Alexandria and Alexandrianism

Transcription

Alexandria and Alexandrianism
Alexandria and Alexandrianism
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Alexandria and Alexandrianism
Papers D e l i v e r e d
at a S y m p o s i u m O r g a n i z e d
b y T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u s e u m a n d
The Getty Center for the H i s t o r y
of A r t and the H u m a n i t i e s
a n d H e l d at t h e M u s e u m
April 22-25,
I
993
T h e J. Paul G e t t y Museum
Malibu, California
1996
© 1996 The J. Paul Getty Museum
17985 Pacific Coast Highway
Malibu, California 90265-5799
Mailing address:
P.O. Box 2112
Santa Monica, California 90406
Christopher Hudson, Publisher
Mark Greenberg, Managing Editor
Kenneth Hamma, Editor
Benedicte Gilman, Manuscript Editor
Nancy Moore, Copy Editor
Leslie Thomas Fitch, Designer
The Sheila Studio, Series Design
Elizabeth Burke Kahn, Production Coordinator
Except where noted, all illustrations are reproduced by
permission of the institutions or individuals that own them.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Alexandria and Alexandrianism: papers delivered at a
symposium organized by the J. Paul Getty Museum and the
Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities and
held at the Museum, April 22-25, 993p. cm.
I
ISBN 0-89236-292-8
1. Art, Hellenistic—Egypt—Alexandria—Congresses.
2. Art, Roman—Egypt—Alexandria—Congresses.
3. Alexan­
dria (Egypt)—Civilization—Congresses. I . J. Paul Getty
Museum. I I . J. Paul Getty Center for the History of Art and
the Humanities.
N5888.A54A44
1996
709'.32—dc20
95-53984
CIP
Typography by G & S Typesetters, Inc.
Printed by Science Press, Div. of the Mack Printing Group
On the front cover: Bust of a king, provenance
unknown. Diorite. About 220-180 B.C.
New Haven, Yale University Art Gallery
1.1.1953 (on loan from the Peabody Museum
of Natural History, Yale University). See essay by
Bernard V. Bothmer
Contents
ix
Foreword
John W a l s h and T h o m a s F. R e e s e
INTRODUCTION
3
Alexander's Alexandria
Peter G r e e n
THE
29
CITY
OF ALEXANDRIA
IN
THE HELLENISTIC
PERIOD
Egyptian Influence on Daily Life i n Ancient Alexandria
H e n r i Riad
41
" A l l A r m y Boots and Uniforms?": Ethnicity i n Ptolemaic
Egypt
Diana Delia
55
City Planning?
Giinter G r i m m
75
Cults i n Hellenistic Alexandria
Lilly Kahil
85
Body and Machine: Interactions between Medicine,
Mechanics, and Philosophy i n Early Alexandria
H e i n r i c h von S t a d e n
ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA:
GREEK
109
AND EGYPTIAN
CONTRIBUTIONS
Alexandria and the Origins of Baroque Architecture
Judith M c K e n z i e
vi
Cont ent s
127
From the Double C r o w n to the Double Pediment
John O n i a n s
141
From Hellenistic Polychromy of Sculptures to Roman
Mosaics
W. A. Daszewski
155
Ein spatromischer bemalter Sarg aus Agypten i m
J . Paul Getty Museum
Klaus Parlasca
171
Roots and Contacts: Aspects of Alexandrian
Craftsmanship
Michael P f r o m m e r
191
Pharaonic Egyptian Elements i n the Decorative Arts of
Alexandria during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods
Robert Steven Bianchi
203
Ptolemaic Portraits: Alexandrian Types, Egyptian
Versions
R. R. R. S m i t h
215
Hellenistic Elements i n Egyptian Sculpture of the
Ptolemaic Period
B e r n a r d V. B o t h m e r
231
The Alexandrian Style: A Mirage?
Andrew Stewart
247
Is There an Alexandrian Style—What Is Egyptian
about It?
A r i e l l e P. Kozloff
C o n t e n t s
THE
263
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE OF
ALEXANDRIA
Late Antique Alexandria
G. W. Bowersock
273
Medieval Alexandria: Some Evidence from the Cairo
Genizah Documents
A b r a h a m L. U d o v i t c h
285
Alexandrian Culture i n M o d e r n Times: Egyptian
Identity and Cosmopolitan Aspects
Mohamed Ghoneim
302
Reigns of the Ptolemies
303
M a p of early Ptolemaic Alexandria
vii
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ix
Foreword
T h e papers p u b l i s h e d i n this v o l u m e were first presented at a s y m p o ­
s i u m h e l d at the G e t t y M u s e u m i n A p r i l 1 9 9 3 . T h e s y m p o s i u m , j o i n t l y
sponsored by the M u s e u m a n d the G e t t y Center f o r the H i s t o r y o f A r t
a n d the H u m a n i t i e s , encouraged p a r t i c i p a n t s t o range w i d e l y over the
A l e x a n d r i a n landscape a n d t o examine n o t o n l y the ancient c i t y b u t
also its e n d u r i n g legacy. Speakers were asked t o elicit d u a l or m u l t i p l e
readings o f the m a t e r i a l remains o f H e l l e n i s t i c A l e x a n d r i a f r o m b o t h
E g y p t i a n a n d Greek p o i n t s o f v i e w a n d t o consider the m o d e r n concep­
t i o n a n d re-creations o f t h a t city, w h i c h is as legendary as its founder.
T h e b r e a d t h o f the speakers' interests is reflected here i n the scope o f
subjects, f r o m Alexander's A l e x a n d r i a t o T h e C o n t i n u i n g Influence
of A l e x a n d r i a .
A l t h o u g h m o s t papers are focused o n the v i s u a l arts o f
A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , the allure o f the c i t y i n later
times emerges t h r o u g h o u t . O n e of the basic questions the t w o i n s t i t u ­
t i o n s w a n t e d t o explore i n o r g a n i z i n g this s y m p o s i u m was w h e t h e r o r
n o t t r u l y A l e x a n d r i a n attributes can be seen i n the arts created t h e r e —
w h e t h e r there is such a t h i n g as an " A l e x a n d r i a n style." I n A l e x a n d r i a ,
w h e r e people i n subsequent ages u p t o the present have b u i l t t h e i r cities
o n t o p o f those w h o preceded t h e m , l i t t l e o f the ancient w o r l d is avail­
able for excavation a n d direct e x a m i n a t i o n , so m u c h is left t o specula­
t i o n a n d nostalgia. Participants were asked t o consider the p o s s i b i l i t y
t h a t the A l e x a n d r i a n associations o f certain materials a n d techniques,
certain subjects, a n d certain elements o f style, m i g h t be based at least i n
p a r t o n w h a t o u r age imagines A l e x a n d r i a t o have been, o n the m y t h o f
its o w n nature. T h e s y m p o s i u m also e x a m i n e d the many-sided c u l t u r a l
a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l character of the c i t y f r o m other vantage p o i n t s , h e l p i n g
t o p o r t r a y a richer c o n t e x t by considering l i t e r a t u r e , science, m e d i c i n e ,
a n t h r o p o l o g y , a n d c i t y p l a n n i n g . A n i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d a s u m m a r y o f pa­
pers l o o k i n g at the e n d u r i n g influences of A l e x a n d r i a f r o m
post-antique
t o m o d e r n times further p u t these discussions i n perspective, r e m i n d i n g
us again o f the distance t h a t separates us f r o m the ancient city.
x
Foreword
We are delighted t o have h a d the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r o u r s i b l i n g
i n s t i t u t i o n s t o offer the f o r u m for this fascinating m a t e r i a l a n d t h a n k f u l
t o the speakers f o r their papers a n d c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o the discussions.
A n d we are grateful f o r the w o r k o f o u r staff, i n p a r t i c u l a r M a r i o n True
a n d the members o f the A n t i q u i t i e s D e p a r t m e n t of the M u s e u m , a n d
members o f the Center's staff.
John
Walsh
Director
T h e J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m
Thomas
F. Reese
Deputy Director
T h e Getty Center f o r the H i s t o r y
of A r t a n d the H u m a n i t i e s
Introduction
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3
Alexander's Alexandria
Peter
Green
A recent I t a l i a n article asked, i n its t i t l e , the ( n o t entirely r h e t o r i c a l )
q u e s t i o n , " E g y p t i a n A l e x a n d r i a — a m y t h ? " Wisely, the w r i t e r o m i t t e d a
1
m a i n verb. I f is evokes memories o f E. M . Forster, C o n s t a n t i n e Cavafy,
a n d Lawrence D u r r e l l , was takes us back t o the A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e ,
2
t o the grandiose dreams a n d processions o f P t o l e m y Philadelphos, t o
Cleopatra's suicide after A c t i u m , t o the A r i a n a n d M o n o p h y s i t e her­
esies. A l e x a n d r i a has always h a d a m y t h i c q u a l i t y a b o u t i t . Cavafy, the
3
poet o f h o m o s e x u a l nostalgia ("Days o f 1 8 9 6 . . . " ) , reached back i n t o
the city's Hellenistic a n d Byzantine past f o r i m a g e r y a n d examples:
Sophists a n d soldiers, p o l i t i c a l lies, dynastic fantasies, m o m e n t s o f m e m ­
orable defeat, a n d always, u n c h a n g i n g d o w n the ages, ephemeral yet
4
eternal i n t h e i r a g o n i z i n g beauty, the y o u n g m e n f o r w h o m his heart
a n d b o d y hungered. T h o u g h A l e x a n d r i a h a d h a d a r e p u t a t i o n f o r g o o d l o o k i n g a n d available boys a l m o s t since its f o u n d a t i o n — H e r o d a s i n the
early t h i r d c e n t u r y B.C. m e n t i o n s t h e m i n the same breath as gaudies,
philosophers, a n d g o l d — i t remains true t h a t Cavafy (like D u r r e l l after
5
h i m , l i k e A n d r e Gide i n Algeria) was i n effect shamelessly using another
c o u n t r y as a name f o r his o w n obsessions. T h i s h a b i t has n o t been re­
6
stricted t o poets a n d novelists.
A n o t h e r factor encouraging m y t h i c i z a t i o n has always been
A l e x a n d r i a ' s m o r e - t h a n - s y m b o l i c separation f r o m E g y p t . B o t h i n the
Hellenistic a n d i n the R o m a n periods i t was officially k n o w n as " A l e x a n ­
d r i a by E g y p t , " seldom as " A l e x a n d r i a in E g y p t . " T h i s was a p p r o p r i a t e
7
i n m o r e t h a n one sense. I t distinguished the r o y a l f o u n d a t i o n o f the
G r a e c o - M a c e d o n i a n r u l i n g elite f r o m the o l d p h a r a o n i c capitals o f
M e m p h i s . I t enshrined the concept o f a g o v e r n m e n t t h a t regarded E g y p t
as alien " s p e a r - w o n t e r r i t o r y , " fit f o r economic e x p l o i t a t i o n . I t r u b b e d
i n the fact t h a t n o P t o l e m y u n t i l the last representative o f the dynasty,
C l e o p a t r a v n , ever b o t h e r e d t o learn E g y p t i a n , p r e f e r r i n g t o operate
t h r o u g h a corps o f Greek-speaking E g y p t i a n interpreters. Seers at its
f o u n d a t i o n h a d prophesied, accurately, t h a t the c i t y w o u l d be a m e l t i n g
p o t o f a l l n a t i o n s , perhaps w h a t D u r r e l l ' s N e s s i m meant w h e n he char­
8
acterized A l e x a n d r i a as "the great wine-press o f l o v e , " a n d this was t o
9
r e m a i n true t h r o u g h o u t A l e x a n d r i a ' s l o n g a n d c o l o r f u l h i s t o r y , except
4
INTRODUCTION
t h a t the nations never, i n any i m p o r t a n t sense, i n c l u d e d E g y p t itself u n t i l
after the 1 9 5 6 Suez W a r . M o h a m m e d A l i was a nineteenth-century
T u r k i s h adventurer w h o operated m u c h i n the s p i r i t of the Ptolemies o r
Alexander's governor, Kleomenes (of w h o m m o r e later): " H e e x p l o i t e d
the f e l l a h i n by b u y i n g g r a i n f r o m t h e m at his o w n price: the w h o l e of
E g y p t became his private f a r m . "
1 0
N e i t h e r Cavafy n o r D u r r e l l , we m a y
note, c u l t i v a t e d E g y p t i a n friends o r made any serious a t t e m p t t o inte­
grate E g y p t i a n realities i n t o their A l e x a n d r i a n m y t h .
1 1
I n this they were
s i m p l y a d h e r i n g t o an age-old t r a d i t i o n .
T h e magic o f A l e x a n d r i a , i n fact, can be seen f r o m start t o
finish
as the p o w e r f u l b y - p r o d u c t o f a c o s m o p o l i t a n a n d ( i n G r a h a m
Greene's sense) seedy c o l o n i a l i s m , at once rootless a n d e x p l o i t a t i v e , o f
w h i c h the casual p i c k - u p s o f H e r o d a s a n d Cavafy, n o t t o m e n t i o n D u r rell's grisly c h i l d prostitutes, can serve as an eloquent s y m b o l . A l e x a n ­
d r i a became the e m b o d i m e n t o f H e l l e n i s t i c c u l t u r e precisely because i t
h a d n o n a t i o n a l basis. T h e C y n i c p h i l o s o p h e r w h o p r o c l a i m e d himself a
kosmopolites,
a " c i t i z e n o f the w o r l d , " m i g h t w e l l have h a d the Ptole­
maic c a p i t a l i n m i n d . T h e scholarship a n d the e d i t i n g i n the M o u s e i o n ,
the obsessional search f o r past literature t h a t characterized the L i b r a r y
(and at least one m o n a r c h , P t o l e m y i n Euergetes 1, w h o forfeited his
fifteen-talent
deposit so as t o keep the official A t h e n i a n copies o f A i s c h y -
los, Sophokles, a n d E u r i p i d e s ) ; the scientific expertise t h a t w e n t i n t o
12
the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the Pharos, the great lighthouse t h a t g u i d e d n i g h t
travelers t h r o u g h the shoals a n d reefs outside A l e x a n d r i a ' s m a i n h a r b o r ;
the m e d i c a l p i o n e e r i n g w o r k o f an Erasistratos o r a H e r o p h i l o s t h a t de­
pended o n r o y a l p r o t e c t i o n against c u r r e n t religious prejudice t o a l l o w
h u m a n dissection a n d v i v i s e c t i o n ; the l i t e r a r y activities o f a K a l l i m a 13
chos o r a T h e o k r i t o s , blissfully i n n o c e n t o f any influence f r o m native
E g y p t i a n literature: a l l these things were i m p o r t e d , i m p o s e d , alien. H y ­
b r i d i z a t i o n , w h e n i t came, began i n the l o w e r strata o f society, a fertile
seed bed f o r exotic superstition a n d religious syncretism.
T h u s the regret sometimes expressed by r o m a n t i c Hellenists
for the p o s t - 1 9 5 6 demise o f the " o l d A l e x a n d r i a " has an i r o n i c t w i s t t o
i t : T h e nostalgia m i g h t w e l l be regarded as a k i n t o t h a t o f displaced
French pieds noirs f o r the o p i u m dens o f the Casbah, a n d Islam's w a r y
suspicion o f the c i t y f r o m the t i m e o f its conquest by A m r ( A . D . 640) was
n o less n a t i o n a l t h a n religious i n nature. T h e s i l t i n g u p o f harbors a n d
canals can perhaps be ascribed i n p a r t t o i n g r a i n e d A r a b distrust o f the
sea a n d of naval w a r f a r e ;
14
b u t Forster was surely r i g h t i n essence w h e n
he w r o t e t h a t " A m r a n d his A r a b s . . . i n s t i n c t i v e l y shrank f r o m A l e x a n ­
d r i a ; she seemed t o t h e m i d o l a t r o u s a n d f o o l i s h . . . t h o u g h they h a d
n o i n t e n t i o n o f destroying her, they destroyed her, as a c h i l d m i g h t a
watch."
1 5
B u t i t was n o t u n t i l the regime o f G a m a l A b d e l Nasser, the
Green
first t r u l y E g y p t i a n r u l e r o f E g y p t i n t w o a n d a h a l f m i l l e n n i a , t h a t
A l e x a n d r i a was finally integrated i n t o the b o d y p o l i t i c o n w h i c h f o r so
l o n g i t h a d existed as an alien a n d exotic g r o w t h . Readers of Cavafy a n d
D u r r e l l m a y perhaps reflect t h a t this change was, o n balance, n o b a d
t h i n g : t h a t e x o t i c i s m can be b o u g h t at t o o h i g h a price.
Those researchers w h o , like myself, n o r m a l l y react t o a m y t h
by w a n t i n g t o get b e h i n d i t have a m o r e t h a n usually t o u g h p r o b l e m o n
their hands w i t h A l e x a n d r i a , n o t least i f they hope, as I d o , t o clarify the
circumstances of the city's o r i g i n a l f o u n d a t i o n . W h e n we l o o k at o u r l i t ­
erary evidence, i t at once becomes clear t h a t m y t h i f i c a t i o n began very
early. T h e A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e , despite a s t r a t u m of valuable early H e l ­
lenistic evidence, ascribes Alexander's begetting t o the last independent
p h a r a o h , N e k t a n e b o i i ; cites his correspondence w i t h the A m a z o n s ; has
h i m arrive i n E g y p t after a razzia t h r o u g h Sicily, Italy, a n d A f r i c a ; a n d
describes his e x p l o r a t i o n of the sea b o t t o m i n a m a g i c a l d i v i n g b e l l .
16
T h e h i s t o r i a n A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s , w r i t i n g i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y A . D . ,
h a d Cleopatra v n responsible f o r b u i l d i n g b o t h the Pharos a n d the H e p t a s t a d i o n (the seven-furlong causeway l i n k i n g the island o f Pharos a n d
the m a i n l a n d ) , t h o u g h b o t h i n fact antedated her by a l m o s t three cen­
turies.
17
T h e earliest detailed d e s c r i p t i o n o f the c i t y t o survive is t h a t by
the geographer S t r a b o ,
20
B.C.
1 9
18
w h o was i n A l e x a n d r i a f r o m 24 t o ( p r o b a b l y )
a n d is thus, similarly, three h u n d r e d years o u t o f date, the dif­
ference, t o take a m o d e r n p a r a l l e l , between the L o n d o n o f Samuel Pepys
a n d the c i t y I k n o w today. By the date o f Strabo's visit the o r i g i n a l f o u n ­
d a t i o n h a d already been t r a n s f o r m e d a l m o s t b e y o n d r e c o g n i t i o n , since
D i o d o r u s Siculus ( w h o was there o n l y a few years before Strabo) w r i t e s
t h a t " a l l subsequent kings o f E g y p t v i e d i n the city's development. Some
a d o r n e d i t w i t h splendid palaces, some w i t h dockyards a n d h a r b o r
w o r k s , a n d others again w i t h various further notable dedications a n d
w o r k s o f art, t o the p o i n t w h e r e m o s t people r e c k o n i t the first o r second
c i t y o f the i n h a b i t e d w o r l d . "
2 0
T h e n o r m a l recourse i n such circumstances w o u l d be t o the
so-called h a r d evidence o f p a p y r o l o g y , epigraphy, n u m i s m a t i c s , a n d the
archaeological r e c o r d . B u t here A l e x a n d r i a presents an unusual a n d
f r u s t r a t i n g case. T h o u g h the c i t y has survived w i t h o u t i n t e r r u p t i o n f r o m
a n t i q u i t y , nevertheless f r o m the M i d d l e Ages u n t i l the advent o f M o ­
h a m m e d A l i i n 1805 o n l y the western p a r t , i n p a r t i c u l a r the silted-up
neck o f the f o r m e r H e p t a s t a d i o n , r e m a i n e d under c o n t i n u o u s occupa­
t i o n . As Fraser says, "even w i t h i n l i v i n g m e m o r y m u c h o f the area east
of the Great H a r b o u r consisted o f s a n d - d u n e s . "
21
Since this was precisely
w h e r e the i n t e r i o r o f the Ptolemaic c i t y was located, i t m i g h t have been
t h o u g h t t h a t the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r excavation were excellent. T w o fac­
tors, one man-made, one n a t u r a l , c o m b i n e d t o render such a p r o j e c t a l l
5
6
INTRODUCTION
b u t impossible. T h e r a p i d e x p a n s i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a as a p o r t d u r i n g the
nineteenth century, i n p a r t i c u l a r under K h e d i v e I s m a i l , n o t o n l y effec­
tively b u r i e d the ancient strata under n e w b u i l d i n g s b u t also, i n the c o n ­
s t r u c t i o n o f the C o r n i c h e ( 1 9 0 6 ) , created an artificial coastline u p t o
300 m i n depth.
22
To m a k e things even worse, i n m a n y districts ancient
sherds were redeposited, i n complete c o n f u s i o n , o n t o p o f the later strata.
B u t such f r u s t r a t i n g h u m a n activities were eclipsed by those
of nature. O v e r the centuries there has t a k e n place, p a r t l y t h r o u g h seis­
m i c disturbance, p a r t l y t h r o u g h the w e i g h t o f the silt washed d o w n b y
the N i l e , a general subsidence o f u p t o f o u r meters. As a result, m u c h o f
the coastal section o f the Ptolemaic c i t y ( w h i c h , as we k n o w , i n c l u d e d at
least some o f the r o y a l palaces), n o w lies under the waters o f the M e d i ­
terranean, a n d the on-site p a p y r o l o g i c a l evidence, w h i c h c o u l d have t o l d
us so m u c h a b o u t the capital's f u n c t i o n i n g , has been t o t a l l y d e s t r o y e d .
23
T h u s i f we w a n t t o understand the circumstances of A l e x a n d r i a ' s f o u n ­
d a t i o n , we find ourselves c o m p e l l e d t o reexamine the l i t e r a r y evidence
w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f various h i s t o r i c a l factors: strategic, economic,
c o m m e r c i a l , c u l t u r a l , even religious. Some o f these are p e r e n n i a l , so
t h a t , surprisingly, we find m o d e r n A l e x a n d r i a shedding l i g h t o n its an­
cient c o u n t e r p a r t .
24
Let us begin, t h e n , w i t h the enigmatic f o u n d e r himself.
A l e x a n d e r 111 o f M a c e d o n f r o m adolescence o n made a h a b i t of creating
or t a k i n g over cities a n d n a m i n g t h e m after himself. H i s first recorded
venture of the sort was at the tender age o f sixteen. A p p o i n t e d regent
w h i l e P h i l i p was c a m p a i g n i n g against B y z a n t i u m a n d Perinthos, he dis­
l o d g e d a g r o u p o f rebellious T h r a c i a n t r i b e s m e n a n d established a m i l i ­
t a r y o u t p o s t , A l e x a n d r o p o l i s , t o m a t c h the P h i l i p p o p o l i s his father h a d
set u p t w o years p r e v i o u s l y . A l e x a n d e r never lacked the c o m p e t i t i v e
25
s p i r i t . P l u t a r c h (Mor. 328E) credits h i m w i t h n o less t h a n seventy f o u n ­
dations i n a l l : each n a m e d A l e x a n d r i a , a n d m a n y of t h e m n o m o r e t h a n
f r o n t i e r fortresses. A l e x a n d r i a - b y - E g y p t p r o v e d b y far the m o s t success­
f u l . I t was also the one i n w h i c h he seems t o have t a k e n the m o s t per­
sonal i n t e r e s t .
26
W e m a y l e g i t i m a t e l y ask ourselves w h y .
T h i s question f o r m s p a r t o f a larger p r o b l e m : w h y d i d he
choose t o go t o E g y p t at all? A f t e r the battle of Issus (September 333)
w h y d i d he n o t at once pursue the defeated a n d disorganized forces o f
D a r i u s eastward t o Babylon? W h y , instead, d i d he m a r c h over three h u n ­
d r e d miles o u t o f his w a y d o w n the coast o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , spend
seven m o n t h s besieging T y r e a n d a l o n g w i n t e r i n a n d a r o u n d the N i l e
Valley, a n d n o t resume his career o f conquest u n t i l late A p r i l o f 3 3 1 ? To
u n d e r s t a n d this we m u s t appreciate (as A l e x a n d e r himself u n d o u b t e d l y
d i d ) the dangerous a n d fluid s i t u a t i o n t h a t h a d developed b e h i n d his ad­
vance, i n A s i a M i n o r a n d the Aegean, a n d t h a t n o w seriously threatened
his ever-lengthening lines o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
Green
Since his siege a n d capture o f M i l e t o s i n 3 3 4 , A l e x a n d e r h a d
operated, except f o r one s m a l l t r a n s p o r t s q u a d r o n , w i t h o u t a fleet. V a r i ­
ous reasons have been suggested f o r this; b u t the t r u t h o f the m a t t e r
seems t o have been t h a t the b u l k o f the navy was s u p p l i e d by his reluc­
t a n t Greek allies, w h o m he distrusted so deeply t h a t he a c t u a l l y preferred
the r i s k o f r e b e l l i o n i n his rear, n o t t o m e n t i o n the challenge o f n e u t r a l i z ­
i n g every key p o r t f r o m the l a n d w a r d side, t o t h e i r c o n t i n u e d presence.
27
W o r s e , the Persians h a d also decided t o c a r r y o u t an aggressive, a n d
h i g h l y successful, naval c a m p a i g n i n the Aegean, f o r w h i c h they m a i n l y
e m p l o y e d the large P h o e n i c i a n fleet. A f t e r Issus, D a r i u s gave t h i s c a m ­
p a i g n t o p p r i o r i t y : M i l e t o s a n d H a l i k a r n a s s o s were r e c a p t u r e d , a n d K i n g
Agis i n o f Sparta, already p l a n n i n g a n a t i o n a l i s t r e b e l l i o n , was f u r n i s h e d
w i t h g o l d a n d n o less t h a n eight t h o u s a n d mercenaries, w h i l e the Persian
cavalry c o m m a n d e r , N a b a r z a n e s , c a m p a i g n i n g i n A n a t o l i a , threatened
t o sever Alexander's l a n d w a r d lines of c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
2 8
I n the circumstances, the sea lanes a n d p o r t s o f the eastern
M e d i t e r r a n e a n assumed e n o r m o u s strategic i m p o r t a n c e . A l e x a n d e r h a d
done w h a t he c o u l d t o secure t h e m as far as C i l i c i a . W h a t r e m a i n e d n o w
were Phoenicia a n d E g y p t ,
29
o n b o t h o f w h i c h Persia, being herself a
n o n m a r i t i m e i n l a n d c o u n t r y , h a b i t u a l l y d r e w f o r her fleet. I t s h o u l d n o w
be i m m e d i a t e l y a p p a r e n t w h y A l e x a n d e r spent seven m o n t h s besieging
the great offshore s t r o n g h o l d o f T y r e . Tyre's n e i g h b o r a n d r i v a l S i d o n ,
h a v i n g been reduced savagely by A r t a x e r x e s O c h u s i n 345 after an at­
t e m p t e d r e b e l l i o n , w e l c o m e d the M a c e d o n i a n s w i t h o p e n arms. B u t
30
Gaza also gave A l e x a n d e r t r o u b l e , a n d another t w o m o n t h s were spent
i n r e d u c i n g i t . Besides being a spice e n t r e p o t at the head o f the Eastern
caravan routes, the c i t y c o u l d serve as a m i l i t a r y fortress g u a r d i n g the
l a n d approaches t o E g y p t .
31
F r o m Gaza A l e x a n d e r made the 2 0 0 k m t o the f r o n t i e r
s t r o n g h o l d o f Pelusium, at the m o u t h o f the N i l e , i n just under a w e e k .
T h e s m a l l fleet he retained g o t there before h i m , a n d he f o u n d i t at an­
c h o r i n the h a r b o r .
32
Since A r t a x e r x e s Ochus h a d earlier (343) dealt
w i t h E g y p t just as b l o o d i l y as he d i d w i t h S i d o n ,
33
Alexander met w i t h
n o o p p o s i t i o n at Pelusium a n d was indeed w e l c o m e d as a l i b e r a t o r .
34
B o t h Phoenicia a n d E g y p t were n o w safely under M a c e d o n i a n c o n t r o l .
Alexander's strategy at this p o i n t is clear e n o u g h . I t w o u l d
take D a r i u s at least a year t o r e c r u i t , t r a i n , a n d d e p l o y a n e w a r m y .
Since there was n o t h i n g A l e x a n d e r w a n t e d m o r e t h a n another full-scale,
a n d , w i t h l u c k , decisive, engagement, he was w e l l c o n t e n t t o let D a r i u s
prepare for t h i s , w h i l e he h i m s e l f dealt w i t h other pressing p r o b l e m s . So
far, he h a d secured C i l i c i a a n d the P h o e n i c i a n coast, thus safeguarding
m u c h o f the East M e d i t e r r a n e a n sea r o u t e , b u t there still r e m a i n e d N o r t h
A f r i c a . To the west o f Cyrene lay " b a r b a r i s m a n d C a r t h a g e , "
35
about
w h i c h n o t m u c h c o u l d be done as yet. B u t Cyrene itself, a n d a f o r t i o r i
7
8
INTRODUCTION
the N i l e D e l t a , h a d t o be made safe. W h a t e v e r other considerations
A l e x a n d e r h a d i n m i n d as he m a r c h e d t h r o u g h the desert t o H e l i o p o l i s ,
this one was surely p r o m i n e n t .
3 6
Mazaces, the Persian satrap, whose g a r r i s o n h a d been t a k e n
f r o m h i m t o fight at Issus a n d w h o was thus v i r t u a l l y defenseless, crossed
the river f r o m M e m p h i s a n d surrendered the c i t y t o the M a c e d o n i a n s ,
together w i t h eight h u n d r e d talents a n d the r o y a l f u r n i t u r e .
phis, a c c o r d i n g t o the R o m a n c e ,
38
37
In Mem­
A l e x a n d e r was n o t o n l y e n t h r o n e d as
p h a r a o h b u t also, o n being s h o w n a statue o f N e k t a n e b o n , the last
E g y p t i a n p h a r a o h , inscribed w i t h a p r o p h e c y that he w o u l d come again
t o r i d E g y p t o f the Persians, declared himself Nektanebo's
son—perhaps,
i f there is any t r u t h i n the story, t o strengthen his o w n c l a i m as Egypt's
n e w ruler. A t the same t i m e , w h i l e d u l y sacrificing t o the E g y p t i a n gods,
A l e x a n d e r also h e l d lavish Greek-style games, b o t h m u s i c a l a n d athletic,
w i t h top-level c o m p e t i t o r s i m p o r t e d f r o m the Greek m a i n l a n d ,
3 9
a nice
example o f his increasing need, as his career of conquest advanced, t o be
all things t o a l l m e n . W h i l e i n M e m p h i s (perhaps after a t o u r o f inspec­
t i o n t h r o u g h the nearby c o u n t r y s i d e ) , he settled the future a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
of E g y p t i n his usual manner: t h a t is, by c h a n g i n g n o t h i n g apart f r o m
those i n charge at the t o p .
4 0
W h a t he d i d n e x t has been the subject of considerable dis­
agreement a m o n g historians, ancient a n d m o d e r n alike. B o t h Q u i n t u s
C u r t i u s Rufus a n d D i o d o r u s clearly state t h a t his n e x t act was t o pay a
visit t o the o r a c u l a r shrine of Zeus A m m o n (of w h i c h m o r e i n a m o m e n t )
i n the S i w a h Oasis. I n p a r t i c u l a r they, like J u s t i n ,
41
place the f o u n d a t i o n
of A l e x a n d r i a after this visit, t h o u g h i t is o n l y the A l e x a n d e r Romance
t h a t develops the post hoc, propter
hoc a r g u m e n t that Alexander's p u r ­
pose i n v i s i t i n g the shrine was t o discover w h a t site the g o d favored f o r
his n e w city, a n d t h a t A m m o n d u l y responded w i t h an oracle i n s t r u c t i n g
the k i n g t o " f o u n d his famous c i t y across f r o m Proteus's i s l e . "
other h a n d , b o t h A r r i a n a n d P l u t a r c h
4 3
4 2
O n the
appear t o place the f o u n d a t i o n
of A l e x a n d r i a before the visit t o S i w a h . W e have here w h a t has m o r e of­
ten t h a n n o t been t a k e n (mistakenly, I t h i n k ) as a f u n d a m e n t a l conflict o f
p r i m a r y sources.
B r a d f o r d Welles, i n an influential a r t i c l e , argued t h a t the
44
A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e was r i g h t : t h a t n o Greek c i t y c o u l d be f o u n d e d
w i t h o u t d i v i n e a p p r o v a l a n d t h a t the evidence of A r r i a n a n d P l u t a r c h
m u s t therefore be rejected. Previously " A l e x a n d e r historians [had] u n hesitantly accepted the Ptolemaic v e r s i o n " o f A r r i a n .
Welles's thesis gave rise t o a simpliste
4 5
N o w , for a while,
a n d misdirected debate between
the advocates o f " b e f o r e " a n d " a f t e r . "
46
I t was B r i a n Bos w o r t h w h o
l o o k e d i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n f o r a s o l u t i o n t o this p r o b l e m . There was
n o reason, he argued, w h y A l e x a n d e r s h o u l d n o t have p i c k e d o n a site
first, t h e n have o b t a i n e d d i v i n e a p p r o v a l f o r i t at S i w a h , a n d finally have
Green
established an official " f o u n d a t i o n d a y " o n his r e t u r n . O n e m i g h t also
stress the fact t h a t oracular consultants, i n c l u d i n g w o u l d - b e colonists,
h a b i t u a l l y framed their questions i n such a w a y as t o solicit a p p r o v a l
for a choice already
made.
47
W i t h these considerations i n m i n d , w e can
m a k e o u r sources y i e l d a fairly consistent a n d plausible account o f w h a t
actually happened.
F r o m M e m p h i s A l e x a n d e r sailed d o w n the C a n o p i c b r a n c h of
the N i l e .
4 8
H e already h a d i n m i n d the d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o f o u n d a n e w c i t y
i n the area. I t was t o be large, w e l l p o p u l a t e d , prosperous, w i t h a g o o d ,
safe h a r b o r .
49
A r r i a n o n several occasions mentions Alexander's motives
in founding cities.
50
W h i l e he h a d an eye for a strategically o r otherwise
advantageous site, his m a i n concern always seems t o have been t o leave
a large a n d famous m e m o r i a l o f himself, an extension o f his quest f o r
g l o r y (kleos).
T h i s was w h y every such f o u n d a t i o n bore his name, t o
shed a n a t u r a l luster o n i t . H i s other recipe for success was a large p o p u ­
l a t i o n , so t h a t we r e g u l a r l y f i n d h i m n o t o n l y d i r e c t i n g Greek a n d M a c e ­
d o n i a n colonists i n t o his n e w cities b u t f o r c i b l y r e l o c a t i n g indigenous
i n h a b i t a n t s f r o m s u r r o u n d i n g areas. I t is also clear t h a t his m o t i v a t i o n
was very often, i n p a r t at least, c o m m e r c i a l . T h i s being so, d u r i n g his
voyage he m u s t at the very least seriously have considered the claims o f a
famous Greek e m p o r i u m already l o n g established o n the C a n o p i c b r a n c h
of the N i l e : N a u k r a t i s .
51
N a u k r a t i s h a d been a p r i v i l e g e d c o m m e r c i a l en­
t r e p o t for the Greeks at least since the early s i x t h century, a n d i t is h a r d
t o believe t h a t the r i c h businessmen, w h o surely w e n t o u t of t h e i r w a y t o
entertain the M a c e d o n i a n c o n q u e r o r w h e n he reached N a u k r a t i s d u r i n g
his t o u r o f inspection, d i d n o t t r y also t o sell h i m the idea o f t u r n i n g
N a u k r a t i s i n t o the c i t y o f his dreams. I t is even possible t h a t they f o r a
brief w h i l e succeeded. P l u t a r c h , i n a passage t h a t has elicited s u r p r i s i n g l y
l i t t l e c o m m e n t , records t h a t o n the advice o f his technical consultants
A l e x a n d e r h a d already selected a site—was, indeed, o n the p o i n t o f mea­
s u r i n g i t off a n d enclosing i t — w h e n a p r o p h e t i c d r e a m t u r n e d his atten­
t i o n t o the offshore island of P h a r o s .
52
T h a t this was N a u k r a t i s is made
even m o r e p r o b a b l e by the fact t h a t one o f his advisers, Kleomenes, was
himself a native o f the city, a n d almost certainly (as his subsequent career
suggests) one o f its leading f i n a n c i e r s .
53
D u r i n g the n i g h t , a c c o r d i n g t o P l u t a r c h , A l e x a n d e r dreamed
t h a t a w h i t e - h a i r e d a n d venerable o l d m a n s t o o d beside h i m a n d de­
c l a i m e d t w o lines f r o m H o m e r ' s Odyssey
( 4 . 3 5 4 - 5 5 ) : " T h e r e is an is­
l a n d i n the ever-surging m a i n , / offshore f r o m Egypt: Pharos is w h a t m e n
call i t . " T h e king's religiosity was one of his strongest characteristics.
54
Struck by this v i s i o n , he sailed o n t o the coast, e x p l o r e d L a k e M a r e o t i s ,
a n d e x a m i n e d Pharos itself. H i s first i n s t i n c t seems t o have been t o f o l ­
l o w his d r e a m t o the letter a n d b u i l d a c i t y actually o n the island, being
dissuaded f r o m this p l a n o n l y by the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t Pharos was n o t
9
10
INTRODUCTION
big e n o u g h for w h a t he h a d i n m i n d .
5 5
B u t t h e n , surveying the l o n g
limestone ridge between lake a n d sea, n o t i n g the n a t u r a l deep-water
h a r b o r , the p r o t e c t i o n afforded by Pharos, a n d the lack o f c o m p a r a b l e
facilities elsewhere a l o n g the coast, he decided, P l u t a r c h says, t h a t H o ­
mer "was n o t o n l y e x t r a o r d i n a r y i n other respects b u t also a very clever
city planner."
