiar peers due to the potential for disclosure of focus group content outside of
the meeting. Very personal, highly sensitive information was curtailed by me during the
focus groups.
Finally, the fact that one of the schools, the Jones School, had just opened during
the course of the study may have compounded or influenced some of the participants’
views and perceptions about the climate in the school. However, the inclusion of a second
school uncovered similarities in the emergent themes among the participants, indicating
that the new school building was not over-influencing the results.
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Theoretical Implications
Acculturation theory is about the process of change people undergo as they adapt
to a new culture. The Crossing Cultures research study offered a glimpse of how the
participants perceived acculturation at varying point of the process. Theoretically, the
present study emphasizes the changes in underlying attitudes and perceptions that
appeared to change over time. Differences in perceptions between the first and second
generation participants emerged in both schools, in similar patterns. As previously
posited, the newly arrived participants appeared to compare their new environment to
their native countries. Their positive attitudes and hopeful consideration of their futures
was striking in comparison to the more acculturated participants. Likewise, the
monolingual class participants appeared to compare their situations to the wider society.
They expressed less optimism about their position within a discriminatory society.
Acculturation theory is enhanced by the further consideration of the differences between
behavioral and attitudinal, and value oriented changes. This would provide a larger
window into adaptational processes.
The results of the study also suggest that the fluid nature of acculturation
strategies has been under-emphasized. For example, one of Berry’s (1993, 1997)
acculturation strategies is integration, where aspects of the host and native cultures are
incorporated into the evolving acculturated self. While Berry has suggested that multiple
strategies may be in use at any given time, acculturation theory has tended to define
acculturation strategies into distinct, clearly demarcated categories. People not only may
use various strategies at once, but these may change over time. Moreover, it is not clear if
acculturating adolescents adopt acculturation strategies differently than adults. Due to
their feelings about discrimination, some of the monolingual participants in the Crossing
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Cultures study appeared to be moving toward Berry’s marginalization strategy (rejection
of the host culture). However, as a developmental period in flux, adolescents may adopt
varying strategies simultaneously and over time. This may be the case for adults, as well,
but theoretical formulations need to identify how the process of acculturation differs for
children and adolescents.
Portes and Rumbaut’s (2001) acculturation strategies directly relate to how
intergenerational relations interact with contextual factors. They found that dissonant
acculturation (children adopt US culture at a faster rate than their parents), poor schools
and weak families were associated to lower academic achievement. The inclusion of
contextual influences provides a more comprehensive understanding of how the interplay
of various factors during acculturation can affect acculturation strategies.
Aside from the implications of the Crossing Cultures study for acculturation
theory, the value of using an ecological model to gain a fuller understanding of Hispanic
youth development has been exemplified by the study. From a theoretical standpoint,
much still needs to be understood about how and why developmental processes interact
with the various contextual influences during the adolescent acculturation process.
Specifically, how does discrimination shape an adolescent’s aspirations, attitudes, and
behavior? Does living in an unsafe neighborhood affect developmental outcomes over
time? Theoretical postulation suggests that it is the convergence of multiple factors that
determines developmental outcomes. Ecological models have advanced the
understanding of developmental processes, but individual factors such as temperament
and personality need to remain present for a comprehensive understanding of adjustment
outcomes. In the end, the identification of those interactions that lead to positive and
219
negative developmental outcomes would best inform prevention and intervention
practices.
Developmental theories also need to continue to maintain awareness of how
culturally accepted norms and standards about child rearing and family life in the US
affect the assessment of the development of diverse groups. For example, Suarez-Orozco,
Todorova, and Louie (2002) suggest that conceptualizations of attachment theory
embraced by cultures that focus more on the nuclear family stress the threat of negative
psychological outcomes from parent-child separations. They suggest that the strong
bonds between children and extended family members may reduce the impact of
separations related to immigration. Notwithstanding the power of disruptions in the
parent-child bond, assumptions that a child will necessarily suffer negative psychological
outcomes may be unsubstantiated. Perhaps a child who whose supportive network is
confined to the nuclear family will have a higher risk for negative psychological
outcomes than a child who is resilient, or has an extensive network of family members
involved in their daily lives. Similarly, the family cohesiveness found in Hispanic
families may appear as enmeshment based on theoretical postulates concerning
separation and individuation. Baer and Schmitz (2007) found that family cohesion
appears to operate differently among diverse Hispanic subgroups, further indicating the
importance of avoiding assumptions. Current trends in developmental and acculturation
theories underscore the need to continue to identify the specifics of how context interacts
with individual and developmental factors to determine adjustment outcomes.
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Research Implications
The implications of the Crossing Cultures study for research involve two words;
variability and precision. The results of the study continue to indicate the variability
within the Hispanics population. Differences are evident between the Hispanic ethnic
groups in terms of history, immigration trajectories, and economic capital (Guarnaccia,
1997). The present study has confirmed the generational differences in the Hispanic
youth population that has been found in other research. Separating the group by ethnic
group and generation will provide more specific information about outcomes under study.
The Crossing Cultures research project advances the study of acculturation by
specifying facets of acculturation previously under-studied. For example, the presence of
within-group tensions has received little research attention. Due to the insufficient
number of studies citing this phenomenon, its prevalence and nature is unclear. The issue
has tended to emerge from qualitative studies involving Hispanic adolescents. A better
understanding of the dynamics of within-group tensions is needed in order to address the
conflicts enacted in schools. Are the tensions a function of attempts to preserve or
promote positive ethnic group concepts, as Social Identity theory (Tajfel, 1974; Brown,
2000) would suggest, or the establishment of power differentials? This issue will grow in
significance as school districts such as the one in the Crossing Cultures’ study become
increasingly diverse in their Hispanic population.
Illegal border crossings by Hispanic youth have also received little attention in the
acculturation research. The Crossing Cultures study documented the participants’
experiences with illegal border crossings. This is a significant factor when assessing for
pre-entry factors that have the potential to affect the adjustment of new entrants within
the school environment. As seen in the present study, traumatic experiences can affect
221
postimmigration academic functioning. Research studies interested in the mental health
status of acculturating youth need to include specifics about the trip in their measures or
interview guides. This is clearly a sensitive area. Participants may not always feel free to
disclose an undocumented status, or the powerful negative experiences associated with
border crossings. Anonymous questionnaires may yield more data in this area if only
prevalence is being sought.
The Crossing Cultures study is one of the few research projects that has
documented the prevalence and experience of separation between Hispanic adolescents
and their significant family members. Greater research in this area provides the
opportunity to understand when and how disruptions in the parent-child bond result in
negative psychological outcomes. The inclusion of non-clinical samples has revealed a
wide spectrum of experiences and outcomes. This finding helps to refrain from overgeneralizations about the effects of parental separation on immigrating youth. It will be
helpful to more closely study the factors involved in positive adjustment outcomes
despite potentially psychologically harmful experiences.
The Crossing Cultures study advances acculturation research by capturing the
attitudes and affective experiences of the participants. By including the newly arrived and
more acculturated students in the study and interviewing them during one place in time,
the study discovered changes in perceptions and attitudes over time. Thus, this type of
research design lends itself well to uncovering latent and/or new variables previously
unidentified. The value of mixed methods in acculturation research is also well
exemplified in the Crossing Cultures study. The focus group method provided rich data
about the perceptions of the participants and helped to reveal obscured factors. The
knowledge derived from qualitative research can be used to improve quantitative
222
measures. Data uncovered in qualitative studies can add to the specificity of acculturation
measures.
The results of the study further indicate that behavioral characteristics
representative of acculturation do not necessarily reflect underlying values and attitudes.
For example, although the monolingual students spoke English fluently and had adopted
other mainstream behaviors, they agreed with their parents’ belief in the use of physical
punishment as an effective form of discipline. Orientation toward Hispanic or EuropeanAmerican cultural features is not readily apparent solely by behavioral manifestations.
Finally, the Crossing Cultures study underscores the need for increased research
including non-clinical Hispanic adolescent populations. The research that has been
conducted in this way has yielded knowledge about the wide spectrum of adaptational
strategies and in adjustment outcomes possible as Hispanic youth engage in their
developmental trajectories. Non-clinical populations offer a broader picture of how
adolescents address exposure to a variety of contexts and conditions.