56
A t this p o i n t , says A r r i a n ( 3 . 1 . 5 ) , "a l o n g i n g [pothos]
for the
w o r k t o o k h o l d o f h i m , " a n d i n his usual i m p u l s i v e , enthusiastic m a n ­
ner, he began m a r k i n g o u t the future city's m a i n features: the site o f the
agora; the n u m b e r a n d l o c a t i o n o f t e m p l e s — m o s t l y t o Greek gods b u t
also t o E g y p t i a n Isis a n d Serapis (the H o m e r i c d r e a m m a y even have
t a k e n place d u r i n g a n i n c u b a t i o n i n the e x i s t i n g shrine o f Serapis at
R h a k o t i s ) — t h e streets, l a i d o u t i n a r i g h t - a n g l e d g r i d p a t t e r n a n d so
57
placed as t o catch the c o o l p r e v a i l i n g breeze;
a n d a massive great r o y a l palace.
59
58
hugely strong r a m p a r t s ;
These features are a l l specifically at­
t r i b u t e d t o A l e x a n d e r rather t h a n t o his successors. O n e further feature
f o r w h i c h he can safely be given the credit is A l e x a n d r i a ' s r e m a r k a b l e
system o f u n d e r g r o u n d drains, c o n d u i t s , cisterns, a n d sewers.
clearly h a d t o be i n place ab initio.
Alexandrine
60
This
I t is referred t o by the a u t h o r o f the
War, * a n d (according t o the A l e x a n d e r Romance) was ac­
6
t u a l l y r e c o m m e n d e d t o A l e x a n d e r by one o f his technical advisers.
62
O n e factor t h a t u n d o u b t e d l y influenced A l e x a n d e r as a strate­
gist i n favor o f the site was its s t r i k i n g resemblance t o t h a t o f T y r e .
6 3
A g a i n , he f o u n d an offshore island capable o f c o n t r o l l i n g access t o the
m a i n l a n d , a n d his o r i g i n a l n o t i o n o f establishing A l e x a n d r i a o n Pharos
itself confirms the c o m p a r i s o n . T h a t the island was t o o small t o c o n t a i n
the k i n d o f c i t y he h a d i n m i n d was n o t the o n l y a r g u m e n t , however,
i n favor o f p r e f e r r i n g a site centered o n the limestone ridge k n o w n as
R h a k o t i s . W h a t A l e x a n d e r h a d done at T y r e by d r i v i n g a great causeway
f r o m shore t o i s l a n d , others m i g h t yet achieve h e r e .
64
Better t o anticipate
t h e m . W h a t was m o r e , A l e x a n d e r at once perceived t h a t the existence of
such a causeway, quite apart f r o m its strategic advantages, w o u l d greatly
i m p r o v e the d o c k i n g f a c i l i t i e s .
65
F r o m an open roadstead merely shel­
tered by Pharos, the p o r t o f A l e x a n d r i a w o u l d at one stroke acquire
m a j o r eastern a n d western h a r b o r s , each easily p r o t e c t e d against b o t h
v i o l e n t storms ( f r o m whatever quarter) a n d attack f r o m the sea. For
these reasons I a m i n c l i n e d t o believe t h a t the H e p t a s t a d i o n f o r m e d p a r t
of Alexander's o r i g i n a l p l a n a n d was i m p l e m e n t e d d u r i n g his lifetime.
I n a passage m u c h c o n t a m i n a t e d w i t h later m y t h , A m m i a n u s picks u p
one t r a d i t i o n t h a t has the r i n g o f t r u t h a b o u t i t : the H e p t a s t a d i o n , he
reports, was r e m a r k a b l e n o t o n l y f o r its size (it was nearly a m i l e i n
length) b u t also for the "scarcely credible speed" w i t h w h i c h i t was
built.
6 6
T h e k i n d o f speed t h a t amazed those w h o saw i t (and a f o r t i o r i
those w h o became its v i c t i m s ) was, o f course, one o f Alexander's bestk n o w n characteristics.
Green
II
T h a t A l e x a n d e r ' s purpose i n f o u n d i n g A l e x a n d r i a was at least
as m u c h strategic as c o m m e r c i a l seems c e r t a i n .
67
Egypt's r e m a r k a b l e
a b i l i t y , even u n d e r the m o s t i n e p t o f the Ptolemies, t o resist successful i n ­
v a s i o n b y l a n d o r sea testifies i n retrospect t o his foresight. H i s acquisi­
t i o n o f the N i l e V a l l e y guaranteed h i m a l m o s t i n e x h a u s t i b l e supplies o f
g r a i n a n d o t h e r p r o d u c e . M e m p h i s gave h i m c o n t r o l o f the D e l t a . Pelus i u m h a d o n l y l i m i t e d facilities f o r the maintenance o f a fleet; b u t w i t h
the establishment o f a deep-water p o r t i n A l e x a n d r i a (at the one p o i n t
o n the E g y p t i a n l i t t o r a l w h e r e this was possible) A l e x a n d e r c l i n c h e d his
d o m i n a t i o n over the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . T w o w o r l d w a r s have a m ­
p l y c o n f i r m e d the port's c r u c i a l i m p o r t a n c e as a n a v a l base. A l e x a n d e r ' s
emphasis o n the size a n d strength o f the c i t y w a l l s suggests a d e t e r m i n a ­
t i o n t o m a k e his f o u n d a t i o n equally i n v u l n e r a b l e f r o m the l a n d w a r d side.
T h e site o f R h a k o t i s h a d been used f o r a defense post i n ear­
lier periods. Strabo describes h o w the p h a r a o h s established a g a r r i s o n
there, t o keep o u t foreigners, p r i m a r i l y Greeks ( o n e c o n o m i c g r o u n d s , i t
is alleged, w h i c h sounds l i k e an a n a c h r o n i s m f r o m Ptolemaic t i m e s ) , a n d
"gave t h e m as a d w e l l i n g place the area k n o w n as R h a k o t i s , n o w t h a t
p a r t o f the A l e x a n d r i a n s ' c i t y situated above the d o c k y a r d s , w h i c h was
t h e n a village; a n d the l a n d a r o u n d the village they gave t o herdsmen,
w h o also were able t o prevent incursions by o u t s i d e r s . "
68
Strabo's evi­
dence is c o n f i r m e d i n some d e t a i l b y the A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e , w h e r e , i n
a difficult a n d i n places c o r r u p t passage, w e hear o f a dozen s m a l l villages
s u r r o u n d i n g R h a k o t i s itself, w h i c h served as t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t e r .
69
Even m o r e i n t r i g u i n g , t h o u g h e x t r e m e l y h a r d t o evaluate, are the exten­
sive u n d e r w a t e r r u i n s o f a huge h a r b o r c o m p l e x l y i n g t o the n o r t h a n d
west o f Pharos: T h e y c o u l d be a m i l l e n n i u m older t h a n the f o u n d a t i o n o f
A l e x a n d r i a , a n d the m o s t plausible t h e o r y identifies t h e m as p a r t o f the
M i n o a n thalassocracy centered o n K n o s s o s .
70
Pottery deposits suggest,
as w e m i g h t expect, a Greek presence i n the area at least since the m i d seventh c e n t u r y .
71
H e r o d o t o s a n d T h u k y d i d e s b o t h refer t o g a r r i s o n
posts i n the area, the one i n the s i x t h century, the other i n the fifth, i n
each case as p a r t o f a d e s c r i p t i o n o f Egypt's general defense s y s t e m .
72
T h e r e is n o reason t o suppose t h a t A l e x a n d e r , w h o h a d a l l H o m e r a n d a
g o o d deal o f Euripides b y heart, w o u l d n o t also be f a m i l i a r w i t h the t w o
great exponents o f his o w n themes o f conquest a n d e m p i r e .
T h e shape o f the o r i g i n a l c i t y w a l l is l i k e n e d b y several o f o u r
sources t o a c h l a m y s , a M a c e d o n i a n m i l i t a r y c l o a k ,
7 3
w h i c h was f o r m e d
f r o m a r e c t a n g u l a r piece o f c l o t h shaped s o m e w h a t l i k e the segment o f a
circle: a c o n v e x l o w e r edge subtended t o t w o s t r a i g h t sides c o n v e r g i n g
o n a m u c h n a r r o w e r t o p edge, the latter s t r a i g h t o r slightly c u r v e d .
city's dimensions are also v a r i o u s l y r e p o r t e d , Strabo's
figures—30
74
The
stades
f r o m east t o west, b u t n o m o r e t h a n 7 - 8 n o r t h t o s o u t h , between L a k e
M a r e o t i s a n d the s e a — b e i n g p r o b a b l y the m o s t accurate. Strabo also
75
makes i t clear t h a t the c i t y b o u n d a r y stopped s h o r t , i n the west, o f the
12
INTRODUCTION
suburb k n o w n as N e k r o p o l i s , " i n w h i c h there are m a n y graves a n d gar­
dens a n d embalmers' p a r l o r s . "
7 6
A s i m i l a r terminus ad quern is p r o v i d e d
i n the east by the cemetery o f Shatby.
77
Insofar as the chlamys image bore
any r e l a t i o n t o reality, i t seems t o have envisaged an area r o u g h l y rectan­
gular b u t n a r r o w i n g n o r t h w a r d as i t approached the h a r b o r area.
I f A l e x a n d e r w i s h e d t o o b t a i n d i v i n e a p p r o v a l for his f o u n ­
d a t i o n , i t first h a d t o be defined. T h i s is the true r a i s o n d'etre b e h i n d the
m o s t famous anecdote c o n c e r n i n g his activities at the site: most o f o u r
sources r e c o r d i t , b u t none perceives its relevance.
78
W h e n Alexander
h a d fixed o n the site at R h a k o t i s , as we have seen (p. 10 above), he
strode a r o u n d , A r r i a n says, m a r k i n g o u t (we are n o t t o l d h o w ) various
features o f his n e w city. B u t the c h a l k o r l i m e used for m a r k i n g r a n
o u t a n d was replaced, i n this emergency, by the barley meal o r polenta
t h a t f o r m e d the t r o o p s ' a n d w o r k m e n ' s rations ( w h a t they h a d t o say
a b o u t losing their l u n c h is n o t recorded). A vast s w a r m of seagulls a n d
m a r s h birds appeared a n d devoured the barley meal. A l e x a n d e r , super­
stitious t o a degree, was concerned as t o w h a t this m i g h t p o r t e n d b u t got
w e l c o m e reassurance f r o m A r i s t a n d e r a n d his other seers, w h o declared
t h a t the c i t y w o u l d a b o u n d i n w e a l t h a n d p r o v i d e sustenance for m e n o f
every n a t i o n .
7 9
W h a t has escaped notice a b o u t the barley-meal anecdote is
t h a t i n every version o f i t w h a t A l e x a n d e r is m a r k i n g o u t is, specifically,
the city's perimeter, its f o r t i f i c a t i o n s , its defining b o u n d a r y w a l l s .
80
This
lends some c r e d i b i l i t y t o the generally disregarded c o m m e n t of Q u i n t u s
C u r t i u s Rufus, w h o i n f o r m s us t h a t the use o f barley meal t o establish
the outer c i r c u i t , w h a t a R o m a n w o u l d call the pomerium,
was "a c u s t o m o f the M a c e d o n i a n s . "
81
of a n e w c i t y
I n any case w h a t A l e x a n d e r was
d o i n g was m a k i n g a r i t u a l declaration of i n t e n t , at least as m u c h for
divine as f o r h u m a n n o t i f i c a t i o n . H e t h e n "offered sacrifice f o r these
actions, a n d the sacrifice appeared f a v o r a b l e . "
82
A t this p o i n t Alexander's lieutenant Hegelochos a r r i v e d by
sea w i t h w e l c o m e news f r o m the Aegean, where the naval c a m p a i g n was
everywhere t u r n i n g i n the M a c e d o n i a n s ' f a v o r .
83
I t was n o w that, once
again, A l e x a n d e r was seized by a sudden urge, a pothos,
shrine o f Zeus A m m o n i n the L i b y a n desert.
84
T h i s pothos
t o visit the
m a y n o t have
been exclusively religious i n nature. A l e x a n d e r still needed t o secure
Cyrene. H e r e l u c k was o n his side. Before he reached P a r a e t o n i u m
(Mersa M a t r u h ) , envoys met h i m f r o m Cyrene bearing r i c h gifts a n d so­
l i c i t i n g a treaty o f alliance, w h i c h he was o n l y t o o glad t o grant t h e m .
8 5
H o g a r t h argued t h a t A l e x a n d e r o n l y w e n t t o Siwah at a l l because he
n o w h a d n o need t o proceed t o Cyrene a n d felt he m i g h t as w e l l make
the l o n g m a r c h w o r t h w h i l e . Alexander's religious nature suggests o t h ­
8 6
erwise; b u t H o g a r t h is u n d o u b t e d l y r i g h t i n his c o n t e n t i o n t h a t the j o u r ­
ney was also strategically m o t i v a t e d .
Green
We are o n l y concerned here w i t h t w o facets o f this m u c h discussed episode: the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t one reason f o r A l e x a n d e r ' s f o r a y
i n t o the desert was t o secure A m m o n ' s blessing o n the p r o p o s e d n e w
city, a n d a search f o r evidence establishing the c h r o n o l o g y o f b o t h the
p i l g r i m a g e itself a n d the city's f o u n d a t i o n . T h e sole source c l a i m i n g t h a t
A l e x a n d e r c o n s u l t e d the oracle r e g a r d i n g his p r o p o s e d f o u n d a t i o n is
p r o v i d e d b y the A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e .
87
T h o u g h as a n u n s u p p o r t e d w i t ­
ness this t e x t does n o t inspire confidence, Welles has offered c o n v i n c i n g
reasons w h y i n this case w e s h o u l d believe w h a t i t tells us. As he says,
" D i d any Greek i n d i v i d u a l o r c o m m u n i t y ever f o u n d a n e w c i t y w i t h o u t
first c o n s u l t i n g an oracle? . . . A n y o n e i n a n t i q u i t y k n e w t h a t A l e x a n d e r
m u s t have h a d d i v i n e guidance i n f o u n d i n g his name c i t y . "
8 8
T h e oracle,
a c c o r d i n g t o the R o m a n c e , i n s t r u c t e d the k i n g t o d o so " o p p o s i t e the
isle o f Proteus," just as he h a d h o p e d , "over w h i c h A i o n P l o u t o n i o s h i m ­
self presides,/ t u r n i n g the boundless w o r l d o n its
five-hilled
ridges."
8 9
T h i s deity, the R o m a n c e d u l y i n f o r m s us, was none other t h a n Serapis.
90
T h o u g h the degree o f A l e x a n d e r ' s personal i n v o l v e m e n t i n the Serapis
c u l t is m u c h d e b a t e d ,
91
the existence o f a serapeion i n R h a k o t i s seems
c e r t a i n , a n d i t clearly o c c u p i e d the same site as the later t e m p l e , t h a t is,
the southwest p a r t o f the city, o n the l i t t l e h i l l w h e r e "Pompey's P i l l a r "
(actually p a r t o f the temple itself) s t i l l s t a n d s .
92
T h a t A l e x a n d e r received
a p p r o v a l f o r his f o u n d a t i o n f r o m A m m o n , a n d t h a t this a p p r o v a l was i n
some w a y l i n k e d t o the c u l t o f Serapis, seem h i g h l y p r o b a b l e .
T h e j o u r n e y t o S i w a h was m a r k e d by t w o p h e n o m e n a t h a t
enable us t o date i t w i t h reasonable p r e c i s i o n : heavy r a i n ,
storm,
9 4
9 3
a n d a sand­
p r o d u c e d by the southwest k h a m s i n w i n d s . B o t h these are re­
stricted t o the w i n t e r m o n t h s .
9 5
Alexander had arrived i n Egypt during
N o v e m b e r 3 3 2 : he p r o b a b l y c o n s u l t e d the oracle i n late December o r
early January. T h e A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e offers an E g y p t i a n date, 25 T y b i ,
f o r the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a . C o n v e r s i o n t o a J u l i a n date depends
9 6
o n w h e t h e r the w r i t e r o f the R o m a n c e was c a l c u l a t i n g f r o m the Ptole­
m a i c calendar, w h i c h gives us A p r i l 7, o r f r o m Augustus's R o m a n calen­
dar, w h i c h w o r k s o u t at January 2 0 .
9 7
Since a f e w lines earlier he equates
T y b i w i t h January, the latter seems m o r e p r o b a b l e a n d fits very w e l l w i t h
the c l i m a t i c evidence. I n any case, A l e x a n d e r left M e m p h i s f o r Phoenicia
"at the very first sign o f s p r i n g , "
9 8
a n d this w i l l c e r t a i n l y have been be­
fore the second week i n A p r i l . T h e one t r u e inconsistency i n o u r testim o n i a ( w h i c h also baffled A r r i a n , w h o reports i t ) concerns his r o u t e
back. D i d he r e t u r n by the same r o u t e (thus A r i s t o b u l u s , f o l l o w e d by
Q u i n t u s C u r t i u s R u f u s ) , o r m a k e the shorter, b u t far m o r e dangerous
t r e k across the desert t h r o u g h the Q a t t a r a Depression, d i r e c t l y t o M e m ­
phis?
99
T h e o n l y reason he w o u l d have chosen t o d o the latter w o u l d be
i f he was pressed f o r t i m e . W i t h a January rather t h a n an A p r i l date he
h a d n o such urgency. H e was also, u n d o u b t e d l y , eager t o see his n o w d i -
13
14
INTRODUCTION
vinely sanctioned p r o j e c t under way. I therefore believe t h a t A r i s t o b u l u s
was r i g h t a n d t h a t A l e x a n d e r traveled back via P a r a e t o n i u m a n d the
coast r o a d t o R h a k o t i s .
I n a brief notice D i o d o r u s records the sequence o f his actions
at this p o i n t : " K i n g A l e x a n d e r charged c e r t a i n o f his Friends w i t h the
b u i l d i n g o f A l e x a n d r i a , made a l l arrangements i n E g y p t , a n d set o u t
back f o r Syria w i t h his a r m y . "
1 0 0
W h o were these Friends, a n d w h a t
precisely were the i n s t r u c t i o n s they received? We have already m e t the
d u b i o u s l y n a m e d H y p o n o m o s , w h o (according t o the A l e x a n d e r R o ­
mance
101
) advised A l e x a n d e r o n the i n s t a l l a t i o n o f a sophisticated under­
g r o u n d system o f w a t e r supply a n d sewers, the existence o f w h i c h is
c o n f i r m e d b o t h by later l i t e r a r y evidence a n d b y a r c h a e o l o g y .
102
With
h i m are also n a m e d N u m e n i o s , a stonemason; K r a t e r o s of O l y n t h o s ( n o t
the M a c e d o n i a n general); a n d Kleomenes o f N a u k r a t i s , described as an
engineer (lArixttviKos). T h e first t w o are otherwise u n k n o w n . Kleomenes,
o n the other h a n d , together w i t h the architect D e i n o k r a t e s ( w h o m the
R o m a n c e also m e n t i o n s
, 0 3
) , was directly responsible f o r the i m p l e m e n t a ­
t i o n a n d i n i t i a l development of Alexander's d r e a m city. J u s t i n b l u n t l y
states t h a t Kleomenes " b u i l t A l e x a n d r i a . "
was responsible f o r its unusual d e s i g n .
105
1 0 4
I f he b u i l t i t , D e i n o k r a t e s
B o t h o f these larger-than-life
m e n are w o r t h a closer l o o k . A l e x a n d r i a w o u l d n o t have been A l e x a n ­
d r i a , perhaps m i g h t n o t even have survived, w i t h o u t t h e m .
V i t r u v i u s , the R o m a n a r c h i t e c t u r a l w r i t e r , describes i n de­
tail
1 0 6
h o w D e i n o k r a t e s , a r m e d w i t h letters o f i n t r o d u c t i o n , sought
Alexander's patronage. I m p a t i e n t at the delay i n o b t a i n i n g an i n t r o d u c ­
t i o n t o the k i n g , D e i n o k r a t e s h i t o n a decidedly t h e a t r i c a l scheme. Being
a t a l l , handsome, w e l l - b u i l t m a n , he s t r i p p e d off at his l o d g i n g house,
o i l e d himself, p u t o n a w r e a t h o f p o p l a r leaves, d r a p e d a l i o n s k i n over
his left shoulder, a n d m a r c h e d o u t , grasping a c l u b , t o the t r i b u n a l
w h e r e A l e x a n d e r was g i v i n g j u d g m e n t . T h e appearance o f this deuteroH e r a k l e s caused a sensation. A l e x a n d e r , c u r i o u s , s u m m o n e d h i m . T h e
sales p i t c h was ready. D e i n o k r a t e s , w h o h a d a taste f o r the k i n d of p u b ­
lic g i g a n t i s m t h a t afterwards distinguished the P t o l e m i e s ,
107
and w h o
clearly shared Disraeli's belief t h a t w h e n flattering r o y a l t y y o u s h o u l d lay
i t o n w i t h the p r o v e r b i a l t r o w e l , a n n o u n c e d a p l a n t o carve M o u n t A t h o s
i n t o the likeness o f A l e x a n d e r himself, w i t h one h a n d h o l d i n g a basin
t o collect the f l o w o f water, a n d the other s u p p o r t i n g a c i t y o f ten t h o u ­
sand i n h a b i t a n t s .
108
A l e x a n d e r a n n o u n c e d himself pleased w i t h this
m o n s t r o u s piece o f v u l g a r i t y b u t , w i t h his usual p r a c t i c a l eye f o r logis­
tics, asked w h e t h e r the c i t y h a d an adequate local g r a i n supply. W h e n he
heard t h a t a l l g r a i n w o u l d have t o be i m p o r t e d , he k i l l e d the p l a n — b u t
at the same t i m e expressed a p p r o v a l o f the c o n c e p t
109
and enrolled Dei­
nokrates as a m e m b e r o f his staff, i n t e n d i n g t o m a k e use o f his services.
T h i s revealing anecdote tells us a l o t n o t o n l y a b o u t A l e x a n -
Green
der's architect b u t also a b o u t A l e x a n d e r himself a n d his grandiose plans.
D e i n o k r a t e s w e n t t o E g y p t i n the king's t r a i n a n d was there c o m m i s ­
sioned w i t h the p l a n n i n g o f A l e x a n d r i a
1 1 0
— i n the king's name, w h i c h
suggests t h a t he was given a free h a n d t o i m p r o v i s e d u r i n g Alexander's
absence i n the East. Nevertheless, i t seems l i k e l y t h a t m u c h o f the essen­
t i a l p l a n n i n g was done w i t h Alexander's p r i o r a p p r o v a l a n d t h a t some
of i t m a y be a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the k i n g himself. Blanche B r o w n r e m i n d s
us o f Alexander's interest i n siege craft, h a r b o r d r e d g i n g , a n d drainage
schemes.
111
Was he responsible f o r the u n d e r g r o u n d w a t e r - s u p p l y sys­
tem? V e r y p r o b a b l y . W e m a y also detect his h a n d i n the c r e a t i o n of
v i t a l canals: one l i n k i n g the Western H a r b o r w i t h L a k e M a r e o t i s , an­
o t h e r — s o m e miles i n l e n g t h — b e t w e e n L a k e M a r e o t i s a n d the N i l e ,
thus c o n n e c t i n g the country's i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l t r a n s p o r t systems.
112
D e i n o k r a t e s was responsible f o r the c h l a m y s l i k e shape o f the c i t y p e r i m ­
eter
1 1 3
a n d f o r the o r t h o g o n a l street system, t h o u g h i t m a y have been
A l e x a n d e r w h o insisted t h a t at least the t w o m a i n - a x i s streets s h o u l d be
(like those o f B r i g h a m Young's Salt L a k e C i t y ) a plethron,
t h a t is, n o less
t h a n a h u n d r e d feet i n b r e a d t h , a m o s t unusual s t i p u l a t i o n f o r t h a t day
and age.
114
T h e A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e , o n the other h a n d , represents b o t h
D e i n o k r a t e s a n d Kleomenes as dissuading A l e x a n d e r f r o m creating an
over-large t e r r i t o r y (xcopa, chord)
f o r A l e x a n d r i a , a r g u i n g t h a t he w o u l d
never be able t o find enough people t o fill i t ;
1 1 5
the k i n g seems t o have
t a k e n t h e i r advice, since the actual t e r r i t o r y the Romance tells us he
agreed o n m o r e o r less coincides w i t h h i s t o r i c a l fact. T h e same source
states (§ 8) t h a t he ordered anyone l i v i n g w i t h i n t h i r t y miles o f the c i t y
b o u n d a r y t o move i n t o the c i t y itself, at the same t i m e g r a n t i n g t h e m
l a n d a n d A l e x a n d r i a n citizenship. C u r t i u s adds t h a t he evacuated some
other l o c a l t o w n s a n d " f i l l e d the n e w c i t y w i t h a vast p o p u l a t i o n . "
1 1 6
Kleomenes o f N a u k r a t i s is an altogether m o r e f o r m i d a b l e
figure.
I t m a y have been his engineering skills (p. 14 above) t h a t first led
A l e x a n d e r t o enlist his services f o r the b u i l d i n g o f A l e x a n d r i a ; b u t i t very
soon became apparent t h a t this a m b i t i o u s Greek's chief q u a l i f i c a t i o n was
as a t o u g h , a n d h i g h l y u n s c r u p u l o u s , financier a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r .
117
His
first official a p p o i n t m e n t was as t a x c o l l e c t o r f o r the r e g i o n east o f the
D e l t a a n d subsequently f o r a l l E g y p t a n d the adjacent p a r t o f N o r t h
Africa.
1 1 8
H i s i n s t r u c t i o n s were t o let the n o m a r c h s c o n t i n u e t o rule t h e i r
districts i n accordance w i t h long-established t r a d i t i o n b u t t o e x t r a c t
t r i b u t e f r o m t h e m , w h i c h they f o r t h e i r p a r t were ordered t o pay. So
successful was he t h a t A l e x a n d e r soon established h i m as governor o f
E g y p t , the equivalent o f a Persian s a t r a p .
119
I n t h a t capacity he r u l e d
E g y p t f r o m A l e x a n d r i a u n t i l 3 2 3 / 3 2 2 . A f t e r Alexander's death, however,
w h e n P t o l e m y g o t E g y p t as his o w n satrapy, Kleomenes was d e m o t e d t o
deputy governor.
120
Ptolemy, however, h a d n o i n t e n t i o n of r e t a i n i n g so
a m b i t i o u s a n d unscrupulous an a d m i n i s t r a t o r , whose reduced p o s i t i o n
15
16
INTRODUCTION
was an open i n v i t a t i o n t o conspiracy: indeed, r u m o r h a d i t t h a t K l e o menes was already i n secret c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h Ptolemy's bete n o i r e ,
Perdiccas. I t is, t h e n , n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t a l m o s t as soon as P t o l e m y ar­
r i v e d i n E g y p t , he h a d Kleomenes arrested a n d e x e c u t e d .
121
Inspection of
the treasury revealed t h a t his predecessor h a d managed t o amass n o less
t h a n eight t h o u s a n d talents d u r i n g his years i n o f f i c e .
122
A great deal o f this m o n e y h a d been acquired by m a n i p u l a t ­
ing the g r a i n m a r k e t . Demosthenes (or w h o e v e r w r o t e the speech against
D i o n y s o d o r o s ) d r a w s a graphic p i c t u r e o f p r i c e - f i x i n g a n d resale deals
by a cartel consisting o f m e n w h o were a l l "subordinates a n d confeder­
ates" o f K l e o m e n e s .
123
F u r t h e r details are p r o v i d e d by the pseudo-
A r i s t o t e l i a n Oeconomical
w h i c h n o t o n l y confirms the price-fixing
charges b u t gives us a glimpse of Kleomenes' other activities. I n p a r t i c u ­
lar, he was responsible f o r i m p l e m e n t i n g Alexander's r e l o c a t i o n policy,
w h i c h i n c l u d e d the area o f Canopus, together w i t h its p u b l i c m a r k e t .
H i s dealings w i t h the priests a n d p r o p e r t y owners are i n s t r u c t i v e . First
he a n n o u n c e d he w o u l d transfer t h e m . T h e y t h e n b r i b e d h i m t o leave
the m a r k e t w h e r e i t was. H e a c c e p t e d — u n t i l the b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l was
ready. T h e n he r e t u r n e d a n d demanded a vast s u m , " w h i c h he said rep­
resented the difference t o h i m between h a v i n g the m a r t near the Pharos
a n d at C a n o p u s . " W h e n they t o l d h i m this was impossible, he trans­
ferred t h e m anyway. (Readers o f The Alexandria
Quartet
w i l l at once
recognize a s p i r i t u a l ancestor of M e m l i k Pasha.) A l l the anecdotes c o n ­
cerning h i m e x e m p l i f y his ingenious ways o f e x t r a c t i n g m o n e y f r o m the
u n w i l l i n g a n d the u n w a r y .
N o n e o f t h i s , clearly, b o t h e r e d A l e x a n d e r , w h o was quite
h a p p y as l o n g as Kleomenes d i d his j o b efficiently a n d remained l o y a l .
T h e governor, f o r his p a r t , made sure t h a t A l e x a n d e r g o t the lion's share
of any profits (one e x t r a c t f r o m a letter he w r o t e t o the k i n g lists s m o k e d
q u a i l a n d thrushes by the t h o u s a n d ) .
125
T o w a r d the end of his life A l e x ­
ander w r o t e t o Kleomenes, i n s t r u c t i n g h i m t o erect a shrine t o Hephaist i o n — " o f vast size a n d u n p a r a l l e l e d m a g n i f i c e n c e " — o n the island of
Pharos, name i t after H e p h a i s t i o n , a n d issue a decree o b l i g i n g business
contracts t o have Hephaistion's name w r i t t e n i n t o t h e m . D o t h i s , A l e x ­
ander c o n c l u d e d , " a n d any w r o n g y o u have done i n the past, I w i l l par­
don, a n d i n the future, however y o u m a y err, y o u w i l l suffer n o h a r m
from me."
1 2 6
T h i s a t t i t u d e p r o f o u n d l y shocked the respectable A r r i a n ,
w h o characterizes Kleomenes (quite justifiably) as "a bad m a n w h o h a d
perpetrated m a n y injustices i n E g y p t " a n d c a n n o t b r i n g himself " t o ap­
prove such a mandate f r o m a great k i n g t o a person r u l i n g over so w i d e
an area a n d so m a n y p e o p l e . "
1 2 7
Yet, l i k e h i m o r n o t , this was the m a n w h o g u i d e d a n d f o r m e d
A l e x a n d r i a t h r o u g h the first c r u c i a l decade o f the city's existence, and
we can be c e r t a i n t h a t he left his o w n i d i o s y n c r a t i c stamp o n Alexander's
Green
o r i g i n a l plans. I t seems clear t h a t one o f the first t h i n g s Kleomenes es­
t a b l i s h e d i n A l e x a n d r i a — j u s t as w e m i g h t expect, c o n s i d e r i n g his c o m ­
mercial instincts—was a functioning m i n t .
1 2 8
H i s dealings i n g r a i n s h o w
t h a t r i g h t f r o m the start the n e w f o u n d a t i o n f o r m e d a n a t u r a l e n t r e p o t
for East-West trade. M e r c a n t i l e requirements suggest t h a t the h a r b o r s
a n d d o c k s — a n d , n a t u r a l l y , the H e p t a s t a d i o n — h a d p r i o r i t y w h e n i t
came t o c o n s t r u c t i o n w o r k , a l o n g w i t h the c i t y w a l l s . A l e x a n d e r ' s palace
a n d the shrine o f Serapis w e r e , s i m i l a r l y , features t h a t n o p r u d e n t gover­
n o r w o u l d neglect. Nevertheless, i t is w o r t h e m p h a s i z i n g t h a t at the t i m e
of Kleomenes' death none o f the m a j o r features w e associate w i t h
A l e x a n d r i a — t h e Pharos, the M o u s e i o n , the L i b r a r y , the r o y a l m a u ­
soleum (Sema), the m o r e e x t r a v a g a n t palaces—had even been started.
T h e cross f o r m e d by the t w o great c e n t r a l t h o r o u g h f a r e s m u s t have been
i n place, b u t m a n y smaller streets a n d alleys were left t o evolve at r a n ­
d o m , w i t h l i t t l e regard f o r the o r t h o g o n a l g r i d .
1 2 9
T h i s n a t u r a l d e v i a t i o n f r o m r e c t i l i n e a r consistency m a y have
been responsible i n p a r t f o r the persistent d e n i g r a t i o n o f M a h m o u d Bey's
pioneer w o r k i n p l o t t i n g the remains o f the ancient city. H e , l i k e a l m o s t
every scholar since, assumed t h a t the street p l a n was absolutely regular
t h r o u g h o u t . T h e m o s t t r e n c h a n t c r i t i c i s m came f r o m D . G . H o g a r t h ,
w h o , w i t h E. F. Benson, excavated briefly i n A l e x a n d r i a i n 1 8 9 5 .
1 3 0
Eh
s
chief c o m p l a i n t (apart f r o m generalized sneers at M a h m o u d Bey's ama­
teur status, incompetence, a n d lack o f experience) was t h a t the o r i e n t a ­
t i o n o f streets o n M a h m o u d Bey's m a p c o u l d n o t be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h t h a t
of w a l l s a n d pavement f o u n d by H o g a r t h h i m s e l f .
131
Since b o t h m e n be­
lieved i n a s t r i c t a x i a l g r i d , i t is easy t o see h o w this m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g
came a b o u t ; b u t i t was d o u b l y u n f o r t u n a t e i n t h a t H o g a r t h ' s strictures
m e a n t t h a t M a h m o u d Bey's w o r k was a l m o s t w h o l l y neglected u n t i l very
recent times. N o w , however, e x c a v a t i o n has t o a s u r p r i s i n g degree v i n d i ­
cated his o r i g i n a l p l a n .
1 3 2
We still k n o w very l i t t l e a b o u t early A l e x a n ­
d r i a i n archaeological terms; b u t w h a t w e d o k n o w — f o r e x a m p l e , t h a t
the C a n o p i c W a y f o l l o w e d the line o f m o d e r n rue Rosette, t o d a y the
Sharia H o r r e y a —
1 3 3
we owe largely t o M a h m o u d Bey.
I f w e have succeeded t o any degree i n rescuing A l e x a n d e r ' s
A l e x a n d r i a f r o m m y t h , this is scarcely due t o the e p o n y m o u s f o u n d e r
himself, w h o s e m a i n c o n t r i b u t i o n was t o a d d some h i g h l y p o t e n t m y t h s
o f his o w n . As H o g a r t h p i t h i l y r e m i n d s us, A l e x a n d e r "stayed i n the N i l e
V a l l e y just a b o u t the t i m e t h a t a n o r d i n a r y t o u r i s t spends o n a single
v i s i t , a n d he never r e t u r n e d t o i t except as a n e m b a l m e d corpse."
1 3 4
I n death he ceased t o be a t o u r i s t , a n d became a t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n .
P t o l e m y Soter d i v e r t e d the funeral procession a n d i n effect h i j a c k e d
A l e x a n d e r ' s b o d y t o E g y p t , w h e r e i t r e m a i n e d o n p e r m a n e n t display
(rather l i k e L e n i n i n R e d Square), first i n a g o l d coffin a n d t h e n ( w h e n a
later P t o l e m y s o l d t h a t f o r cash t o pay mercenaries) i n a replacement o f
17
18
INTRODUCTION
glass o r alabaster. Julius Caesar m e d i t a t e d over h i m . Augustus acciden­
t a l l y b r o k e off a b i t o f his nose. C a l i g u l a stole his breastplate f o r per­
sonal use. Septimius Severus restricted access t o the t o m b . Caracalla,
i n an u n w o n t e d l y generous gesture, t o o k off his o w n p u r p l e toga, his
rings, a n d jewels a n d placed t h e m o n the bier ( A . D . 2 1 5 ) . A f t e r t h a t ,
o b l i v i o n . T h e t o m b , its occupant, a n d the palace area generally were
p r o b a b l y destroyed a b o u t A . D . 2 7 3 , d u r i n g the disturbances o f Aurelian's
reign. A c e n t u r y later J o h n C h r y s o s t o m is asking, r h e t o r i c a l l y : " T e l l me,
w h e r e is Alexander's t o m b ? Show me, tell me the day o n w h i c h i t ceased
t o exist!"
1 3 5
Despite t h i s , f r o m a n t i q u i t y t o the present day h o p e f u l fanta­
sists have c o n t i n u e d t o search f o r the M a c e d o n i a n conqueror's last rest­
i n g place: Alexander's p o s t h u m o u s charisma ( w h i c h so i n h i b i t e d his
successors t h a t they h e l d c o u n c i l meetings i n the presence o f his e m p t y
throne and regalia
l36
) still retains a l l its o l d m a g n e t i s m .
137
T h e quest
has m o s t l y concentrated o n the mosque o f the p r o p h e t D a n i e l o n N a b i
D a n i e l Street, the presumptive site o f the Sema. Despite the archaeolo­
gists' flatly negative
undeterred.
139
findings,
138
o p t i m i s t s , m o s t l y amateurs, continue
M y o w n favorite " s i g h t i n g " is one w h i c h Forster records,
by a d r a g o m a n o f the Russian Consulate ( " p r o b a b l y a l i a r , " Forster
m i l d l y c o m m e n t s ) w h o i n 1 8 5 0 c l a i m e d t o have seen t h r o u g h a hole i n
a w o o d e n d o o r "a h u m a n b o d y i n a sort o f glass cage w i t h a d i a d e m o n
its head a n d h a l f b o w e d o n a sort of elevation o r t h r o n e . A q u a n t i t y o f
b o o k s o r papyrus were scattered a r o u n d . "
1 4 0
W i s h f u l t h i n k i n g is a great
p r o m o t e r o f visions.
We k n o w a l i t t l e of Alexander's plans f o r A l e x a n d r i a ; we
k n o w v i r t u a l l y n o t h i n g o f its u l t i m a t e i m p o r t a n c e i n his scheme o f things
h a d he l i v e d , m u c h less h o w close a resemblance ( i f any) the shape t h a t
the c i t y finally assumed bore t o the v i s i o n he h a d i n m i n d as he strode
a b o u t the site at R h a k o t i s , architects a n d aides s c r a m b l i n g b e h i n d h i m ,
d r i b b l i n g trails o f barley meal over d a r k soil a n d limestone o u t c r o p p i n g s
(cf. p . 12 above). V i c t o r Ehrenberg's r o m a n t i c a s s u m p t i o n
141
that Alex­
ander p l a n n e d t o m a k e A l e x a n d r i a - b y - E g y p t the c a p i t a l o f his empire is
w h o l l y u n s u p p o r t e d by evidence a n d u n l i k e l y i n the extreme: the c a p i t a l ,
as has often been said, was wherever A l e x a n d e r happened t o be, his n o ­
t i o n o f i m p e r i a l rule being (to p u t i t k i n d l y ) d y n a m i c rather t h a n static.
Even Fraser's c l a i m t h a t he " c o n t i n u e d t o take an interest i n the c i t y u n ­
t i l he d i e d " rests o n n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n the king's request f o r an outsize
m o n u m e n t t o H e p h a i s t i o n a n d his awareness o f Kleomenes'
peccadilloes (p. 16 a b o v e ) .
142
financial
A l e x a n d e r never saw A l e x a n d r i a i n his life­
t i m e , even t h o u g h he became the city's resident daimon
once he was
dead. C o u l d he m i r a c u l o u s l y have come back t o see w h a t h a d been done
i n his name, w o u l d he have a p p r o v e d w h a t he saw?
T h e c i t y indeed became large a n d p o p u l o u s , t h o u g h w i t h a
Green
r i b a l d c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m t h a t m i g h t have disconcerted h i m , since his n o ­
t i o n s o f fusion always left the M a c e d o n i a n s f i r m l y i n charge. O n t h a t
score the Ptolemaic c o u r t a n d the A l e x a n d r i a n bureaucracy, w h i l e allay­
i n g his fears, w o u l d also have aroused his p u r i t a n a n t i p a t h y t o l u x u r y
a n d self-indulgence. T h e h a r b o r s , docks, canals, a n d c i t y w a l l s p r o b a b l y
t u r n e d o u t m u c h as he h a d envisaged t h e m . T h e Pharos w o u l d have
pleased his taste f o r p r a c t i c a l science w h i l e also a p p e a l i n g t o his sense
of g i g a n t i s m . A r i s t o t l e ' s p u p i l , w h o h a d t a k e n endless geographers, b o t a ­
nists, a n d h i s t o r i a n s w i t h h i m o n his conquest o f the East, can h a r d l y
have failed t o approve o f the M o u s e i o n a n d L i b r a r y , t h o u g h the b a c k b i t ­
i n g antics o f its resident faculty w o u l d n o m o r e have appealed t o h i m
t h a n they d i d t o T i m o n o f Phlius w h e n he w r o t e : " I n the p o l y g l o t l a n d
of E g y p t m a n y n o w find pasturage as e n d o w e d scribblers, endlessly
q u a r r e l i n g i n the M u s e s ' b i r d c a g e . "
1 4 3
W h e r e I suspect he w o u l d have felt m o s t alien f r o m the A l e x ­
a n d r i a o f later m y t h is i n the solipsistic sexual p h a n t a s m a g o r i a t h a t
p r o v e d so p o t e n t a s t i m u l u s t o Forster, Cavafy, a n d D u r r e l l — o r , f o r the
m a t t e r o f t h a t , t o K a l l i m a c h o s . Despite H e p h a i s t i o n ( w h o m Cavafy, f o r
one, w o u l d have dismissed as the m o s t s t u n n i n g o f square bores), despite
the Persian e u n u c h Bagoas—so t a n t a l i z i n g l y r o m a n t i c i z e d by M a r y Re­
n a u l t — A l e x a n d e r w o u l d surely have f o u n d the "great wine-press o f
l o v e , " n o t least its too-seductive dregs, b o t h repellent a n d t e r r i f y i n g . I n a
m o m e n t o f u n g u a r d e d c a n d o r he once declared t h a t he was never so c o n ­
scious o f his o w n m o r t a l i t y as w h e n asleep o r i n the act o f s e x .
144
Of­
fered t w o b e a u t i f u l boys, he asked the d o n o r w h a t shameful q u a l i t y he
h a d perceived i n his k i n g t h a t he s h o u l d m a k e such f o u l proposals. Sol­
diers g u i l t y o f rape he ordered p u t t o death "as w i l d beasts b o r n f o r the
d e s t r u c t i o n o f m a n k i n d . " Persian w o m e n he described as " i r r i t a n t s t o
the eyes."
1 4 5
So r n u c h f o r Justine, D u r r e l l ' s c h i l d p r o s t i t u t e s , a n d the
seedier denizens o f the rue Lepsius. Perhaps, h a d A l e x a n d e r l i v e d , the c i t y
he f o u n d e d at the crossroads o f East a n d West m i g h t have assumed a dif­
ferent character. Perhaps: b u t at heart I d o u b t i t . T h e m e l t i n g p o t o f a l l
n a t i o n s p r o v e d as m y t h i c a l l y d u r a b l e as its f o u n d e r , even t h r o w i n g u p , i n
C l e o p a t r a v n , a figure whose b r i l l i a n c e a n d c h a r i s m a m a t c h e d A l e x a n ­
der's o w n . O n l y by t u r n i n g back t o E g y p t c o u l d the m u l t i r a c i a l spell be
b r o k e n : a n d f o r t h a t the c i t y h a d t o w a i t over t w o m i l l e n n i a .
1 4 6
The University of Texas at Austin
A U S T I N ,
T E X A S
19
20
INTRODUCTION
Notes
1
S. D a r i s , " A l e s s a n d r i a d ' E g i t t o : u n m i t o ? "
10
I I
2
C f . J. L . P i n c h i n , Alexandria
rell and Cavafy
3
Forster (note 3 above), p p . 9 5 - 9 6 .
45 (1990): 1 0 3 - 2 0 .
Paideia
Still:
Forster,
Dur-
C f . M . M a n z a l a o u i , "Curate's Egg: A n A l e x a n ­
d r i a n O p i n i o n o f D u r r e l P s Quartet,"
(Princeton 1977).
E x p o u n d e d w i t h clarity a n d w i t by E. M . For­
12
ster i n w h a t B o n a m y D o b r e e o n c e d e s c r i b e d
Etudes
15.3 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 2 4 8 - 6 0 .
Anglaises
G a l e n Comm.
in Hipp.
Epidem.
i i i (cited at
l e n g t h b y Fraser, 11 [ n o t e 7 a b o v e ] , p . 4 8 0 ) .
as " s u r e l y t h e best g u i d e - b o o k ever w r i t t e n " :
Alexandria:
A History
and a Guide,
introduc­
13
H . v o n S t a d e n , Herophilus:
t i o n b y L . D u r r e l l (rev. e d . , N e w Y o r k 1 9 8 2 ) ,
cine in Early
pp. 7 9 - 8 2 .
ch.
The Art of
Medi­
(Cambridge 1989),
Alexandria
6, p p . 1 3 8 - 5 3 ; G r e e n ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) ,
p p . 8 5 9 - 6 0 w i t h f u r t h e r refs.
4
I a m t h i n k i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y o f the strange p o e m
'kTTokeiireiP b debs
'APTCOPLOP,
its title a n d
t h e m e t a k e n f r o m P l u t a r c h ' s Life
(ch.
of
14
Antony
A . L . U d o v i t c h , " L ' e n i g m e d ' A l e x a n d r i e : Sa p o ­
s i t i o n a u m o y e n age d ' a p r e s les d o c u m e n t s de l a
7 5 ) , i n w h i c h t h e defeated R o m a n hears
G e n i z a d u C a i r e , " Revue
aoparos OCaaog pa ireppa jme jmovaLKeg
man
de VOccident
musul-
46 (1987): 7 1 - 7 9 .
et de la Mediterranee
egaicnes, /me cfrcoves—a s i g n t h a t t h e g o d " t o
w h o m he m o s t l i k e n e d a n d a t t a c h e d h i m s e l f "
15
Forster (note 3 above), p p . 6 2 , 8 4 .
16
Ps.-Call. 1 . 4 - 1 2 , 3 . 2 5 - 2 6 , 1 . 2 9 - 3 0 , 2.38 (ed.
was a b a n d o n i n g h i m .
5
H e r o d . Mim. 1.29: c f . P. G r e e n , Alexander
H . V a n T h i e l ) . T h e best a v a i l a b l e t r a n s l a t i o n s i n
to
E n g l i s h are t h o s e b y K e n D o w d e n ,
(rev. e d . , B e r k e l e y 1 9 9 3 ) , p . 2 4 5 .
Actium
Ancient
6
T h e i d e a is E r n e s t G e l l n e r ' s : see h i s r e v i e w a r ­
ley
t i c l e " T h e M i g h t i e r Pen? E d w a r d Said a n d t h e
The
Greek
Novels,
Collected
e d . B . P. R e a r d o n ( B e r k e ­
1989), p p . 6 5 0 - 7 3 5 , a n d by R. Stoneman,
Greek
Alexander
(London 1991).
Romance
D o u b l e Standards o f Inside-Out C o l o n i a l i s m , "
Times
Literary
Supplement
4 6 9 0 (19 February
17
A m m . Marc. 22.16.9-11.
18
Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 6 - 1 0 ( C . 7 9 1 - 9 5 ) .
19
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 7 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7
3~4- Gellner continues: " N o d o u b t i t
993)
1
:
w a s easier t o find a t t r a c t i v e h o m o s e x u a l p a r t ­
ners i n B i s k r a t h a n a m o n g t h e haute
geoisie
protestante,
bour­
b u t t h i s does n o t m e a n t h a t
t h e A l g e r i a n oasis w a s a r e s i d u e o f a n c i e n t
above), p p . 1 2 - 1 3 n . 2 9 .
M e d i t e r r a n e a n sensuous h a r m o n y , l i b e r t y a n d
f u l f i l l m e n t . " N o r , he m i g h t h a v e a d d e d , w a s t h e
20
D i o d . Sic. 1 . 5 0 . 6 - 7 : ol Kara
TO egrjs
ancient Mediterranean. M u t a t i s mutandis, the
fiacrikevcroLVTes
same c r i t i c i s m c a n be l e v e l e d a t b o t h C a v a f y
€(f>LAoTL/jirj9rjaap els TTJP ravTTjg avgrjaLP.
and Durrell.
fiep yap
rfjs AiyviTTOv
fiavikeiois
irdpreg
pueyakoirpeTrecrip,
P€(op£oL<; xal Xiixecriv ol 6 ' erepotg
7
P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
Alexandria,
Kal
vol. 1 (Ox­
KaTaaKevdajuLaatP
Toaovrop
18 (hereafter " F r a s e r , 1 " a n d " F r a s e r , 11"). T h e
irkeCaTOLq 7rp(orr]p rj Sevrepap
R o m a n prefect's t i t l e w a s Praefectus
Kara
dreae
et Aegypti,
TTJP OIKOV/UL€PT)P
adrijp
apadrjtiao-i
irrl
(bare irapa
ford 1972), p . 107; v o l . 2, p p . 1 9 6 - 9 7 n n . 1 1 0 Alexan-
iKda/mrjcrap
d^tok&yoig
ol
ol 8e
TOIS
apiQpuelcrdai
TWP
irokeiop.
and Romans i n Alexandria
w r i t e o f t r a v e l i n g to E g y p t ( m u c h as a m o d e r n
21
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 - 9 .
22
I b i d . C f . also M . R o d z i e w i c z , " L e d e b a t s u r l a
G r e e k w o u l d s p e a k o f g o i n g to E u r o p e ) .
8
P l u t . Alex.
2 6 . 1 0 ; S t e p h . B y z . s.v.
t o p o g r a p h i e de l a v i l l e a n t i q u e , " R e v u e de
AAegapSpeat.
T h e seers t o l d A l e x a n d e r t o be o f g o o d cheer:
cident
7rokvapK€(TTctTTJP yap oiKi^eaQai
(1987): 3 9 - 4 8 .
avrov,
Kal 7ravra8a7T(bv
TTOXIV
V7r
y
musulman
et de la Mediterranee
I'Oc­
46
OLvQpojTTiQV io-ojtieprjp
23
rpo<f)6p.
H o w m u c h w o u l d h a v e c o m e d o w n t o us even
g r a n t e d o p t i m u m p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r sur­
9
L . D u r r e l l , Justine
p. 1 4 .
( L o n d o n 1957, repr. 1985),
v i v a l r e m a i n s a m a t t e r f o r d e b a t e . I t is a c u r i o u s
fact that documents referring t o A l e x a n d r i a
Green
f r o m elsewhere i n E g y p t o n l y begin a b o u t the
middle o f the reign of Ptolemy
35
H o g a r t h (note 29 above), p . 54.
36
Arrian
37
C u r t . 4 . 7 . 4 - 5 ; A r r i a n 3.1.2.
Philadelphos
( 2 8 3 - 2 4 6 ) , that is, i n the m i d - t h i r d century
3.1.1-3.
(Fraser, 1 [ n o t e 7 a b o v e ] , p . 6; Fraser, 11 [ n o t e 7
a b o v e ] , p p . 9 - 1 0 n . 2 3 ) ; w h e t h e r t h i s is e v i ­
dence f o r t h e s l o w b u r e a u c r a t i c g r o w t h o f t h e
capital, o r (more likely) f o r the gradual exten­
s i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a n c o n t r o l o v e r t h e chora,
38
re­
P s . - C a l l . 1.34: evedpoviacrav
avrbv
AlyvTTTioi . . . dig AlyvTTTiov
ol
fiacnAea.
mains uncertain.
39
24
40
i l l u m i n a t i n g article " A l e x a n d r i a f r o m M o ­
C u r t . 4 . 7 . 5 : a Memphi
h a m m e d A l i to G a m a l A b d a l Nasser," i n
ad interiora
N . H i n s k e , e d . , Alexandrien:
bus ita ut nihil
gen dreier Jahrtausende
mediterranen
Kulturbegegnun-
im Schmelztiegel
mutaret
einer
P l u t . Alex.
Kara
9 . 1 ; S t e p h . B y z . , s.v.
'kke£;av8peiai
41
A r r i a n 7 . 2 3 . 7 ; cf. A . B . B o s w o r t h ,
Conquest
and Empire:
the
of Alexander
Great
42
(Cambridge 1988), pp. 2 4 6 - 4 7 .
27
Studies
y$th
Presented
Societies
to Victor
and
Institutions:
Ehrenberg
on His
( O x f o r d 1966), pp. 3 7 - 6 9 ,
Birthday
louis
uectus,
Hammonis
rr)v ALJVTTTOV
oraculum
esse Aegypti
sta-
8e ra
els "A/xyLiw^o?.
irpor)\6ev
condidit
re­
more
ab
Hammone,
et coloniam
Macedonum
iubet.
P s . - C a l l . 1 . 3 0 - 3 1 , esp. 1 . 3 0 . 5 : KrC£e
irokiv
7T€pC(f)7JJilOl> VTTEp HpQ)T7]C8a VTjCTOV.
E. Badian, " A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d the Greeks
o f A s i a , " i n Ancient
flumine
compositisque
Aegyptiorum
J u s t . 1 1 . 1 1 . 1 - 2 , 1 3 : reuersus
caput
The Reign
eodem
penetrat,
ex patrio
adire
Alexandream
(no. 3); T h e o p o m p u s fr. 110.
26
Aegypti
tuit; D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 2 : Karaarrjaag
(Mainz a m Rhein
Grofistadt
1981), pp. 6 3 - 7 4 .
25
A r r i a n 3.1.4.
O f especial v a l u e i n t h i s c o n t e x t is P. M . Fraser's
43
A r r i a n 3 . 1 . 5 - 2 . 2 , 3 . 3 . i f f . ; P l u t . Alex.
26
passim.
44
C . B r a d f o r d W e l l e s , " T h e D i s c o v e r y o f Sarapis
and the Foundation o f A l e x a n d r i a , "
esp. p . 4 8 .
Historia
(Wiesbaden) 1 1 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 2 7 1 - 9 8 . T h o u g h I re­
28
P. G r e e n , Alexander
A Historical
356-323
of Macedon,
Biography
g a r d h i s f u n d a m e n t a l p r e m i s e as m i s c o n c e i v e d ,
BC:
I w o u l d e m p h a s i z e t h a t t h e r e is a g r e a t d e a l o f
(Berkeley 1991),
pp. 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 6 - 1 8 , 2 4 2 - 4 3 ; A . R. Burn,
o r i g i n a l v a l u a b l e s c h o l a r s h i p i n Welles's a r t i c l e
"Notes o n Alexander's Campaigns,
o n points of detail.
B C , " Journal
of Hellenic
Studies
332-330
72 (1952):
81-91.
45
A . B. Bosworth, "Errors i n A r r i a n , "
Quarterly
29
Classical
26 (1976): 136 n. 102.
D . G . H o g a r t h , " A l e x a n d e r i n E g y p t a n d Some
C o n s e q u e n c e s , " Journal
ogy 2 ( 1 9 1 5 ) :
of Egyptian
Archaeol­
46
53-60.
See, e.g., E . N . B o r z a , Historia
P. M . Fraser, Opuscula
16 (1967): 3 6 9 ;
7 (1967):
Atheniensia
30 n . 27.
30
A . T . O l m s t e a d , A History
pire
of the Persian
Em­
(Chicago 1948), p p . 4 3 6 - 3 7 .
47
C f . H . W . P a r k e , Greek
Oracles
(London
1 9 6 7 ) , c h . 5, " O r a c l e s a n d C o l o n i s a t i o n , "
p p . 4 4 f f . , esp. p . 4 5 .
3I
B o s w o r t h (note 26 above), p . 6 8 .
32
A r r i a n 3.1.1; Curt. 4.7.2.
48
O l m s t e a d (note 30 above), p p . 4 3 7 - 4 0 . I n
49
33
a d d i t i o n t o l o o t i n g the temples a n d c o m m i t t i n g
A r r i a n 3.1.4.
A r r i a n 3 . 1 . 5 , €v8aC/mova;
P l u t . Alex.
jmeyaArjv Kal iroAvavOpcoirov,
26.4,
D i o d . Sic.
o t h e r o u t r a g e s , O c h u s d r o v e i n t o e x i l e t h e last
1 7 . 5 2 . 1 , juLeyaArjv; C u r t . 4 . 8 . 2 , magnae
n a t i v e p h a r a o h , N e k t a n e b o ( N e k h t - h a r - h e b i ) 11
V i t r u v . 11 praef.
1.4, portum
naturaliter
sedis;
tutum.
— l a t e r t o u t e d i n m y t h as t h e f a t h e r o f A l e x a n ­
der (see p . 5 a b o v e ) .
34
50
D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 1 - 2 ; C u r t . 4 . 7 . 1 ; P. A . B r u n t ,
Arrian,
vol. 1 (Cambridge, Mass.
p . 2 2 3 n . 3.
1976),
51
A r r i a n 4 . 1 . 3 - 4 , 24.7; 6.15.2, 22.3; 7.31.7.
F o r a useful s u r v e y o f N a u k r a t i s , see J. B o a r d m a n , The Greeks
Colonies
Overseas:
and Trade,
Their
Early
3 r d ed. ( N e w Y o r k 1980),
21
22
INTRODUCTION
pp. 117-34, w i t h further bib. For a description
θάλασσαν,
o f t h e e m p o r i u m i n t h e A r c h a i c p e r i o d , cf. H d t .
ϋποδεΐξαι
καλείται
δέ υπόνομος
<αύτόν>
διά τό
ταϋτα.
2.178-79, w i t h the commentary o f A . B . L l o y d ,
Herodotus
Book
11: Commentary
(Lei­
99-182
63
d e n 1988), p p . 2 2 2 - 3 1 .
C f . R . C a v e n a i l e , " P o u r u n e h i s t o i r e p o l i t i q u e et
sociale d ' A l e x a n d r i e : Les o r i g i n e s , "
52
P l u t . Alex.
τόπον
26.4: λέγουσι
γνώμη
53
yap δτι . . . τίνα
των αρχιτεκτόνων
διεμετρεΐτο
καϊ
όσον
ούδέπω
64
περιέβαλλεν.
Η . Berve, Das Alexanderreich
graphischer
UAntiquite
4 1 (1972): 9 4 - 1 1 2 .
Classique
28 a b o v e ) , 2 4 7 - 6 3 , w i t h t e s t i m o n i a t h e r e c i t e d .
auf
prosopo-
65
v o l . 2 ( M u n i c h 1926),
Grundlage,
F o r t h e siege o f T y r e i n g e n e r a l , see G r e e n ( n o t e
S t r a b o 17.1.6, C.792, w h o i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f
t h e H e p t a s t a d i o n i n f o r m s us t h a t o r i g i n a l l y i t
p . 210, n o . 4 3 1 , asserts t h a t K l e o m e n e s " v e r -
also served as a n a q u e d u c t t o P h a r o s .
m u t l i c h der hochsten Finanzaristokratie v o n
Naukratis angehort [hat]."
66
A m m . M a r c . 22.16.10: beptastadium
credenda
54
I b i d . , v o l . 1, p p . 8 5 - 1 0 0 , assembles t h e
celeritate,
sicut
ita magnitudine
mira
uix
con-
struxit.
evidence.
67
55
C u r t . 4 . 8 . 1 - 2 : contemplatus
loci naturam,
pri-
mum
urbem
con-
in ipsa insula
statuerat
dere; inde ut apparuit
baud
capacem
est
magnae
esse, elegit
nouam
sedis
urbi locum,
68
C f . C a v e n a i l e ( n o t e 63 a b o v e ) : io3ff.
S t r a b o 17.1.6, C . 792: κατοικίαν
insulam
εδοσαν
ubi
νυν μεν τής Άλεξανδρέων
nunc
Alexandrea.
τό ύπερκείμενον
υπήρχε-
56
P l u t . Alex.
26.7: ειπών
ως "Ομηρος
τά τ ' άλλα
θαυμαστός
καϊ
ην άρα
τους
ή
έστι
μέρος
τότε
τής κώμης
δυναμένοις
έξωθεν
αύτοϊς
Ψακώτιν,
πόλεως
των νεωρίων,
τά δέ κύκλω
παρέδοσαν,
σοφώτατος
<5'
την προσαγορευομένην
δέ
κώμη
βουκόλοις
και αύτοΐς
κωλύειν
επίοντας.
αρχιτέκτων.
69
57
P s . - C a l l . 1.31.2, best s t u d i e d i n t h e t e x t a n d
O n A l e x a n d e r ' s r e l a t i o n s w i t h Serapis, see
commentary provided by A . Ausfeld, " Z u r
W e l l e s ( n o t e 44 a b o v e ) : 283ΓΪ.
Topographie v o n A l e x a n d r i a u n d Pseudokallisthenes 1 3 1 - 3 3 , " Rbeiniscbes
58
D i o d . Sic. 17.52.2. C f . R . M a r t i n ,
dans
la Grece
Philologie
L'Urbanisme
fiir
C f . also Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 - 6 ;
(Paris 1956), p p . 4 2 - 4 3 .
antique
Museum
55 (1900): 3 4 8 - 8 4 , esp. p p . 3 5 0 - 5 3 .
Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 7 η . i 8 .
I a m n o more convinced than was M a r t i n that
t h e o r i e n t a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s street p l a n h a d a
r e l i g i o u s o r r i t u a l significance.
70
See Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 - 9 n . 2 1 , f o r
a g o o d b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l survey o f the scholarship
59
D i o d . Sic. 17.52.3, 4: τον μεν
αυτής
ϋπεστήσατο
καϊ κατά
την όχυρότητα
κατασκευάσαι
βάρος
60
των
θαυμαστά
o n these t a n t a l i z i n g u n d e r w a t e r r u i n s . T h e C r e ­
διαφέροντα
θαυμάσιον
<5' ο "Αλέξανδρος
προσέταξεν
περίβολον
τψ τε μεγέθει
και
κατά
t a n c o n n e c t i o n w a s first a d v a n c e d b y R . W e i l l ,
. . .
" L e s p o r t s a n t e h e l l e n i q u e s de l a c o t e d ' A l e x a n ­
βασίλεια
d r i e et l ' e m p i r e c r e t o i s , " Bulletin
de
Frangais
16 (1919):
τό μέγεθος
και
έ'ργων.
M a h m o u d Bey, Memoire
sur Vantique
Alexan-
71
[Caes.] Bell.
quibus
Alex.
5.1: Alexandrea
est fere
babet
pertinentis,
specusque
aqua
Llnstitut
See i n p a r t i c u l a r M . S. V e n i t , " T w o E a r l y C o r i n ­
t h i a n A l a b a s t r a i n A l e x a n d r i a , " Journal
Egyptian
suffossa
Orientale
1-37·
drie ( C o p e n h a g e n 1872), p p . 2 9 - 3 2 .
61
d'Archeologie
in priuatas
a Nilo
domus
of
61 (1985): 1 8 3 - 8 9 ; ear­
l i e r b i b . i n Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 6 n . 16.
tota
72
inducitur.
Archaeology
H d t . 2.30; T h u c . 1.104.1, w i t h t h e a n a l y s i s o f
C a v e n a i l e ( n o t e 63 a b o v e ) : 1 0 3 - 5 .
62
P s . - C a l l . 1.31: T h e adviser's n a m e is g i v e n as
H y p o n o m o s ( t h o u g h t h i s m a y be n o m o r e t h a n
t h e excuse f o r a n a e t i o l o g i c a l p u n ) :
συνεβουλεύσεν
θεμελίων
πόρους
κτίσαι,
τω Άλεξάνδρω
εν αυτή
και όχετηγούς
την πόλιν
δέ και
έπιρρέοντας
73
ούτος
See, e.g., D i o d . Sic. 17.52.3; P l u t . Alex.
S t r a b o 17.1.8, C . 793; P l i n . NH
26.8;
5.62.
εκ
ύδρηγούς
εις την
74
F. B . T a r b e l l , " T h e F o r m o f t h e C h l a m y s , "
sical Philology
Clas­
1 (1906): 2 8 3 - 8 9 , esp. 2 8 4 - 8 5 .
Green
75
S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 8 , C . 7 9 3 ; S t e p h . B y z . , s.v.
Αλεξάνδρεαι
90
1 7 . 5 2 . 3 ( 4 0 stades X 1 p l e t h r o n ) ; J o s e p h .
Jud.
P s . - C a l l . 1 . 3 3 - 1 - 4 , 8.
( 3 4 X 8 stades); D i o d . Sic.
2.16.4 ( 3 °
x
1
stades); P l i n . NH
0
Bell.
91
See, e.g., W e l l e s ( n o t e 4 4 a b o v e ) : 2 8 2 f f . ;
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 4 8 6 ° .
5.10
( 2 4 k m c i r c u m f e r e n c e ) . C f . Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7
above), pp. 2 6 - 2 7
η
92
· *>4·
S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 0 , C . 7 9 5 ; cf. M a h m o u d - B e y ( n o t e
6 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 3 - 5 6 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) ,
76
S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 0 , C . 7 9 5 : εν ω κήποί
καϊ
ταφαϊ
και καταγωγαϊ
των νεκρών
προς
τε
τάς
πολλοί
p p . 2 6 8 - 7 0 ; Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 84ff.
ταριχείας
n. 190.
έπιτήδειαι.
93
D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 3 - 5 ; C u r t . 4 . 7 . 1 4 ; P l u t .
Alex.
2 7 . 1 ; A r r i a n 3.3.4.
77
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 ·
78
A r r i a n 3 . 2 . 1 - 2 ; Plut. 2 6 . 8 - 1 0 ; Curt. 4.8.6;
94
D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 5 ; P
m t
- Alex.
2 7 . 3 ; cf. C u r t .
4.7.11-12.
S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 , C . 7 9 2 a d fin.; P s . - C a l l . 1.32;
cf. A m m . M a r c . 2 2 . 1 6 . 7 ; S t e p h . B y z . , s.v.
79
Αλεξάνδρεαι.
95
Welles (note 4 4 above): 2 7 8 - 7 9 w i t h n . 36.
I f t h i s is a n e x a m p l e o f A l e x a n d e r ' s a l l e g e d p o l ­
96
Ps.-Call. 1.32.6.
97
See Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 3 n . 9 , w i t h b i b .
98
A r r i a n 3 . 6 . 1 : άμα
icy o f r a c i a l fusion, w e s h o u l d bear i n m i n d t h a t
t h e f u s i o n w a s t o be c a r r i e d o u t u n d e r s t r i c t
G r a e c o - M a c e d o n i a n o v e r l o r d s h i p : as J u s t i n
(note 4 1 above) reports, A l e x a n d r i a — b y E g y p t
τω ηρι νποφαίνοντι.
R . S.
b u t n o t o f i t — w a s t o be n o t o n l y t h e c a p i t a l b u t
Bagnall, " T h e Date o f the F o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x ­
"a M a c e d o n i a n c o l o n y . "
a n d r i a , " American
Journal
of Ancient
His­
tory 4 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 4 6 - 4 9 , argues f o r A p r i l 7 o n t h e
80
S t r a b o : την τον περιβόλου
κνκλοτερή
κόλπον;
C u r t i u s : orbem
περιτειχισμον;
C a l l . : τό περίμετρον
ambitus
lineales;
g r o u n d s t h a t n o A l e x a n d r i a n w o u l d receive a
Plut.:
γραμμήν;
A r r i a n : τον κνκλον
t r a d i t i o n a l d a t e i n J a n u a r y t h a t he t h e n c o n ­
. . . τον
futuri
verted t o T y b i . Perhaps n o t ; b u t this a s s u m p t i o n
Ps.-
muri;
underrates b o t h the c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m o f R o m a n
Amm. Marc:
τής πόλεως-,
S t e p h . B y z . : τό
A l e x a n d r i a a n d the fact t h a t the city's f o u n d a ­
σχήμα.
t i o n d a t e m u s t have been c o m m o n k n o w l e d g e ,
81
C u r t . 4 . 8 . 6 : "ut Macedonum
mos est."
a n d indeed a p u b l i c h o l i d a y , i n either (adjusted)
T h e fact
c a l e n d e r . T h e m e t e o r o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e also gives
t h a t t h i s c u s t o m is n o t r e p o r t e d e l s e w h e r e does
us a t e r m i n u s a n t e q u e r n ( F e b r u a r y at t h e latest,
n o t offer p r i m a facie g r o u n d s f o r r e j e c t i n g i t .
I w o u l d judge): I a m not convinced that Arrian's
82
A r r i a n 3 . 1 . 5 : καϊ επί
ιερά
καλά
τούτοις
έθύετο,
και
p h r a s e c i t e d a b o v e is as v a g u e l y flexible as B a g ­
τά
n a l l w o u l d l i k e i t t o be. T h e f a c t t h a t A l e x a n d e r
έφαίνετο.
could,
i n t h e o r y , have left M e m p h i s as late as
83
Arrian 3.2.3-7·
A p r i l a n d s t i l l have k e p t his d a t e w i t h d e s t i n y at
84
F o r t h i s e p i s o d e , see A r r i a n 3 . 3 . 1 - 4 . 5 ; C u r t .
t h e o t h e r e v i d e n c e is a l l a g a i n s t i t .
G a u g a m e l a is n o p r o o f t h a t i n f a c t he did;
4 . 7 . 6 - 3 2 ; P l u t . Alex.
z6.6-zy;
and
Diod.
99
Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 2 - 5 1 . 4 ; J u s t . 1 1 . 1 1 . 2 - 1 2 .
A r r i a n 3 . 4 . 4 , cf. C u r t . 4 . 8 . 1 . A . B . B o s w o r t h ,
A Historical
85
D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 2 - 3 ; C u r t . 4 . 7 . 9 .
86
H o g a r t h (note 29 above): 5 7 - 5 8 .
87
Ps.-Call. 1 . 3 1 - 3 3 passim.
of Alexander,
Commentary
on Arrian's
History
v o l . 1 ( O x f o r d 1 9 8 2 ) , p . 2 7 4 , has
a b r i e f b u t sensible d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e p r o b l e m ,
s u g g e s t i n g , p l a u s i b l y , t h a t A r r i a n m a y w e l l have
m i s i n t e r p r e t e d his sources: " I f A r i s t o b u l u s h a d
a detailed statement that A l e x a n d e r returned
via P a r a e t o n i u m t o Egypt w h i l e Ptolemy said
88
baldly that Alexander returned to M e m p h i s , it
Welles (note 44 above): 2 7 5 - 7 6 .
w o u l d have been p o s s i b l e f o r h i m t o d r a w a
89
P s . - C a l l . 1 . 3 0 . 5 - 7 : νπέρ
προκάθητ'
πενταλόφοις
έλίσσων.
Αιών
ΐΐλοντώνιος
κορνφαΐσιν
ΤΙρωτηίδα
αντός
ατέρμονα
νήσον
m i s t a k e n inference f r o m Ptolemy's b r e v i t y a n d
I ης
άνάσσων
assume t h a t t w o r o u t e s w e r e at i s s u e . "
I
κόσμον
100
D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 5 2 . 6 . M o r e d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t s i n
Arrian 3.5.2-7; Curt. 4.8.4-9.
23
24
INTRODUCTION
101
Ps.-Call. 1 . 3 1 . 9 - 1 0 .
Geschichte
(Munich 1969),
Ptolemaios'1
pp. 3 9 - 5 1 .
102
[Caes.] Bell.
5 . 1 ; M a h m o u d - B e y (note 60
Alex.
I 18
above), p p . 29ft.
A r r i a n 3 . 5 . 4 specifies t h e m o r e l i m i t e d area o f
" A r a b i a t o w a r d s H e r o o n p o l i s " ; C u r t . 4.8.5
103
refers t o "eiusdem
Ps.-Call. 1.30.6.
est"]
104
J u s t . 1 3 . 4 . 1 1 : Cleomenes,
qui
107
Aegypto
iuncta
The natural infer­
went on.
V i t r u v . 2 praef.
4 ; P l i n . NH
5.62; V a l . M a x .
I 19
1.4.7, e x t . 1 ; A m m . M a r c . 2 2 . 1 6 . 7 .
106
[ i . e . , "quae
Aegyptique."
ence is t h a t his a u t h o r i t y w a s e x t e n d e d as t i m e
Alexandriam
aedificauerat.
105
Africae
V i t r u v . ζ praef.
[ A r i s t . ] Oecon.
1 3 5 2 1 7 ; A r r i a n , τά μετ'
Αλεξ.
s
1.5% 2 R o o s ; [ D e m . ] 5 6 . 7 ; Paus. 1.6.3.
b
1-4.
A m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s , he h a d a h a n d i n d e s i g n i n g
120
A r r i a n , i b i d . ; Just. 1 3 . 4 . 1 1 .
121
Paus. 1.6.3.
122
D i o d . Sic. 1 8 . 1 4 . 1 .
t h e vast n e w t e m p l e o f A r t e m i s at E p h e s o s :
S t r a b o 1 4 . 1 . 2 2 - 2 3 , C . 6 4 0 - 4 1 , cf. W . B . D i n s m o o r , The Architecture
of Ancient
(3rd
Greece
rev. e d . , L o n d o n 1 9 5 0 ) , p . 2 2 4 .
123
[Dem.]
$6.yn.
D e m o s t h e n e s is a p p e a l e d t o as a
w i t n e s s at t h e close o f t h i s speech (§ 5 0 ) ; b u t i t
108
V i t r u v . 2 praef.
1 - 3 ; P l u t . Alex.
has been a r g u e d t h a t his n a m e w a s i n s e r t e d b y a
7 2 . 3 - 7 ; Strabo
l a t e r scribe w h e n t h e speech h a d f o u n d a p l a c e
14.1.23, C.641.
i n t h e D e m o s t h e n i c c o r p u s . I n a n y case, since
109
V i t r u v . 2 praef.
3: "formationem
puto
K l e o m e n e s ' t e n u r e o f office is s p o k e n o f as o v e r
pro-
(§ 7 refers t o t h e ύπηρέται
bandam."
Κλεομένους
I 10
V i t r u v . 2 praef.
4 : Ibi Alexander
nomine
111
ciuitatem
Alexandriam
eum
American
Society
the
o n l y a m o n t h o r t w o before Demosthenes'
suo
flight
and death i n 322.
constituere.
B. R. B r o w n , "Deinokrates and Alexandria,"
Bulletin,
. . .
άρξαντος)
speech m u s t have been d e l i v e r e d , at t h e earliest,
[after n o t i n g
t h e a d v a n t a g e s o f t h e site] . . . iussit
και συνεργοί
του έν τή Αίγύπτω
124
15
of Papyrologists
[ A r i s t . ] Oecon.
1352
z.z.^^a-ί,
passim; 2.2.39, I 3 5 3
17-1352
s
25,
b
1-7.
b
( 1 9 7 8 ) : 3 9 - 4 2 . » esp. 4 1 - 4 2 .
125
112
Strabo 17.1.4, C.789.
I I3
P l i n y NH
12 6
Deinocrates
5 . 6 2 : metatus
est earn
. . . ad effigiem
[Alexandriam]
C i t e d b y A t h e n a e u s , Deipnos.
A r r i a n 7 . 2 3 . 6 - 8 : εϊτέτι
αφήσω
σε τούτου,
άμάρτης,
Macedonicae
ουδέν
9.393c.
πρότερον
ήμάρτηκας,
καϊ τό λοιττόν,
πείσγ)
£ξ εμού
όπηλικον
άν
άχαρι.
chlamydis.
127
I 14
A r r i a n 7.2.3.8, 6: Κλεομένει,
ττολλά
D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 5 2 . 3 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 8 , C . 7 9 3 .
τούτο
I 15
άνδρϊ
πολλών
P s . - C a l l . 1.31 p a s s i m .
αδικήματα
άρχοντι
I 16
C u r t . 4 . 8 . 5 : ex finitimis
Alexandream
tudine
impleuit.
iussis
urbibus
nouam
urbem
έχω
commigrare
magna
πολλής
δέ ανθρώπων
επεσταλμένον,
άνδρι
άδικήσαντι
κακω
μεν
τε και κακω
. . .