Practice Implications
The results of the Crossing Cultures research study yielded important
recommendations for social workers and other helping professions within schools,
agencies, and mental-health programs. Foremost, based on the results of the study, there
are additional elements of a psycho-social assessment that can be incorporated when
Hispanic youth are being assessed. These include:
•
Undocumented versus documented entry
•
The nature of the trip
223
•
The nature of preimmigration and postimmigration family relationships
(including extended family members)
•
Attitude of caretaker toward parents who left
•
Length and number of separations
•
Youth’s understanding of the reasons for separation from parents
•
Housing situation
•
History of school attendance in native country
The inclusion of the above factors in the assessment of Hispanic youth will provide
helping professionals with a more comprehensive understanding of the risk and
protective factors that will facilitate adjustment. As the first step in the helping process, a
complete psychosocial assessment will best inform preventive and treatment
interventions.
Helping professionals also need to be aware of the tendency to base Hispanic
developmental and family functioning on European-American oriented
conceptualizations. Theories about psychosocial development in terms of the ideal
progression along the separation and individuation process may lead helping
professionals to overpathologize the close and interdependent family relationships among
Hispanic families. Additionally, the more extensive network of bonds within the Hispanic
family may be overlooked, inadvertently excluding key members of the family closely
involved with the adolescent. Awareness of unconscious assumption about families and
development will assist professionals who work with Hispanic youth to conduct a
culturally sensitive helping process.
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Policy Implications
About one-sixth of the undocumented residents of the US, or 1.7 million
individuals are under the age of 18 years (Passel, 2005). This is a sizeable number of
youth whose futures remain uncertain due to the current inability to obtain an authorized
status in the US. Without a path to legal documentation, these youth will face significant
limitations in relation to occupational and educational attainment. They will not be able
to obtain a driver’s license. They will remain in the shadows of society with blocked
access to the benefits and opportunities granted to legal residents. A high percentage of
low-wage immigrant employees are undocumented. Due to the continued demand for
low-skilled labor (Nightingale & Fix, 2004), undocumented immigrant youth will likely
find employment in the service oriented jobs that offer low wages and few, or absent
benefits. Low-skilled employment offers few economic advantages. In the US, there are
over two million people who are poor, despite the full time employment of at least one
member of the family (Nightingale & Fix, 2004). Consequently, youth who enter the low
skill job market will have difficulty moving out of the working poor status.
In general, the overall percentage of Hispanic youth living in poverty is high.
Hispanic youth below the age of 18 comprise 28% of the children living in poverty in the
US (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2002). Educational policies that provide acculturating youth
with the academic support to achieve vocational success will not only move youth out of
poverty, but help society meet the increasing demands for high-skilled labor (Nightingale
& Fix, 2000)
Finally, given that mental health is a key component of academic functioning,
school based mental health programs have demonstrated effectiveness in addressing the
emotional well-being of Hispanic students (Garrison, Roy, & Azar, 1999; Gonzalez-
225
Ramos, Sanchez-Nester, 2001). School-based mental health programs facilitate access to
services by helping to overcome such obstacles to care as lack of transportation and
health insurance. Students and families can participate in services that take place in a
familiar environment. Furthermore, the effectiveness of interventions is maximized by an
increased coordination of care among teachers and other school personnel. School-based
programs can intervene to prevent and treat a wide spectrum of individual and family
issues in order to diminish their effect on academic functioning.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to contribute to the understanding of how Hispanic
youth perceive acculturation and adapt to US culture. Additionally, the results of the
study yielded interventions that schools could implement to assist Hispanic youth. The
study is important because a sizeable number of Hispanic youth have poor adjustment
outcomes. The Crossing Cultures study is among the few to report the subjective
experience of acculturating Hispanic youth. The study illustrates the complexity of that
process and the need to continue to increase the knowledge and understanding of
Hispanic youth development.
The study highlights the importance of examining the contextual influences of
Hispanic youth’s lives in order to broaden and deepen the understanding of how
developmental processes interact with the environment. The present study indicates that
there is a range of personal and contextual risk and protective factors that interact to
influence adjustment outcomes. Further study on resilience and the strengths of Hispanic
youth and families will help identify the differences between those Hispanic youth who
make a positive adaptation despite a variety of contextual obstacles and those who
226
develop negative adjustment results. The specifics of how variables interact to determine
adjustment remains open for further examination.
The study used focus groups and individual interviews to capture the perceptions
and experiences of the participants. Interviews were conducted in two schools in order to
compare similarities and differences between groups. The interviews with three staff
members also helped to confirm some of the results from the focus groups. Being that
research on Hispanic adolescents is limited, the use of qualitative and quantitative
methods will continue to provide the depth and breadth that is needed to understand the
complexities involved in the acculturation process.
Finally, the study indicates that schools can implement strategies that will
promote positive psychosocial development in Hispanic youth. As a microcosm of
society and a major socializing agent, schools are in a prime position to facilitate the
adaptation of acculturating youth. What schools do today to educate and to nurture the
psychosocial development of Hispanic youth will pay big dividends in the future. The
goal is to increase the chances that Hispanic youth will experience academic success and
become productive US citizens. The costs of neglect in this area will be expensive in
terms of the loss in human capital. Some Hispanic youth will succeed academically and
vocationally, but statistics indicate that there is a significant portion of this population
that will suffer from negative adjustment outcomes and a lack of skills needed to improve
their economic situations.
The Crossing Cultures’ participants have shared their ideas, concerns and
experiences. The information they have provided communicates what researchers,
schools and helping professionals need to address to assist them. It is up to us to respond.
227
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APPENDIX A: PROPOSAL
Crossing Cultures: How Hispanic Youth Adapt
Background
Hispanics are the fastest growing group of immigrants in the United States and
have become the largest minority group in the US (US Census, 2000). The Hispanic
population is close to 12% of the total population and is projected to be 25% of the
population by 2050. In 2002, 34.4 percent of Hispanics were under the age of 18,
compared with 22.8 percent of non-Hispanic Whites (Current Population Reports, US
Census, 2002).
[City] has witnessed an increasingly large influx of Hispanic immigrants. In
[city], close to 19,000 residents out of almost 49,000 residents, are Hispanics. Many of
the [city’s] public schools have an overwhelming majority of Hispanic students. A key
issue is ensuring that young Hispanic immigrants will become full functioning members
of our society, particularly by understanding what factors lead to successful school
adjustment of these new immigrants.
Investigators
By building collaborations between the [city] public schools and Rutgers
University researchers, we hope to better understand how Hispanic immigrants are
adapting to the community and schools and identify additional ways the school system
can assist the process. Rutgers University professor, Peter Guarnaccia, Ph.D, along with
doctoral students Judith Velez and Igda Martinez, propose a research study to explore and
further understand the process of adjustment for Hispanic immigrant youth in [city]. Dr.
Guarnaccia is a professor in the Department of Human Ecology and at the Institute for
Health, Health Care Policy and Aging Research. He has extensive experience conducting
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research with Hispanic populations. He has also been part of the research team for
Healthier [city] 2010, bringing university expertise to community health issues in a
parallel fashion to the proposed project. Ms. Velez is a doctoral student in the School of
Social Work at Rutgers University and also works as a school social worker at Pupil
Personnel Services in the [city] Public Schools. Ms. Martinez is a doctoral student at the
Graduate School of Applied and Professional Psychology at Rutgers University. Both
Ms. Velez and Ms. Martinez are Latinas and are committed to doing research that
benefits the Hispanic community, especially school age youth (see attached biosketches).
Proposed Project
The proposed study focuses on two [city] schools with large Hispanic populations
(Jones and Smith schools) to examine the processes students go through in adjusting to
life in the US and adapting to the public school system. The study entails a two-phase
process that includes a series of focus groups followed by a self-report questionnaire.
Jones and Smith schools are ideal settings because they have students in all stages of the
adjustment process from recent arrivals to mainstreamed students. We propose to focus
on grades 6-8 as students at this age are both able to report on their own experience and
in the beginning stages of adolescence, a broad period of change and adjustment.
Approval from School System, Families, and the Rutgers University IRB
Due to Ms. Velez’s working relationships with the principals at both Smith and
Jones Schools, she has already spoken with the principals and briefly described the
project that we propose. Both Mr. L. H. (the principal at the time at Jones School) and
Ms. K. A. (Smith School) expressed support for the project. Approval from the [city]
Public School Board was obtained on March 15, 2005. Approval from the Investigation
Review Board of Rutgers University has been secured and this establishes clear
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guidelines for parental and child consent. No interviews will be carried out without
documented consent of parents and assent of students.
Focus Group Study – Fall 2005
Approach: Focus group plan and consent process.
Focus groups are a form of research designed to explore issues from the
perspective of participants and to identify research questions important to the community.
In our proposal, the elicitation of the students’ experiences as immigrants during the
focus groups help to identify key themes for the follow-up survey in particular and for
future research in general.