χώρας,
εκ βασιλέω-
άλλως
καϊ
έν Αίγύπτω
μεγάλου
άνδρι,
ουκ
έπαινέσαι.
multi-
H o w q u i c k l y was this reloca­
128
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7
above), p . 10 n . 25.
t i o n carried out? Even i f the n e w A l e x a n d r i a n s
were s u m m o n e d to build their new homes f r o m
scratch o n the l a n d a l l o t t e d t h e m — p r i v a t e en­
129
R o d z i e w i c z (note 22 above): 4 5 - 4 6 .
130
D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n , " R e p o r t o f
t e r p r i s e at t h e service o f p u b l i c w o r k s — a c o n ­
s i d e r a b l e p e r i o d m u s t have elapsed b e f o r e t h e
n e w city was ready for occupation.
Prospects o f Research i n A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h N o t e
For a t h o r o u g h , i f over-kind, study of Kleo-
Egypt
m e n e s ( r e p r e s e n t e d as t h e v i c t i m o f P t o l e m a i c
pp.
o n Excavations i n A l e x a n d r i a n Cemeteries,"
I 17
Exploration
Fund
( L o n d o n 1895?),
1-33.
p r o p a g a n d a : cf. also Fraser, 1 [ n o t e 7 a b o v e ] ,
p . 7 ) , see J. Seibert, Untersuchungen
zur
I3I
I b i d . , p. 17, where H o g a r t h writes: "For i n -
Green
έν Αίγύπτω
stance, his C a n o p i c Street ( o n w h i c h a l l o f his
grille
άπείριτα
o f streets d e p e n d s ) lies at a n angle w h i c h
πολυφύλω
δηριόωντες
I βιβλιακοί
I Μουσέων
χαρακϊται
έν
ταλάρω.
fits v e r y i l l w i t h t h e d i r e c t i o n o f t h e w a l l s f o u n d
144
by me to the south o f i t . "
P l u t . Alex.
θνητός
132
C f . Mor.
R o d z i e w i c z (note 22 above): 4 4 - 4 7 : "Des
2 2 . 6 : έλεγε
δέ μάλιστα
ων εκ του καθεύδειν
65F,
και
συνιέναι
συνουσιάζειν.
717V.
f o u i l l e s recentes de p l u s en p l u s n o m b r e u s e s
o n t m o n t r e que ce p l a n e t a i t juste et q u e n o u s
145
P l u t . Alex.
at
a v o n s la le seul p l a n fiable des rues p r i n c i p a l e s "
2 2 . 1 , 4 ; 2 1 . 1 0 : άλγηδόνες
ομμάτων
ΐίερσίδες.
(P- 4 7 ) ·
146
I 33
I r e c o r d w i t h grateful t h a n k s the generous help
M a h m o u d - B e y ( n o t e 6 0 a b o v e ) , p p . i 8 f f . ; cf.
I have h a d i n t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s p a p e r f r o m
n o w Diana Delia, " F r o m Romance to Rhetoric:
m y f r i e n d Professor D i a n a D e l i a , w h o p u t her
T h e A l e x a n d r i a n L i b r a r y i n C l a s s i c a l a n d Is­
g r e a t k n o w l e d g e o f A l e x a n d r i a — a n d her re­
l a m i c T r a d i t i o n s , " American
m a r k a b l e c o l l e c t i o n o f r a r e o r inaccessible A l e x ­
Historical
Review
a n d r i a n s c h o l a r s h i p — f r e e l y at m y d i s p o s a l .
97 (1992): 1456 w i t h n. 26.
N a t u r a l l y she is n o t t o be h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r
a n y o f m y e r r o r s o r w i l d e r flights o f fancy.
134
H o g a r t h ( n o t e 29 a b o v e ) : 5 3 .
135
D i o d . Sic. 1 8 . 2 6 . 3 , 2 8 . 2 - 4 ; Paus. 1.6.3; S t r a b o
1 7 . 1 . 8 , C . 7 9 4 ; A e l . VH 1 2 . 6 4 ; C u r t . 4 . 6 . 2 9 ,
cf. L u c a n 1 0 . 1 6 - 5 2 (Caesar); Suet. Div.
Aug.
1 8 . 1 ; D i o Cass. 5 1 . 1 6 . 3 - 5 ( A u g u s t u s ) ; Suet.
Calig.
52 ( C a l i g u l a ) ; D i o Cass. 7 0 . 1 3 ( S e p t i m i u s
Severus); H e r o d i a n 4 . 8 . 9 ( C a r a c a l l a ) ; J o h n
C h r y s o s t . Orat.
σήμα
ήμέραν
136
2 6 . 1 2 : που γάρ,
Αλεξάνδρου;
καθ'
δβϊξόν
ήν
εϊπέ
μοι,
μου, καϊ είπε
τό
τήν
έτελεύτησε.
C u r t . 1 0 . 6 . 4 ; D i o d . Sic. 1 8 . 6 0 p a s s i m ,
1 9 . 1 5 . 3 - 4 ; P l u t . Eum.
1 3 ; N e p . Eum.
7.2-3;
Polyaen. 4.8.2.
I 37
For a comprehensive (though unevenly docu­
m e n t e d ) survey, see F a w z i el F a k h a r a n i , " A n
Investigation i n t o the V i e w s C o n c e r n i n g the L o ­
cation o f the T o m b o f A l e x a n d e r the Great,"
Bulletin
versity
I 38
of the Faculty
of Arts,
Alexandria
Uni­
18 ( 1 9 6 4 ) : 1 6 9 - 9 9 , w i t h figs. 1 - 1 1 .
See Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 5 - 1 7 ;
Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 4 - 4 1 n n . 8 2 - 9 0 ;
D e l i a ( n o t e 133 a b o v e ) : 1 4 5 6 n . 2 7 .
I 39
T h e m o s t r e c e n t a t t e m p t I have seen is t h a t o f
T h o m a s Stelios ( d e s c r i b e d as a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l
e x e c u t i v e a n d a F e l l o w o f t h e A I A [ ? ] ) i n The
Mediterranean
1.2 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 2 6 - 3 3 .
140
Forster (note 3 above), p p . 1 1 2 - 1 3 .
141
V . E h r e n b e r g , Alexander
Beihefte
142
zum Alten
Orient
und Agypten,
vol. 7 of
(Leipzig 1926), p. 28.
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 7; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7
above), p . 10 n . 2 4 .
143
T i m o n of Phlius fr. 60 W a c h s m u t h , cited by
A t h e n . Deipnos.
i . 2 2 d : πολλοί
μένβόσκονται
25
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The City of Alexandria in the
Hellenistic Period
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29
Egyptian Influence on Daily Life in
Ancient Alexandria
Henri
Riad
There is n o m o r e impressive o r majestic reflection o f the achievements o f
the Greeks i n E g y p t t h a n the great c i t y t h a t carries Alexander's name.
A l e x a n d r i a has often been celebrated by the w r i t e r s of a n t i q u i t y . Greek
a n d R o m a n w r i t e r s , i n inscriptions a n d p a p y r i , almost always accom­
p a n y the name o f the c i t y w i t h l a u d a t o r y epithets: the great, the very
great, the r i c h , the very n o b l e , the very happy, the splendid, the t o w n
t h a t possesses a l l t h a t one can have o r desire. Even the A r a b i c h i s t o r i a n
A l M a k r i z y t h i n k s that G o d is r e f e r r i n g t o A l e x a n d r i a w h e n m e n t i o n is
made i n a verse o f the K o r a n of a c i t y " w h i c h has n o l i k e i n the w o r l d . "
1
I n the R o m a n p e r i o d , A l e x a n d r i a was n o t considered a p a r t
of the i m p e r i a l p r o v i n c e of E g y p t , either i n title o r i n law. Its official
n o m e n c l a t u r e was Alexandria
ad Aegyptum—Alexandria
by E g y p t
rather t h a n in or of E g y p t , a n d the f u l l title o f the prefect o f E g y p t was
praefectus
Alexandreae
et Aegypti —prefect
1
of A l e x a n d r i a a n d o f E g y p t .
T h e A l e x a n d r i a n s were celebrated for their love o f w o r k a n d
of money, f o r their m o c k i n g s p i r i t , their novelties, a n d their revolts. T h e y
bestowed nicknames u p o n everyone, even o n their k i n g s . H i s l o v i n g sub­
jects called P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes n physkon,
was n i c k n a m e d "the flute p l a y e r . "
or "fatty." Ptolemy x i n
3
T h e geographer Strabo visited the c i t y i n the first century of
R o m a n rule a n d gave us this v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n : " T h e w h o l e c i t y is criss­
crossed w i t h streets suitable for the traffic o f horses a n d carriages a n d by
t w o t h a t are very w i d e , being m o r e t h a n one pletbrum
[ a b o u t 30 m ] i n
b r e a d t h , these intersect each other at r i g h t angles. T h e c i t y has m a g n i f i ­
cent p u b l i c precincts a n d r o y a l palaces w h i c h cover a f o u r t h or even a
t h i r d o f the entire c i t y . "
4
T h e c i t y was d i v i d e d i n t o five sections designated by the first
five letters o f the Greek alphabet. To the east was the A quarter, a n d there
as w e l l as i n a substantial p a r t o f the B quarter lived the i m p o r t a n t Jew­
ish c o m m u n i t y o f A l e x a n d r i a . N a t i v e Egyptians were concentrated i n the
west, a r o u n d the site of the o l d village o f R h a k o t i s . I n the other quarters
lived the m a j o r i t y of the Greek o r hellenized p o p u l a t i o n o f the c i t y .
5
T h e first Ptolemies attracted i m m i g r a n t s t o the n e w c i t y f r o m
m a n y areas o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d : f r o m Thrace, M a c e d o n i a ,
30
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
m a i n l a n d Greece, the Aegean islands, the coastal cities o f Asia M i n o r ,
f r o m Persia, Syria, a n d Judaea. T h e flow o f i m m i g r a n t s p r o b a b l y never
d r i e d u p completely. Later, R o m a n s or Italians were attracted by trade,
or perhaps they stayed o n after c o m p l e t i n g m i l i t a r y o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e
service. W e m a y a d d t o this l o n g list L i b y a n s , C i l i c i a n s , E t h i o p i a n s ,
A r a b s , Bactrians, Scythians, a n d I n d i a n s . A n d there was also, o f course,
a steady i n f l u x o f Egyptians f r o m u p - c o u n t r y ready t o seize the o p p o r t u ­
nities offered by trade a n d commerce a n d , after a t i m e , by the g r a d u a l
o p e n i n g u p o f official positions t o non-Greeks.
T h e native Egyptians f o r m e d the m a j o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n
o n whose labors the economic p r o s p e r i t y of the c o u n t r y depended a n d
w i t h w h o m the Greek settlers were i n daily contact. T h e y were, however,
FIG.
entirely excluded f r o m citizenship, a l t h o u g h i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m t i m e t o
Statue of Serapis i n the shape
t i m e were able t o acquire i t . T h e p o l i c y of the first three Ptolemies was
6
I
of the bull Apis as worshiped
by Egyptians. Black basalt.
s t r o n g l y M a c e d o n i a n a n d H e l l e n i c ; they treated the natives f r a n k l y as a
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
conquered race. T h e Jews were also denied citizenship, a l t h o u g h they
Museum.
possessed their o w n p a r t i c u l a r privileges, w h i c h , a m o n g other distinc­
t i o n s , set t h e m apart f r o m the rest o f the populace.
T h e d i s t i n c t i o n s between Egyptians a n d Greeks created ten­
sion a n d resentment between t h e m . Such feelings can surely be seen
i n d e m o t i c l i t e r a t u r e . A m o n g the r o m a n t i c tales c o m p i l e d a n d c i r c u l a t e d
i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , there is a p r o p h e c y piece called " O r a c l e o f the
Potter," w h i c h says,
A n d then the Guardian Spirit w i l l desert the city w h i c h they
founded and w i l l go to god-bearing Memphis and i t w i l l be
deserted. That w i l l be the end of our evils when Egypt shall see
the foreigners fall like leaves from the branch. The city by the
sea w i l l be a drying place for fishermen's catch because the
Guardian Spirit has gone to M e m p h i s , so that passers-by w i l l
say, "this was the all-nurturing city i n w h i c h all the races of
mankind live."
7
T h e message is quite clear: T h e foreigners are the M a c e d o ­
n i a n rulers, their c i t y is A l e x a n d r i a ; M e m p h i s w i l l rise again. I t is a t a n ­
gible p r o d u c t o f the native h o s t i l i t y t o M a c e d o n i a n rule a n d prophesies
the departure o f the g u a r d i a n s p i r i t , agathos
daimon,
f r o m the c i t y o f
A l e x a n d r i a for M e m p h i s . T h i s feeling, however, d i d n o t prevent the de­
sire a n d need o f t h e i r rulers t o t r a n s m i t the native E g y p t i a n h i s t o r i c a l
t r a d i t i o n i n t o Greek. T h i s b r o u g h t the E g y p t i a n priest M a n e t h o o f
Sebennytos t o A l e x a n d r i a t o w r i t e three volumes o n the h i s t o r y a n d r e l i ­
g i o n o f E g y p t , p r o b a b l y early i n the r e i g n o f P t o l e m y π Philadelphos.
I n order t o unite Egyptians a n d Greeks, there was a need for
a deity w h o c o u l d be w o r s h i p e d by t h e m b o t h . D u r i n g the r e i g n of
P t o l e m y ι a n e w deity was created, the g o d Serapis, w h o c o m b i n e d Egyp-
Riad
t i a n a n d Greek elements. H i s name is E g y p t i a n , a c o m b i n a t i o n o f Osiris
a n d A p i s ; i t refers t o the A p i s b u l l w h o was w o r s h i p e d i n M e m p h i s
a n d w h o after his death became an Osiris (fig. i ) . H i s Greek f o r m is an
o l d , bearded m a n clad i n a c h i t o n , resembling their supreme g o d , Zeus
(figs. 2, 3). T h e n e w g o d became a n a t i o n a l g o d s i m i l a r t o A m e n , Ra, a n d
H o r u s . As his w i f e , he was given Isis, a p u r e l y E g y p t i a n goddess, a n d as
a son H a r p o k r a t e s , o r H o r u s the c h i l d , son o f Isis. A n d so the Egyptians
a n d Greeks were u n i t e d i n a c o m m o n w o r s h i p . I n a d d i t i o n , the Greeks
8
identified their gods w i t h the E g y p t i a n deities: A m u n a n d Zeus, H o r u s
a n d A p o l l o , T h o t h a n d Hermes, H a t h o r a n d A p h r o d i t e , Hephaistos a n d
Ptah, a n d so o n . H o w e v e r , there is l i t t l e evidence i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d
for priests i n E g y p t i a n cults being given Greek names.
E g y p t i a n habits a n d customs also gained g r o u n d a m o n g the
n e w settlers. F r o m the earliest p e r i o d , the s t a b i l i t y o f the r o y a l f a m i l y
was reinforced i n p h a r a o n i c E g y p t by the practice o f n a m i n g a son a n d
heir d u r i n g the r e i g n o f the father a n d before the latter's death, as was
FIG.
2
Statue of Serapis as worshiped
by Greeks. Marble. Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman Museum.
the case w i t h P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos a n d P t o l e m y 1 Soter at the end o f
285 B . C . Less remote f r o m Greek conceptions was the w o r s h i p o f the
9
l i v i n g Ptolemy. W h e n A l e x a n d e r conquered E g y p t , he was received by
the Egyptians as l i b e r a t o r . As k i n g of E g y p t , he became a p h a r a o h a n d
was therefore d i v i n e . W h e n P t o l e m y 1 made h i m s e l f k i n g , he, t o o , be­
came d i v i n e . A f t e r his death, he was deified by his successor, as was his
w i f e Berenike, under the name Soter, o r savior, a title granted t o h i m by
the R h o d i a n s . W h e n his sister-wife A r s i n o e 11 d i e d i n 2 7 0 B . C . , P t o l e m y 11
deified her as A r s i n o e Philadelphos, "the b r o t h e r l o v i n g , " a n d since the
k i n g c o u l d n o t be left o u t of the c u l t o f his w i f e , the t w o were associated
as theoi adelphoi,
or "the fraternal gods." So the Ptolemaic r u l e r c u l t
was extended t o the l i v i n g k i n g , a n d a l l the r e i g n i n g Ptolemies w i t h t h e i r
wives were w o r s h i p e d i n temples as i n p h a r a o n i c E g y p t .
10
T h e marriage o f b r o t h e r a n d sister was c o m m o n i n p h a r a o n i c
E g y p t , even a m o n g o r d i n a r y people, a n d especially i n the R o m a n p e r i o d ,
b u t i t was quite a b n o r m a l t o the Greeks. Consanguineous marriage i n
ancient p h a r a o n i c times was p r a c t i c e d i n the r u l i n g families t o keep their
noble b l o o d p u r e . T h e Ptolemies i m i t a t e d the p h a r a o h s , a n d the first
consanguineous marriage occurred between P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos a n d
FIG.
3
Bust of Serapis as worshiped
by Greeks. Marble. Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman Museum.
his f u l l sister A r s i n o e 11; the practice was m a i n t a i n e d u n t i l the end o f
the dynasty.
11
T h e a r r i v a l i n E g y p t of these n e w settlers b r o u g h t an interest­
i n g p r o b l e m : h o w w o u l d a m i n o r i t y of Greeks w i t h their Greek tongue
a n d Greek c u l t u r e coexist w i t h the mass o f native p o p u l a t i o n , w i t h its
o w n language a n d culture? Greeks a n d Egyptians t r i e d by a l l means t o
understand each other, especially t h r o u g h language. I n a letter d a t i n g
f r o m the second century B . C . , a m o t h e r w r i t e s t o her son, " I congratulate
y o u a n d myself o n the news that y o u are l e a r n i n g E g y p t i a n , f o r n o w
31
32
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
w h e n y o u get t o the c i t y [ A l e x a n d r i a ] , y o u w i l l teach the c h i l d r e n at the
house o f . . . the p h y s i c i a n . "
1 2
I t is indeed significant t h a t a k n o w l e d g e o f
E g y p t i a n s h o u l d i m p r o v e the prospects of a Greek i n the c a p i t a l city. I n
actuality, n o m o n a r c h u n t i l the last Cleopatra ( v n ) learned t o speak
E g y p t i a n . I t was one o f several languages i n w h i c h she c o u l d converse
w i t h o u t an interpreter. K n o w i n g b o t h languages was necessary; Ptole­
maic contracts (marriage, d i v i s i o n o r sale o f p r o p e r t y , a n d the like) i n
d e m o t i c or a m i x t u r e o f Greek a n d d e m o t i c suggest the a d o p t i o n o f b o t h
languages. I n fact, e x i s t i n g w r i t i n g exercises, numerous t a x receipts, a n d
contracts t e n d t o suggest that w r i t t e n demotic was accessible t o the
Egyptians i n the same w a y t h a t Greek documents were t o the Greeks; a
d e m o t i c t a x receipt or c o n t r a c t w i t h a Greek d o c k e t o r the reverse shows
h o w b o t h languages f u n c t i o n e d .
I n r e l i g i o n , P t o l e m y i was careful enough t o realize the i m ­
portance of being c o n c i l i a t o r y t o w a r d the E g y p t i a n p r i e s t h o o d w h i l e at
the same t i m e perceiving t h a t its p o w e r m i g h t be dangerous t o the r o y a l
a u t h o r i t y . So he t o o k the management o f the sacred l a n d possessed by
the temples i n t o his o w n hands, a d m i n i s t e r i n g i t f o r the benefit o f the
temples a n d at the same t i m e keeping i t under his c o n t r o l . I n a d d i t i o n ,
the taxes p a i d by the priests were l o w e r t h a n average, a n d they seem t o
have been e x e m p t f r o m the p o l l t a x .
1 3
A l t h o u g h the Ptolemies levied a m o n o p o l y o n trade, they al­
l o w e d the priests t o c a r r y o n t h e i r usual industries b u t under t h e i r strict
c o n t r o l . For example, the a r t o f w e a v i n g the fine byssus l i n e n for w h i c h
E g y p t was famous was a specialty o f the temples; after h o l d i n g back the
q u a n t i t y necessary f o r r i t u a l purposes, the priests were r e q u i r e d t o
deliver t o the k i n g a fixed q u a n t i t y o f the l i n e n , w h i c h became a valuable
i t e m i n the e x p o r t t r a d e .
14
T h e Ptolemies strengthened their c o n t r o l o f
the temples b y a p p o i n t i n g t o each an overseer, or epistates.
T h e priests,
o n the other h a n d , received a regular salary f r o m the government a n d
seem further t o have been exempted, at least i n p a r t , f r o m the o b l i g a t i o n ,
or corvee, t h a t r e q u i r e d personal w o r k o n the d i k e s .
15
I n fact, the p o l i c y
of the p o w e r f u l Ptolemies t o w a r d Egyptians was a m i x t u r e of benevolent
patronage a n d strict c o n t r o l .
As t i m e passed a n d the dynasty weakened, there was a shakeup. A f t e r the Battle of R a p h i a i n 217 B . C . , w h i c h gave confidence t o the
native E g y p t i a n soldiers, revolts began t o occur. T h e later Ptolemies were
c o m p e l l e d t o m a k e concessions t h a t t h e i r predecessors w o u l d certainly
n o t have c o n t e m p l a t e d .
16
I t is certain t h a t at the end o f the Ptolemaic
p e r i o d the p o s i t i o n o f E g y p t i a n priests was stronger t h a n i t h a d been i n
the t h i r d c e n t u r y B.C.
O n e o f Octavian's tasks was t o c u r b this dangerous p o w e r .
There seems t o have been a c e r t a i n r e s t r i c t i o n o n the r i g h t o f a s y l u m .
Large tracts o f sacred l a n d were confiscated t o the benefit of the r o y a l
Riad
d o m a i n . Priests were exempted f r o m the p o l l t a x i n l i m i t e d , fixed n u m ­
bers, b u t there was n o e x e m p t i o n , i n p r i n c i p l e , f r o m l i a b i l i t y t o the
corvee or other o b l i g a t i o n s t o do state services. T h e temples were re­
q u i r e d t o m a k e an a n n u a l a u d i t o f t h e i r p r o p e r t y , of the temple inven­
t o r y , a n d of a l l the categories of priests. Periodic visits were made by
g o v e r n m e n t inspectors t o examine the accounts, check the accuracy of
the r e t u r n s , a n d arrest any offenders.
17
T h e sacrifices a n d other details of
the temple c u l t were strictly supervised.
I n spite o f these restrictions, the E g y p t i a n p r i e s t h o o d , w h i c h
still enjoyed the p r o t e c t i o n o f the state, does n o t appear t o have been hos­
tile t o R o m a n rule before the r e i g n of M a r c u s A u r e l i u s ( A . D . 1 6 1 - 1 8 0 ) ,
w h e n a r e v o l t led by a priest b r o k e o u t i n the D e l t a . There m u s t thus
have been some discontent a m o n g the priests. As a result o f t h a t r e v o l t ,
the n u m b e r o f priests i n some temples c e r t a i n l y declined, due i n p a r t t o
the l i m i t e d e x e m p t i o n f r o m p o l l t a x a n d the corvee. T h e senates g r a n t e d
by Septimius Severus at the b e g i n n i n g o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y t o the capitals
of nomes, i n c l u d i n g A l e x a n d r i a , meant, as W i l c k e n says, "the complete
subjection of the E g y p t i a n ' c h u r c h ' t o the state a n d the a s s i m i l a t i o n of
the priests t o the rest of the p o p u l a t i o n . "
1 8
T h e progressive decline of the
E g y p t i a n cults c o n t i n u e d , a n d at the end o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y the rise o f
C h r i s t i a n i t y was everywhere t h r e a t e n i n g the o l d r e l i g i o n .
We k n o w very little a b o u t i n d u s t r y a n d trade i n ancient
A l e x a n d r i a . F o o d stuffs, c l o t h i n g , domestic wares, a n d m a n y other items
necessary f o r daily use were m a n u f a c t u r e d there. T h e m a i n industries of
the c i t y seem t o have been different k i n d s of m e t a l w o r k i n g , glassworki n g , a n d the m a n u f a c t u r e f r o m r a w materials of scents a n d unguents,
w h i c h f o u n d a w i d e m a r k e t . These industries were m a i n l y i n the hands
of E g y p t i a n craftsmen.
M e t a l w o r k i n g p r o b a b l y enjoyed the highest r e p u t a t i o n . T h e
account o f the R h o d i a n h i s t o r i a n K a l l i x e i n o s shows the w e a l t h o f pre­
cious metals t h a t the Ptolemies possessed at t h a t t i m e : " V i c t o r i e s w i t h
g o l d w i n g s , a b u n d a n t g o l d j e w e l r y w o r n by w o m e n ; g o l d c r o w n s w i t h
f l o r a l a n d other d e c o r a t i o n i n g o l d leaf; g o l d e n cornucopias; a g o l d e n a l ­
tar, g o l d e n m i x i n g b o w l s a n d t r i p o d s ; a n d cups a n d pitchers of v a r i o u s
k i n d s , c a r r i e d by Satyrs a n d S i l e n i . " N o t a l l these various objects were
m a n u f a c t u r e d i n A l e x a n d r i a ; a considerable a m o u n t o f fine m e t a l w o r k
i n the Greek style was made i n M e m p h i s b y the H e l l e n o m e m p h i t e s , w h o
used t o p r o d u c e t h a t type of E g y p t i a n - f l a v o r e d Greek w o r k characteris­
tic o f the early Ptolemaic finds. H o w e v e r , i n the later Ptolemaic p e r i o d
m u c h m e t a l w o r k was p r o d u c e d i n A l e x a n d r i a as a result of the g r a d u a l
decline of M e m p h i s .
1 9
Silver vases f r o m A l e x a n d r i a have been discovered
as far away as central E u r o p e . T h e "Tazza Farnese" dish of the first
century B . C . is a masterpiece of A l e x a n d r i a n a r t i s t r y (see K o z l o f f fig. 9,
b e l o w ) . C a r v e d f r o m s a r d o n y x , i t represents the N i l e g o d as an o l d
33
34
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
m a n h o l d i n g a c o r n u c o p i a . A t his feet, Isis reclines o n the head o f a
s p h i n x , a n d the central figure o f H o r u s - T r i p t o l e m o s carries a knife a n d
a bag o f seeds.
20
G l a s s m a k i n g h a d always been an i m p o r t a n t i n d u s t r y i n E g y p t ,
a n d i t c o n t i n u e d t o be so i n Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a . I t sprang i n t o n e w life
under the Ptolemies, a n d f o r m a n y centuries A l e x a n d r i a was the center
of the f a b r i c a t i o n o f articles i n glass. Strabo refers t o glassmakers o f the
c i t y i n a w a y t h a t shows t h a t they were a substantial, well-established
b o d y o f craftsmen. A l e x a n d r i a n glassmakers, like m e t a l w o r k e r s , n o t
o n l y c o n t i n u e d a n d m o d i f i e d native t r a d i t i o n s b u t also p r o d u c e d i m i t a ­
tions o f m e t a l vases.
21
E g y p t h a d n o rivals i n the manufacture o f p a p y r u s . I t h a d
been used i n E g y p t since the very early p e r i o d a n d was certainly avail­
able t o the Greek w o r l d f r o m the fifth c e n t u r y B . C . o n w a r d . I t was u t i ­
lized n o t o n l y as a w r i t i n g m a t e r i a l b u t also i n m a k i n g various objects o f
d a i l y a n d domestic use, such as mats a n d simple w r a p p i n g paper. I n the
Ptolemaic p e r i o d , the papyrus i n d u s t r y was a r o y a l m o n o p o l y , b u t free
markets also existed. Strabo tells us t h a t i n his day, papyrus d i d n o t g r o w
a b u n d a n t l y i n the i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o r h o o d o f A l e x a n d r i a , a l t h o u g h i t
d i d generally i n the L o w e r D e l t a . Nevertheless, the m a n u f a c t u r e o f pa­
pyrus was also c a r r i e d o u t i n A l e x a n d r i a under the P t o l e m i e s .
22
T h e source o f the h i g h - q u a l i t y p o t t e r y frequently encountered
i n A l e x a n d r i a is u n c e r t a i n . T h e d o u b t arises p r i m a r i l y f r o m the absence
of adequate potter's clay i n the n e i g h b o r h o o d of the city. T h e famous
A l e x a n d r i n e Tanagra figurines are made o f i n f e r i o r clay t h a t h a d been
considerably washed a n d refined (figs. 4 , 5). There were, however, beds
of fine clay b o t h i n U p p e r E g y p t , at Qena, a n d i n the D e l t a ; these were
p r o b a b l y the m a i n sources o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s p o t t i n g clay.
Two
m a i n types of p o t t e r y cinerary urns are associated w i t h
A l e x a n d r i a : black-glazed r i b b e d vases w i t h f l o r a l d e c o r a t i o n i n w h i t e
a n d sometimes i n relief, a n d the H a d r a vases (fig. 6 ) . T h e first g r o u p oc­
curs elsewhere i n the H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d b u t is sufficiently m o r e numerous
i n A l e x a n d r i a n t o m b s t o oblige us t o suggest t h a t this variety is A l e x a n ­
d r i a n . T h e H a d r a vases fall i n t o t w o d i s t i n c t classes. T h e first a n d larger
g r o u p , frequently f o u n d i n Ptolemaic t o m b s , consists o f fine, well-fired
clay decorated w i t h panels, flowers, scrolls, a n d palmettes, as w e l l as
scenes o f animals o r h u m a n figures a p p l i e d i n black o n the pale buff o f
the t e r r a c o t t a . T h e second, less frequent type consists o f vases p a i n t e d
w h i t e a n d decorated w i t h p o l y c h r o m e objects such as an altar, a s w o r d ,
or a p a i r o f shoes. These t w o groups are contemporaneous a n d fre­
q u e n t l y appeared at Shatby, a d i s t r i c t of A l e x a n d r i a ; the o r i g i n of b o t h
types is p r o b a b l y A l e x a n d r i a n .
2 3
Faience was another very p o p u l a r type of p o t t e r y i n A l e x a n ­
d r i a a n d was p r o d u c e d l o c a l l y as w e l l as elsewhere i n E g y p t . A m o n g the
FIG.
4
Alexandrine Tanagra figure.
Terracotta. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum.
Riad
m o s t n o t a b l e p r o d u c t s i n faience are the " r o y a l o i n o c h o a i , " w h i c h s h o w
i n relief the figure o f a Ptolemaic queen p o u r i n g a l i b a t i o n o n a n altar.
T h i s type is a p p a r e n t l y a l m o s t t o t a l l y confined t o the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C .
T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t this hellenized faience is essentially the p r o d u c t o f
Alexandria.
2 4
W e a v i n g reached a very h i g h s t a n d a r d o f p e r f e c t i o n i n ancient
E g y p t . L i n e n p r o d u c t i o n was one of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t industries i n
A l e x a n d r i a , a l o n g w i t h the w e a v i n g o f tissues a n d c l o t h o f m o r e t h a n ten
different varieties. Carpets, dyed p u r p l e , a n d e m b r o i d e r e d c l o t h w i t h
figures of a n i m a l s a n d birds were also m a n u f a c t u r e d i n the city.
A l e x a n d r i a was famous f o r the m a n u f a c t u r e o f n a t u r a l p r o d ­
ucts f o r w h i c h E g y p t h a d n o r i v a l : perfumes, unguents, a n d other a r o matics, such as incense a n d m y r r h . T h e r a w materials f o r perfumes,
e x t r a c t e d f r o m flowers a n d p l a n t s , were f o r the m o s t p a r t c u l t i v a t e d i n
E g y p t ; whereas the a r o m a t i c gums a n d resins were m a i n l y i m p o r t e d
f r o m S o m a l i l a n d , A r a b i a , a n d I n d i a . A l t h o u g h perfumes o f v a r i o u s types
were w i d e l y used i n the p h a r a o n i c p e r i o d , t h e i r m a n u f a c t u r e was per­
FIG. 5
Alexandrine Tanagra figure.
Terracotta. Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m .
fected i n A l e x a n d r i a .
2 5
I n a letter t o his b r o t h e r - i n - l a w Servianus c o n c e r n i n g the i n ­
h a b i t a n t s o f A l e x a n d r i a , E m p e r o r H a d r i a n says,
[It is] a city rich, opulent, productive, i n w h i c h none lives idle.
Some are glass blowers, some makers of papyrus, some linen
weavers, all have some art or other. The gouty have something
they can do, the b l i n d likewise, not even those w i t h gout i n the
hand are idle. Their o w n god is n o t h i n g [that is, " m o n e y " ] ; this
Christians, this Jews, this all alike venerate.
26
T h e i r love o f w o r k a n d o f m o n e y was equaled b y the love o f p u b l i c spec­
tacles, o f gymnastics, feasting, a n d m a t e r i a l pleasures. B u t i t m u s t n o t be
t h o u g h t t h a t A l e x a n d r i a was entirely g i v e n u p t o f r i v o l i t y a n d amusement.
A t this same t i m e , Saint C l e m e n t was f o u n d i n g the great s c h o o l o f C h r i s ­
t i a n t h e o l o g y i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h h a d so immense a n influence o n the
t h o u g h t o f the C h u r c h w h i l e pagan p h i l o s o p h y still flourished i n the city.
O n e o f the first aims o f O c t a v i a n after the R o m a n conquest
of E g y p t was t o e x p l o i t its r i c h g r a i n lands. H e engaged the R o m a n a r m y
t o r e b u i l d the dikes a n d clean the canals, w h i c h h a d suffered f r o m ne­
FIG.
6
glect d u r i n g the late Ptolemaic p e r i o d . I n some years the N i l e flood was
Hadra hydria. Alexandria,
t o o l o w o r t o o h i g h , a n d a shortage o f g r a i n resulted. M o r e o v e r , native
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m .
revolts occasionally caused devastation o f g r a i n lands i n parts o f E g y p t .
I n A . D . i o o , famine i n E g y p t was so serious t h a t E m p e r o r T r a j a n o r d e r e d
the g r a i n fleet t o r e t u r n f r o m R o m e t o A l e x a n d r i a i n order t o relieve the
suffering o f the E g y p t i a n s .
T h e t r a n s p o r t o f the g r a i n t r i b u t e t h a t R o m e levied o n E g y p t
was p r o b a b l y the m o s t a m b i t i o u s m a r i t i m e enterprise o f the ancient
35
36
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
w o r l d . D u r i n g the first three centuries o f the R o m a n p e r i o d , 1 5 0 , 0 0 0
tons ( t w e n t y m i l l i o n modii) were sent a n n u a l l y f r o m A l e x a n d r i a t o
R o m e , o n the largest a n d fastest ships o f the day. A t A l e x a n d r i a , the
g r a i n was stored i n great granaries t o w a i t f o r the s h i p m e n t t o R o m e .
T h e g r a i n fleet usually sailed as a u n i t at the b e g i n n i n g of s p r i n g , p r o b a ­
bly i n A p r i l . T h e j o u r n e y w o u l d have t a k e n at least a m o n t h , sometimes
t w o ; the fleet a r r i v e d at the seaport o f R o m e , p r o b a b l y at the b e g i n n i n g
of M a y . T h e r e t u r n t r i p c o u l d be made i n t w o or three weeks i f the
w i n d s were favorable. A q u i c k t u r n a r o u n d m i g h t result i n another sail­
i n g before w i n t e r .
D u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d , there were t w o seafaring divinities: Isis
a n d Serapis. Isis became the goddess o f the sea; festivals i n her name
m a r k e d the b e g i n n i n g o f the sailing season. O n those occasions a ship,
o r a m o d e l , w i t h e m b r o i d e r e d sails a n d decorated w i t h offering scenes
a n d lights, was launched o n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n t o open the w a y f o r safe
sailing. T h e second deity, Serapis, was also one of the i m p o r t a n t seafar­
i n g gods a n d was f o u n d as an object o f w o r s h i p i n a l m o s t a l l the b i g
p o r t s i n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n .
27
O w i n g t o the l o c a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a , between the M e d i t e r ­
ranean t o the n o r t h a n d L a k e M a r e o t i s t o the s o u t h , its cemeteries m u s t
i n e v i t a b l y have been located t o the east a n d west o f the city. Excavations
u n d e r t a k e n since the m i d d l e o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y i n the eastern sub­
urbs have b r o u g h t t o l i g h t extensive cemeteries d a t i n g f r o m the earliest
Ptolemaic p e r i o d . D u r i n g t h a t t i m e , those b u r i e d i n the eastern ceme­
teries were a l m o s t exclusively Greeks a n d other foreigners, w h i l e i n the
western cemeteries the m a j o r i t y were Egyptians. A t the close o f the P t o l ­
emaic p e r i o d a n d d u r i n g the R o m a n p e r i o d , the eastern cemeteries were
still i n use f o r b u r i a l s , b u t i n m u c h smaller numbers t h a n the western.
M u m m i f i c a t i o n was p r a c t i c e d exclusively i n the western
cemeteries, w h e r e native Egyptians were b u r i e d . A l t h o u g h the early
Greek settlers preferred c r e m a t i o n , they later i m i t a t e d the Egyptians a n d
chose e m b a l m i n g rather t h a n c r e m a t i o n . W h e n the dead were cremated,
the ashes were preserved i n an u r n , w h i c h usually h a d the f o r m of hyd r i a . I n 1 8 8 0 at I b r a h i m i e h , a d i s t r i c t t o the east of the city, a t o m b was
f o u n d t h a t c o n t a i n e d several r o w s o f niches h o u s i n g the c i n e r a r y urns of
the numerous mercenaries w h o served under the early Ptolemies, as w e l l
as urns o f the religious envoys f r o m various Greek t o w n s . Such urns
were also f o u n d i n great numbers at Shatby, at H a d r a (hence the name
H a d r a vases), a n d i n the western cemeteries at G a b b a r i a n d W a r d i a n .
2 8
Several o f these urns bear, p a i n t e d o r engraved, the names o f
the deceased, often accompanied b y the father's name a n d t h a t of his
c o u n t r y . A g r o u p o f these i n s c r i p t i o n s a l l o w s us t o fix w i t h p r e c i s i o n the
date o f t h e i r use. T h e y belong t o mercenaries w h o came f r o m T h r a c e ,
Crete, Thessaly, a n d other cities, o r t o ambassadors w h o i n c o n n e c t i o n
Riad
w i t h religious feasts were sent t o A l e x a n d r i a , where they died a n d were
buried.
29
D u r i n g the l o n g course of ancient E g y p t i a n history, m a n y cus­
t o m s c o n c e r n i n g death a n d b u r i a l r e m a i n e d r e m a r k a b l y s i m i l a r . O n e
procedure t h a t u n d e r w e n t subtle change was m u m m i f i c a t i o n . I n later
p h a r a o n i c h i s t o r y i t was c o m m o n t o envelop the entire bandaged b o d y
of the deceased i n cartonnage, w h i c h consisted o f l i n e n r e i n f o r c e d w i t h
plaster, m o d e l e d t o the o u t l i n e o f the e m b a l m e d body. T h e section cover­
i n g the head was usually fashioned as a c o n v e n t i o n a l a n d idealized p o r ­
t r a i t o f the deceased, w h i l e the p o r t i o n covering the b o d y was frequently
decorated w i t h scenes o f deities a n d the n e t h e r w o r l d . D u r i n g the Ptole­
maic p e r i o d , the use of cartonnage was confined t o c e r t a i n p o r t i o n s of
the l i n e n - w r a p p e d m u m m y — t h e head, chest, s t o m a c h , t h i g h s , a n d feet.
T h e head was t h e n covered w i t h a mask decorated w i t h a w i n g e d scarab
beetle, w h i l e a r o u n d the neck was placed an elaborate c o l l a r w i t h ter­
m i n a l s i n the f o r m of f a l c o n heads. T h e area between the head and the
feet was decorated w i t h deities a n d religious scenes. M u m m i f i c a t i o n c o n ­
t i n u e d t o be p r a c t i c e d even i n early C h r i s t i a n i t y .
According to tradition, Alexandria's involvement w i t h Chris­
t i a n i t y started i n the m i d d l e o f the first c e n t u r y A . D . w h e n the evangelist
Saint M a r k came t o A l e x a n d r i a preaching a n e w r e l i g i o n . O n his a r r i v a l ,
he was fascinated by the beauty of the city. H e was w a n d e r i n g t h r o u g h
its streets l o o k i n g at the magnificent b u i l d i n g s , w h e n one o f his sandals
became t o r n . H e w e n t t o a shoemaker by the name o f A n i a n u s t o have i t
repaired. W h e n the shoemaker t o o k the a w l t o w o r k o n the sandal, he
accidently pierced his h a n d ; Saint M a r k h e l d the cobbler's h a n d , preach­
i n g the Gospel, a n d the man's h a n d m i r a c u l o u s l y healed. T h e cobbler
a n d the members o f his f a m i l y were converted t o C h r i s t i a n i t y a n d were
baptized.
30
A f t e r t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n Christians g r a d u a l l y m u l t i p l i e d i n
n u m b e r u n t i l the pagans t o o k notice o f t h e m a n d sought t o arrest the
evangelist. I n A . D . 68, d u r i n g the celebration o f the festival of Serapis,
Saint M a r k was arrested, t o r t u r e d , a n d p u t t o d e a t h .
31
D u r i n g the first c e n t u r y a n d the first h a l f o f the second cen­
t u r y , the spread of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a a n d some parts o f E g y p t
was n o t considerable. A c c o r d i n g t o his letter t o Servianus, E m p e r o r
H a d r i a n ( A . D . 1 1 7 - 1 3 8 ) h a d seen the A l e x a n d r i a n s w o r s h i p i n g Serapis
a n d C h r i s t i m p a r t i a l l y . "Those w h o w o r s h i p Serapis are C h r i s t i a n s , a n d
those w h o call themselves bishops o f C h r i s t are devoted t o S e r a p i s . "
32
T h e y saw n o great difference between the t w o religions. B u t f r o m the
t i m e of Septimius Severus ( A . D . 1 9 3 - 2 1 1 ) the development o f C h r i s ­
t i a n i t y was very r a p i d . T h e catechetical s c h o o l — a C h r i s t i a n t h e o l o g i c a l
u n i v e r s i t y — w a s f o u n d e d at t h a t t i m e . T h o u g h C h r i s t i a n i t y h a d made
great progress, i t was largely confined t o the l o w e r and m i d d l e classes
a n d made l i t t l e impression o n the aristocracy.
C h r i s t i a n i t y , however, d i d n o t enjoy an easy g r o w t h . I t suf-
37
38
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
fered b l o o d y persecutions under the r u l e o f Septimius Severus ( A . D . 2 0 4 ) ,
under Decius ( A . D . 2 5 0 ) , a n d under Valerianus ( A . D . 2 5 1 ) . T h e greatest
persecution o f the Christians o c c u r r e d i n the t i m e o f D i o c l e t i a n , w h o
was so detested b y E g y p t i a n C h r i s t i a n s t h a t , later, the c h u r c h dated
the E r a o f M a r t y r s f r o m the first year o f his r e i g n i n A . D . 2 8 4 .
3 3
I n ad­
d i t i o n t o these persecutions, isolated incidents, such as Caracalla's
massacre o f the A l e x a n d r i a n p o p u l a c e , resulted i n a steady surge o f
A l e x a n d r i a n n a t i o n a l i s m i n the late second a n d t h i r d centuries.
Reports o f violence c o n t i n u e d . A v i s i t o r t o A l e x a n d r i a i n the
t h i r d c e n t u r y w r i t e s t o his parents i n his h o m e t o w n o f O x y r h y n c h u s i n
U p p e r E g y p t saying, " T h i n g s have happened the l i k e o f w h i c h hasn't
happened t h r o u g h a l l the years. N o w i t is c a n n i b a l i s m , n o t w a r . . . . So
rejoice the m o r e , l a d y m o t h e r , t h a t I a m outside the c i t y . "
3 4
M o s t o f the
violence i n A l e x a n d r i a was l i n k e d t o struggles between pagans a n d
C h r i s t i a n s . T h e disturbance o f A . D . 4 1 2 - 4 1 5 c u l m i n a t e d i n the m u r d e r
of the p a g a n teacher o f p h i l o s o p h y , H y p a t i a .
3 5
A l e x a n d r i a thence became a g r o w i n g center o f C h r i s t i a n i t y .
W h e n E m p e r o r Theodosius gave the final b l o w t o p a g a n i s m by officially
a d o p t i n g the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n i n A . D . 3 8 9 , he gave the task o f a b o l i s h i n g
p a g a n i s m i n A l e x a n d r i a t o the p a t r i a r c h T h e o p h i l u s , w h o , w i t h great en­
ergy, persecuted a l l those w h o refused t o embrace the n e w r e l i g i o n a n d
set a b o u t the d e s t r u c t i o n o f temples, m o n u m e n t s , a n d statues. A m o n g
others, the celebrated temple o f Serapis, a l o n g w i t h its a d m i r a b l e statue,
were destroyed. A c h u r c h dedicated t o Saint J o h n was erected o n the site
of the S e r a p e i o n .
36
Nevertheless, A l e x a n d r i a was still an i m p o r t a n t c o m m e r c i a l
a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e center, a l t h o u g h its days, even as such, were n u m ­
bered. I t was o c c u p i e d b y Persians w h e n they c o n q u e r e d E g y p t , t h e n re­
covered b y the i m p e r i a l forces. W h e n the A r a b s i n v a d e d E g y p t , the A r a b
a r m y , w i t h the help o f native Egyptians, m a r c h e d i n t o A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h
they reached o n 29 September 6 4 2 . T h e A r a b forces m a r v e l e d at the
magnificence o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s palaces a n d m a r b l e colonnades. A few
years later, the c i t y was recovered b y the R o m a n s , b u t the A r a b s soon
t o o k i t again.
A l t h o u g h A l e x a n d r i a c o n t i n u e d f o r a t i m e t o have some i m ­
p o r t a n c e as a naval center, i t g r a d u a l l y sank i n t o decay. Its great b u i l d ­
ings disappeared one after the other, a n d earthquakes s h o o k the l a n d
a n d l o w e r e d the g r o u n d level so t h a t m u c h o f the o l d c i t y is n o w under
the sea. N o t h i n g remains o f the o l d magnificent A l e x a n d r i a b u t frag­
ments o f sculpture a n d i n s c r i p t i o n s i n museums—shattered r e m n a n t s o f
a g l o r i o u s past.
Chicago House
L U X O R ,
E G Y P T
R iad
Notes
1
E . B r e c c i a , Alexandrea
(Bergamo
ad Aegyptum
20
D . B. T h o m p s o n , i n H . Maehler and
V . S t r o c k e r , eds., Das ptolemaische
1920), p. 34.
Agypten
(Cairo 1978), pp. 1 1 3 - 2 2 .
2
P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
Alexandria,
vol. 1 (Ox­
ford 1972), pp. 1 0 7 - 8 .
21
Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 7 .
3
See B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 3 4 .
22
Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 1 .
4
H . L . Jones, The Geography
23
Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 8 - 4 0 .
24
Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 0 ; i n g e n e r a l , see
(London
of Strabo
a n d N e w Y o r k 1 9 3 2 ) , p . 33 ( = 1 7 . 1 . 8 ) . See also
Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 f t .
D . B . T h o m p s o n , Ptolemaic
5
I . B e l l , " A l e x a n d r i a , " Journal
Archaeology
6
of
Portraits
Egyptian
Oinochoai
and
(Oxford 1973).
13 ( 1 9 2 7 ) : 1 7 4 ; B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1
a b o v e ) , p . 6 8 ; Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 4 - 3 7 .
25
B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 1 - 3 2 ; Fraser ( n o t e
26
Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 1 .
E . L . B u t c h e r , The Story
Egypt,
2 above), pp. 3 8 - 9 2 .
7
in Faience
P. O x y . 2 3 3 2 ; see Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 0 9 ,
6 8 1 , 6 8 4 ; A . B o w m a n , Egypt
after
the
27
Pharaohs
of the Church
of
vol. 1 ( L o n d o n 1897), p. 40.
J. R o u g e , Ships
and Fleets
Mediterranean
( M i d d l e t o w n 1975), p p . 198ft.
of the
Ancient
(Warwickshire 1986), p. 3 1 .
8
9
28
Breccia (note 1 above), p . 2 2 2 .
(note 2 above), pp. 206, 246.
29
Breccia (note 1 above), p p . 2 2 2 - 2 3 .
B o w m a n (note 7 above), pp. 2 3 - 2 4 .
30
B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 1 0 - 1 5 ; Fraser
O . M e i n a r d u s , Christian
Modern,
10
I . B e l l , Cults
Egypt
and Creeds
in
Egypt,
Ancient
and
2 n d rev. e d . ( C a i r o 1 9 7 7 ) , p . 3 0 .
Graeco-Roman
( L i v e r p o o l 1 9 5 4 ) , p p . 2 2 - 2 4 ; Fraser
3I
Ibid., p. 163.
32
Butcher (note 26 above), p . 4 0 .
33
B o w m a n (note 7 above), p. 4 5 .
34
P. O x y . 3 0 6 5 ; see B o w m a n ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) ,
(note 2 above), p p . 1 8 9 - 3 0 1 .
II
B o w m a n (note 7 above), p. 24.
12
U . W i l c k e n , Urkunden
der
Ptolemaerzeit
(Berlin-Leipzig 1 9 2 7 - ) , no. 148 = L . M i t t e i s
a n d U . W i l c k e n , Grundziige
der Papyruskunde,
und
p. 214.
Chrestomathie
v o l . 1 (Leipzig 1912),
no. 136.
35
B o w m a n (note 7 above), p . 214.
I3
B e l l ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5off.
36
B o w m a n (note 7 above), p . 207.
14
Bell (note 10 above), p p . 5 i f f .
15
Bell (note 10 above), p . 55.
16
Bell (note 10 above), p . 53.
17
Bell (note 10 above), p . 54.
18
M i t t e i s a n d W i l c k e n (note 12 above), p. 115;
Bell (note 10 above), p . 55.
19
Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 6 f t .
39
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41
" A l l Army Boots and Uniforms?"
Ethnicity in Ptolemaic Egypt
Diana
Delia
T h e o k r i t o s ' s Adoniazousai
(Idylls
15) begins w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the
crush o f people o n the streets of A l e x a n d r i a amidst the c e l e b r a t i o n o f an
A d o n i s festival d u r i n g the r e i g n o f P t o l e m y Philadelphos. U n d a u n t e d by
the s w a r m o f pedestrians a n d cavalry, G o r g o , P r a x i n o a , a n d t h e i r c o m ­
p a n i o n s are borne by the surge o f celebrants a l o n g a t h o r o u g h f a r e lead­
ing t o the r o y a l palace, w h e r e the festivities w i l l take place. T h e c r o w d is
described by the d i s g r u n t l e d w o m e n as " a l l a r m y boots a n d u n i f o r m s "
a n d , en r o u t e , P r a x i n o a is nearly t r a m p l e d by a r o y a l h o r s e m a n . O n fi­
n a l l y reaching her d e s t i n a t i o n , p i q u e d by the p u s h i n g a n d s h o v i n g i n
w h i c h she herself h a d also h e a r t i l y i n d u l g e d , P r a x i n o a responds t o a
stranger's h u s h i n g o f her chatter by d e m a n d i n g t o k n o w his o r i g i n .
Swelling w i t h condescension, she announces t h a t she a n d her c o m p a n ­
ions are Syracusans, w h i c h by extension makes t h e m C o r i n t h i a n s , a n d
t h a t as Peloponnesians, they speak i n the D o r i c dialect. W i t h this v o l u b l e
r e t o r t , she dismisses b o t h c r i t i c a n d c r i t i c i s m .
W h i l e m u c h o f the Adoniazousai,
l i k e any w o r k of l i t e r a t u r e ,
m a y be p u r e i n v e n t i o n , t w o aspects are h i g h l y p r o v o c a t i v e a n d w a r r a n t
further i n v e s t i g a t i o n : first, the poet's i m p r e s s i o n t h a t soldiers were pre­
p o n d e r a n t i n t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c . A l e x a n d r i a a n d , second, the emphasis
placed o n ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Since the Ptolemaic a r m y extensively em­
p l o y e d f o r e i g n mercenaries, b o t h issues find a c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r i n
the nature o f e t h n i c i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h i s paper w i l l address t h a t sub­
ject, focusing o n the late f o u r t h t h r o u g h early second c e n t u r y B . C . —
before the repressive measures o f P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes 11 reversed the
" b r a i n d r a i n " t o A l e x a n d r i a characteristic o f preceding centuries.
O n e m a y as w e l l begin b y p o s i n g the historian's c o n v e n t i o n a l
l i t a n y : w h o came t o A l e x a n d r i a ? whence? a n d w h y ? D i d o r u s Siculus a n d
Polybios relate t h a t p r o m i n e n t p o l i t i c a l figures were b r o u g h t t o A l e x a n ­
d r i a as hostages. Conspicuous a m o n g these was Pyrrhos o f E p i r o s , w h o
a r r i v e d i n 2 9 8 , m a r r i e d P t o l e m y 1 Soter's daughter, a n d w i t h his help re­
gained an empire the f o l l o w i n g year. Subsequently, C h r e m o n i d e s a n d
G l a u k o n , sons o f the A t h e n i a n Eteokles, secured t h e i r father's pact w i t h
Philadelphos by distinguished service under h i m a n d his successor, w h i l e
42
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
A n d r o m a c h o s , father of the A s i a n r u l e r Achaios a n d b r o t h e r - i n - l a w of
Seleukos, resided i n A l e x a n d r i a as a r o y a l prisoner i n 2 2 0 B . C .
1
O t h e r nabobs deliberately sought p o l i t i c a l a s y l u m here.
Pursuant t o the A n t i g o n i d conquest o f Athens i n 3 0 7 , D e m e t r i o s o f
Phaleron t o o k refuge i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h e r e his stellar rise t o i n t i m a t e
counsellor o f Soter appears t o have occasioned o d i u m a n d subsequent
disgrace under Philadelphos. A n d r o n i k o s o f O l y n t h o s , w h o h a d refused
to surrender T y r e t o Soter i n 3 1 2 , was later w a r m l y received a n d h o n ­
o r e d b y h i m at A l e x a n d r i a . H i p p o m e d o n o f Sparta j o i n e d the c o u r t of
Euergetes 1 a n d was subsequently sent o u t t o govern the H e l l e s p o n t a n d
T h r a c e . H i s c o m p a t r i o t Kleomenes m was n o t as f o r t u n a t e ; h a v i n g fled
to A l e x a n d r i a w i t h three t h o u s a n d Spartan soldiers a n d h i g h hopes o f
o b t a i n i n g Philopator's assistance i n r e g a i n i n g his t h r o n e , he died at­
t e m p t i n g t o escape f r o m this h a v e n . As A l e x a n d r i a was a n e w c i t y f o u n ­
2
d a t i o n , the early Ptolemies necessarily r e c r u i t e d foreign talent as "friends
of the k i n g " t o serve as chief ministers a n d advisors, c o m m a n d e r s o f
t h e i r b o d y g u a r d , ambassadors, governors o f overseas possessions, c o u r t
philosophers, physicians, a n d r o y a l t u t o r s . A c t i v e n e t w o r k i n g ensured
3
t h a t friends a n d relations w o u l d be considered f o r i m p o r t a n t posts.
4
I n the p o l y g a m o u s m i l i e u o f the r o y a l h o u s e h o l d , foreign
w o m e n secured positions o f influence as official wives or concubines.
T h u s the n o t o r i o u s A t h e n i a n hetaira Thais m a i n t a i n e d i n t i m a t e relations
w i t h P t o l e m y Soter, despite his marriages t o E u r y d i k e , the daughter o f
A n t i p a t e r , a n d t o Berenike. A r s i n o e 1, Lysimachos's daughter, was mar­
r i e d t o Philadelphos t o secure Egypt's alliance w i t h Thrace; a m o n g her
husband's m a n y mistresses was a foreigner o f such surpassing c h a r m t h a t
the c u l t o f A p h r o d i t e Bilistiche was i n s t i t u t e d i n her h o n o r i n A l e x a n d r i a .
Berenike 11 b r o u g h t her father's k i n g d o m o f Cyrene as a d o w r y w h e n she
m a r r i e d Euergetes 1, a n d the u n i o n o f C l e o p a t r a 1 a n d Epiphanes sealed
the pact e n d i n g the F i f t h Syrian W a r . I n the n e x t generation, A g a t h o k l e a
of Samos e x p l o i t e d her influence as P h i l o m e t o r ' s mistress t o advance the
c o u r t career o f her b r o t h e r , a r o y a l c a t a m i t e .
5
T h e n a r r a t i v e o f Polybios is rife w i t h notices o f d i p l o m a t i c
missions t o a n d f r o m the c i t y o f A l e x a n d r i a i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the
M a c e d o n i a n a n d Syrian w a r s o r p e t i t i o n s o f Ptolemaic allies seeking p r o ­
t e c t i o n o r p r o t e s t i n g the malfeasance o f neighbors. C i n e r a r y urns f r o m
H a d r a c o n t a i n the remains of A t h e n i a n , C h i a n , R h o d i a n , C y z i c a n , a n d
Cyrenaean ambassadors w h o died o n t h e i r missions. O t h e r H a d r a vases
6
c o n t a i n the ashes o f sacred envoys, OecopoC, dispatched b y various Greek
cities t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n festivals at A l e x a n d r i a , t o offer sacrifices at
A l e x a n d r i a n shrines, or s i m p l y t o announce f o r t h c o m i n g festivals cele­
brated i n t h e i r h o m e l a n d s . A n u m b e r o f H a d r a urns have been discov­
7
ered outside o f A l e x a n d r i a ; these were c a r r i e d back t o the homelands of
ambassadors, o r SecopoC, identified o n the u r n s . Streams o f foreign dele8
Delia
gations a r r i v i n g i n , t o u r i n g , a n d d e p a r t i n g f r o m the c i t y m u s t have been
a regular feature o f A l e x a n d r i a .
T h e Ptolemies i n v i t e d f o r e i g n priests t o i n s t i t u t e p o p u l a r mys­
tery cults at A l e x a n d r i a . Soter b r o u g h t the E u m o l p i d T i m o t h e o s f r o m
Athens t o establish the c u l t o f Demeter i n a s u b u r b of the city, a p p r o p r i ­
ately d u b b e d Eleusis. T h e fledgling c u l t n o d o u b t benefited f r o m the
religious expertise o f the famous A t h e n i a n P h i l o c h o r o s , w h o lived i n
A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g Philadelphos's r e i g n . H i s c o n t e m p o r a r y Philiskos of
9
K o r k y r a presided over the rites of D i o n y s o s .
10
Foreigners often h e l d the
e p o n y m o u s p r i e s t h o o d o f A l e x a n d e r a n d supervised the dynastic c u l t .
11
N u m e r o u s professional schools sprang u p i n A l e x a n d r i a u n ­
der the early Ptolemies, a n d i t was t o these t h a t m a n y foreign p u p i l s
flocked: the a n a t o m i s t Praxagoras o f K o s settled i n A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g
the r e i g n o f Soter a n d opened a m e d i c a l school t h a t t r a i n e d , i n successive
generations, H e r o p h i l o s o f C h a l c e d o n , Kleophantes o f Keos, P h i l i n o s of
Kos, and Chrysippos of Rhodes.
12
To this g r o u p o u r learned colleague
H e i n r i c h v o n Staden w o u l d a d d Erasistratos o f Keos. Hence i t is n o t sur­
p r i s i n g t h a t A l e x a n d r i a became so h i g h l y r e p u t e d as a center f o r m e d i c a l
studies t h a t , centuries later, A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s observed t h a t a
p h y s i c i a n merely h a d t o c l a i m t h a t he h a d studied at A l e x a n d r i a f o r his
credentials t o be considered i m p e c c a b l e .
13
L i k e w i s e , the m a t h e m a t i c i a n -
astronomers E u c l i d a n d A r i s t a r c h o s o f Samos left Athens f o r A l e x a n d r i a
by the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . T h e i r studies attracted K o n o n o f Samos,
Eratosthenes of Gyrene, A r c h i m e d e s o f Syracuse, a n d A p o l l o n i o s o f Perge
t o A l e x a n d r i a , a n d the research o f these scholars, i n t u r n , i n s p i r e d the
m e c h a n i c a l studies o f Ktesibios a n d P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m . Such studies
d i d n o t develop i n a v a c u u m b u t b u i l t u p o n available models a n d the
progress o f t h e o r e t i c a l k n o w l e d g e .
14
A f t e r the M o u s e i o n was f o u n d e d by Soter, talent scouts were
dispatched t h r o u g h o u t the M e d i t e r r a n e a n t o r e c r u i t leading p u n d i t s a n d
entice t h e m t o relocate t o A l e x a n d r i a b y prospects o f r o y a l patronage,
extensive research facilities, a n d the o p p o r t u n i t y t o associate w i t h the
greatest m i n d s o f the d a y .
15
Some scholars t o o k u p p e r m a n e n t residence
i n the city, others visited o n l y t e m p o r a r i l y . D e m e t r i o s of Phaleron h a d
already i n i t i a t e d the t r a n s p l a n t o f p h i l o s o p h i c a l t h o u g h t f r o m A t h e n s
t o A l e x a n d r i a , a n d he was soon j o i n e d by a f e l l o w peripatetic, S t r a t o n
of L a m p s a k o s , a n d the Stoics Eratosthenes o f Cyrene a n d Sphairos o f
Bosporos.
16
T h e c o m i c w r i t e r s P h i l e m o n o f Syracuse a n d M a c h o n l i k e ­
wise came, f o l l o w e d b y the poets K a l l i m a c h o s o f Cyrene, H e r a k l e i t o s o f
H a l i k a r n a s s o s , H e r m e s i a n a x of K o l o p h o n , H e r o d a s o f K o s , T h e o k r i t o s
of Syracuse, a n d the e p i g r a m m a t i s t H e d y l o s .
17
N u m e r o u s historians,
ethnographers, a n d biographers t o o k u p residence i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h i l e
K a l l i x e i n o s o f Rhodes was so impressed b y the c i t y t h a t he c o m p o s e d an
essay o n i t .
1 8
T h e L i b r a r y ' s superb resources attracted t o A l e x a n d r i a
43
44
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
generations o f g r a m m a r i a n s , w h o edited a n d c o m m e n t e d o n H o m e r i c ,
A r c h a i c , a n d classical l i t e r a r y w o r k s . Discussed at l e n g t h by Peter Fraser,
these require n o f u r t h e r c o m m e n t here, apart f r o m the observation t h a t
the o r i g i n s of m a n y s c h o l a r s — p a r t i c u l a r l y Cyrene, K o s , a n d Samos—
c o i n c i d e d w i t h areas under Ptolemaic c o n t r o l .
1 9
A c c o r d i n g l y , one w o n ­
ders w h e t h e r A r i s t o p h a n e s o f Byzantium's circumstances really o u g h t t o
be considered u n i q u e : his father i m m i g r a t e d t o E g y p t t o enter Ptolemaic
service as a mercenary a n d b r o u g h t the f a m i l y a l o n g ; other mercenaries
surely d i d l i k e w i s e .
20
A n e w c i t y f o u n d a t i o n p r o v i d e d extensive o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r
architects a n d engineers such as D e i n o k r a t e s , w h o l a i d o u t the o r i g i n a l
c i t y p l a n , a n d Sostratos o f K n i d o s , the designer o f the Pharos l i g h t ­
house.
21
A l e x a n d r i a ' s s p l e n d i d s i t u a t i o n o n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , w i t h nat­
u r a l h a r b o r s a n d access by N i l e canals t o upper E g y p t a n d b y o v e r l a n d
routes t o the R e d Sea, r a p i d l y p r o m o t e d the c i t y as a mecca f o r business
and commerce.
22
T h e Z e n o n archive conveys a g o o d sense o f h o w exten­
sive such interests h a d already become b y the r e i g n o f Philadelphos, f o r
Z e n o n f r o m K a u n i a s c o m m u t e d between A l e x a n d r i a a n d f o r e i g n lands
t r a n s a c t i n g business—banking a n d t r a d i n g — o n behalf o f his employer,
the dioiketes
A p o l l o n i o s . T h e Z e n o n p a p y r i also reveal the v a r i e t y of
p r o d u c t s i m p o r t e d b y A p o l l o n i o s i n t o A l e x a n d r i a : w i n e a n d cheese f r o m
Lesbos, K n i d o s , a n d C h i o s ; o i l f r o m Samos a n d M i l e t o s ; a n d L y c i a n
honey, t o name a f e w .
23
A l t h o u g h A p o l l o n i o s e m p l o y e d his o w n agents
a n d fleet t o p r o v i s i o n his h o u s e h o l d , such p r o d u c t s p r o b a b l y t y p i f y
those b r o u g h t t o A l e x a n d r i a by foreign traders f o r general sale.
I n 1 9 5 5 , V i r g i n i a Grace sorted m o r e t h a n fifty-five t h o u s a n d
a m p h o r a handles b e l o n g i n g t o the B e n a k i a n d G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m
collections i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e lion's share o f these bear R h o d i a n stamps,
a l t h o u g h K n i d i a n , a n d , t o a lesser degree, K o a n , T h a s i a n , a n d C h i a n
stamped vessels also a b o u n d .
2 4
Fraser's surmise t h a t e m p t y R h o d i a n ves­
sels were shipped t o A l e x a n d r i a i n vast quantities is n o d o u b t correct,
just as A r n o l d E n k l a a r demonstrated the C r e t a n o r i g i n o f H a d r a vases,
i m p o r t e d i n t o A l e x a n d r i a f o r some t w e n t y years before the m a n u f a c t u r e
of l o c a l A l e x a n d r i a n i m i t a t i o n s b e g a n .
25
Just as foreign talent sparked
the development o f a native t r a d i t i o n o f p h i l o s o p h i c a l , scientific, a n d l i t ­
erary studies i n A l e x a n d r i a , f o r e i g n - m a n u f a c t u r e d wares furnished the
impetus f o r the p r o d u c t i o n o f l o c a l i m i t a t i o n s . M e r c h a n t ships o r d i n a r i l y
d i d n o t r e t u r n h o m e e m p t y b u t were laden w i t h cargoes o f g r a i n , pa­
p y r u s , perfumes, unguents, spices, a n d aromatics f o r w h i c h E g y p t was
justly famous. A l e x a n d r i a thus f u n c t i o n e d as a g r a n d entrepot o f the
eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , a t t r a c t i n g foreign shippers, shipbuilders, sailors,
merchants, a n d the moneylenders o n w h o m they a l l necessarily relied
t o finance c o m m e r c i a l ventures. O p p o r t u n i t i e s such as these encouraged
Delia
massive i m m i g r a t i o n of b o t h foreigners a n d Egyptians t o A l e x a n d r i a .
2 6
M a n y o f the f o r m e r were b u r i e d i n the cemeteries o f Shatby, H a d r a , a n d
I b r a h i m i e h , c o m m e m o r a t e d by modestly p a i n t e d c i n e r a r y urns o r l o c u lus slabs preserving merely t h e i r names, p a t r o n y m i c s , a n d e t h n i c s .
27
O n the eve o f the F o u r t h Syrian W a r , N i k a g o r a s of Messenia
sailed t o A l e x a n d r i a w i t h a cargo of horses t h a t he sold t o a r o y a l
agent.
28
Horses were v i t a l f o r the cavalry, encamped a l o n g w i t h the rest
of the a r m y some distance outside the c i t y w a l l s , p r o b a b l y i n the v i c i n i t y
of Bulkeley, at the l o c a t i o n later occupied by the R o m a n castra
drinaP
Alexan-
A l t h o u g h i t is impossible t o assess w i t h any c e r t a i n t y h o w m a n y
t r o o p s this g a r r i s o n m a y have housed, Polybios indicates t h a t a r o u n d
2 2 0 B . C . three t h o u s a n d Cretans, one t h o u s a n d Peloponnesians, a n d n u ­
merous Syrians a n d Carians c o n s t i t u t e d merely a p o r t i o n of i t .
3 0
T h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n of ethnics i n Polybios's catalog o f the Ptole­
maic army, w h i c h was p r e p a r i n g at a b o u t the same t i m e f o r the F o u r t h
Syrian W a r , is s i m i l a r l y revealing: E u r y l o c h o s o f M a g n e s i a c o m m a n d e d
the R o y a l G u a r d ; Sokrates the B o e o t i a n led a c o n t i n g e n t o f peltasts;
A n d r o m a c h o s o f Aspendos a n d Ptolemy, son of Thraseas, supervised the
p h a l a n x ; Phoxidas the Achaean c o m m a n d e d the Greek mercenaries;
Polykrates supervised the cavalry o f the g u a r d a n d L i b y a n a n d E g y p t i a n
horsemen; Echekrates o f Thessaly c o m m a n d e d the Greek a n d mercenary
cavalry; K n o p i a s o f A l l a r i a a n d P h i l o of Knossos led the C r e t a n c o n t i n ­
gent; A m m o n i o s o f Barca c o m m a n d e d L i b y a n s a r m e d i n M a c e d o n i a n
fashion; Sosibios was i n charge o f the Egyptians; a n d D i o n y s o s the
T h r a c i a n supervised the T h r a c i a n s a n d G a u l s .
31
A l t h o u g h this m i l i t a r y
b u i l d u p was o f l i m i t e d d u r a t i o n , funerary i n s c r i p t i o n s a n d c i n e r a r y urns
f r o m Shatby, H a d r a , a n d I b r a h i m i e h , o n w h i c h the names of soldiers
are a c c o m p a n i e d b y foreign ethnics, c o r r o b o r a t e the v i e w t h a t a great
m a n y soldiers stationed at A l e x a n d r i a were f o r e i g n i n o r i g i n .
3 2
Egyptians
also enlisted i n the Ptolemaic army, b u t p r i o r t o the Battle o f R a p h i a i n
2 1 7 B . C . t h e i r service appears t o have been restricted t o the native corps
of /maxL/uLoi;
hence i t is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t E g y p t i a n names have n o t
t u r n e d u p a m o n g the m i l i t a r y personnel i n these cemeteries.
33
D u r i n g the h a l f c e n t u r y t h a t preceded R a p h i a , E g y p t h a d en­
gaged i n f o u r Syrian campaigns as w e l l as the C h r e m o n i d e a n W a r against
M a c e d o n i a , r e s u l t i n g i n the o c c u p a t i o n o f n u m e r o u s Aegean islands a n d
bridgeheads o n the coast o f Asia M i n o r . T h e solid gains of Philadelphos
a n d Euergetes 1 established the Ptolemaic overseas empire, i n s t r i k i n g
contrast t o the earlier, ephemeral conquests o f Soter. H a r d l y a season
passed t h a t d i d n o t witness m i l i t a r y a c t i o n i n Syrian o r Aegean theaters.
A f t e r R a p h i a , the Ptolemies engaged i n yet another Syrian w a r a n d spent
two
decades suppressing w i d e s p r e a d native revolts i n U p p e r E g y p t . I t
is n o w o n d e r t h a t the Ptolemies were c o n s t a n t l y i n need o f seasoned
45
46
HELLENISTIC
A L E X A N D R I A
soldiers a n d c o m m a n d e r s . L i k e w i s e , they extensively e m p l o y e d f o r e i g n ­
ers t o t r a i n recruits a n d t o c o m m a n d overseas m i l i t a r y operations
and garrisons.
34
Polybios d i d n o t have t o attend a festival i n d o w n t o w n
A l e x a n d r i a i n order t o r e p o r t t h a t f o r e i g n mercenaries c o n s t i t u t e d a m a ­
j o r segment of the p o p u l a t i o n o f this c i t y i n his day. Nevertheless, he
seems t o echo Praxinoa's sentiments i n c h a r a c t e r i z i n g t h e m as fiapv KCU
TTOXV
Kal avaycoyov—oppressive,
abundant, and uncultivated—noting
as w e l l t h a t they posed a significant menace whenever E g y p t i a n dynasts
were w e a k .
35
I n a d d i t i o n t o the g a r r i s o n outside the city, the Ptolemies
m a i n t a i n e d h o u s e h o l d t r o o p s (ra depaireCa)
rrepl rr\v
OLV\T)V
a n d a r o y a l b o d y g u a r d (ra
4>vkaKeZa) inside i t ; c o m m a n d e r s a n d other soldiers were
often present at c o u r t .
3 6
A n o t h e r g a r r i s o n , serving p r i m a r i l y as a customs
post, was stationed nearby at Schedia.
37
For a d m i n i s t r a t i v e purposes, the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a was orga­
nized i n t o five d i s t r i c t s , n u m b e r e d after the first five letters of the Greek
alphabet, b u t p o p u l a t i o n settlement d i d n o t c o n f o r m t o the same pat­
t e r n . Instead, the l i t e r a r y a n d d o c u m e n t a r y sources reveal a p a t c h w o r k
of scattered ethnic n e i g h b o r h o o d s , o r At/meves ("shelters"), t h r o u g h o u t
the c i t y .
38
For e x a m p l e , the oldest Jewish n e i g h b o r h o o d , w h e r e the great
synagogue described i n the T a l m u d m u s t have been located, appears t o
have been situated i n the A d i s t r i c t , east o f Silsileh, yet P h i l o relates t h a t
Jews resided i n a l l o f the other districts as w e l l .
3 9
Likewise, Rhakotis, lo­
cated i n the south-central sector o f the city, appears t o have been the
oldest E g y p t i a n settlement, p r e d a t i n g even the f o u n d a t i o n b y A l e x a n d e r ;
yet, by the t i m e o f Caesar, the i s l a n d of Pharos c o n s t i t u t e d a s u b u r b
b o a s t i n g an E g y p t i a n p o p u l a t i o n so massive t h a t i t occasioned c o m ­
ment.
40
So, t o o , the various A l e x a n d r i a n deme headquarters, n o d o u b t
located i n the oldest sections of the city, scarcely reflected a c t u a l resi­
dence patterns o f A l e x a n d r i a n citizen deme members a n d t h e i r families
centuries later. O t h e r ethnic groups also m a i n t a i n e d central headquarters
i n the city, l i k e w i s e situated i n the n e i g h b o r h o o d s first settled b y f e l l o w
countrymen.
41
E t h n i c c o m m u n i t i e s fostering c o m m o n social a n d c u l t u r a l
bonds developed wherever foreigners settled i n the c i t y a n d were replen­
ished a n d r e v i t a l i z e d b y the constant i n f l u x o f n e w i m m i g r a n t s .
For the v a r i o u s reasons n o t e d above, A l e x a n d r i a steadily ab­
sorbed a stream of f o r e i g n i m m i g r a n t s d u r i n g the f o u r t h t h r o u g h m i d t h i r d c e n t u r y B.C. T h e n u m e r o u s funerary stelae a n d c i n e r a r y urns of this
p e r i o d b e l o n g i n g t o m e n a n d w o m e n possessing f o r e i g n ethnics suggest
t h a t , after the i n i t i a l settlement at the t i m e of the f o u n d a t i o n o f the city,
f e w f o r e i g n settlers a c q u i r e d the A l e x a n d r i a n f r a n c h i s e .
42
Residing f o r
m u c h o r a l l o f t h e i r lives i n a c i t y n o t their o w n , w i t h o u t politeia o r au­
t o n o m y , the use o f ethnics b y f o r e i g n residents signified m o r e t h a n mere
s t a t u t o r y c o m p l i a n c e w i t h Ptolemaic regulations. For ethnics preserved
Delia
n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y w h i l e simultaneously d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between i m m i ­
grants f r o m Greek cities a n d Egyptians a n d other n o n - H e l l e n e s .
43
Like­
wise, at A l e x a n d r i a , i n the D e l t a a n d i n U p p e r E g y p t , at Cyrene, a n d
wherever large numbers o f foreigners resided, ethnic associations k n o w n
as TToXnevybara were f o u n d e d t o perpetuate n a t i o n a l c u l t practices.