Our research study proposes to form focus groups from the seventh and eighth
grade classes of Jones and Smith Schools and the Welcome Center for the newly
immigrated at Smith School. The focus groups will be comprised of 6-10 Hispanic
students from the bilingual and English monolingual classes, divided by gender, except
for the Welcome Center, which will contain both male and female students. Thus, we will
carry out nine focus groups to represent the grade and program diversity at Jones and
Smith Schools. Focus groups usually last 1 1/2-2 hours and would be held directly after
the school day.
Recruitment for the focus groups will begin with Judith Velez visiting each class
during the homeroom period and giving a brief explanation of the study. Consent forms
will be distributed to the students for review and discussion with their parents or
guardians. If parents consent to the student’s participation in the study, the students will
return the consent form to the homeroom teacher for retrieval by Judith Velez. The
consent form will include a brief description of the study and contact information for Ms.
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Velez. The confidential nature of the data collected will be made clear to the parents and
students. Participant responses will be used for research purposes only.
The focus groups will be configured as follows:
•
One group of females from the seventh and eighth grade bilingual classes from
each school (2).
•
One group of males from the seventh and eighth grade bilingual classes from each
school (2).
•
One group of both male and female students from the Intake Center at Smith
School (1).
•
One group of females from the seventh and eighth grade monolingual classes
from each school (2).
•
One group of males from the seventh and eighth grade monolingual classes from
each school (2).
Dates for the focus groups will be set with cognizance of school activities and
holidays in order to avoid any potential interference of the groups with significant afterschool programs. Parents and guardians will receive a reminder phone call from Ms.
Velez before the scheduled date of the group. Before the focus group begins, assent from
the students will also be attained. Pizza and refreshments will be offered after the group
session, along with a raffle for two movie tickets.
A guidance counselor from each school and the Welcome Center teacher will be
invited to participate in a 45 minute individual interview in order to gain the perspective
of school personnel who are familiar with targeted students needs and issues. Thus, these
interviews will be as follows:
•
One interview with the guidance counselor from each of the schools (2).
260
•
One interview with the Welcome Center teacher at Smith School (1).
Impact on the schools - Minimal time from the schools’ staff will be required for the
focus group phase of the study. The teachers will only have to collect the consent forms
and keep them for Ms. Velez’s retrieval. A private space for the focus groups will be
needed that can hold 6-10 students and is available right after the end of the regular
school day.
Benefits to the Schools. The focus groups will offer the participants the opportunity to
discuss their experiences as immigrants with other students familiar with process of
adjusting to a new environment. In addition, data from the groups will help the schools
increase their understanding of the Hispanic immigration experience and improve their
services to these students.
Survey – Spring 2006
Approach. We would like to administer an anonymous survey to all sixth, seventh, and
eighth grade students at the aforementioned schools who are in any of the three specified
tracks: Welcome Center, bilingual classes, or monolingual classes. The purpose of the
survey would be to provide a representative sample of the immigration experiences of
students, as well as their social-support systems, their current mental health status, and
their academic functioning. We would obtain consent from parents by sending a letter
home to all students describing the overall study and the survey in particular. Information
gathered from the surveys will remain anonymous and will be used for research purposes
only.
Impact on the schools. To carry out the survey, we would need the schools to provide
contact information for the parents of the students we are targeting so that we can send
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home a consent letter. In addition, we would like to carry out the survey within one class
period.
Benefits to the schools. We would like to integrate our survey and general findings into
the social studies curriculum. We would work with the teachers to integrate our findings
into a general discussion with the students about immigration in US history. We would
also like to share our findings with staff and teachers in order to improve our mutual
understanding of Hispanic children and work to encourage their academic success.
We welcome the opportunity to discuss this research project with you. Such
research studies offer the opportunity to increase knowledge and understanding that can
help young Hispanic immigrants in the New Brunswick community better adjust to their
new environment.
Biosketches of Project Investigators
Peter J. Guaraccia, Ph.D. ([email protected]). Peter Guarnaccia (Ph.
D., Connecticut, 1984) is a professor in the Department of Human Ecology at Cook
College and Investigator at the Institute for Health, Health Care Policy and Mental Health
Research. His research interests include cross-cultural patterns of psychiatric disorders
and family strategies for coping with chronic illness, including mental illness. He was a
member of the NIMH Task Force on Culture and Diagnosis, which contributed cultural
material and guidelines to the DSM-IV. He was also a member of the NIMH National
Advisory Mental Health Council’s Behavioral Science Workgroup recommending future
directions for translating behavioral sciences research into public mental health
outcomes. His current research examines mental health among Latino individuals in the
United States and in Puerto Rico as part of the National Latino and Asian American
Study (NLAAS), a mental health initiative funded by the National Institute of Mental
262
Health. Recent publications include “Cultural Psychopathology: Uncovering the Social
World of Mental Illness” in the Annual Review of Psychology (2000, with Steven R.
Lopez) and “Research on Culture Bound Syndromes” in the American Journal of
Psychiatry (1999, with Lloyd H. Rogler). Dr. Guarnaccia edited a special issue of
Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry (2003) on “Methodological Issues in the CrossCultural Study of Mental Health: Setting New Standards" and has a paper entitled
“Towards a Puerto Rican Popular Nosology: Nervios and Ataques de Nervios” (with R.
Lewis- Fernández and M. Rivera Marano) in that same issue. He is coeditor-in-chief of
Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry.
Igda Martinez ([email protected]). Igda Martinez (B.A., Douglass College of
Rutgers University, 2002) is a project research assistant at the Center for State Health
Policy at Rutgers University. Her research interests focus on Hispanic mental health and
child and adolescent psychology. Ms. Martinez graduated as valedictorian of her class.
She was a student in and teaching assistant for Project L/EARN, a NIMH-funded mental
health training program. Ms. Martinez has been involved with research on ataques de
nervios in children and adults, has assisted in a range of focus groups on Latino mental
health issues, and has worked on a variety of projects with the Changing Minds:
Advancing Mental Health for Hispanics program. Her honors thesis was entitled “Social
and Cultural Aspects of Puerto Rican Youth’s Mental Health.” Recent publications
include “Comprehensive In-Depth Literature Review and Analysis of Latino Mental
Health Issues (with P. Guarnaccia and H. Acosta, 2002) and “Comparative
Phenomenology of Panic Attacks and Ataques de Nervios” in Culture, Medicine and
Psychiatry (with R. Lewis- Fernández, P. Guarnaccia, and others, 2002). Ms. Martinez
will be entering the Doctoral Program in the Graduate School of Applied and
263
Professional Psychology, Rutgers University in the fall of 2003 with one of the American
Psychological Association Minority Fellowships.
Judith Velez ([email protected]). Judith Velez is a doctoral student at the Rutgers
University School of Social Work. She is a licensed clinical social worker in the states of
New Jersey and New York, as well as a certified school social worker in New Jersey. She
currently works in the [city] Public Schools. A mental health practitioner for 28 years,
she has had extensive experience with children adolescents and their families. Her
research interests include adaptational and mental health issues of Hispanic youth within
a developmental context and an ecological perspective. She recently published an article
with Dr. Judith Baer and Dr. Jonathan D. Prince entitled, “Fusion or Familialism: A
Construct Problem in Studies of Mexican American Adolescents” in the Hispanic
Journal of Behavioral Sciences (August 2004).
264
APPENDIX B: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Changing Faces: How Hispanic Youth Adapt
Goal
To increase knowledge related to the factors that facilitate the adjustment and adaptation
into a new culture for young Hispanics in the New Brunswick community. This goal is
consistent with those set out by the Board of Education’s January 18, 2005 Resolution to
Support the Rights of Our Immigrant Neighbors.
Proposed Project
The proposed study focuses on two [city] schools with large Hispanic populations and
will examine the processes of adjustment of the students to life in the US The study
entails a two-phase process that includes a series of focus groups followed by a broader
survey. We propose to focus on seventh and eighth graders for the focus groups and
students from the sixth-eighth grades for the survey. This age group has been targeted as
the participants are able to report on their own experience and in addition to adaptation to
a new culture, are entering adolescence, a broad period of change and adjustment. The
focus groups will be divided by gender. This research will provide the foundation for two
dissertations at Rutgers University in Social Work and Clinical Psychology. Both
students are of Hispanic origin.
Approval from School System, Families, and the Rutgers University IRB
Ms. Velez, a member of the [city] Child Study Team and school staff, has already
obtained verbal support for the project from the respective principals, Mr. V. (Jones
School) and Ms. W.(Smith School). [City] school board approval was obtained on March
15, 2005, (see attached) and approval from the Rutgers University Investigational Review
265
Board secured on May 31, 2005. No interviews will be carried out without documented
consent of parents and assent of students. All consent forms, focus group protocols, and
survey instruments will be provided to the principals for review and approval before any
implementation. They will also be informed of the progress of the project in order to
maintain monitoring and authorization from the district.