P r i m a r i l y religious i n nature, TrokirevfjiaTa
nevertheless m o d e l e d t h e i r
i n t e r n a l structure a n d procedures o n democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s : they m e t
as assemblies, w h e r e members deliberated matters, v o t e d decrees, a n d
elected m a g i s t r a t e s .
44
I n cities such as A l e x a n d r i a , m e m b e r s h i p i n a
Greek rroXirevixa p r o b a b l y sufficed t o ensure the e n r o l l m e n t o f sons i n
the l o c a l g y m n a s i u m , i n m u c h the same w a y t h a t the designations ol
arrb rod yvfjbvaaCov, ol jxiqTpoTroXCTai, a n d ol
K&TOLKOL
perpetuated H e l ­
lenic status i n enchoric m e t r o p o l e i s d u r i n g the R o m a n P r i n c i p a t e .
cisely because TrokiTevjiaTa.
45
Pre­
a n d gymnasia perpetuated elitist social
status d i s t i n c t i o n s undesignated by law, these i n s t i t u t i o n s were assidu­
ously c u l t i v a t e d b y strangers i n a strange l a n d as h a l l m a r k s o f H e l l e n i c
o r quasi-Hellenic c i v i l i z a t i o n .
As a Syracusan at A l e x a n d r i a , P r a x i n o a behaved i n a m a n n e r
t h a t is n o t difficult t o c o m p r e h e n d . T h e c i t y was teeming w i t h foreigners,
m a n y of t h e m mercenaries deprived of the privileges a n d benefits enjoyed
by citizens. I n f l a u n t i n g her Greek o r i g i n , P r a x i n o a s u m m o n e d t o her
defense the one status badge t h a t foreigners m i g h t a c t u a l l y possess—a
Greek ethnic. Served u p by a q u i c k m i n d a n d a ready t o n g u e , i t was n o t
t o be t a k e n lightly.
Brown University
P R O V I D E N C E ,
R H O D E
I S L A N D
47
48
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Notes
1
P y r r h o s : W . P e r e m a n s , E . v a n ' t D a c k , et a l . ,
Prosopographia
6.14566;
PP
Ptolemaica
(hereafter
[ h e r e a f t e r P. Cair.
(Cairo 1925-1931),
Zen.]
11, n o s . 5 9 0 4 5 - 4 6 ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 2 5 7 B . C . )
PP)
C h r e m o n i d e s : PP 6 . 1 4 6 3 6 ; G l a u k o n :
6 . 1 4 5 9 6 ; A n d r o m a c h o s : PP 6 . 1 6 1 4 0 .
5
A t h e n a e u s i 3 . 5 7 6 e - f ; B e r e n i k e I : PP 6 . 1 4 4 9 7 ;
T h a i s : PP 6 . 1 4 7 2 3 ; A r s i n o e I : PP 6 . 1 4 4 9 1 ;
2
D e m e t r i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 4 2 ; A n d r o n i k o s :
PP
B i l i s t i c h e : PP 6 . 1 4 7 1 7 ; B e r e n i k e 11: PP 6 . 1 4 4 9 7 ;
4 . 1 0 0 6 2 a ; H i p p o m e d o n : PP 6 . 1 4 6 0 5 ;
C l e o p a t r a I : PP 6 . 1 4 5 1 5 ; A g a t h o k l e i a :
K l e o m e n e s : PP 6 . 1 6 1 1 8 .
3
P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
PP
Alexandria,
vol. 1
6
[hereafter Fraser] ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) , p p . 1 0 2 - 3 ;
F. H e i c h e l h e i m , Die auswartige
Ptolemaerreich,
Bevolkerung
PP 6 . i 4 7 8 8 f f . See also P. M . Fraser, " I n s c r i p ­
t i o n s f r o m P t o l e m a i c E g y p t , " Berytus
" A H a d r a Vase i n t h e A s h m o l e a n M u s e u m , "
Journal
passim. For example:
of Egyptian
the Metropolitan
Chief ministers and advisors: K a p h i s o p h o n
39 ( 1 9 5 3 ) :
Archaeology
8 4 - 9 4 ; β- F- C o o k , Inscribed
Museum
Hadra
cia,
e d . , Catalogue
des antiquites
r e n t u m : PP 2 . 4 3 3 1 a n d 6 . 1 4 6 3 0 ; P o l y k r a t e s o f
Iscrizione
A r g o s : PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 3 , a n d F. P r e i s i g k e et a l . ,
= SB ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , 1, n o . 1 6 8 6 .
griechischer
Urkunden
7
(Cairo 1911), no. 190
e latine
see also C o o k ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) ,
PP 6.14996ft.;
pp.
3 6 5 9 ( A l e x a n d r i a ) ; a n d his b r o t h e r P t o l e -
20-25,
n
o
s
-
1
(fro
m
A p o l l o n i a ) , 3 (Pho-
caea), 7 ( A c h a i a ) , 8 ( B o e o t i a ) , a n d 1 0 ( D e l p h i ) .
8
Ambassadors: Theodoros of Cyrene:
6.16761;
greche
Egyp-
aus
[ h e r e a f t e r SB] ( S t r a s b o u r g 1 9 1 5 ) , 1,
m a i o s : PP 6 . 1 5 7 7 0 .
PP
d'Alexandrie,
nos. 1 - 5 6 8 :
tiennes
eds., Sammelbuch
au Musee
general
C o m m a n d e r s o f the b o d y g u a r d : Sosibios o f Ta-
no.
in
a b o v e ) , 1 1 6 7 6 a n d 1 6 4 2 , r e s p e c t i v e l y ; E . Brec­
6.14576.
Agypten
Vases
(New York
of Art
1 9 6 6 ) , p p . 2 3 - 3 4 , n o s . 7 a n d 8 = SB ( n o t e 3
of K o s : PP 6 . 1 4 9 9 0 ; A g a t h o k l e s o f S a m o s :
PP
13
( i 9 6 0 ) : 1 5 9 - 6 1 ; T . R o n n e a n d P. M . Fraser,
im
B e i h e f t 18 ( L e i p z i g 1 9 2 5 ) ,
Klio,
6.14714.
A . E n k l a a r , " C h r o n o l o g i e et p e i n t r e s des h y dries de H a d r a , " Bulletin
D e m e t r i o s o f A t h e n s : PP 6 . 1 4 7 5 4 .
Antieke
Beschaving
60 (1985): 145.
G o v e r n o r s : PP 6 . 1 5 0 3 i f f . See also R . S. B a g n a l l ,
The
Administration
sions
Outside
of the Ptolemaic
of Egypt
Posses­
9
T i m o t h e o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 1 8 ; see also K a l l i m a c h o s ' s
h y m n t o D e m e t e r , a n d Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) ,
(Leiden 1976), pp. 2 2 9 -
35 a n d p a s s i m . Fraser, p p . 6 6 - 6 7 , a s t u t e l y o b ­
pp.
served t h a t a m a j o r i t y o f P t o l e m a i c officials at
mente
1 9 9 - 2 0 1 ; P h i l o c h o r o s : F. J a c o b y , Die
D e l o s , T h e r a , a n d C r e t e possessed G r e e k c i t y
FGrH]
der griechischen
Historiker
Frag-
[hereafter
(Berlin 1 9 2 3 - 1 9 5 8 ) , π ι B, no. 328.
ethnics other t h a n A l e x a n d r i a n .
10
P h i l i s k o s : PP 3 . 6 5 4 1 . L i k e w i s e , a t e m p l e o f C y bele w a s b u i l t n e a r b y at C a n o p u s b y t h e r e i g n
C o u r t philosophers: Demetrios of Phaleron:
PP
6 . 1 6 7 4 2 ; D i o d o r o s K r o n o s f r o m Iasos:
of Euergetes Π: E . B r e c c i a , " L a Μήτηρ
PP
6 . 1 6 7 4 6 ; M e n e d e m o s o f E r e t r i a : PP
C a n o p o , " Bulletin
d'Alexandrie
6 . 1 6 7 7 0 ; M n e s i s t r a t o s o f T h a s o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 7 2 .
P h y s i c i a n s : C h r y s i p p o s o f K n i d o s : PP
6.16646;
I I
de la Societe
θέον
a
archeologique
17 ( 1 9 1 9 ) : 1 8 8 - 9 2 .
E.g., K a l l i k r a t e s o f Samos ( 2 7 2 / 2 7 1 B . C . ) :
3.5164; Patroklos of M a c e d o n (271/270
P h i l i p p o s o f K o s : PP 6 . 1 6 6 4 0 , a n d Fraser,
PP
pp.
B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 2 2 5 ; Pelops o f M a c e d o n ( 2 6 5 / 2 6 4 -
369-70.
2 6 4 / 2 6 3 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 2 2 7 ; G l a u k o n o f A t h e n s
T u t o r s : P h i l i t a s o f K o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 2 4 , a n d Fraser,
( 2 5 5 / 2 5 4 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 0 7 1 ; N e o p t o l e m o s o f
pp.
309 and 450; Straton of Lampsakos:
P i s i d i a ( 2 5 2 / 2 5 1 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 2 0 4 ; T l e p o l e -
PP
6.16786;
Apollonios of Naukratis "Rho-
dios": ? ? 6 . 1 6 5 1 1 ; Aristarchos o f Samothrace:
PP
6.16512,
a
n
mos of Lycia (247/246 and 245/244 B . C . ) :
PP
3 . 5 2 8 8 ; A g a t h o k l e s o f Samos (216/215
B . C . ) : PP 3 . 4 9 8 6 . See also J. I j s e w i j n , De
d Fraser, p . 4 6 2 .
dotibus
Lagidorum
4
See, e.g., C . C . E d g a r , Zenon
Papyri,
4 vols.
sacerdotiisque
Alexandri
Magni
saceret
(Brussels 1 9 6 1 ) , a n d F r a s e r ( n o t e 3
above), p p . 215 and 2 2 2 .
Delia
12
Praxagoras: Fraser (note 3 above), p . 3 4 5 ;
A . S. H u n t , eds., The Oxyrhynchus
H e r o p h i l o s : P P 6.16606;
( L o n d o n 1 8 9 8 - ) , x , n o . i 2 4 i . i i ( s e c o n d cen­
Kleophantos:
PP 3 . 1 6 6 1 5 ; P h i l i n o s : PP 6.16639,
Papyri
t u r y A . D . ) a n d Fraser, p p . 3 3 0 - 3 8 o n t h e suc­
a n d Fraser,
cession o f L i b r a r y d i r e c t o r s .
p . 3 5 9 ; C h r y s i p p o s : PP 3 . 1 6 6 4 6 , a n d Fraser,
p p . 3 4 6 - 4 7 . O n E r a s i s t r a t o s , see PP 6 . 1 6 5 9 7 ;
cf. Fraser, p . 3 4 7 .
20
Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 0 7 - 8 , 4 5 9 - 6 1 .
13
z2.16.18.
21
Deinokrates: Rhodian? PP 6.16530, and
14
E u c l i d : PP 6 . 1 6 5 4 1 , a n d F r a s e r ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) ,
Bulletin
p p . 3 8 7 - 9 6 ; A r i s t a r c h o s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 2 6 , a n d
gists
B. R. B r o w n , "Deinokrates and A l e x a n d r i a , "
of the American
Society
of
Papyrolo-
15 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 3 9 - 4 2 ; S o s t r a t o s : P P 6 . 1 6 5 5 5 .
Fraser, p p . 3 9 6 - 9 9 ; K o n o n : PP 6 . 1 6 5 4 5 , a n d
Fraser, p p . 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 ; E r a t o s t h e n e s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 5 ,
22
A g a t h a r k i d e s : C. M i i l l e r , ed.,
Geographici
v o l . 1 (Paris 1 8 5 5 ) , p p . 1 1 1 -
a n d Fraser, p p . 4 0 2 , 4 1 4 - 1 5 ; A r c h i m e d e s :
Graeci
Minores,
PP 6 . 1 6 5 2 8 , a n d Fraser, p p . 3 9 9 - 4 1 4 ; A p o l l o -
9 5 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 - 7 ; Periplus
Maris
Erythraei.
n i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 2 5 , a n d Fraser, p p . 3 9 6 , 4 1 5 - 2 2 ;
K t s e b i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 4 6 , a n d Fraser, p . 4 3 1 ;
23
P h i l o n : PP 6 . 1 6 5 6 1 , a n d Fraser, p p . 4 2 8 - 3 4 .
P. Cair.
Zen.
( n o t e 4 a b o v e ) , 1, n o . 5 9 1 1 0 ; see
also E . L e i d e r , Der Handel
von
Alexandreia
(Hamburg 1933), pp. 2 6 - 2 7 .
15
D . Delia, " F r o m Romance to Rhetoric: The
A l e x a n d r i a n L i b r a r y i n Classical a n d Islamic
T h o u g h t , " American
Historical
24
V . G r a c e , " A n c i e n t G r e e k W i n e Jar F r a g m e n t s
i n C o l l e c t i o n s i n A l e x a n d r i a , " Year Book
97
Review
American
(1992): 1 4 5 1 - 5 2 .
Philosophical
Association,
of
the
1955:
321-26.
16
D e m e t r i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 4 2 ; S t r a t o n : PP 6 . 1 6 7 8 6 ;
E r a t o s t h e n e s , PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 5 , a n d Fraser ( n o t e 3
25
Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 7 - 6 8 ; A . E n k l a a r ,
" L e s h y d r i e s de H a d r a , I I : F o r m e s et a t e l i e r s , "
a b o v e ) , p . 4 8 3 ; S p h a i r o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 8 8 .
Bulletin
17
Beshaving
61 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : n o s . 43
C o r i n t h o r S i k y o n ) : PP 6 . 1 6 7 0 2 ; K a l l i m a c h o s :
at A l e x a n d r i a a b o u t 2 6 0 B . C . , w i t h d e c o r a t e d
PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 7 ,
pots ceasing by the early second c e n t u r y B . C .
a
n
d Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) ,
p p . 4 5 2 - 5 5 , 7 1 7 - 9 3 ; H e r a k l e i t o s : PP 6 . 1 6 6 8 9 ;
a n d n o n d e c o r a t e d p o t s c o n t i n u i n g t o be ex­
H e r m e s i a n a x : PP 6 . 1 6 6 8 5 ; H e r o d a s :
p o r t e d t o A l e x a n d r i a i n t o t h e first c e n t u r y B . C .
PP 6.16691;
18
Antieke
a n d 6 3 . a . C r e t a n H a d r a vessels b e g i n t o a p p e a r
P h i l e m o n : PP 6 . 1 6 7 2 3 ; M a c h o n ( f r o m
T h e o k r i t o s : PP 6.16696;
E n k l a a r dates A l e x a n d r i a n - m a n u f a c t u r e d H a d r a
Hedylos
( f r o m A t h e n s o r S a m o s ) : PP 6 . 1 6 6 8 8 .
w a r e w i t h i n t h e years ca. 2 4 0 t o 1 9 0 B . C .
H e k a t a i o s o f A b d e r a : PP 6 . 1 6 9 1 5 ; T i m o s thenes o f R h o d e s : PP 5 . 1 3 7 9 4 ; L y k o s o f R h e -
See also T . N e r o u t s o s , KEPAMIflN AABAI
ENEIIirPA<J>OI EN T H I A P X A I A I AAEHANAPEIAI ( A t h e n s 1 8 7 5 ) , P- 4
d passim;
g i o n : PP 6 . 1 6 9 3 1 ; T h e o p o m p o s o f C h i o s :
E . B r e c c i a , " L a n e c r o p o l i de l T b r a h i m i e h , " Bul­
2
letin de la Societe
PP 6 . 1 6 9 2 4 ; D e m e t r i o s o f B y z a n t i o n :
PP 6.16910;
a
n
Archeologique
d Alexandria
:
9 ( 1 9 0 7 ) : 7 4 - 8 6 . N o t e D i o d o r u s Siculus 2 0 . 8 1
A p o l l o d o r o s of Athens:
PP 6 . 1 6 8 2 2 , a n d F r a s e r ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) : 1 5 3 - 5 8 ,
o n the extensive trade between Rhodes a n d
n o . 1 3 ; H e r m i p p o s o f S m y r n a : PP 6 . 1 6 9 1 8 ;
Alexandria.
S a t y r o s o f K a l l a t i s : PP 6 . 1 6 9 4 8 . R e g r e t t a b l y ,
only the fragments of Kallixeinos survive
26
FGrH
O n E g y p t i a n i m m i g r a t i o n t o A l e x a n d r i a , see
H . B r a u n e r t , Die Binnenwanderung:
( q u o t e d by Athenaeus 1.196a a n d 203c =
zur Sozialgeschichte
i n C, no. 627).
und Kaiserzeit,
19
Z e n o d o t o s o f E p h e s o s : PP 6.16516,
Agyptens
in der
Studien
ptolemder-
Bonner historische Forschungen
26 (Bonn 1964), p p . 7 5 - 8 0 .
a n d Fraser
(note 3 above), p p . 4 5 0 - 5 2 ; A l e x a n d e r the Aet o l i a n : PP 6 . 1 6 5 0 9 , a n d Fraser, p . 4 4 9 ; L y k o -
27
M y p r e l i m i n a r y survey o f the funerary evidence
p h r o n o f C h a l k i s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 9 , a n d Fraser,
of Ptolemaic date y i e l d e d the f o l l o w i n g results
p . 4 5 0 ; E r a t o s t h e n e s o f C y r e n e : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 5 ,
(see also s o l d i e r s discussed at n o t e 3 2 b e l o w ) :
a n d Fraser, p p . 4 5 7 - 5 8 ; E u p h r o n i o s o f C h e r r o n e s o s : PP 6 . 1 6 8 5 3 ; A r i s t o p h a n e s o f B y z a n ­
O n e M a m e r t i n e : SB ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , 1, n o s . 4 1 7 ^
t i u m : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 3 , a n d Fraser, p p . 3 0 8 , 4 5 9 - 6 1 ;
(Hadra).
A g a l l i s o f K o r k y r a : PP 6 . 1 6 8 1 4 ; A r i s t a r c h o s
^ Fraser,
Three M a c e d o n i a n s : Breccia (note 6 above),
p p . 6 4 2 - 4 7 . See also B . P. G r e n f e l l a n d
no. 278 (Shatby); A . A d r i a n i , " L a necropole
o f S a m o t h r a c e : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 2 ,
a n c
49
50
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
d ' E z b e t el M a k h l o u f , " Annuaire
Greco-Romain,
du
Musee
(Alexandria 1940):
1935-1939
Three Thracians: Breccia (note 6 above), n o .
2 5 0 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; SB i n , n o . 6 6 7 9 ( H a d r a ) ;
Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
p. 60 no. 78.
Three Thessalians: Breccia (note 6 above),
O n e I s t r i a n : B r o w n , PPM,
p . 2 5 , n o . 1 7 = Brec­
n o . 2 4 3 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) a n d 2 7 5 ( S h a t b y ) ; SB 1,
cia (note 6 above), no. 234 ( H a d r a ) .
1 2 1 , n o . 4; C o o k , (note 6 above): 16.
no. 5696 (Hadra).
O n e M a r o n e i t a n : C o o k (note 6 above): 26, n o .
1 2 ( H a d r a ) ; see also J. B i n g e n , "Vases d ' H a d r a
O n e A e t o l i a n : SB 1, n o . 4 0 7 .
et p r o s o p o g r a p h i e p t o l e m a i ' q u e , "
O n e M a l i a n : R . Pagenstecher,
Untersuchungen
iiber
Gestalt
der alexandrinischen
Malereien
Nekropolis:
und
Chronique
43 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 3 8 9 - 9 0 .
d'Egypte
Entwicklung
Grabenlagen
und
[ h e r e a f t e r Pagenstecher,
ihrer
Nekropolis]
One Samothracian: C o o k (note 6 above): 22,
no. 5 (Hadra).
(Leipzig 1919), p. 45, no. 22.
O n e C y p r i o t : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 292
(Hadra).
One Locrian: ibid., p. 6 1 , no. 82.
T w o B o e o t i a n s : SB 1, n o s . 2 1 0 7 - 2 1 0 8
(Hadra).
F i v e R h o d i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 1 1 9 ( H a d r a ) ;
J. G . M i l n e , e d . , Catalogue
Three A k a r n i a n s : Breccia (note 6 above), nos.
quites
Egyptiennes
192 a n d 293 ( H a d r a ) ; C o o k (note 6 above),
Inscriptions
general
du Musee
des
Anti­
du Caire:
Greek
( O x f o r d 1905), p. 47, no. 27530
( H a d r a ) ; SB i n , n o . 6 6 7 6 ( H a d r a ) ; SB v , n o s .
p p . 2 7 - 2 8 , n o . 16.
7767-68
(Hadra).
Six A t h e n i a n s : SB 1, n o . 4 5 3 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; Brec­
cia (note 6 above), nos. 205 ( H a d r a ) , 2 1 0 , a n d
O n e M y s i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 249
2 4 8 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; SB v , n o . 7 7 9 3 ( H a d r a ) ; SB
(Ibrahimieh).
v i i i , no. 9863
(Serapeion).
T w o Assians: Breccia (note 6 above),-nos. 2 8 2
O n e M e g a r i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 2 5 6
( S h a t b y ) a n d 233 = Pagenstecher,
(Ibrahimieh).
p. 59, n o . 74.
O n e A c h a i a n : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
p. 59,
n o . 73 = B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 283
O n e C h i a n : B r o w n , PPM,
Nekropolis,
p . 62, n o . 45 = C o o k
(note 6 above): 30, no. 22.
(Ibrahimieh).
Six M i l e s i a n s : B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 3 6
T w o A r c a d i a n s : Pagenstecher,
Nekropolis,
= Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
p. 48, no. 37
p . 4 7 , n o . 25 = B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 4 6
( S h a t b y ) ; B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 7 3 = Pa­
( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; A d r i a n i (this note), p . 1 2 1 , n o . 7
genstecher, Nekropolis,
( E z b e t el M a k h l o u f ) .
Breccia (note 6 above), nos. 285 ( H a d r a ) a n d
p. 50, n o . 4 2 (Shatby);
2 8 6 = Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
O n e A r g i v e : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
p. 59,
p. 6 1 , no. 84;
Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 315.
n o . 70 = Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 232
(Hadra).
One M y l a s i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 308.
O n e E p i d a u r i a n : SB 1, n o . 2 1 3 0 ( R a m l e h ) .
T w o M a g n e s i a n s : SB i n , n o . 6 2 4 0 = 6 6 8 5 a n d
6683 (Hadra).
Twelve Cretans: Breccia (note 6 above), nos.
1 9 7 - 9 8 , 2 3 0 ( H a d r a ) , 245 a n d 252 (Ibra­
O n e B i t h y n i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 2 3 1
h i m i e h ) , 2 7 6 ( S h a t b y ) ; Pagenstecher,
= Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
Nekropo­
p. 48, no. 35.
lis, p . 6 0 , n o . 7 9 ( H a d r a ) ; C o o k ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) :
9 n . 7, 2 1 - 2 2 n o . 4 ( H a d r a ) , 26 n o . 12, 30 n o .
O n e H e r a k l e o t a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o .
2 1 ; Fraser (note 6 above), p . 145, n o . 9.
299a (Shatby).
T h r e e T h e r a i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 9 9 ( M e x / G a b b a r i ) ;
B . R . B r o w n , Ptolemaic
and
PPM]
the Alexandrian
Paintings
Style
and
Mosaics
[hereafter B r o w n ,
( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . 1 9 5 7 ) , p . 19 ( I b r a ­
h i m i e h ) ; C o o k ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) : 16 n . 6 0 .
Four Galatians: Breccia (note 6 above), nos.
1 9 5 , 2 6 8 a = Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
n o . 7 5 ; B r o w n , PPM,
stecher, Nekropolis,
p. 60,
p . 1 7 , n o . 6 = Pagen­
p . 53, n o . 52 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ;
Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
p. 47, no. 30.
Delia
O n e C e l t : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
a b o v e ) , n o . 2 3 7 = B r o w n , PPM,
p. 58,
no. 65.
(Shatby).
O n e Pisidian: Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 289
A n E p i r o t : B r o w n , PPM,
p. 26, no. 21
p. 26, n o . 22 ( H a d r a ) .
(Hadra).
Thessalians: Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 242 =
Pagenstecher, Nekropolis
O n e P a m p h y l i a n : SB 1, n o . 1 7 2 4 ( H a d r a ) .
(note 27 above),
p . 5 1 , n o . 45 = B r o w n , PPM,
pp. 2 5 - 2 6 ,
F o u r S y r i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 9 ( H a d r a ) ; B r e c c i a
n o . 2 0 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; B r o w n , PPM,
(note 6 above), nos. 294 ( H a d r a ) a n d 307;
( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 238
p. 16, no. 4
SB i n , n o . 6 6 8 9 ( H a d r a ) .
Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
O n e Phoenician: Breccia (note 6 above), n o .
Recberches
2 5 1 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) . N o t e also t h e A r a m a i c f u n e r ­
(Paris 1 9 4 9 - 1 9 5 0 ) , 1, p . 2 1 7 .
=
p p . 5 2 - 5 3 , n o . 50
( S h a t b y ) . O n T h e s s a l i a n s , see also M . L a u n e y ,
sur les armees
2 vols.
hellenistiques,
a r y stela o f A q a b i a h f r o m t h e same c e m e t e r y :
B r e c c i a ( n o t e 25 a b o v e ) , p . 4 0 .
A n A e t o l i a n : SB ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , 1, n o . 2 1 1 0
(Hadra).
E l e v e n C y r e n a e a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 0 6 6 ( H a d r a ) ;
SB 1, n o . 1 6 7 6 ( H a d r a ) ; B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) ,
A k a r n i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 4 ( H a d r a ) ; Pagen­
n o s . 1 9 9 a n d 2 4 0 = Pagenstecher,
stecher, Nekropolis,
Nekropolis,
p. 5 1 , no. 44.
p p . 3 6 - 3 7 , n o . 6 (Shatby); Breccia (note 6
a b o v e ) , n o s . 2 5 7 ( H a d r a ) , 2 6 6 , a n d 3 0 0 = Pa­
A Keian: C o o k (note 6 above): 2 0 - 2 1 , no. 2
genstecher, Nekropolis,
( H a d r a ) . See also L a u n e y , Recberches,
p. 60, no. 81 (Hadra);
1, p . 2 0 5 .
A d r i a n i (this note), p p . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 5 a n d 13;
SB i n , n o . 6 6 8 0 ( H a d r a ) .
C r e t a n s : SB v , n o . 7 7 9 4 ( A l e x a n d r i a ) ; B r e c c i a
( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 1 9 4 = SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 6
28
Polybios 5.37.
( H a d r a ) ; Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 188 =
SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 2 ( H a d r a ) . See also L a u n e y ,
29
O n t h e l o c a t i o n o f t h e castra
romano,
e topographici
1, p p . 2 5 0 - 5 1 .
dei
dell'Egitto
nomi
greco-
A R h o d i a n : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
p. 46,
no. 26 (presumably f r o m Alexandria).
v o l . 1.1 ( M i l a n 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 1 4 8 ; J. Les-
q u i e r , Varmee
Diocletien
Recberches,
Judaicum
4 . 1 1 . 5 . C f . A . C a l d e r i n i , Dizionario
geografici
see
Alexandrina,
S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 0 ; J o s e p h u s Bellum
romaine
d'Egypte
d'Auguste
a
(Cairo 1918), pp. 3 8 9 - 9 0 . Tomb 1
A C o l o p h o n i a n : P. M . Fraser, " I n s c r i p t i o n s
f r o m G r e c o - R o m a n E g y p t , " Berytus
15 ( 1 9 6 4 ) :
at M u s t a f a Pasha, d a t i n g f r o m t h e late t h i r d t o
7 1 , n o . 1 ( p r o b a b l y f r o m A l e x a n d r i a ) . See also
the early second century B . C . , h a d a pediment
L a u n e y , Recberches,
1, p . 4 3 1 .
o n w h i c h cavalrymen were depicted: A . A d r i a n i ,
" L a n e c r o p o l e de M o u s t a f a P a s h a , "
du Musee
1934/1935
Greco-Romain,
Annuaire
1933/1934-
(Alexandria 1936): 1 0 2 - 1 2
B i t h y n i a n s : SB 111, n o . 6 2 4 1 = B r o w n ,
and
1 7 3 - 7 4 ; B r o w n (note 27 above), p p . 5 2 - 5 3 ,
G a l a t i a n s : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
n o . 3 4 — a n e x e m p l a r y s t u d y t h a t has b e c o m e
n o . 25 = B r o w n , PPM,
a l l t h e m o r e v a l u a b l e w i t h t h e passage o f t i m e
d r i a ) ; Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
since t h i s a n d m a n y o t h e r m o n u m e n t s
( H a d r a ) ; B r o w n , PPM,
recorded
b y the a u t h o r have deteriorated.
Nekropolis,
pp. 1 7 - 1 8 , no. 7
( H a d r a ) ; Pagenstecher, Nekropolis,
n o . 3 1 = B r o w n , PPM,
3I
p. 52, no. 47
p . 16 n o . 3 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ;
SB 1, n o . 2 1 1 6 = Pagenstecher,
Polybios 5.36.4.
p. 46,
p. 18, n o . 9 (Alexan­
p . 4 5 , n o . 23 = B r o w n , PPM,
30
p. 48,
p. 18, no. 8 (Ibra­
P o l y b i o s 5.79 a n d 8 2 . A g a t h o k l e s ' a r r a n g e m e n t s
h i m i e h ) ; B r o w n , PPM,
in 206 B . C . indicate that a substantial
h i m i e h ) . See a l s o A . J. R e i n a c h , " L e s G a u l o i s e n
number
pp. 1 6 - 1 7 ,
n
o
- 5 (Ibra­
o f m e r c e n a r i e s c o n t i n u e d t o be s t a t i o n e d i n
E g y p t e , " Revue
A l e x a n d r i a : Polybios 15.25.3 and
( 1 9 1 1 ) : 3 3 - 7 4 a n d 182; i d e m , "Les Galates
17-18.
des Etudes
Anciennes
d a n s P a r t A l e x a n d r i n e , " Monuments
32
PPM,
p . 2 8 , n o . 2 7 ( G a b b a r i ) . See also SB i v , n o . 7 4 5 6 .
13
et
Me­
Macedonians: A . A d r i a n i , "Nouvelles decou-
mories,
Academie
vertes d a n s l a n e c r o p o l e de H a d r a , "
Annuaire
Lettres
18 ( 1 9 1 0 ) , p p . 3 7 - 1 1 6 ; a n d L a u n e y ,
(Alexan­
Recberches,
du Musee
Greco-Romain,
1940-1950
d r i a 1 9 5 2 ) : 2 5 - 2 7 = B r o w n , PPM
1, p p .
des Inscriptions
et
Belles-
511-13.
(note 27
above), p . 28, n o . 26 ( H a d r a ) ; Breccia (note 6
A Cyrenaean: Breccia, p. 284 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) . T h e
51
52
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
f u n e r a r y stela o f a R o m a n m e r c e n a r y , S i l v a n u s ,
hence, b y extension, an ethnic n e i g h b o r h o o d :
w a s also u n e a r t h e d at S h a t b y : SB I , n o . 6 7 4 .
f o r t h i s use, see P. Cair.
Zen.
(note 4 above),
no. 59034.7 (Philadelphia 257 B . C . ) .
33
J. L e s q u i e r , Les institutions
gypte
militaires
de
I'E-
(Paris 1 9 1 1 ) , p p . 5 - 1 0 .
sous les Lagides
39
J o s e p h u s Contra
T o m b 1 at A n f u s h y , w h i c h o n c e c o n t a i n e d a
Bellum
Judaicum
p a i n t i n g i n w h i c h t h e deceased w o r e a m i l i t a r y
Tosefta
Sukkah
Apionem
2 . 3 3 - 3 6 ; Josephus
2 . 4 9 5 ; P h i l o In Place.
55;
4.6.
h e l m e t , m a y w e l l have been d e c o r a t e d f o r a n
E g y p t i a n s e r v i n g i n t h i s c o r p s . See G . B o t t i ,
P s . - K a l l i s t h e n e s 1 . 3 1 . 4 ; Caesar Bellum
Civile
3 . 1 1 2 . 2 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 ; P l i n y Naturalis
Bulletin
5.62; C a l d e r i n i (note 29 above), p . 3 9 .
de la Societe
Archeologique
d'Alexan-
drie 4 ( 1 9 0 2 ) : 1 7 - 1 8 ; B r o w n , PPM
34
40
" P r e m i e r e v i s i t e a la n e c r o p o l e d ' A n f o u c h y , "
Historia
(note 27
above), pp. 5 3 - 5 4 , no. 35.
41
D e l i a ( n o t e 38 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 1 - 8 2 a n d n . 4 4 .
M y r m i d o n o f A t h e n s : PP 6 . 1 5 2 2 3 ; A n t i g o n o s
42
See n o t e 2 7 a b o v e .
43
Ptolemaic l a w distinguished three official legal
o f M a c e d o n : PP 6 . 1 5 1 7 8 ; K i l l e s o f M a c e d o n :
PP 2 . 2 1 6 4
a
n
d 6.14609; N i k a n o r of Macedon:
PP 2 . 2 1 6 9 a n d 6 . 1 4 6 1 6 ; P r a x a g o r a s f r o m
status categories a m o n g subjects: c i t i z e n s o f
C r e t e : PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 4 ; K a l l i k r a t e s o f S a m o s :
G r e e k c i t i e s , s o l d i e r s , a n d e v e r y o n e else. T h e s e
PP 6 . 1 4 6 0 7 ; P a t r o k l o s o f M a c e d o n :
last w e r e r e q u i r e d i n o f f i c i a l d o c u m e n t s t o a p ­
PP 6 . 1 5 0 6 3 ; K a l l i k r a t i d a s o f C y r e n e :
p e n d t o their names p a t r o n y m s , ethnics, a n d
PP 6 . 1 5 2 1 2 ; A g a t h o k l e s o f S a m o s : PP 6 . 1 4 5 7 6 ;
class, i.e., e l i t e s o c i a l status d e s i g n a t i o n s , w h e n
N i k o l a o s o f A e t o l i a : PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 1 ; A n d r o m a c h o s
a p p l i c a b l e : P. M . M e y e r , e d . , Griechische
o f A s p e n d o s : PP 2 . 2 1 5 0 ; P o l y k r a t e s o f A r g o s :
pyrusurkunden
PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 3 ; E c h e k r a t e s o f T h e s s a l y : PP 2 . 2 1 6 1 ;
versitatsbibliothek
der Hamburger
Staats-
Paund
Uni-
(Leipzig-Berlin 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 2 4 ) ,
P h o x i d a s o f M e l e t a : PP 2 . 2 1 8 2 ; E u r y l o c h o s o f
1, n o . 1 6 8 ( t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . ) ; W . M . B r a s h e a r ,
M a g n e s i a : PP 2 . 2 1 6 0 ; S o k r a t e s o f B o e o t i a :
e d . , Agyptische
PP 2 . 2 1 7 8 ; K n o p i a s o f A l l a r i a : PP 2 . 2 1 6 5 ;
Museen
P h i l o n o f K n o s s o s : PP 2 . 2 3 0 1 ; A m m o n i o s o f
no. 2367 (third century B . C . ) . Likewise, the
zu Berlin
Urkunden
aus den
Staatlichen
(Berlin 1980), v o l . 14,
B a r c a : PP 2 . 2 1 4 8 ; D i o n y s o s o f T h r a c e :
a m n e s t y decree o f 1 1 8 B . C . ( B . P. G r e n f e l l ,
PP 2 . 2 1 5 7 ; H i p p o l o c h o s o f T h e s s a l y :
A . S. H u n t , a n d J. G . S m y l y , eds., The
PP 6 . 1 5 2 0 8 ; S k o p a s o f A e t o l i a : PP 6 . 1 5 2 4 1 ;
Papyri,
T h e o d o t o s o f A e t o l i a : PP 6 . 1 5 0 4 5 ; B o l i s f r o m
reaffirmed that Greek courts of l a w
C r e t e : PP 6 . 1 4 7 5 0 ; D o r y m e n e s o f A e t o l i a :
tai) w e r e t o h a n d l e cases i n v o l v i n g G r e e k l i t i ­
PP 6 . 1 5 1 9 9 ; E u p h r a i n e t o s o f A e t o l i a :
g a n t s , w h i l e E g y p t i a n p a r t i e s w e r e t o seek j u s t i c e
PP
6.15203.
Tebtunis
vol. 1 [London 1902], no. 5.207-20)
i n E g y p t i a n c o u r t s {laokritai).
(chrematis-
See also J. M e l e z e -
M o d r z e j e w s k i , " E n t r e la c i t e et le fisc: L e s t a t u t
35
P o l y b i o s 3 4 . 1 4 i n S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 2 . O n t h i s pas­
grec d a n s l ' E g y p t e r o m a i n e , " i n
sage, see m y essay, " E g y p t i a n s a n d G r e e k s , "
( V a l e n c i a 1 9 8 5 ) , p . 2 4 3 . S u c h d i s t i n c t i o n s be­
Symposion
f o r t h c o m i n g i n F. B . T i c h e n e r a n d R . M o o r t e n ,
c a m e even m o r e c o n s p i c u o u s d u r i n g t h e R o m a n
Mimesis:
The Reciprocal
p e r i o d , w h e n R o m a n c i t i z e n s h i p w a s esteemed
the Arts
in Graeco-Roman
Honor
of Peter M. Green
Influence
of Life
Antiquity.
Presented
and
Essays
on His
as t h e h i g h e s t l e g a l s t a t u s , a n d H e l l e n i s m w a s
in
e n d o r s e d as a n e l i t e s o c i a l status d i s t i n c t i o n .
yoth
Nevertheless, the influence o f E g y p t i a n c u l t u r e
Birthday.
o n the d e v e l o p m e n t o f mathematics, mechanics,
36
Polybios 15.25.17 and 16.21.8. Lesquier (note
a n d science at A l e x a n d r i a a n d t h e i m p a c t o f
33 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 - 4 ; Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , v o l .
E g y p t i a n i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d r e l i g i o u s ideas a n d
2, p p . 1 5 2 - 5 3 n . 2 2 4 .
practices o n Greeks a n d R o m a n s i n E g y p t were
substantial although n o t always acknowledged
37
G . L . A v a r n i t a k i s , "Sur quelques inscriptions
by ancient authorities. Indeed, one-dimensional
r e l a t i v e s a u c a n a l d ' A l e x a n d r i e , " Bulletin
cultural interaction—the hellenization of Egyp­
ITnstitut
d'Egypte,
de
tians w i t h o u t a corresponding egyptianization
ser. 4.3 ( 1 9 0 2 ) : 2 1 ; see also
of Hellenes—is inconceivable w i t h i n the m u l t i ­
Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 9 .
cultural context of Hellenistic and R o m a n
38
Egypt.
P s . - K a l l i s t h e n e s 1.32. See also C a l d e r i n i ( n o t e
29 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 9 - 8 0 , a n d D . D e l i a ,
Alexan­
drian
Principate
Citizenship
during
the Roman
44
D . D e l i a , " P o l i t e i a , P o l i t e u m a a n d t h e Jews o f
( A t l a n t a 1 9 9 2 ) , p . 5 2 n . 1 1 . ALJULTJP d e n o t e s a
A l e x a n d r i a " ( f o r t h c o m i n g ) ; see also L a u n e y ,
l a n d i n g place i n a h a r b o r , a haven o r retreat;
Recherches
Kifxr]v
ercupeCas
s i g n i f i e d a place o f f e l l o w s h i p ,
( n o t e 3 2 a b o v e ) , 11, p p . 1 0 7 9 - 8 0 .
Delia
45
T h a t t h i s state o f affairs w a s n o t w h o l e h e a r t e d l y
e n d o r s e d b y A l e x a n d r i a n c i t i z e n s is r e v e a l e d b y
t h e Boule
eds., Papiri
papyrus (G. Vitelli and M . Norsa,
greet e latini,
v o l . 10 [Florence
1 9 3 2 - ] , no. 1160), in w h i c h Alexandrian citi­
zens at t h e t i m e o f t h e R o m a n a n n e x a t i o n o f
E g y p t ( 3 0 B . C . ) envisage t h e d u t i e s o f t h e i r
p r o s p e c t i v e c i t y c o u n c i l t o be s c r u t i n y o f e p h e b i c
candidates i n order t o exclude y o u t h s subject t o
t h e p o l l t a x (i.e., a n y o n e l a c k i n g R o m a n c i t i z e n ­
s h i p o r c i t i z e n s h i p i n a G r e e k c i t y ) , a n d preser­
v a t i o n o f the p u r i t y o f the citizen body.
53
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55
City Planning?
Gunter
To Peter Marshall
Fraser
W i t h the Greek f o u n d a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a i n the year 3 3 1 B . C . a n e w
1
2
era was d a w n i n g i n the age-old h i s t o r y o f E g y p t . E v e n t u a l l y the k i n g d o m
with gratitude
on the occasion
seventy-fifth
Grimm
of his
birthday
o n the N i l e opened u p t o the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d , a n d , h e r a l d i n g the
w i n d o f change, a c o m p l e t e l y different type o f c i t y emerged: the R o y a l
C i t y (see f o l d - o u t m a p ) . U n l i k e any polis f a m i l i a r t o the Greeks, this
3
new
c a p i t a l a n d residence o f the M a c e d o n i a n sovereigns was governed
m o r e o r less b y the Ptolemaic rulers alone. I t still developed q u i c k l y i n t o
the true center o f the w h o l e Hellenistic w o r l d a n d became the m a i n f o ­
cus of trade, arts, a n d sciences w i t h i n a few decades.
A l e x a n d r i a was l a i d o u t o n a n a r r o w , h i l l y cape between the
M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea t o the n o r t h a n d L a k e M a r e o t i s t o the s o u t h , her
shape reminiscent o f an outspread chlamys. T h e so-called H e p t a s t a d i o n ,
a d i k e e x t e n d i n g over seven stades, connected the t o w n a n d the island o f
Pharos, w h i c h gave its name t o its celebrated lighthouse. West o f the
d i k e the Eunostos H a r b o r t o o k f o r m ; east o f i t lay w h a t was t o be called
the Great H a r b o r . T h e s o u t h e r n quarters o f the c i t y were m a i n l y c o m ­
posed of residential houses b u t also i n c l u d e d the Serapeion, w h i l e the
n o r t h e r n section saw the rise of the r o y a l palaces (the Basileia), the M o u seion, the L i b r a r y , a n d the Paneion (an artificial h i l l w i t h gardens a n d a
sanctuary o f the g o d Pan) as w e l l as the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the theater, the
g y m n a s i o n , temples, p a r k s a n d gardens, a n d also o f the Sema, the b u r y ­
ing place o f A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d the Ptolemaic kings.
O n l y a few years after Octavian's conquest o f the N i l e me­
t r o p o l i s , p r e s u m a b l y sometime between 24 a n d 20 B . C . , the geographer
and
h i s t o r i a n Strabo visited A l e x a n d r i a a n d left us a valuable d e s c r i p t i o n
i n his Teojypa4>Ca (Book 1 7 ) .
4
Even so, research i n t o ancient A l e x a n d r i a d i d n o t start u n t i l
relatively late i n the nineteenth century. T h e A l e x a n d r i a n s ' general lack
of interest i n the past of their o w n t o w n was o n l y one reason f o r this;
another was the e n o r m o u s changes i n the t o w n ' s p a n o r a m a due t o "a
general subsidence, p r o b a b l y o f a b o u t f o u r metres, w h i c h has t a k e n
m u c h o f the coastal r e g i o n of the ancient c i t y beneath sea level" a n d ag­
gravated by the immense b u i l d i n g activities under the successors of
Mohammed Ali.
5
56
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
As a n o t e w o r t h y e x c e p t i o n , M a h m o u d Bey (El F a l a k i , i.e.,
" T h e E n g i n e e r " ) , a s t r o n o m e r t o the khedive I s m a i l , was c o m m i s s i o n e d
t o excavate a n d catalogue the remains o f ancient A l e x a n d r i a between
1863 a n d 1 8 6 5 . As h i c k w o u l d have i t , the p r o j e c t was f u r t h e r e d by the
m o s t distinguished circles. A p p a r e n t l y the French emperor N a p o l e o n i n
h a d n o t been very h a p p y at h a v i n g t o d o w i t h o u t a g o o d , detailed m a p
of the ancient c i t y w h i l e w o r k i n g o n his m o n u m e n t a l Histoire
de
Jules
Cesar. H e h a d conveyed his regret t o V i c e r o y I s m a i l , w h o i m m e d i a t e l y
t o o k a c t i o n , assigning the w o r k t o M a h m o u d Bey a n d p r o v i d i n g h i m
w i t h a g r o u p o f technical officials a n d t w o h u n d r e d w o r k m e n . A m a n u ­
script plus seven maps a n d d r a w i n g s , i n c l u d i n g o u r first p l a n o f ancient
A l e x a n d r i a based o n the evidence o f excavations, were c o m p l e t e d by D e ­
cember 1 8 6 6 a n d sent t o L o u i s N a p o l e o n i n 1 8 6 7 . T h e r e p u b l i c o f let­
ters, however, h a d t o w a i t six m o r e years before M a h m o u d Bey's w o r k
was made accessible: i t was p r i n t e d a n d p u b l i s h e d i n Copenhagen o n the
occasion o f an official visit p a i d t o D e n m a r k by the engineer himself o n
behalf o f the E g y p t i a n viceroy i n 1 8 7 2 .
6
M a h m o u d Bey's results were revised a n d i m p r o v e d by Ferdi­
n a n d N o a c k i n accordance w i t h further evidence o f his o w n excavations
d u r i n g 1898 a n d 1 8 9 9 . T h a n k s t o Evaristo Breccia, A c h i l l e A d r i a n i ,
7
a n d others w h o have considerably increased o u r k n o w l e d g e o f the an­
cient c i t y , n u m e r o u s investigations f o l l o w e d i n the first h a l f o f this cen­
8
t u r y . T h e m o s t substantial c o n t r i b u t i o n yet, the b o o k o n Ptolemaic
9
A l e x a n d r i a , was finally presented i n three volumes by Peter M a r s h a l l
Fraser i n 1 9 7 2 ; this m o n u m e n t a l , e p o c h - m a r k i n g opus o f o u t s t a n d i n g
q u a l i t y has become absolutely indispensable.
10
Based o n a l l the preceding research a n d o n his personal o b ­
servations, W o l f r a m H o e p f n e r d r e w a n e w c i t y m a p o f early Ptolemaic
Alexandria, published i n 1990.
11
A c c o r d i n g t o h i m , A l e x a n d r i a was d i ­
v i d e d i n t o a system o f equal rectangles o f 3 1 0 by 277 meters e a c h .
12
One
insula measured 150 by 3 0 0 feet ( w i t h 29.4 c m t o the f o o t ) , a n d the i n ­
d i v i d u a l a l l o t m e n t s c o n t a i n e d therein h a d a size of 75 by 75 feet, cover­
i n g r o u g h l y 4 8 6 square meters each. T h e regular insulae were s u b d i v i d e d
b y streets 50 feet w i d e ( = 14.70 m ) , whereas the m a i n axes—one m a j o r
r o a d r u n n i n g e a s t - w e s t a n d , as H o e p f n e r postulates, t w o m o r e leading
n o r t h - s o u t h — b r o a d e n e d t o 100 feet ( 2 9 . 4 0 m ) . I f Hoepfner's street
m a p o f Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a were correct, there s h o u l d have been a b o u t
fifty residential quarters, each composed of 144 houses. A l l t o l d , the
n u m b e r o f residential houses w o u l d thus have a m o u n t e d t o s o m e t h i n g
l i k e seven t h o u s a n d , a c c o m m o d a t i n g m o r e t h a n 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 people!
To check these figures, we s h o u l d first o f a l l r e v i e w the loca­
t i o n of the c i t y w a l l s . L e t us begin w i t h l i t e r a r y evidence. A r r i a n
1 3
men­
t i o n s Alexander's personal role i n the siting o f the m a i n p o i n t s o f the c i t y
( " . . . w h e r e the agora s h o u l d be constructed, a n d h o w m a n y temples
there s h o u l d be, . . . those o f the Greek gods a n d o f E g y p t i a n Isis") a n d
G r i m m
especially i n the course o f the c i t y w a l l . T h e latter is also c o n f i r m e d by
D i o d o r u s : " A l e x a n d e r also l a i d o u t the w a l l s so t h a t they were at once
exceedingly large a n d m a r v e l o u s l y s t r o n g . . . a n d he l a i d o u t the site a n d
traced the streets s k i l l f u l l y . "
1 4
Second, we have some i m p o r t a n t i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m PseudoKallisthenes' Life
of Alexander,*
5
or strictly speaking, f r o m those sec­
t i o n s o f i t t h a t are authentic, t h a t is, of H e l l e n i s t i c o r i g i n . T h e
Life
reports t h a t A l e x a n d e r , i n f o u n d i n g his n e w city, was assisted by t w o
m e n : D e i n o k r a t e s o f Rhodes a n d Kleomenes o f N a u k r a t i s .
1 6
Other
sources c o r r o b o r a t e t h a t D e i n o k r a t e s was indeed the architect o f
Alexandria;
1 7
he seems t o have been the a u t h o r o f the city's first design.
I n v o l v e d i n the business was also Kleomenes, Alexander's g o v e r n o r i n
E g y p t , w h o m P t o l e m y I e l i m i n a t e d i n 323 B . C . Kleomenes was respon­
sible f o r the finances i n general a n d the m o n e t a r y system i n p a r t i c u l a r .
We m a y assume considerable b u i l d i n g a c t i v i t y d u r i n g his r e i g n ( 3 3 1 323
B.C.).
A t least the Ptolemaic m i n t was w o r k i n g t h a t early, s t a r t i n g
p r o b a b l y i n 3 3 1 / 3 3 0 or, at the latest, i n 3 2 6 / 3 2 5 .
18
U n f o r t u n a t e l y we
have n o m a t e r i a l p r o o f o f t h a t or o f w h e r e the m i n t was located i n the
n e w c a p i t a l . T h e question arises, however, w h e r e else t o l o o k f o r i t i n
this c o u n t r y w i t h o u t any local t r a d i t i o n i n m i n t i n g a n d coinage. A n d i f
the m i n t was a c t u a l l y established i n A l e x a n d r i a , i t m u s t c e r t a i n l y have
been w e l l p r o t e c t e d f r o m the very b e g i n n i n g .
W h i l e discussing the emperor Vespasian's visit t o the A l e x a n ­
d r i a n Serapeion a n d the o r i g i n o f the g o d Serapis, Tacitus provides us
w i t h another relevant piece of i n f o r m a t i o n .
19
T h e E g y p t i a n h i g h priests
assured h i m t h a t Ptolemy 1 h a d e q u i p p e d the n e w l y f o u n d e d c i t y w i t h
w a l l s , temples, a n d cults: moenia
w o r d moenia
templaque
refers t o the c i t y enclosure,
20
et religiones
addidit.
I f the
this implies the c o m p l e t i o n o f
the w a l l d u r i n g the r e i g n of Soter. B u t even leaving this p o s s i b i l i t y aside,
i t seems s o m e w h a t h a r d t o believe t h a t A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d have been left
completely exposed between 3 3 1 a n d 323 B . C . A n y h o w , i n the early
t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . the A l e x a n d r i a n c i t y w a l l was definitely there, f o r
K a l l i m a c h o s asked the scholars of the c i t y t o assemble " i n the shrine be­
fore the w a l l . "
2 1
I n o u r l i t e r a r y sources we have neither a h i n t i n d i c a t i n g
w h e r e we should assume the c i t y w a l l t o have r u n n o r a d e s c r i p t i o n o f its
appearance ( w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f a reference i n Pseudo-Kallisthenes'
r o m a n t i c account, b u t i n a passage t h a t does n o t have c r e d i b i l i t y ) .
22
Even
Strabo, w r i t i n g a b o u t his visit t o A l e x a n d r i a , does n o t e x p l i c i t l y m e n t i o n
a c i t y w a l l . H e does, however, use the expression TrepifioXos (enclosure).
23
Let us n o w l o o k f o r archaeological evidence. U n f o r t u n a t e l y ,
there is none. I n spite o f M a h m o u d Bey, w h o c l a i m e d t o have discovered
remains o f the Ptolemaic c i t y w a l l at various p o i n t s d u r i n g his excava­
t i o n s , there is n o p r o o f t h a t these remains belonged t o the o r i g i n a l c i t y
wall.
2 4
Nevertheless we are still able t o a p p r o x i m a t e the p o s i t i o n o f the
57
58
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
1b
1a
1c
early w a l l s i n the eastern a n d western parts of the t o w n , as Fraser has a l ­
FIG.
ready p o i n t e d o u t .
H y d r i a , from Shatby. Front. Ca.
2 5
I n accordance w i t h universal Greek practice, a l l
la
3 3 0 - 3 2 0 B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-
b u r i a l areas m u s t have l a i n outside the c i t y w a l l s . I n the eastern p a r t of
Roman M u s e u m 8667. Photo by
A l e x a n d r i a , the n o r t h e r n b u r i a l g r o u n d underneath m o d e r n Shatby is
D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I ,
generally considered t o be the oldest e x t a n t necropolis. Late A t t i c red-
Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 3 0 - 2 6 9 3 2 .
figured w a r e clearly indicates such an early d a t e .
26
W h a t we c a n n o t t e l l
FIG.
lb
exactly is w h e n the Shatby necropolis was eventually a b a n d o n e d . B u t
Side view of hydria, figure i a .
seen i n the l i g h t o f recent research, the t h e o r y o f its end i n the late f o u r t h
Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy
c e n t u r y B . C . l o o k s very u n l i k e l y i n d e e d ;
over a considerably longer p e r i o d .
27
i t seems t o have been i n use
of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F
26935-26937.
2 8
I n any event, the fact t h a t s i m i l a r late A t t i c red-figured w a r e
FIG.
I c
Back view of hydria, figure i a .
of an even earlier date has come t o l i g h t i n the r e g i o n o f m o d e r n H a d r a ,
Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy
s o u t h o f Shatby, seems t o have passed largely u n n o t i c e d . O n the w h o l e ,
of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F
the t o m b s o f H a d r a are dated t o the second h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C .
a n d t o the earlier p a r t o f the s e c o n d ,
29
a l t h o u g h there is e n o u g h evidence
of b u r i a l a c t i v i t y h a v i n g started i n this r e g i o n as early as the late f o u r t h
century. T w o A t t i c h y d r i a i of the second h a l f of the f o u r t h century were
f o u n d d u r i n g the last decade of the nineteenth century. O n e specimen
(figs, i a - c ) ,
3 0
datable between 3 3 0 a n d 3 2 0 B . C . , shows d a n c i n g w o m e n ,
a flute player, a w i n g e d Eros, a n d palmettes b e l o w the handles. T h e sec­
o n d one, o f the same date a n d u n t i l n o w u n p u b l i s h e d , is decorated w i t h
a w o m a n ' s head (fig. 2 ) .
3 1
A pelike, again o f A t t i c o r i g i n (figs. 3a, b ) ,
3 2
s h o w i n g a p i l l a r , a discus, a n d three y o u t h s f r a m e d by k y m a t i a a n d
w e a r i n g h i m a t i a , was even m a n u f a c t u r e d before the m i d d l e o f the f o u r t h
century. T w o o f these vessels were p u b l i s h e d w i t h complete disregard f o r
their o b v i o u s value i n the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the t o p o g r a p h y o f ancient
A l e x a n d r i a . A b e a u t i f u l faience vessel o f the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . , de­
p i c t i n g a statuette, three masks o f the g o d Bes, a n d bands o f o r n a m e n t a l
m o t i f s as w e l l as animals, was f o u n d i n another t o m b at H a d r a together
w i t h five coins o f P t o l e m y 1 (figs. 4a, b ) .
3 3
26933-26934.
Grimm
2
FIG.
3a
3b
2
H y d r i a , from Shatby. Ca. 3 3 0 - 3 2 0
B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
M u s e u m 8668. Photo by
D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I ,
Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 2 1 - 2 6 9 2 3 .
FIG.
3a
Pelike, from Shatby. Front. Ca.
360 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n M u s e u m 8669. Photo by
D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I ,
Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 2 4 - 2 6 9 2 6 .
FIG.
3b
Back of pelike, figure 3 a. Photo by
D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I ,
Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 2 7 - 2 6 9 2 9 .
FIG.
4a
Faiance vessel, from H a d r a . Early
t h i r d century B . C . Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 19462.
Photos by D . Johannes, D A I ,
Istanbul.
FIG.
4b
V i e w of vessel from H a d r a ,
figure 4a.
4a
4b
59
60
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
5
Alabaster tomb in the Latin
Cemetery, Alexandria. T h i r d
century B . C . Photo by D . Johannes,
courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F
7033-7034.
FIG.
6
Stag-hunt mosaic, from Shatby.
Ca. 3 0 0 - 2 5 0 B . C . Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 21643.
Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of
the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 17445.
T h e p o s i t i o n s o f these b u r i a l places ( H a d r a a n d Shatby) p r o ­
vide us w i t h w e l c o m e clues c o n c e r n i n g the t o p o g r a p h y extra muros.
On
the other h a n d , there is n o reason at a l l t o regard the so-called Alabaster
T o m b i n the L a t i n Cemetery (fig. 5) as being inside the area enclosed by
the c i t y w a l l . Breccia's p r o p o s i t i o n that the Alabaster T o m b s h o u l d be
identified w i t h the N e m e s e i o n , f o u n d e d by Julius Caesar t o h o n o r Pompey, has r i g h t l y been rejected by A d r i a n i .
3 4
T h e Alabaster T o m b was i n ­
deed p a r t o f a t o m b .
Supposing t h a t this m u s t have been b u i l t outside the c i t y w a l l ,
w e can deduce t h a t the w a l l s h o u l d have r u n i m m e d i a t e l y west o f i t . T h e
stag-hunt mosaic o f the first h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 6 ) ,
3 5
show­
i n g three h u n t i n g erotes s u r r o u n d e d by a border o f animals, proves that
the residential quarters o f A l e x a n d r i a c a n n o t have been far away. We
m a y therefore assume w i t h some confidence t h a t the f o u n d a t i o n s of the
eastern w a l l , r u n n i n g f r o m n o r t h t o s o u t h , lay somewhere between the
stag-hunt mosaic house a n d the Alabaster T o m b .
Strabo m e n t i o n s o n l y the western necropolis o f A l e x a n d r i a ,
w h i c h i n his day served as the m a i n b u r i a l place. H i s i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t
b e y o n d the canal "there is o n l y a s m a l l p a r t o f the c i t y a n d t h e n y o u
come t o the s u b u r b N e k r o p o l i s " is o f extreme i m p o r t a n c e , f o r the
3 6
western cemetery was surely situated b e y o n d the c i t y w a l l , a n d the
course o f the canal i n question was, at least p a r t l y , m o r e o r less t h a t o f
the m o d e r n M a h m o u d i y a C a n a l .
Grimm
FIG.
7
Kantharos, from Gabbari. Ca.
2 5 0 - 2 2 5 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n M u s e u m 8512. Photo by
D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I ,
Cairo, neg. F 2 6 4 6 8 - 2 6 4 6 9 .
FIG.
8
Kantharos, from the Athenian
art market. Ca. 2 5 0 - 2 2 5 B . C .
Heidelberg, Originalsammlung der
Universitat Η 2O. Archaologisches
Institut der Universitat Heidelberg,
neg. N.s. 882
FIG.
D.
8
7
9a
"Plaquette" vase, from M i n e t
el-Bassal. Front. Ca. 3 0 0 - 2 5 0 B . C .
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
M u s e u m 2 1 5 4 1 . Photo by
D . Johannes, courtesy of the
D A I , Cairo, neg. F 11704.
FIG.
9b
Side view of "plaquette" vase,
figure 9a. Photo by D . Johannes,
courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F
11707.
9b
9a
T h e archaeological evidence leaves n o d o u b t t h a t the G a b b a r i
a n d M a f r u s a regions, together w i t h the w h o l e d i s t r i c t east o f t h e m u p t o
the o u t l e t o f the M a h m o u d i y a C a n a l i n t o the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea ( M i n e t
el-Bassal), were used as necropoleis f r o m the first h a l f o f the t h i r d cen­
t u r y B . C . o n w a r d . T h i s is attested by A t t i c West Slope w a r e o f a b o u t
2 5 0 B . C . o r slightly later, such as, f o r e x a m p l e , a k a n t h a r o s f r o m G a b ­
b a r i (preserved i n A l e x a n d r i a ) decorated w i t h a c h e c k e r b o a r d p a t t e r n
a n d concentric squares (fig. 7 ) .
3 7
A close b u t s o m e w h a t squatter p a r a l l e l
(fig. 8), n o w i n H e i d e l b e r g , comes f r o m the A t h e n i a n a r t m a r k e t .
3 8
F u r t h e r m o r e we k n o w o f a " p l a q u e t t e " vase f r o m M i n e t el-Bassal
(figs. 9a, b) s h o w i n g a figure o f the seated H e r a k l e s , a seated w o m a n , t w o
f i g h t i n g y o u t h s , one o f t h e m o n horseback, a n d Jason w i t h the d r a g o n .
3 9
61
62
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
I Oa
Black-glazed amphora, from
Fort Saleh, Mafrusa. Front. Ca.
3 0 0 - 2 5 0 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m 2 7 8 1 1 . Photo by
D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I ,
Cairo, neg. F 12806.
FIG.
I Ob
Side view of black-glazed
amphora, figure 10a. Photo by
D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I ,
Cairo, neg. F 12811.
A related a m p h o r a was f o u n d at F o r t Saleh, M a f r u s a (figs, i o a , b ) ,
4 0
but
b o t h vessels c a n n o t yet be dated any m o r e precisely t h a n r o u g h l y t o the
first h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C .
4 1
There is n o A t t i c red-figured w a r e at
a l l , a n d there is n o i n d i c a t i o n o f any b u r i a l a c t i v i t y before the first h a l f
of the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . T h i s hints o f a t i m e lag between the f o u n d a t i o n
of the eastern a n d t h a t o f the western w a l l . T h e eastern area o f A l e x a n ­
d r i a was f o r p r a c t i c a l reasons the first t o need g o o d p r o t e c t i o n . A t the
end o f the f o u r t h century, any enemy w o u l d have t r i e d t o a p p r o a c h
A l e x a n d r i a f r o m the east, as Perdikkas d i d .
4 2
I n s u m m a r y , w h e n Strabo visited A l e x a n d r i a , he m u s t have
seen the Ptolemaic c i t y w a l l — i n whatever c o n d i t i o n — w h e r e i t h a d
been i n the late f o u r t h a n d early t h i r d centuries. I n the western p a r t o f
A l e x a n d r i a he n o t i c e d a large b u r i a l area, b e y o n d the c i t y w a l l . I n the
eastern p a r t o f the t o w n , however, the s i t u a t i o n was c o m p l e t e l y different.
T h e course o f the c i t y w a l l d i d n o t seem t o matter a n y m o r e , as people,
especially the Jewish p o p u l a t i o n , were l i v i n g i n a n d a m o n g the t o m b s
a n d graveyards.
43
P r o b a b l y the eastern c i t y w a l l h a d been extended d u r ­
i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , a n d the o l d p a r t o f i t was just being i g n o r e d ,
by the people, a n d b y Strabo.
I n any case, the p o s i t i o n o f the early eastern (city) w a l l clearly
indicates t h a t , at least d u r i n g the late f o u r t h a n d t h i r d centuries, the l a n d
a l l o t t e d f o r exclusively residential purposes, t h a t is, those quarters de­
v o i d o f any official architecture reflected i n Strabo's account a n d m i r ­
r o r e d b y archaeological evidence, m u s t have been considerably smaller
t h a n alleged. I n c i d e n t a l l y , H o e p f n e r
4 4
himself reduced the n u m b e r of
fifty residential quarters displayed o n his m a p t o t h i r t y - f i v e , i n his o w n
Grimm
FIG.
II
The Serapeion seen from the
northwest. I n the foreground,
remains of older building; to the
left, parts of the temple of
Euergetes I. Photo by D . Johannes,
courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F
14700-14701.
c o m m e n t s o n i t , assuming t h a t the t o t a l n u m b e r o f i n h a b i t a n t s r a n g e d
somewhere between 7 5 , 0 0 0 a n d 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . B u t even these l o w e r figures
m u s t be f u r t h e r d i m i n i s h e d by r o u g h l y t w e n t y percent, f o r the w h o l e re­
g i o n east o f R ' 2 (see f o l d - o u t m a p ) u n d o u b t e d l y served as a cemetery
already by the end o f the f o u r t h century.
T h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the c i t y w a l l was p r e s u m a b l y begun u n ­
der Kleomenes a n d o n l y a c c o m p l i s h e d i n the t i m e o f P t o l e m y 1, w h i l e the
H e p t a s t a d i o n "was c a r r i e d o u t either by Kleomenes o r P t o l e m y S o t e r . "
T h e famous l i g h t h o u s e ,
46
45
the Pharos, was p r o b a b l y b u i l t o w i n g t o
P t o l e m y Soter's o w n p l a n a n d i n i t i a t i v e , o r i t "was b u i l t i n the reigns o f
Soter a n d o f Philadelphos, o r i n t h a t o f the latter a l o n e . "
4 7
P t o l e m y 11 i n his t u r n c o n t r i b u t e d a z o o l o g i c a l g a r d e n ,
and
48
he h i m s e l f o r possibly his predecessor, P t o l e m y 1 Soter, b u i l t a s m a l l
t e m p l e f o r the w o r s h i p o f Serapis i n the southwest section o f the c i t y o n
a n a r t i f i c i a l h i l l raised over b e d r o c k (fig. 1 1 a n d f o l d - o u t m a p ) . O n l y a
few traces o f i t can be recognized u n d e r n e a t h the later s t r u c t u r e s .
49
The
l o c a t i o n o f this shrine i n R h a k o t i s , t h a t is, i n the o n l y q u a r t e r w i t h i n
A l e x a n d r i a ' s city w a l l s t h a t was a p p a r e n t l y being i n h a b i t e d by native
Egyptians before the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a i n 3 3 1 B . C . , was c e r t a i n l y
n o r a n d o m choice. W h i c h place c o u l d indeed have been m o r e a p p r o ­
priate f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a new, a r t i f i c i a l l y c o m p o s e d d e i t y l i k e Se­
rapis, w h o was, after a l l , m e a n t t o p r o v i d e the scope f o r the
c o n c e p t i o n a l a n d c u l t u r a l fusion o f Egypt's o l d a n d n e w sovereigns?
63
64
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
12
G o l d foundation plaque, from the
Serapeion. H . : 5.9 cm; L . : 17.3
cm. Ca. 2 4 6 - 2 2 1 B . C . Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m P 8357.
Photo by D . Johannes, D A I ,
Istanbul.
FIG.
13
Temple of Serapis, reconstructed
as a templum
in antis. D r a w i n g by
Michael Sabottka.
FIG.
14
Temple of Serapis, reconstructed
as a prostylos
tetrastylos.
by Michael Sabottka.
I t is n o t s u r p r i s i n g , t h e n , t h a t P t o l e m y i n chose precisely the
same l o c a l i t y f o r ancient A l e x a n d r i a ' s m o s t celebrated m a i n sanctuary,
namely, the Serapeion. B u t famous t h o u g h i t was, h a r d l y a n y t h i n g o f i t
o r o f its t r a n s f o r m e d successor f r o m R o m a n i m p e r i a l times has r e m a i n e d .
Today, the scanty visible proofs o f its f o r m e r splendor have been reduced
t o a few o v e r g r o w n f o u n d a t i o n trenches: a v i e w f r o m the n o r t h w e s t
m a y help t o illustrate its present c o n d i t i o n (see f i g . n ) .
Fortunately, however, between 1943
a
n
d 9 4 5 thirty founda­
x
t i o n deposits were unearthed i n pits designed as receptacles f o r this
special purpose. T h e y came t o l i g h t f r o m beneath the southeast a n d
southwest corners o f the Ptolemaic enclosure w a l l a n d the southeast cor­
ner o f the temple p r o p e r . T h e y c o n t a i n e d f o u n d a t i o n plaques, s m a l l i n ­
scribed tablets o f glass, faience, a n d m u d b r i c k , a n d m e t a l sheets of g o l d ,
silver, a n d bronze. T h e i r Greek a n d h i e r o g l y p h i c i n s c r i p t i o n s certify the
d e d i c a t i o n o f the temple a n d o f a sacred enclosure t o the g o d Serapis by
P t o l e m y 111 Euergetes a n d A r s i n o e 111 (fig. 1 2 ) .
50
Drawing
Grimm
FIG.
15
G o l d foundation plaque, from the
sanctuary of Harpokrates. H . : 5.1
cm; L . : 10.9 cm. Ca. 2 2 2 / 2 2 1 205/204 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m Ρ 10035. Photo
by D . Johannes, D A I , Istanbul.
Some years ago, M i c h a e l S a b o t t k a
managed t o retrieve the
51
a p p r o x i m a t e o u t l i n e o f the c o m p l e x a n d presented us w i t h m o r e t h a n a
vague idea o f its o r i g i n a l appearance. U s i n g a l l the data he c o u l d possi­
bly e x t r a c t f r o m the size, p o s i t i o n , a n d arrangement of each single
t r e n c h , he reconstructed the p l a n , w h i c h consisted of either a templum
antis (fig. 1 3 )
5 2
or a prostylos
tetrastylos
(fig. 1 4 ) .
53
in
T h e relatively s m a l l
temple can have been n o longer t h a n 22 m a n d n o w i d e r t h a n 12 m . To
its eastern w a l l , a s m a l l sanctuary of H a r p o k r a t e s was attached d u r i n g
the r e i g n of P t o l e m y i v , " b y c o m m a n d of the gods Isis a n d Serapis," as
again attested o n f o u n d a t i o n plaques (fig. 1 5 ) .
54
Ptolemy i v also instigated the b u i l d i n g of the Sema, t h a t is,
the m a u s o l e u m o f A l e x a n d e r , the founder o f the city, a n d o f the Ptole­
maic k i n g s .
55
U n f o r t u n a t e l y , however, we have n o clue either t o its exact
l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the Basileia o r t o its design. I a m sorry t o a d d t h a t the
same is true o f the once w i d e l y r e n o w n e d M o u s e i o n c o n t a i n i n g a c o u r t
a n d an exedra, o f the grave of Cleopatra a n d M a r k A n t o n y , a n d o f the
so-called T i m o n e i o n ; i n the last case we d o at least k n o w o f its p o s i t i o n
(see f o l d - o u t m a p ) .
5 6
I t was b u i l t by A n t o n y after his defeat at A c t i u m
( 3 1 B . C . ) a n d n a m e d by h i m after the legendary m i s a n t h r o p i s t T i m o n of
Athens, w h o h a d , i n the t i m e o f Perikles, f o u n d himself exposed t o the
same sort of unkindness f r o m his contemporaries t h a t A n t o n y h a d t o go
t h r o u g h i n his a w k w a r d predicament preceding his death. P l u t a r c h , i n
the Life
of Antony,
tells the story:
A n d n o w A n t o n y forsook the city and the society of his friends
and built for himself a dwelling i n the sea at Pharos by t h r o w i n g
a mole out into the water. Here he lived i n exile from men and
declared that he was contentedly imitating the life of T i m o n ,
since, indeed, his experience had been like Timon's; for he h i m ­
self also had been wronged and treated w i t h ingratitude by his
friends and therefore hated and distrusted all m a n k i n d . . . .
He forsook that dwelling of his and the sea, w h i c h he called
Timoneum.
65
66
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
I n the case o f the " C a e s a r e u m " ( " K a i s a r e i o n , " "Sebasteion,"
"Augusteum"),
5 7
w i t h its large-scale p a r k s , p o r t i c o s , p r o p y l a i a , a n d
libraries, we d o k n o w o f its dimensions a n d o f its p o s i t i o n near the
" G r e a t H a r b o r " (see f o l d - o u t m a p ) , thanks t o "Cleopatra's
Needles."
For i n the year 13/12 B . C Augustus h a d these t w o obelisks removed f r o m
H e l i o p o l i s t o A l e x a n d r i a , w h e r e they were reerected i n f r o n t of the Cae­
sareum. O n e o f t h e m w e n t t o L o n d o n i n 1 8 7 7 ; the other, w i t h its i m ­
p o r t a n t i n s c r i p t i o n s , a r r i v e d i n N e w York's C e n t r a l Park i n 1 8 7 9 .
58
What
h a d m o s t p r o b a b l y been c o n t r i v e d a n d b u i l t f o r the c u l t o f Caesar a n d
M a r k A n t o n y eventually t u r n e d o u t t o be the center o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s w o r ­
ship o f A u g u s t u s .
59
A c c o r d i n g t o Strabo, a quarter o r even a t h i r d o f the w h o l e
c i t y was " r o y a l t e r r i t o r y , " a n d this Basileia o f r o u g h l y 1,600 m i n d i ­
ameter m u s t have presented herself basically as a spacious landscape o f
p a r k s a n d pleasure gardens w i t h scattered sanctuaries, palaces, r o y a l
b u i l d i n g s , shrines, a n d profane architecture g r a d u a l l y s p r i n g i n g u p here
and there.
60
Something l i k e consistent c i t y p l a n n i n g is n o w h e r e manifest.
Every Ptolemaic k i n g was o b v i o u s l y free t o choose whatever a n d w h e r ­
ever he w a n t e d t o b u i l d , a n d due t o the immense p r o p o r t i o n s o f A l e x a n ­
dria's parks a n d gardens, b u i l d i n g l a n d was a m p l y available. T h i s again
is affirmed by Strabo: " A n d the c i t y has very fine p u b l i c sanctuaries a n d
' T h e Palaces,' w h i c h f o r m a quarter o r even a t h i r d o f the entire enclo­
sure. For each o f the kings added some a d o r n m e n t t o the p u b l i c dedica­
tions a n d also added p r i v a t e l y further residential blocks t o those already
existing."
61
T h i s is further c o n f i r m e d by D i o d o r o s : " A n d n o t o n l y
A l e x a n d e r b u t those w h o after h i m r u l e d E g y p t d o w n t o o u r o w n t i m e
w i t h few exceptions have enlarged this [i.e., A l e x a n d r i a ] w i t h lavish
additions."
6 2
Some o f the projects were n o t even considered w o r t h
finish­
i n g , as is possibly demonstrated by a huge b u i l d i n g site w i t h m a n y differ­
ent c o m p o u n d s , abandoned i n the early second c e n t u r y B . C . , r i g h t i n the
heart o f the c i t y ( f o l d - o u t m a p : Temple o f Poseidon?). H o e p f n e r , t h i n k ­
i ng o f a n e w fashion, n o w suggests " t h a t the unfinished b u i l d i n g s were
l o o k e d at as a w e l c o m e e n r i c h m e n t of the p a r k l a n d a n d that the predilec­
t i o n f o r the inchoate, i n c l u d i n g unfinished architecture, evolved exactly
i n this p e r i o d . "
6 3
T h i s fascinating h y p o t h e s i s
64
seems t o be s u p p o r t e d
by a r e m a r k a b l e object f r o m V a r a p o d i o (Tresilico) near Reggio d i Cala­
bria
6 5
(fig. 16), n o w k e p t i n the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m o f Reggio. T h e c i r c u ­
lar tortoiseshell b o x l i d was allegedly discovered a r o u n d 1924 i n a t o m b
FIG.
16
t h a t was said also t o have p r o d u c e d H e l l e n i s t i c pottery. T h e t o p o f the
L i d of a tobacco box. Nineteenth
l i d is decorated w i t h g o l d - a n d electrum-leaf inlays f o r m i n g a landscape
century. Reconstructed by Ulrike
s i m i l a r t o those k n o w n f r o m Pompeian w a l l paintings; the side bears a
frieze o f h o v e r i n g butterflies. T h e whereabouts given as its finding place
Denis after E. Galli, Rivista
Istituto
dell'Arte
d'Archeologia
del R.
e Storia
6 (1937): 37, fig. 7.