Projected timeline
We intend to carry out the focus group phase of the study between October and
December 2005. We will start the process of obtaining parent permission and inviting
student interest for the project in September. The self-report survey will be administered
between January and March 2006.
Impact on the Schools
Minimal time from the schools’ staff will be required for this research project. Ms. Velez
will inform the students of the study during a homeroom period, and consent forms will
be distributed at that time. The teachers will only have to collect the returned consent
forms and hold them for Ms. Velez’s retrieval. Parents will be called by Ms. Velez
directly to inform them of the focus group dates. A private space for the focus groups will
be needed that can hold 6-10 students and is available right after the end of the regular
school day. The surveys will be able to be carried out during a class period.
Benefits to the Schools
Results of this research project will help the schools increase their understanding of the
Hispanic immigration experience and improve their services to these students. Results of
the research will be shared with the principals and guidance counselors of each school, as
266
well as any other interested members of the school personnel. Findings will increase
understanding of the processes involved in adjusting to a new environment.
267
APPENDIX C: RESOLUTION
268
APPENDIX D: MEMORANDUM TO THE TEACHERS
[City] Public Schools
Pupil Personnel Services
Memorandum to the Teachers
To:
Names of teachers
School
CC: Names of guidance counselors
From: Judith Velez
Date:
Re:
The Crossing Cultures research project
Although Hispanic youth represent a large increase in the United States population, they
are under-represented in the field of research on adolescent development. Hispanic
adolescents are undergoing normative developmental processes, as well as adaptation to a
new culture. The experience of Hispanic immigrants as they adapt into a new
environment is largely undocumented. Aspects of adjustment that facilitate or thwart this
process need to be better understood.
I am a doctoral student at the School of Social Work and a member of the Child Study
Team at Smith School. In September 2005, I will be conducting a series of focus groups
involving the seventh and eighth grade bilingual and monolingual classes. Focus groups
comprise a research method involving the exploration and documentation of the subjects’
experience, from their perspective. Many research instruments are normed on the
experience of a mainstream population, precluding cultural influences. The focus groups
will help identify what helps Hispanic youth develop in the context of change.
I plan to conduct four focus groups in Jones School and five in Smith School. The
seventh and eighth grade bilingual classes will be broken down by gender to form two
groups. The monolingual seventh and eighth grade classes will also be broken down to
two groups by gender, totaling four groups. The groups will take place after school and
parental consent will be secured before any group takes place.
A second phase of the study conducted by another doctoral student and involving a
survey will take place in the spring of 2006. More information will be shared as the
particulars are finalized. Please do not hesitate to contact me at Extension 8793 with any
questions, or leave me a note in the Child Study Team box.
I look forward to speaking with you more about the project.
269
APPENDIX E1: BILINGUAL STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (SPANISH)
Bilingual Student Consent Forms (Spanish)
Forma de consentimiento para los padres
Un Estudio de cómo jovenes hispanos se adaptan a los Estados unidos
Investigadora Principal: Judith Velez
Universidad de Rutgers
Su hijo/a esta invitado/a a participar en un estudio conducido por Judith Velez, un estudiante doctoral de la
Escuela de Trabajo Social de la Universidad de Rutgers y trabajadora social del Equipo de Estudio del
Niño de la Escuela Smith. El propósito del estudio es entender mejor como los jóvenes Hispanos se
adaptan a un nuevo país. Para esto, estamos organizando reuniones para escuchar las opiniones de los
jóvenes de los grados 7º y 8º en las escuelas Smith y Jones.
Su hijo/a participará con otros jóvenes en un grupo para compartir experiencias, ideas y opiniones de como
el/ella se ha adaptado a la cultura de los Estados Unidos. Los grupos tendrán desde 6-10 participantes. Se le
pedirá a su hijo/a que comparta sus ideas y sentimientos sobre el tema. La reunión durará aproximadamente
una hora y media a dos horas. Tomará lugar inmediatamente después del día escolar en las Escuelas
Smith/Jones. Pizza y refrescos (soda) serán servidos durante la reunión. Una rifa para dos entradas al cine
también tomara lugar. Se les avisará de la fecha de la reunión..
El nombre de su hijo/a y las opiniones expresadas serán mantenidas completamente confidencial.
Confidencial quiere decir que el nombre de su hijo/a no será mencionado en ningún reporte. La
información obtenida durante las reuniones será usada solo para el propósito del estudio.
La reunión será grabada en cinta de audio con propósitos de poder recordar y analizar lo que los
participantes comparten. Estas grabaciones serán escuchadas solamente por los investigadores de este
estudio y serán los únicos que tendrán acceso a estas grabaciones. Todas las cintas de grabación serán
borradas un año después de la reunión. Mientras tanto, las grabaciones serán mantenidas con llave en un
archivador y solamente el investigador principal del proyecto tendrá acceso a estas cintas de audio.
Participación en grupos como estos no tienen gran riesgo. Aunque es poco probable que su hijo/a tenga una
fuerte reacción a lo que se hable en las reuniones, es posible que su hijo/a se pueda sentir incomodo/a al
hablar sobre temas personales en las reuniones. Su hijo/a podrá hablar con un consejero en la escuela si el o
ella siente la necesidad de hablar mas sobre algún tema.
Al dejar que su hijo/a participe en este estudio, estará contribuyendo al posible desarrollo de programas y
servicios que les pueda ayudar a los jóvenes Hispanos en las escuelas. Además, las reuniones les dará la
oportunidad de compartir sus experiencias con otros estudiantes que han pasado cosas similares.
La participación de su hijo/a es totalmente voluntaria. Para autorizar que su hijo/a participe en este estudio,
usted necesita firmar y regresar esta forma en el sobre adjunto. Ni usted ni su hijo/a serán penalizados si
deciden no participar en el estudio. La decisión suya es completamente voluntaria. Usted y su hija/o se
podrán cambiar de mente sobre la participación en el estudio a cualquier momento sin penalidad ninguna.
Si tiene alguna pregunta o comentario sobre este estudio, por favor llame a la Señora Judith Velez al
numero de teléfono (732) 873-0736. Si tiene alguna pregunta sobre los derechos de su hijo/a como
participante de un estudio, favor de llamar el Administrador de Programas Patrocinados al numero (732)
932-0150, Ext. 2104.
_________________________________________________tiene mi permiso para participar en el estudio.
Nombre de su hijo/a
______________________________________________________
Firma del Padre/Madre o Guardián
____________________________
Fecha
______________________________________________________
Investigador Principal
____________________________
Fecha
270
Al firmar abajo, doy permiso para que mi hijo/a este grabado/a durante participación en el estudio.
______________________________________________________
Firma del Padre/Madre o Guardián
____________________________
Fecha
______________________________________________________
Investigador Principal
____________________________
Fecha
Mi hijo/a puede participar en la rifa para dos entradas al cine. Si
No
:
271
APPENDIX E2: BILINGUAL STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (ENGLISH)
Bilingual Student Consent Forms (English)
Parental Consent Form
The Changing Faces: How Hispanic Youth Adapt
Researcher: Judith Velez–
Rutgers University
Your son/daughter is invited to participate in a study conducted by Judith Velez, doctoral student at the
School of Social Work of Rutgers University and social worker of the Child Study Team at Smith School.
The purpose of the study is to better understand how Hispanic youth adapt to a new country. For this, we
are organizing meetings to hear the opinions of youngsters in the seventh and eighth grades of Smith and
Jones Schools.
Your son/daughter will participate with other youth in a group in order to share experiences, ideas, and
opinions about how he/she has adapted to the United States culture. The groups will include 6-10
participants. Your son/daughter will be asked to share his/her ideas and feelings about the subject. The
meeting shall last about 1 1/2-2 hours. It will take place immediately after the school day in Smith/Jones
Schools. Pizza and soda will be served during the meetings. A raffle for two movie tickets will also take
place. You will be advised of the date.
Your son’s/daughter’s name and his/her expressed opinions shall be kept completely confidential.
Confidential means that his/her name shall not be mentioned in any report. The information obtained
during the meetings shall be used only for the purposes of the study.
The meeting shall be audiotaped for the purpose of recording and analyzing what the participants have
shared. Only the researchers of the study shall hear or have access to these recordings. All tapes of the
recordings shall be erased one year after the meeting. In the meantime, the recordings will be kept in a
locked file cabinet and only the principal investigator of the project will have access to these audiotapes.
Participation in groups like these does not have a big risk. Even though it is unlikely that your son/daughter
will have a strong reaction to what is being said in the meetings, he/she may feel uncomfortable talking
about personal topics in the meetings. Your son/daughter will be able to speak with a school counselor if he
or she feels the need to speak more about a certain topic.
Upon allowing your son/daughter to participate in this study, he/she will be contributing to the possible
development of programs and services that can help Hispanic youth in the schools. In addition, the
meetings will give the opportunity for students to share their experiences with other students who have
gone through similar things.
The participation of your son/daughter is voluntary. In order to authorize the participation of your
son/daughter in this study, you need to sign and return this form in the enclosed envelope. Neither you nor
your son/daughter will be penalized if the decision not to participate in this study is made. Your decision is
completely voluntary. You or your son/daughter may change your mind about participating in the study at
any time without any penalty.
If you have any question or comments about this study, please call Mrs. Judith Velez at telephone number
(732) 873-0736. If you have any question about the rights of your son/daughter as participants in a study,
please call the Sponsored Program Administrator at telephone number (732) 932-0150, Ext. 2104.
________________________________________________ has my permission to participate in the study.
Name of your son/daughter
______________________________________________________
Signature of mother/father or guardian
____________________________
Date
______________________________________________________
____________________________
272
Principal Investigator
Date
By signing this below, I give permission for my son/daughter to be audiotaped during his/her participation
in the study.
______________________________________________________
Signature of mother/father or guardian
____________________________
Date
______________________________________________________
Principal Investigator
____________________________
Date
My son /daughter may participate in the raffle for two movie tickets. Yes
No
273
APPENDIX F1: REVISED STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (SPANISH)
Revised Student Consent Forms (Spanish)
Forma de consentimiento para los padres
Un Estudio de cómo jóvenes hispanos se adaptan a los Estados Unidos
Coordinadora del Estudio: Judith Velez
Universidad de Rutgers
Mi nombre es Judith Velez y yo trabajo en la Escuela Smith. También soy una estudiante en la Universidad
de Rutgers. Estoy invitando a su hijo/a a participar en una reunión de grupo que es parte de un estudio de la
experiencias de los adolescentes Hispanos y como se acostumbran a la cultura Americana. Se le esta
pidiendo que su hijo/a participe en una reunión de grupo con otros estudiantes de los 7º y 8º grados, solo un
día, después de la escuela. La reunión tomará lugar en la escuela de su hijo/a. Los estudiantes tendrán la
oportunidad de hablar de sus experiencias. Yo también estoy interesada en como las escuelas pueden
ofrecer mejores servicios para ayudar a los adolescentes Hispanos. Se les servirá pizza y soda a los
participantes y cada participante recibirá un boleto para una entrada gratis al cine. La reunión terminará
alrededor de las 5:30 p.m.
Todo lo que se hable durante la reunión se quedará con los que asisten a la reunión de grupo. El nombre de
su hijo/a no aparecerá en ningún lugar. La reunión será grabada en cinta de audio solo para que yo pueda
recordar todo lo que los estudiantes dicen y para que yo pueda mejor estudiarlo. La participación de su
hijo/hija es totalmente voluntaria. Si Usted o su hijo/a tienen alguna duda o pregunta, favor de llamarme al
numero (732) 873-0736.
Si tiene alguna pregunta sobre los derechos de su hijo/a como participante de un estudio, favor de llamar el
Administrador de Programas Patrocinados al número (732) 932-0150, Ext. 2104.
Favor de firmar este consentimiento si Usted y su hijo/a deciden que el/ella va a participar en la reunión. Su
hijo/a puede devolver el consentimiento a su maestro/a y yo lo recogeré. No se puede participar sin su
firma de permiso. Yo los llamaré con la fecha de la reunión.
____________________________________tiene mi permiso para participar en el estudio.
Nombre de su hijo/a
__________________________________________
Firma del Padre/Madre o Guardián
____________________________
Fecha
__________________________________________
Coordinadora del Estudio
____________________________
Fecha
Al firmar abajo, doy permiso para que mi hijo/a este grabado/a durante participación en el estudio.
__________________________________________
Firma del Padre/Madre o Guardián
____________________________
Fecha
__________________________________________
Coordinadora del Estudio
____________________________
Fecha
Mi hijo/a puede recibir un boleto para una entrada gratis al cine. Si
No
274
APPENDIX F2: REVISED STUDENT CONSENT FORMS (ENGLISH)
Revised Student Consent Forms (English)
Parental Consent Form
The Changing Faces: How Hispanic Youth Adapt
Coordinator of the Study: Judith Velez
Rutgers University
My name is Judith Velez and I work in Smith School. I am also a student at Rutgers University. I am
inviting your son/daughter to participate in a group meeting that is part of a study of the experiences of
Hispanic adolescents and how they get used to the American culture. Your son/daughter is being asked to
participate in one group meeting with other seventh and eighth grade students, just one day after school.
The meeting will take place at your son/daughter’s school. The students will have the opportunity to talk
about their experiences. I also am interested in how the schools can offer better services to help Hispanic
adolescents. Pizza and soda will be served to the participants and each participant will receive a free movie
ticket. The meeting will end at about 5:30 p.m.
Everything that is talked about during the meeting will stay with the group participants. Your
son/daughter’s name will not appear in any place. The meeting will be audiotaped only so that I can
remember everything the students say and so that I can better study what they say. Your son/daughter’s
participation is voluntary. If you or your son/daughter has any doubt or question, please call me at (732)
873-0736.
If you have any question about the rights of your son/daughter as participants in a study, please call the
Sponsored Program Administrator at telephone number (732) 932-0150, Ext. 2104.
Please sign this consent form if you and your son/daughter decide that he/she will participate in the group
meeting. Your son/daughter may return the consent form to his/her teacher, and I will pick it up. No
participation is possible without your signature of permission. I will call you with the date of the meeting.
.
_________________________________________has my permission to participate in the study.
Name of your son/daughter
_________________________________________
Signature of mother/father or guardian
____________________________
Date
_________________________________________
Coordinator of the Study
____________________________
Date
By signing below, I give permission for my son/daughter to be audiotaped during his/her participation in
the study.
_________________________________________
Signature of mother/father or guardian
____________________________
Date
_________________________________________
Coordinator of the Study
____________________________
Date
My son /daughter may receive a free movie ticket Yes
No
275
APPENDIX G: MEMORANDUM TO THE PRINCIPALS
Memorandum to the Principals
Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey
School of Social Work
536 George Street
New Brunswick, NJ 08901-1167
Memorandum
TO:
Principal
School
CC: Guidance Counselor, Nurses
FROM: Judith Velez
DATE:
RE:
Focus Group Dates for the Crossing Cultures Research Project
Focus groups are planned for (dates) immediately after school.
If you have any questions, please let me know.
276
APPENDIX H1: BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS (SPANISH)
Bilingual Student Information Forms
Información del Estudiante
Edad ______
F __________ M ___________
¿En que país naciste? _____________________
¿Si naciste fuera de los Estados Unidos, de donde viniste?
Ciudad ________ o Campo______
¿Si naciste fuera de los Estados Unidos, a que edad viniste a los Estados
Unidos?_________
¿Donde nació tu mama? ____________________
¿Donde nació tu papa? ____________________
¿Hablas otro lenguaje además de Ingles o Español? Si_____ No______
¿Si has contestado si, cual otro idioma hablas? _____________________
¿Que idioma hablas en tu hogar?
Solamente Español ___ Mayormente en Español ___ Español y Ingles ___
Mayormente Ingles ___ Solamente Ingles ___
¿Que idioma hablas con tus amigos?
Solamente Español ___ Mayormente en Español ___ Español y Ingles ___
Mayormente Ingles ___ Solamente Ingles ___
¿Que tan bien hablas Español?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____ Bien _____ Mas o menos _____Mal _____
¿Que tan bien hablas Ingles?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____ Bien _____ Mas o menos _____ Mal _____
¿Que tan bien lees Español?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____ Bien _____ Mas o menos _____ Mal _____
¿Que tan bien lees Ingles?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____ Bien _____ Mas o menos _____ Mal _____
¿Cuándo sueñas, en que idioma hablan las personas? ____________________
¿Participas en algún deporte después del día escolar?
Si______ No _____
277
¿Participas en alguna actividad después del día escolar? Si ______ No _____
278
APPENDIX H2: BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS (ENGLISH)
Bilingual Student Information Forms
Age ______
F _________ M ___________
In what country were you born? _____________________
If born outside of the United States, what part of the country did you come from?
City_____ or
Country______
If born outside of the United States, at what age did you come to the United
States?_________
Where was your mother born? ____________________
Where was your father born? ____________________
Do you speak any other language other than English or Spanish? Yes ____ No ______
If you answered yes, what other language do you speak? _________________
What language do you speak in your home?
Spanish only ___ Mostly Spanish ___ Spanish and English ___
Mostly English ___ English only ___
What language do you speak with your friends?
Spanish only ___ Mostly Spanish ___ Spanish and English ___
Mostly English ___ English only ___
How well do you speak Spanish?
Excellent _____ Very good _____ Good _____ Fair _____Poor _____
How well do you speak English?
Excellent _____ Very good _____ Good _____ Fair _____Poor _____
How well do you read Spanish?
Excellent _____ Very good _____ Good _____ Fair _____Poor _____
How well do you read English?
Excellent _____ Very good _____ Good _____ Fair _____Poor _____
When you dream, in what language do people talk? ______________________________
Do you participate in any sport after school?
Yes______ No _____
Do you participate in any after-school activity? Yes _____ No _____
279
APPENDIX I1: REVISED BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS
(SPANISH)
Información del Estudiante
Edad ______
Muchacha ______
Muchacho ______
¿En que país naciste? _____________________
¿A que edad viniste a los Estados Unidos? _________
¿Donde nació tu mama? ____________________
¿Donde nació tu papa?
____________________
¿Que idioma hablas en tu hogar?
Solamente Español ___ Mayormente en Español ___ Español y Ingles ___
Mayormente Ingles ___
Solamente Ingles ___
¿Que idioma hablas con tus amigos?
Solamente Español ___ Mayormente en Español ___ Español y Ingles ___
Mayormente Ingles ___
Solamente Ingles ___
¿Que tan bien hablas Español?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____
Bien _____
Regular _____
Mal _____
¿Que tan bien hablas Ingles?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____
Bien _____
Regular _____
Mal _____
¿Que tan bien lees Español?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____
Bien _____
Regular _____
Mal _____
¿Que tan bien lees Ingles?
Excelente _____ Muy bien _____
Bien _____
Regular _____
Mal _____
¿Participas en algún deporte después del día escolar?
Si _____
No _____
¿Participas en alguna actividad después del día escolar?
Si _____
No _____
280
APPENDIX I2: REVISED BILINGUAL STUDENT INFORMATION FORMS
(ENGLISH)
Student Information
Age ______
Female ______
Male ______
In what country were you born? _____________________
At what age did you come to the United States? ________
Where was your mother born? ____________________
Where was your father born? ____________________
Do you speak any other language other than English or Spanish? Yes ____ No ____
If you answered yes, what other language do you speak? __________________________
What language do you speak in your home?
Spanish only ___ Mostly Spanish ___ Spanish and English ___
Mostly English ___ English only ___
What language do you speak with your friends?
Spanish only ___ Mostly Spanish ___ Spanish and English ___
Mostly English ___ English only ___
How well do you speak Spanish?
Excellent _____ Very good _____
Good _____
Fair _____
Poor _____
How well do you speak English?
Excellent _____ Very good _____
Good _____
Fair _____
Poor _____
How well do you read Spanish?
Excellent _____ Very good _____
Good _____
Fair _____
Poor _____
How well do you read English?
Excellent _____ Very good _____
Good _____
Fair _____
Poor _____
Do you participate in any sport alter school?
Yes _____
No _____
Do you participate in any alter-school activity? Yes _____
No _____
281
APPENDIX J1: INITIAL FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW GUIDE (SPANISH)
Initial Focus Group Interview Guide
•
• Assent
• Name tags and completion of data form
• Food and refreshments
• Welcome
Bienvenidos a todos a nuestra reunión acerca de tus experiencias como inmigrantes
Hispanos. Este proyecto ha sido aprobado por la Universidad Rutgers y las Escuelas
Publicas de ------------. Estamos muy contentos y agradecemos que Uds. han decido
participar en esta reunión. Nos interesa mucho escucharlos y aprender de Uds. En verdad
Uds. son los que están pasando por la experiencia de ser un inmigrante Hispano
adolescente y de manera son los expertos en este tema. Queremos aprender de cómo Uds.
piensan y se sienten. Queremos que todos participen y se sientan libre a dar su opinión.
Aquí no existen respuestas incorrectas
Favor de recordar de escuchar uno al otro sin interrumpir y con respeto. Para que
podamos escuchar lo que cada uno dice, favor de hablar una persona a la vez. Todo lo
que hablamos aquí hoy es confidencial, es decir que lo que hablamos no debe de salir de
este cuarto. Yo no hablaré sobre lo que se dice aquí con nadie en la escuela. La discusión
se esta grabando solo para que no se me olvide nada de lo que Uds. han dicho y para
poder estudiarlo mejor después de la reunión. Tu nombre no aparecerá en ningún lugar.
Serán identificados solo por un número. Otros grupos tomarán lugar en la nueva escuela
intermedia.
• Introductions
Este proyecto esta aprobado por la Universidad de Rutgers y las escuelas publicas de ------. El propósito es para entender mejor sobre de tus experiencias como jóvenes hispanos
inmigrantes y como se van acostumbrando a un nuevo país. También queremos saber
como las escuelas pueden ayudarlos en este proceso. Nuestra reunión durará mas o menos
como 1 1/2 a 2 horas. Aunque Ustedes tienen en común la experiencia de ser inmigrantes,
tal vez tienen también unas opiniones u ideas diferentes. Vamos a respetar si hay algunas
diferencias y escucharnos uno al otro. La discusión se esta grabando solo para que yo
pueda recordar todo lo que ustedes dicen y para que yo pueda escucharlo, y estudiarlo
mejor. Tu nombre no va a aparecer en ningún lugar, y serán identificados solo por un
número. Otros grupos tomarán lugar aquí y en la escuela ------ .
•
General Discussion
1.¿Que te dijeron sobre tu traslado/cambio a los Estados Unidos y como te sentiste en
relación al cambio?
2. Pienses atrás a cuando primero llegaste aquí. ¿Como fue tu experiencia?
3. ¿Que fueron las cosas mas dificiles cuando llegaste aque? Favor de anotar las tres
cosas mas dificiles on la hoja de papel.
282
4. Cuando personas se mueven/cambian a un nuevo país con un cultura diferente, se
tienen que acostumbrar a muchos cambios. A) ¿Cuales fueron eso cambios y B) como
dirias que has sido afectado/a por esos cambios?
5. ¿Que es difícil todavía?
6. ¿Que te gustas/no gustas de la vida aquí?
7. ¿Que te ha ayudado a acostumbrarte a vivir aquí?
8. ¿Que te gustaría que la escuela hiciera para ayudarte en el proceso de acostumbrarte a
este país?
•
Thank you and distribution of movie tickets.
283
APPENDIX J2: INITIAL FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW GUIDE (ENGLISH)
Initial Focus Group Interview Guide
• Assent
• Name tags and completion of data form
• Food and refreshments
• Welcome
Welcome to our meeting about your experiences as Hispanic teenagers. This project has
been approved by Rutgers University and the ------------ Public Schools. We are happy
and grateful that you have decided to participate in this meeting. We are interested in
listening to you and learning from you. In reality, you are the ones who are experiencing
being a Hispanic adolescent living in the United States and in fact are the experts on the
topic. We want to learn about how you think and feel. We also want everyone to feel free
to participate and give his or her opinion. There are no wrong answers here.
Please remember to listen to each other without interrupting and with respect. Please
speak one at a time so that we can hear what each person has to say. Everything that is
said here is confidential, meaning that what is said here should not be talked about
outside of this room. I will not talk about what is said here with anyone in the school. The
discussion is being taped only so that I do not forget what you say and so that I can study
it better after the meeting. Your name will not appear anywhere. You will be identified
by a number. Other groups will be taking place in Smith School and the new Middle
School.
• Introductions
This Project has been approved by Rutgers University and the -----------Public Schools.
The purpose of this Project is to better understand about your experiences as teenage
Hispanic immigrants and how you go about adjusting to a new country. We also want to
know how the schools can help you in this process. Our meeting will last 1 ½ - 2 hours.
Although you have in common the experience of of being immigrants, you might also
have different ideas and opinions. If there are any differences, we are going to respect
them and listen to each other. The discussion is being taped only so that I can remember
what you have said and so that I can listen to it, and study it better. Your name will not
appear in any place. You will be identified only by a number. Other groups will take
place here and in ---------- School.
• General Discussion
1. What were you told about coming to the United States and how did you feel about it?
2. Think back to when you first arrived here. What was your experience like?
3. What were the most difficult things when you arrived here? Please list the three most
difficult things on the piece of paper.
284
4. When people move to a new country with a different culture, they must adapt to many
changes. A) What were those changes, and B) how would you say you have been affected
by them?
5. What is still difficult?
6. What do you like/dislike about living here?
7. What has helped you to adjust to living here?
8. What would you like the school to do to help you in the process of adapting to this
country?
•
Thank you and distribution of movie tickets
285
APPENDIX K1: REVISED FOCUS GROUP GUIDE (SPANISH)
Revised Focus Group Guide
•
•
•
•
Assent
Name tags and completion of data form
Food and refreshments
Welcome
Bienvenidos a esta reunión acerca de tus experiencias como hispanos adolescentes.
Estamos bien contentos y agradecemos que hayan decidido participar en esta reunión.
Este proyecto ha sido aprobado por la Universidad Rutgers y las escuelas públicas de -----.Estamos interesados in escucharlos y aprender de Ustedes. En realidad, Ustedes son los
que están pasando por la experiencia de ser un hispano adolescente viviendo en los
Estados Unidos. De hecho, Ustedes son los expertos en este tema. Queremos aprender de
cómo Ustedes piensan y se sienten. Queremos que todos se sientan libres para participar
y dar su opinión. No hay respuestas incorrectas aquí.
Favor de recordar a escuchar uno al otro sin interrumpir y con respeto. Si hay alguna
diferencia de opinión, vamos a respetarla. Favor de hablar uno a la vez. Todo lo que se
habla aquí es confidencial, es decir, que lo que se habla aquí no se debe hablar fuera de
este cuarto. Lo que se habla se esta grabando solo para que yo no olvide lo que Ustedes
dicen y para que yo pueda estudiarlo mejor después de la reunión. Tu nombre no
aparecerá en ningún lugar. Será identificado por un nombre
•
Introductions
•
General Discussion
1. ¿Cuáles han sido las tres cosas mas difíciles y las tres cosas mas fáciles desde que
llegaste aquí? Favor de escribirlas en la hoja de papel.
2. ¿Que te dijeron sobre tu traslado/cambio a los Estados Unidos/que esperabas o te
imaginabas de venir aquí?
3. Cuando personas se mueven/cambian a un nuevo país con un cultura diferente, se
tienen que acostumbrar a muchos cambios. A) ¿Cuales fueron eso cambios y B) como
dirías que has sido afectado/a por esos cambios?
4. ¿Que te ha ayudado a acostumbrarte a vivir aquí?
5. ¿Que te gustaría que la escuela hiciera para ayudarte en el proceso de acostumbrarte a
este país?
•
Thank you and distribution of movie tickets
286
APPENDIX K2: REVISED FOCUS GROUP GUIDE (ENGLISH)
Revised Focus Group Guide
•
•
•
•
Assent
Name tags and completion of data form
Food and refreshments
Welcome
Welcome to our meeting about your experiences as Hispanic teenagers. This project has
been approved by Rutgers University and the ---------- Public Schools. We are happy and
grateful that you have decided to participate in this meeting. We are interested in
listening to you and learning from you. In reality, you are the ones who are experiencing
being a Hispanic adolescent living in the United States and in fact are the experts on the
topic. We want to learn about how you think and feel. We also want everyone to feel free
to participate and give his or her opinion. If there is a difference of opinion, we will
respect it. There are no wrong answers here.
Please remember to listen to each other without interrupting and with respect. So that we
can hear what each person has to say, please only speak one at a time. Everything that is
said here is confidential, meaning that what is said here should not be talked about
outside of this room. I will not talk about what is said here with anyone in the school. The
discussion is being taped only so that I do not forget what you say and so that I can study
it better after the meeting. Your name will not appear anywhere.
•
Introductions
•
General Discussion
1. What are three things that are easy and hard about being an Hispanic teenager in the
United States? Please write these down on your paper.
2. What are the differences between the Hispanic and American cultures?
3. Do you think that being Hispanic makes you the same or different than other
teenagers?
4. How about with your parents/guardians, do you think that Hispanic parents/guardians
treat teenagers differently or the same as American parents?
5. What helps you as you go through the experiences of being a Hispanic teenager in the
United States?
6. What would you like the school to do to help you adjust to American culture?
• Thank you and distribution of movie tickets
287
APPENDIX L1: SCRIPT FOR ORAL ASSENT (SPANISH)
Script for Oral Assent
Tu estas invitado/a a participar en un estudio sobre tus experiencias como Hispano/a en
este país. El estudio se conduce por Judith Vélez, un estudiante de la Universidad de
Rutgers.
El estudio consiste de participar en una reunión que durara 1 1/2 a 2 horas. Tu nombre no
aparecerá en ningún lugar. Antes de la reunión, pido que complete una forma corta con
preguntas sobre tu edad, país de nacimiento, etc. La forma se le asignara un número, así
que tu nombre no aparecerá aquí tampoco.
Participar en la reunión te dará la oportunidad de hablar de tus experiencias con otros
estudiantes que han pasado por cosas similares. Es posible que la información obtenida
en las reuniones pueda ayudar el desarrollo de programas o servicios que puedan ayudar a
los estudiantes Hispanos.
No tienes que responder a ninguna pregunta que te haga sentir incomodo/a. Si te sientes
afectado/a de alguna manera al hablar de tus experiencias, puedes hablar conmigo
después de la reunión.
Aunque tu padre/guardián ya ha consentido a tu participación en el estudio, tú puedes
decidir no participar. También puedes parar de participar a cualquier momento durante la
reunión. Pizza y refrescos/soda se servirán durante la reunión. Al fin de la reunión, tú
recibirás una entrada gratis al cine.
La reunión será grabada en cinta de audio solo para el uso mío en el estudio. La
grabación no será escuchada por nadie en la escuela.
Si tienes alguna pregunta, yo te la contestaré antes de empezar la reunión.
288
APPENDIX L2: SCRIPT FOR ORAL ASSENT (ENGLISH)
Script for Oral Assent
You are invited to participate in a study about your experiences as Hispanic teenagers in
this country. The study is conducted by Judith Velez, a student at Rutgers University.
The study consists of participation in a meeting that will last 1 1/2 to 2 hours. Your name
will not appear in any place. Before the meeting, I will ask you to complete a short form
with questions about your age, country you were born in, etc. The form will be assigned a
number, so that your name will not appear here either.
Participation in the meeting will give you the opportunity to talk about your experiences
with other students who have gone through similar things. It is possible that the
information obtained from the meetings will help develop programs or services that can
help Hispanic students.
You do not have to respond to any question that makes you feel uncomfortable. If you
feel affected in some way upon speaking about your experiences, you can speak to me
after the meting.
Even though your parent or guardian has given permission for your participation in the
study, you can decide not to participate. You can also stop your participation at any time
during the meeting. Pizza and soda will be served during the meeting. At the end of the
meeting, you will be given a free movie ticket.
The meeting will be audiotaped only for my use in the study. The recording will not be
listened to by anybody in the school.
If you have any question, I will answer it before the meeting begins.
289
APPENDIX M: CONSENT FORM FOR SCHOOL STAFF
Consent Form for School Staff
Date
Dear
I am a doctoral student at the School of Social Work at Rutgers University and a Child Study
Team member assigned to Smith School. My dissertation will consist of a research study
involving Hispanic middle school students. A series of focus groups will be conducted in Smith
and Jones Schools including the seventh and eighth grade Hispanic students in the bilingual,
English monolingual classes of both schools and the Welcome Center at Jones School. The
experience of Hispanic immigrants as they adapt into a new environment is largely
undocumented. The purpose of the study is to better understand aspects of adjustment that
facilitate or thwart the process of adaptation to a new culture among young Hispanic adolescents.
As a guidance counselor, you are in a prime position to witness how Hispanic students adjust to
living in the United States. I am inviting you to participate in a 45-minute interview in order to
share your impressions of the process of adaptation to a new country. The interview will be
audiotaped only for the purposes of the study. No one will have access to the tapes except the
primary investigator.
There are no known risks to your participation in the study. While there are no direct benefits to
you, the results of the study will increase knowledge and understanding of Hispanic youth. In
addition, it will help inform the school of ways that the adjustment process can be facilitated for
successful integration into the wider society.
Your participation in the study is completely voluntary, without any penalty to you. If you decide
to participate, you may change your mind about participation or end the interview at any point.
The information from the study will be kept strictly confidential. No reference will be made in
oral or written reports that could link your name to the study.
If you have any questions about the research, please feel free to call me at (732) 873-0736. If you
have any questions about your rights as a research participant, you may contact the Sponsored
Programs Administrator at (732) 932-0150, Extension 2104.
If you agree to participate in the study, please sign below:
Signature_______________________________________
Date____________________
Investigator signature _____________________________
Date____________________
If you agree to have the interview audio taped, please sign below:
Signature_______________________________________
Date________________
Investigator signature_____________________________
Date________________
290
APPENDIX N: INTERVIEW GUIDE – SCHOOL STAFF
Interview Guide – School Staff
1. How long have you worked with Hispanic students as a guidance counselor/teacher?
2. When people move to a new country with a different culture, they must face many
challenges. A) What do you think are the greatest challenges or difficulties and B) how
would you say Hispanic youth are affected by those challenges?
3. What do you think are the strengths they bring with them from their native countries?
4. What do you think would help them adapt?
5. What do you think the school can do to help these students adjust to life in the United
States?
291
APPENDIX O: INITIAL CODES
Initial Codes
Language/Idioma
Express oneself/Expresarse
Defend oneself/Defenderse
Learn/Aprender
Understand/Entender
Family Relations/Relaciones Familiares
Reunion/Reunión
Separation/Separación
Reconfiguration/
Conflict/Conflicto
Adaptation/Adaptación
Emotional/Emocional
Social/Social
Environmental/Ambiental
Behavioral/del Comportamiento
Academic/Academico
Expectations/Expectativas
School/Escolar
Work or Economics/Trabajo o Economía
Reality/Realidad
School/Escolar
Work or Economics/Trabajo o Economía
292
Discrimination/Discriminación
Within group/Dentro de grupo
Between group/Entre grupo
Immigration/Inmigración
Documents/Documentos
The trip/El viaje
Housing
Access
Latino culture
Food/Comida
Music/Musica
Isolation or connectedness / Aislamiento
293
APPENDIX P: REVISED CODES
Revised Codes
1. Access
a. Education
b. Services
c. Family
d. Stores
e. Economic resources
f. Better life
g. Housing
h. Freedom
i. Goods
j. Parks
k. Transportation
l. Health care
m. Technology
2. Adaptation
a. Coping
b. Emotional (including the regulation of affect, isolation, connectedness)
c. Social (include isolation/connectedness)
d. Environment (including constraints)
e. Behavioral
f. Academic/School
g. Rules/Standards
h. Climate
i. Effort/hard work
j. Constraints
k. Changing Identity
l. Ethnic Identity
m. Reference group
n. Pride
o. Appearances
p. Bicultural Identity
q. Language (Spanish fluency)
3. Family Relations
a. Reunion
b. Separation
c. Reconfiguration
d. Conflict
e. Parenting Styles (overprotection, trust, punishment, modeling)
f. Sibling Relations
g. Family obligations
294
h. Changes in family members
4. Latino Culture
a. Food
b. Music
c. Accents
d. Different meanings of words.
e. Pride
f. Appearances (e.g., clothes, physical features)
g. Bicultural Identity
h. Religiosity
i. Cultural self-perception
j. Customs
5. Expectations vs. Reality
6. Gender relations
7. Immigration
a. Documents
b. The trip
8. Interethnic relations
a. Within group
b. Between group
c. Expectation of discrimination
d. Stereotypes
e. Cultural Messages (media)
9. Language
a. Express oneself (includes pronunciation)
b. Defend oneself
c. Learn
d. Understand
e. Vulnerability/anxiety
10. Dreams
11. What school can do (list)
295
APPENDIX Q: DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
Descriptive Statistics
N=53
Percent
28
53.00
12 - 13
31
58.00
14 - 16
22
42.00
7th
26
49.06
8th
27
50.94
Dominican Republic
12
22.64
Guatemala
1
1.89
Honduras
4
7.55
Mexico
15
28.30
Peru
1
1.89
Puerto Rico
1
1.89
United States
18
33.96
Unreported
1
1.89
Gender
Female
Age
Grade
Country of Birth
296
APPENDIX Q: DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS (CONTINUED)
Descriptive Statistics (continued)
N=53
Percent
Dominican Republic
14
26.42
Ecuador
1
1.89
Guatemala
2
3.77
Honduras
5
9.43
Mexico
25
47.17
Peru
1
1.89
Puerto Rico
2
3.77
United States
3
5.66
Dominican Republic
15
28.30
Ecuador
1
1.89
Guatemala
1
1.89
Honduras
4
7.55
Mexico
24
45.28
Peru
1
1.89
Puerto Rico
5
9.43
United States
2
3.77
Parental Country of Birth
Mother's Birthplace
Father's Birthplace
297
APPENDIX Q: DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS (CONTINUED)
Descriptive Statistics (continued)
N=53
Percent
Immigrated from city environment
22
62.86
Immigrated from rural environment
13
37.14
N=52
Percent
0-2 years
22
62.86
3-5 years
7
20.00
6-8 years
2
5.71
9-11 years
0
0.00
12-14 years
3
8.57
Missing
1
2.86
Characteristics of Immigrant Students
Pre-immigration environment
Length of Residency in the United States
Total participants
53
298
APPENDIX R: PARTICIPANT FLUENCY AND LITERACY IN ENGLISH AND
Participant fluency and literacy in English and Spanish
N
Percent
Only or Mostly Spanish
25
47.17
Spanish and English
26
49.06
Only or Mostly English
2
3.77
Only or Mostly Spanish
25
47.2
Spanish and English
26
49.1
Only or Mostly English
2
3.8
Only or Mostly Spanish
17
32.08
Spanish and English
31
58.49
Only or Mostly English
5
9.43
Poor or Fair
5
9.43
Good
14
26.42
Very Good or Excellent
34
64.15
Poor or Fair
7
13.21
Good
15
28.30
Very Good or Excellent
31
58.49
Language Most Often Spoken
Language Spoken in the Home
Language Most Often Spoken with Friends
Perceived Level of Spanish Fluency
Perceived Level of Spanish Literacy
SPANISH
299
APPENDIX R: PARTICIPANT FLUENCY AND LITERACY IN ENGLISH AND
SPANISH (CONTINUED)
Participant fluency and literacy in English and Spanish (continued)
N
Percent
Poor or Fair
25
47.17
Good
8
15.09
Very Good or Excellent
20
37.74
Poor or Fair
24
45.28
Good
9
16.98
Very Good or Excellent
20
37.74
Spanish
22
41.51
English
11
20.75
Both English and Spanish
17
32.08
Missing
3
5.66
Perceived Level of English Fluency
Perceived Level of English Literacy
Language Participants Dream in
300
APPENDIX S: PERCENT OF STUDENTS PARTICIPATING
IN AFTER SCHOOL ACTIVITIES
Percent of students who participated in after school activities
School
Participation
Sports Activity
Participation
Male
5 (38%)
9 (53%)
Female
8 (62%)
8 (47%)
Totala
13 (24%)
17 (32%)
Yes
6 (12%)
10 (67%
No
6 (12%)
6 (33%)
Totalb
12 (23%)
16 (31%)
Gender/Sex
U.S. Born
a
Total number of students in sample = 53
b
Total number of students in sample = 52
301
Curriculum Vita
Judith Velez
Education
2008
Ph.D. in Social Work, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ.
1999
Advanced Certificate in Clinical Social Work, New York University, New York,
NY.
1976
M.S.W., New York University, New York, NY.
1974
B.A., Social Sciences, Fordham University, Lincoln Center Campus, New York,
NY.
Professional Experience
8/86-present
Clinical Social Worker, Private Practice, Somerset, NJ
9/89-6/07
School Social Worker, New Brunswick Public Schools, New Brunswick, NJ.
2/82-6/89
Psychotherapist and Community Relations Liaison, Brooklyn Center for
Families in Crisis, Brooklyn, NY
9/80-6/83
Psychotherapist, Brooklyn Center for Psychotherapy, Brooklyn, NY
1/77-1/80
Clinical Social Worker, Interfaith Hospital, Brooklyn, NY
5/76-1/77
Clinical Social Worker, Brooklyn Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
Children, Brooklyn, NY
Research Experience
9/05-2/06
• Dissertation study (qualitative) – Crossing Cultures: How Hispanic Youth
Adapt.
2/01-4/01
• Qualitative study for Methods class – Hispanic Immigrants: The Mental
Health Effects of Leaving Home and Starting Anew in the United States.
7/01
• Field Researcher – Mathematica Policy Research, Inc., Princeton, NJ.
Publications and Presentations
• Co-presenter at the Sixth Annual Diversity Challenge 2006: Do Immigrants
Catch or Carry Race and Culture? Sponsored by the Institute for the Study and
Promotion of Race and Culture at Boston College. Presentation entitled, The
Changing Faces of New Jersey: A Qualitative Study of Adolescents and Their
Acculturation Experiences.
302
•
Baer, J., Prince, J. D., & Velez, J. (2004). Fusion or familialism: A construct
problem in studies of Mexican American adolescent. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences, 26(3), 26(3)-273.