Grimm
h a d been n o t e d by archaeologists already i n 1904 w h e n excavations i n
the v i c i n i t y uncovered several t o m b s o f H e l l e n i s t i c date, one o f t h e m c o n ­
taining
6 6
p o t t e r y , g o l d earrings, a n d a since-famous gold-glass b o w l .
A c c o r d i n g t o M i c h a e l Pfrommer's investigations, the e a r r i n g s ,
68
6 7
which
end i n antelopes' heads, were made a b o u t 2 0 0 B . C . , a type l i n k e d t o the
H e l l e n i s t i c East. T h i s provides us w i t h i m p o r t a n t clues c o n c e r n i n g b o t h
the date a n d the landscape w h e r e the gold-glass b o w l was m a n u f a c t u r e d .
I t c o u l d also have helped t o assign the tortoiseshell l i d t o its p r o p e r place
i n t i m e a n d area o f o r i g i n . I n the m e a n t i m e , however, i t t u r n e d o u t t h a t
the object i n q u e s t i o n came f r o m someone's p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y (and n o t
f r o m a t o m b ) , a n d several colleagues f r o m I t a l y recognized i t f o r w h a t
i t , i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , really is: the l i d o f a t o b a c c o b o x f r o m the nine­
teenth c e n t u r y .
69
I n s u m m a r y , the shape o f the city, the course o f her w a l l s , the
system o f her streets, a n d c e r t a i n i m p o r t a n t p o i n t s such as the agora a n d
the p o s i t i o n o f a few temples were fixed b y her f o u n d e r , A l e x a n d e r the
Great. I t was n o t foreseen i n w h a t w a y the n e w r o y a l c i t y w o u l d u n f o l d
and develop.
70
D e t a i l e d , farsighted, o r consequential c i t y p l a n n i n g
s h o u l d therefore n o t be r e c k o n e d w i t h , as i t a p p a r e n t l y d i d n o t exist.
University of Trier
T R I E R ,
G E R M A N Y
67
68
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Notes
1
T h e f o l l o w i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o n t h e u r b a n de­
Memoire,
v e l o p m e n t o f A l e x a n d r i a under the Ptolemaic
i n D e n m a r k , see Memoire,
kings represent a p a r t i a l result o f the author's
w r i t t e n o n S e p t e m b e r 6, 1 8 7 2 , i n C o p e n h a g e n ) .
m o r e extensive c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o the
T h e engineer's s c h o l a r l y a c h i e v e m e n t s a n d his
zur Topographie
des antiken
Bildlexikon
which
Alexandria,
p p . 1 2 9 - 3 0 ; f o r M a h m o u d Bey's stay
p. 131
(addendum,
m a p o f t h e N i l e m e t r o p o l i s c a m e t o o late t o
w i l l be p u b l i s h e d b y t h e G e r m a n A r c h a e o l o g i ­
be t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t i n N a p o l e o n ' s
cal I n s t i t u t e i n B e r l i n . T h e p r o j e c t w a s s u p ­
de Jules
Cesar.
p o r t e d i n m a n y ways by the C a i r o b r a n c h o f the
(Guerre
des Gaules),
German Archaeological Institute ( D A I Cairo). I
1 8 6 6 , ends w i t h Caesar's c r o s s i n g t h e R u b i c o n
Histoire
T h e s e c o n d a n d last v o l u m e
w h i c h a p p e a r e d i n Paris i n
w i s h t o express m y g r a t i t u d e t o its f o r m e r d i r e c ­
i n 4 9 B . C . T h e r e m a i n i n g p e r i o d u n t i l Caesar's
t o r , W . K a i s e r , a n d t o his successor, R . Stadel-
death, a n d consequently the A l e x a n d r i a n w a r o f
m a n n . T h a n k s are d u e also t o m y f r i e n d D i e t e r
4 8 / 4 7 , c o u l d n o t be t a k e n i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n b y
J o h a n n e s , p h o t o g r a p h e r at t h e D A I C a i r o u n t i l
the French emperor, w h o died i n 1873.
early 1993,
w
n
o
t n a d e t h e negatives o f t h e p h o ­
t o g r a p h s r e p r o d u c e d i n figures 1 - 7 ,
U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o t m a n y copies o f M a h ­
9-12,
m o u d Bey's p i o n e e r i n g studies seem t o h a v e a p ­
a n d 1 5 . T h e s e , l i k e t h e c o m p l e t e set o f n e w p h o ­
t o g r a p h y for the above-mentioned
peared i n p r i n t ; their accessibility m a y have
dictionary,
been t o o l i m i t e d f o r t h e p u b l i c t o realize f u l l y
are p r e s e r v e d i n t h e a r c h i v e o f t h e F o r s c h u n g s -
the scholarly profile o f this learned m a n , w h o
z e n t r u m G r i e c h i s c h - R o m i s c h e s A g y p t e n at U n i ­
h a d been b r o u g h t u p a n d e d u c a t e d i n Paris. R e ­
versity of Trier.
g a r d i n g t h i s d r a w b a c k , his a u t h o r i z a t i o n o f a
G e r m a n s u m m a r y o f his r e s u l t s , g r a n t e d i n 1 8 7 2
2
P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
to H e i n r i c h K i e p e r t i n Berlin, l o o k s a l l the m o r e
vol. 1
Alexandria,
( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) , p . 4; v o l . 2, p . 3 n . 9
i m p o r t a n t ( M a h m o u d Bey's m a p o f A l e x a n d r i a
(hereafter
a b b r e v i a t e d " F r a s e r , 1" a n d " F r a s e r , 11");
w a s also m a d e a v a i l a b l e f o r Baedeker's
R . S. B a g n a l l , " T h e D a t a o f t h e F o u n d a t i o n o f
fubrer
A l e x a n d r i a , " American
cf. n o t e 7 b e l o w ) : " Z u r T o p o g r a p h i e des a l i e n
tory
Journal
of Ancient
His­
A l e x a n d r i a . N a c h M a h m u d Beg's E n t d e c k u n -
4 (1979): 4 6 - 4 9 ·
g e n . . . , " Zeitschrift
3
Reise-
a n d its F r e n c h a n d E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s ;
der Gesellschaft
fur
Erdkunde
nach N i k o p o l i s : Stadtebau u n d Stadtbilder hel-
K i e p e r t ' s m a p , r e p r o d u c e d o n p i . 5 o f his w o r k
l e n i s t i s c h e r Z e i t , " i n Akten
tional
Kongresses
Berlin
1988
des xm.
fur Klassische
zu Berlin
7 ( 1 8 7 2 ) : 3 3 7 - 5 9 , p i . 5.
W . Hoepfner, " V o n Alexandria uber Pergamon
Interna­
( o n a scale o f 1 : 2 0 , 0 0 0 as o p p o s e d t o M a h ­
Archaologie,
m o u d Bey's 1 : 1 0 , 0 0 0 ) , focuses o n t h e a n c i e n t
c i t y , l e a v i n g its m o d e r n state o u t o f a c c o u n t .
(Mainz 1990), pp. 2 7 5 - 7 8 .
D u r i n g a stay i n A l e x a n d r i a ( M a r c h 1 8 7 0 ) ,
4
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 1 - 3 7 ; Fraser, m
K i e p e r t h a d the o p p o r t u n i t y t o acquaint himself
(note 2 above), pp.
w i t h the l a y o u t o f the t o w n a n d the p r o b l e m s
119-20.
r a i s e d b y i t . H i s v e r s i o n o f M a h m o u d Bey's p l a n
5
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 - 9 ; i d e m , " A l e x ­
differs f r o m its m o d e l i n t h a t t h e c o l u m n s d i s ­
andria from M o h a m m e d A l i to Gamal A b d a l
c o v e r e d a n d t h e r o a d sections e x p l o r e d b y " T h e
N a s s e r , " i n Alexandrien:
E n g i n e e r " have been i n d i c a t e d .
dreier
Jahrtausende
mediterranen
Kulturbegegnungen
im Schmelztiegel
einer
Aegyptiaca Treveren-
Grofistadt,
sia. T r i e r e r S t u d i e n z u m
griechisch-romischen
7
F. N o a c k , " N e u e U n t e r s u c h u n g e n i n A l e x a n ­
d r i a , " Mitteilungen
gischen
Agypten, vol. 1 (Mainz 1981), pp. 6 3 - 7 4 .
Instituts,
des Deutschen
Athenische
Abteilung
Archaolo25
(1900): 2 1 5 - 7 9 , pis. 9 - 1 1 . Noack's i m p o r t a n t
6
Memoire
bourgs
sur Vantique
et environs
sondages,
Alexandrie,
decouverts
nivellements
et autres
(Copenhagen 1872); A . Adriani,
d'arte
dell'Egitto
greco-romano
ses
par les
investigations were carried o u t exactly a h u n ­
fau­
fouilles,
recherches
. . .
Repertorio
C, v o l . 1
d r e d years after t h e first c r e d i t a b l e i n v e n t o r y o f
A l e x a n d r i a ' s v i s i b l e a n c i e n t r e m a i n s h a d been
d r a w n up by a group of most remarkable schol­
ars ( " C o m m i s s i o n des sciences et des a r t s " ) ,
( P a l e r m o 1 9 6 6 ) , p p . 5 5 - 5 7 , n o . 6; v o l . 2
w h o m N a p o l e o n the Great h a d a p p o i n t e d t o
( P a l e r m o 1 9 6 3 ) , p i . 3, fig. 6 a n d p i . 4 , fig. 7
w o r k i n t h e w a k e o f his a r m y i n 1 7 9 8 a n d
(hereafter a b b r e v i a t e d " A d r i a n i , 1" a n d
(for m a p s o f t h e c i t y r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h i s F r e n c h
1799
" A d r i a n i , 11"); Fraser, π ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 13
survey, cf. Fraser, 1 [ n o t e 2 a b o v e ] , p i . 1 [ f r o n t i s ­
n . 3 1 . F o r b o t h m a p s o f a n c i e n t A l e x a n d r i a , cf.
p i e c e ] , a n d p i . 2 [ f o l l o w i n g p . 2 0 ] ; Fraser, π
Grimm
[ n o t e 2 a b o v e ] , p . 2 0 n . 3 4 [cf. p . 13 n . 3 1 § 1 ] ;
c o n s t r u c t i o n o f D e i n o k r a t e s ' l a y o u t of the city,
cf. also t h e m a p o n p p . 1 1 2 - 1 3 , i n M o r s i Saad
t h o u g h the u n p r o v e n course of the city w a l l was
E l - D i n et a l . , Alexandria:
t a k e n o v e r f r o m M a h m o u d Bey ( n o t e 6 a b o v e )
tory
The Site and the
His­
[ N e w Y o r k 1 9 9 3 ] ) . N o a c k himself was a
m e m b e r o f the so-called Sieglin E x p e d i t i o n , a
a n d K i e p e r t ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) . G o i n g b a c k t o these
t w o , I have f u r t h e r s k e t c h e d i n t h e t w o b r i d g e s
t e a m a s s e m b l e d a n d sent t o A l e x a n d r i a t o c l a r ­
o f t h e H e p t a s t a d i o n (cf. S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 ; Caesar,
ify certain unsettled t o p o g r a p h i c a l questions
Bellum
that h a d arisen w h i l e a n e w m a p of the E g y p ­
nades e x t e n d i n g a l o n g s i d e b o t h m a i n r o a d s
Alexandrinum
1 9 ) as w e l l as t h e c o l o n ­
tian metropolis was being d r a w n i n Berlin. The
( " C a n o p i c S t r e e t " a n d "Palace S t r e e t " ) , w h i c h
mission was financed by Ernst (von) Sieglin, an
are i n d i c a t e d o n K i e p e r t ' s m a p b u t h a d i n d e e d ,
i n d u s t r i a l i s t f r o m S t u t t g a r t , o n b e h a l f o f his
at least p a r t l y , b e e n d i s c o v e r e d a l r e a d y b y
b r o t h e r , W i l h e l m S i e g l i n , w h o i n t h o s e days
M a h m o u d Bey ( f o r t h e H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , cf.
h e l d t h e c h a i r o f g e o g r a p h y (as t h e successor o f
H . L a u t e r , Die Architektur
H e i n r i c h K i e p e r t [ n o t e 6 a b o v e ] ) at U n i v e r s i t y
[ D a r m s t a d t 1 9 8 6 ] , p p . 8 0 - 8 2 ) . As the c o l o n ­
des
Hellenismus
of Berlin. A second c a m p a i g n i n w h i c h N o a c k
nade o f "Palace Street," a c c o r d i n g t o Kiepert's
was supposed t o partake, scheduled for the
m a p , a l m o s t came u p t o the c i t y w a l l , I have
winter of 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 0 0 ,
f u r t h e r a d d e d several r e s i d e n t i a l q u a r t e r s i n t h e
n a
c ! t o be c a n c e l e d o n
account of a plague epidemic i n A l e x a n d r i a . A f ­
southeastern region. O n the other h a n d the
terwards N o a c k was a p p o i n t e d t o the chair of
c o u r s e o f t h e e a s t e r n w a l l has b e e n a l t e r e d ,
classical a r c h a e o l o g y at Jena a n d hence h a d t o
thereby r e d u c i n g the n u m b e r of residential
d i s c o n t i n u e his w o r k f o r t h e S i e g l i n E x p e d i t i o n
quarters. F u r t h e r m o r e i t appeared useful t o
a l t o g e t h e r . W . Sieglin's n e w m a p o f A l e x a n d r i a
sketch i n the early necropoleis i n the eastern
was eventually reproduced i n the t h i r d e d i t i o n
a n d w e s t e r n areas o f A l e x a n d r i a (cf. Fraser, 1
of Baedeker's p o p u l a r traveler's guide
gypten:
Handbuch
Unter-Aegypten
Halbinsel
fur Reisende.
bis zum
Fayum
[ n o t e 2 a b o v e ] , m a p f o l l o w i n g p . 8) a n d t o m a r k
(Ae-
Erster
Theil:
und die
Sinai-
o u t the p o s i t i o n s o f the Alabaster T o m b , the re­
c e n t l y f o u n d m o s a i c s (see n o t e 35 b e l o w ) , a n d
the house w i t h the stag-hunt mosaic. D u r i n g
[ L e i p z i g 1 8 9 4 ] , f o l l o w i n g p . 8 ) , re­
p l a c i n g the one t h a t h a d been d r a w n a c c o r d i n g
the first c e n t u r y B.c.(?) the t o w n e x p a n d e d c o n ­
t o M a h m o u d Bey's m a p o f t h e c i t y i n t h e t w o
s i d e r a b l y t o w a r d t h e east, a n d " C a n o p i c S t r e e t "
e a r l i e r e d i t i o n s (see first e d . [ L e i p z i g 1 8 7 7 ] ,
seems t o h a v e been e x t e n d e d c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y .
f o l l o w i n g p . 2 2 4 ) . Sieglin's m a p h a d been p u b ­
A n e n t h u s i a s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n o f these c o l o n n a d e d
lished i n 1893: A d r i a n i , 1 (note 6 above),
m a i n r o a d s is p r e s e r v e d i n A c h i l l e s Tatius's
p p . 5 3 - 5 5 , n o s . 4 - 5 ; A d r i a n i , 11 p i . 2 , figs.
n o v e l Clitophon
4 - 5 . T h e r e is a n o t h e r , m o r e e x t e n s i v e m a p
s e c o n d c e n t u r y A . D . (cf. H . H e i n e n , " A l e x a n -
and Leucippe
(5.1) o f the later
by Sieglin i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m of
drien: Weltstadt u n d Residenz," i n
A l e x a n d r i a , s h o w i n g the c o l u m n s discovered
[ n o t e 5 a b o v e ] , p p . 5 - 6 ) ; P. M . Fraser, " B y z a n ­
a n d t h e r o a d sections e x p l o r e d b y M a h m o u d
t i n e A l e x a n d r i a : D e c l i n e a n d F a l l , " Bulletin
Bey, t o o . E . B r e c c i a , Alexandrea
la Societe
ad
Aegyptum
romaines
fouilles
tardives
Polonaises
d'Alexandrie
a Kom
habitations
a la lumiere
el-Dikka,
d'Alexandrie
de
(Alexan­
d r i a n Studies i n M e m o r i a m D a o u d A b d u
( B e r g a m o 1 9 2 2 ) , fig. 2 5 ; A d r i a n i , 1 ( n o t e 6
a b o v e ) , p . 5 5 ; M . R o d z i e w i c z , Les
Archeologique
Alexandrien
des
Alexandrie,
D a o u d ) 45 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 9 3 . Achilles Tatius (Loeb
Classical L i b r a r y ) , w i t h an English t r a n s l a t i o n
b y S. Gaselee ( L o n d o n 1 9 1 7 ) , p p . 2 3 7 - 3 8 : " A f ­
ter a v o y a g e l a s t i n g f o r t h r e e d a y s , w e a r r i v e d at
v o l . 3 ( W a r s a w 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 3 1 7 , p i . 2.
A l e x a n d r i a . I e n t e r e d i t b y t h e S u n G a t e , as i t is
8
Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 4 - 1 6 n . 3 1 .
called, a n d was i n s t a n t l y struck by the s p l e n d i d
9
A d r i a n i ' s m a p s h o w i n g t h e area o f t h e " B a s i -
delight. F r o m the Sun Gate t o the M o o n
l e i a " w i t h a synopsis of the w h e r e a b o u t s o f a l l
these are t h e g u a r d i a n d i v i n i t i e s o f t h e e n ­
i t e m i z e d d i s c o v e r i e s p r o v e d p a r t i c u l a r l y rele­
trances—led a straight double r o w of columns,
b e a u t y o f t h e c i t y , w h i c h filled m y eyes w i t h
Gate—
vant: "Saggio d i una pianta archeologica d i
a b o u t t h e m i d d l e o f w h i c h lies t h e o p e n p a r t o f
A l e s s a n d r i a , " Annuario
t h e t o w n , a n d i n i t so m a n y streets t h a t w a l k i n g
Romano
del Museo
Greco-
1 ( A l e x a n d r i a 1934): 5 6 - 9 6 , nos. 1 -
121.
in t h e m y o u w o u l d fancy yourself a b r o a d w h i l e
s t i l l at h o m e . G o i n g a f e w h u n d r e d y a r d s f u r ­
t h e r , I c a m e t o t h e q u a r t e r c a l l e d after A l e x a n ­
der, w h e r e I s a w a s e c o n d t o w n ; t h e s p l e n d o u r
10
See n o t e 2 a b o v e .
I I
H o e p f n e r ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 7 5 - 7 8 , f i g . 2; cf.
o f c o l u m n s i n t e r s e c t e d b y a n o t h e r as l o n g at
also figs. 1 , 3. T h e p l a n p r e s e n t e d here ( f o l d - o u t
r i g h t angles. I t r i e d t o cast m y eyes d o w n every
m a p ) g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w s H o e p f n e r ' s i m p o r t a n t re­
street, b u t m y gaze w a s s t i l l u n s a t i s f i e d , a n d I
of this was cut i n t o squares, for there was a r o w
69
70
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
c o u l d n o t g r a s p a l l t h e b e a u t y o f t h e s p o t at
h i s p r e j u d g i n g N o a c k ' s w o r k even a y e a r b e f o r e
o n c e ; s o m e p a r t s I saw, s o m e I w a s o n t h e p o i n t
t h e r e s u l t s w e r e p u b l i s h e d b y t h e l a t t e r ; cf.
o f seeing, s o m e I e a r n e s t l y d e s i r e d t o see, s o m e I
D . G . H o g a r t h a n d R . C . B o s a n q u e t , Journal
c o u l d n o t pass b y ; t h a t w h i c h I a c t u a l l y s a w
Hellenic
of
19 ( 1 8 9 9 ) : 3 2 6 .
Studies
k e p t m y gaze fixed, w h i l e t h a t w h i c h I e x p e c t e d
t o see w o u l d d r a g i t o n t o t h e n e x t . I e x p l o r e d
13
t h e r e f o r e e v e r y street, a n d at last, m y v i s i o n u n ­
3 . 1 . 5 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3;
Anab.
Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 n . 3.
satisfied, e x c l a i m e d i n w e a r i n e s s , ' A h , m y eyes,
w e are b e a t e n . ' T w o t h i n g s s t r u c k m e as espe­
14
17.52.. Diodorus
of Sicily
(Loeb Classical L i ­
cially strange a n d e x t r a o r d i n a r y — i t was i m p o s ­
brary), w i t h an English translation by C. Brad­
sible t o d e c i d e w h i c h w a s t h e greatest, t h e size
f o r d Welles, v o l . 8 ( L o n d o n 1963), p. 267;
o f t h e p l a c e o r its b e a u t y , t h e c i t y i t s e l f o r its i n ­
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
habitants; for the f o r m e r was larger t h a n a c o n ­
a b o v e ) , p p . 2 - 3 n . 6.
tinent, the latter o u t n u m b e r e d a w h o l e n a t i o n .
L o o k i n g at t h e c i t y , I d o u b t e d w h e t h e r a n y race
15
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 4 - 6 .
o f m e n c o u l d ever fill i t ; l o o k i n g at t h e i n h a b i ­
t a n t s , I w o n d e r e d w h e t h e r a n y c i t y c o u l d ever
16
be f o u n d l a r g e e n o u g h t o h o l d t h e m a l l . T h e
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
above), p. 4 n . 1 1 .
b a l a n c e seemed e x a c t l y e v e n . " O u r s l i g h t l y
m o d i f i e d p l a n ( f o l d - o u t m a p ) w a s d r a w n after
17
Hoepfner's reconstruction by Ulrike Denis,
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
above), p . 4 n . 12 a n d p . 10 n . 2 4 ; B . R . B r o w n ,
d r a u g h t s w o m a n at t h e A r c h a e o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e
" D e i n o k r a t e s a n d A l e x a n d r i a , " The Bulletin
of Trier University.
the American
Society
of Papyrologists
of
15
(1978): 3 9 - 4 2 12
H o e p f n e r ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 7 5 - 7 8 , figs. 1 ,
3. F o r t h e p r o b l e m s i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e
18
P t o l e m a i c r o a d s y s t e m a n d t h e c i t y gates, cf. t h e
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 7; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
above), p . 10 n . 2 5 .
d i s c u s s i o n b y Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 1 4 ; Fraser, π ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 6 - 3 0 n n . 6 4 -
19
69. H i s rather pessimistic p o i n t o f v i e w ( " a n d
Hist.
4 . 8 3 . 1 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 2 ;
Fraser, n ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 25 n . 5 5 .
t h e w h o l e n e t w o r k o f streets t r a c e d b y h i m [ i . e . ,
M a h m o u d B e y ] is best i g n o r e d " ) is n o t a f f i r m e d
20
This conclusion looks likely but n o t altogether
b y Hoepfner's considerations. Fraser o b v i o u s l y
c o m p e l l i n g , as t h e t e r m moenia
does n o t p u t m u c h c o n f i d e n c e i n t h e results o f
c i t y w a l l s as w e l l as t o a n y o t h e r t y p e o f
Noack's excavations carried o u t i n 1898 and
f o r t i f i c a t i o n . T a k i n g i n t o a c c o u n t t h a t Caesar
can apply to
1 8 9 9 (see n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , w h i c h h a d p r i n c i p a l l y
(Bellum
c o r r o b o r a t e d M a h m o u d Bey's street s y s t e m .
regia,
H i s c o m m e n t a p p e a r s r a t h e r t o be i n f l u e n c e d
arx,
b y D . G . H o g a r t h ' s o p i n i o n expressed i n 1 8 9 5
some m i n o r f o r t i f i c a t i o n w i t h i n the Basileia o f
( D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n , " R e p o r t o n
A l e x a n d r i a ( I owe this suggestion t o m y friend
civile
3 . 1 1 2 ) calls a s m a l l e r p a r t o f t h e
a p a r t connected w i t h the Great H a r b o r ,
t h e t e r m moenia
here m i g h t also refer t o
Prospects o f Research i n A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h N o t e
a n d colleague H e i n z H e i n e n , D e p a r t m e n t o f
o n Excavations i n A l e x a n d r i a n Cemeteries,"
A n c i e n t H i s t o r y at U n i v e r s i t y o f T r i e r ) .
Egypt
port
Exploration
Fund:
Archaeological
Re­
1 8 9 4 - 1 8 9 5 [ L o n d o n 1 8 9 5 ] : p . 17 n . 1 ) .
21
H o g a r t h h a d d r a w n quite an unfavorable pic­
Fr. 1 9 1 , lines 9 - 1 1 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) ,
p . 1 2 ; Fraser, n ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 25 n . 5 6 .
t u r e o f M a h m o u d Bey's a c h i e v e m e n t w i t h o u t
investigating the matter himself. " I a m g l a d ,
22
therefore, that I can avoid basing any of m y
2 . 2 8 : T€LX7] TTvpyous €V/ULr)KOLS Kal /uL€TapaCoi$;
Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 n . 6 3 .
o w n w o r k o n h i s . I feel t h e greatest u n c e r t a i n t y
as t o h i s r e c t a n g u l a r m a p o f t h e c i t y . " N o a c k ,
23
h o w e v e r , v e r i f i e d t h e a l l e g e d street l a y o u t o n l y a
1 7 . 1 . 8 - 1 0 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 1 ;
Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 25 n . 5 3 .
f e w years l a t e r b y d i g g i n g d o w n t o t h e b e d r o c k
at m a n y p o i n t s i n t h e r o y a l q u a r t e r , w h e r e he
24
M a h m o u d Bey ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 2 - 1 8 ;
c o u l d c l e a r l y see t h a t t h e P t o l e m a i c streets r a n
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
exactly underneath the medieval a n d R o m a n
above), p. 26 n . 63.
ones m a p p e d o u t b y M a h m o u d Bey, a l b e i t o n a
m u c h deeper l e v e l . ( F o r t h e w i d t h s o f t h e H e l ­
25
F o r t h e size a n d d i m e n s i o n s o f P t o l e m a i c
l e n i s t i c streets, cf. H o e p f n e r [ n o t e 3 a b o v e ] ,
A l e x a n d r i a , see Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) ,
p . 2 7 5 . ) S o m e c a u t i o n seems a d v i s a b l e c o n c e r n ­
pp. 2 6 - 2 7 n . 64.
i n g H o g a r t h ' s p o i n t o f v i e w , as is suggested b y
G r i m m
26
E . B r e c c i a , La necropoli
( M a i n z 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 1 0 3 - 1 0 , n o . 2, pis. C, 4, 7a,
Catalogue
di Sciatbi,
G e n e r a l des A n t i q u i t e s E g y p t i e n n e s , M u s e e
1 0 , 1 1 , 1 2 b , c. T h i s p a r t o f t h e t o w n h a d a p p a r ­
d'Alexandrie, vol. i (Cairo 1912), pp. 4 9 - 5 0 ,
e n t l y been t h e site o f p o m p o u s m a n s i o n s b e l o n g ­
nos. 9 1 - 9 2 , fig. 36; i b i d . , v o l . 2, pis. 4 7 - 4 8 ,
i n g t o l e a d i n g p e r s o n a l i t i e s at t h e A l e x a n d r i a n
nos 7 1 - 7 4 .
court. O n l y very recently (1993), w h i l e prepar­
i n g the f o u n d a t i o n w a l l s of the n e w A l e x a n ­
27
H . A . T h o m p s o n , Hesperia
d r i a n l i b r a r y i n Shatby, w e r e t w o m o r e m o s a i c s
3 (1934): 315 n . 1
a n d 3 4 8 n . 1 . A d r i a n i a n d also ( b u t m o r e re­
of the early second century B . C . discovered near
s e r v e d l y ) Fraser h a d a l r e a d y e x p r e s s e d t h e i r
the house w i t h the stag-hunt mosaic ( I o w e this
doubts concerning any exclusive early d a t i n g
piece o f i n f o r m a t i o n t o m y f r i e n d a n d c o l l e a g u e
i n t o t h e late f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . : Fraser, 1 ( n o t e
W . A . D a s z e w s k i ) ; see D . S a i d , Bulletin
de
2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 2 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 103
stitut
94
n. 240.
(1994): 3 7 7 - 8 0 , color illustrations o n pp. 487
Frangais
d'Archeologie
Orientale
iTn-
( A , B) a n d 4 8 9 ( C , D ) .
28
W . D . E. C o u l s o n , " C h a t b y
Journal
of Egyptian
Reconsidered,"
national
Kongresses
gie, Berlin
1988
73 ( 1 9 8 7 ) :
Archaeology
2 3 4 - 3 6 ; S. I . R o t r o f f , i n Akten
des xm.
36
fur Klassische
1 7 . 1 . 1 0 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 ; Fraser,
11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 n . 6 1 ; J. Fedak's r e m a r k
Inter­
(Monumental
Archaolo-
Study
( M a i n z 1990), pp. 174,
to Early
177-78.
Tombs
in Selected
Imperial
of the Hellenistic
Tombs
from
Age:
the
A
Pre-Classical
Supplementary
Era, Phoenix,
v o l u m e 27 [ T o r o n t o 1 9 9 0 ] , p . 129), "the west­
29
ern necropolis of Gabbari, Wardian, Mafrusa,
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 2 - 3 3 ; Fraser, 11
(note 2 above), p p . 1 0 4 - 5
n
n
-
a n d M e x c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e i n t o use f r o m
M9 5°-
t h e l a t e r s e c o n d c e n t u r y o n w a r d , " is o f c o u r s e
30
c o r r e c t . B u t t h i s is o n l y h a l f t h e t r u t h .
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8667
( f o u n d i n 1 8 9 6 ; H . : 25 c m ) ; C . C l a i r m o n t ,
"Greek Pottery f r o m the N e a r East,"
Berytus
37
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8512
1 1 ( 1 9 5 5 ) : 1 2 4 , n o . 2 3 2 , p i . 2 8 . 1 a , b ; J. D . Beaz-
( f o u n d b e t w e e n 1 8 9 0 a n d 1 9 0 0 ; H . : 13.5 c m ) ;
ley, Attic
C . W a t z i n g e r , Mitteilungen
Red-figure
2 n d ed. ( O x ­
Vase-painters,
Archaologischen
ford 1963), p. 1455.
Instituts,
des
Deutschen
Athenische
Abteilung
2 6 ( 1 9 0 1 ) : 7 6 - 7 7 , n o . 2 1 ; R . Pagenstecher, Die
3I
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8668
Gefajle
( f o u n d i n 1 8 9 9 ; H . : 16.5 c m ; f o o t r e s t o r e d ) .
i n D i e griechisch-agyptische S a m m l u n g Ernst
in Stein
und
Ton,
Knochenschnitzereien,
P u b l i c a t i o n p e r m i s s i o n was g r a n t e d by Youssef
v o n Sieglin, v o l . 2, p a r t 3 (Leipzig 1 9 1 3 ) , p . 18,
el-Gheriani.
f i g . 2 4 . T h e f o l l o w i n g references are d u e t o
M i c h a e l P f r o m m e r , w h o s e k i n d readiness t o
32
A l e x a n d r i a , Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8669
help I gratefully acknowledge: W i t h the excep­
(found i n 1895; H . : 20 c m ) ; C l a i r m o n t (note 30
t i o n of the b u t slightly differing p r o p o r t i o n s of
above), p. 123, n o . 225, p i . 27.2a, b.
n e c k a n d b o d y , o u r W e s t Slope k a n t h a r o s
from
G a b b a r i - A l e x a n d r i a finds a v e r y close a n a l o g y
33
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 19462;
i n n o r t h e r n P o n t i c O l b i a (St. P e t e r s b u r g , H e r ­
G . G r i m m , " O r i e n t u n d O k z i d e n t i n der K u n s t
mitage O l 4355: T. N . Knipovic,
A l e x a n d r i e n s , " i n Alexandrien
archeologija
(note 5 above),
Sovetskaja
1 1 [ 1 9 4 9 ] : 2 7 4 , 2 8 2 , figs. 3, 4 ) . A l ­
p p . 1 9 , 2 0 n . 4 2 , p i . 17a ( w i t h f u r t h e r l i t . ) ;
t h o u g h t h e G a b b a r i vessel is n o t d a t a b l e b y ar­
R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's
the
c h a e o l o g i c a l c o n t e x t s at t h e m o m e n t , t h e c l e a r l y
e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m
e s t a b l i s h e d e a r l i e r stages o f t y p o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p ­
Ptolemies,
Egypt:
Age of
ment of our type provide a well-founded termi­
1988), p. 226, ad no. 118.
nus p o s t q u e r n . F o r a n e a r l i e r e x a m p l e w i t h
34
A d r i a n i , 1 (note 6 above), p p . 1 4 0 - 4 3 , n o . 89,
s q u a t a n d r o u n d e d b o d y , see B . A . Sparkes a n d
a n d 2 3 0 , s.v. N e m e s e i o n ; A d r i a n i , 11 ( n o t e 6
L . T a l c o t t , Black
a b o v e ) , p i s . 6 1 - 6 3 , % - 2 . 1 1 - 1 8 ; Fraser, 1
The Athenian
( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) ,
n o . 7 2 1 , p i . 2 9 (ca. 3 2 5 - 3 1 0 ) . S t i l l less a d ­
p. 108 n . 2 6 3 .
v a n c e d t h a n t h e A l e x a n d r i a n vessel is a k a n ­
s
and Plain
Agora
v o l . 12 of
Pottery,
(Princeton 1970), p. 287,
tharos w i t h rotellae-decorated handles f r o m
35
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 21643;
W . A . D a s z e w s k i , Corpus
of Mosaics
from
Egypt,
v o l . 1 , Hellenistic
Period,
Aegyptiaca Treverensia. Trierer Studien
and Early
Roman
z u m griechisch-romischen Agypten, v o l . 3
K a l y m n o s , n o w i n Brussels, M u s e e s R o y a u x
A 1 7 1 7 : G . K o p c k e , Mitteilungen
Archaologischen
Instituts,
des
Athenische
Deutschen
Abteilung
7 9 ( 1 9 6 4 ) , p . 5 3 , Beilage n o . 4 4 . 6 ; M . P f r o m ­
m e r , Studien
zu alexandrinischer
und
grofi-
71
72
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
griechischer
Toreutik
friihhellenistischer
Zeit,
41
N e w e v i d e n c e o n " p l a q u e t t e " vases a n d t h e i r
Archaologische Forschungen 16 (Berlin 1987),
c h r o n o l o g y is p r o m i s e d b y t h e f o r t h c o m i n g d i s ­
p . 1 7 6 n . 1 2 4 5 (first h a l f o f t h i r d c e n t u r y ) . O u r
sertation o f M a r t h a Aeissen ( B o n n ) . F o r p r o v i ­
k a n t h a r o s is n o t o n l y f a r m o r e slender a n d its
s i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n , see G . G r i m m , i n
b o d y deeper, i t is a l r e a d y d e c o r a t e d w i t h t y p i c a l
Pharaonen,
W e s t Slope m o t i f s ( c o n c e n t r i c a l r e c t a n g l e s a n d
dam, and Hildesheim 1 9 7 8 - 1 9 7 9 ) , no. 107
c h e c k e r b o a r d p a t t e r n ) . F o r t h e rise o f these
w i t h i l l . a n d n o . 109 w i t h i l l . ; Andreassi (note
m o t i f s a m o n g A t t i c p a r a l l e l s , see T h o m p s o n
39 above), p p . 2 1 - 2 9 , pis. 5 - 6 ; K . Parlasca,
( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p . 3 4 9 , n o . C 1 1 , fig. 3 0 . I f w e
Orientalistische
b a l a n c e t h e e v i d e n c e , i t is h a r d l y p o s s i b l e t h a t
4 5 3 n . 3; D o h r n ( n o t e 3 9 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 7 -
79 (1984):
Literaturzeitung
o u r k a n t h a r o s predates the m i d d l e of the t h i r d
1 0 6 , pis. 6 2 - 7 5 ; K . Parlasca, i n A . C a m b i -
century.
t o g l o u a n d E . G . D . R o b i n s o n , eds.,
Art
38
Gotter,
e x h . cat. (Essen, M u n i c h , R o t t e r ­
in the Nicholson
Museum,
Sydney
Classical
(Mainz
1995), p p . 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 , pis. 6 2 - 6 4 .
O r i g i n a l s a m m l u n g der U n i v e r s i t a t H e i d e l b e r g
H 20; Watzinger (note 37 above), p . 77 n . 1;
Pagenstecher ( n o t e 3 7 a b o v e ) , p . 1 8 , fig. 25 left;
R . H a m p e a n d H . G r o p e n g i e E e r , Aus
Sammlung
des Archdologiscben
Universitat
Heidelberg
42
Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 1 n . 7 9 .
43
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 1 - 3 2 ; Fraser, 11
der
Instituts
der
(Mainz 1967), pp. 79,
(note 2 above), p . 102 n . 236.
1 1 2 , p i . 33 (the p h o t o g r a p h w a s k i n d l y p r o ­
39
vided by T. Holscher).
44
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum 21541
45
( f o u n d i n 1 9 2 3 ; H . : 4 4 c m ) ; E . B r e c c i a , Le
Musee
Greco-Romain
Trendall
of Arthur
46
Dale
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 7 - 2 0 ; Fraser, 11
(note 2 above), p p . 4 2 - 5 4 n n . 9 4 - 1 2 4 .
( S y d n e y 1 9 7 9 ) , p . 28 n . 3 3 . T . D o h r n ,
Mitteilungen
Instituts,
in Honour
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 1 ; Fraser, n ( n o t e 2
above), pp. 5 6 - 5 7 n n . 1 2 9 - 3 2 .
(Bergamo
1925-1931
1 9 3 2 ) : 3 4 - 3 5 , p i . 2 4 , figs. 8 9 , 9 0 ; G . A n dreassi, i n Studies
H o e p f n e r (note 3 above), p p . 2 7 6 - 7 8 .
des Deutschen
Rbmische
Abteilung
Arch'dologiscben
47
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 6 .
48
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 5 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
92 (1985): 98,
100, 104 ( " B . C . 3 1 0 / 3 0 5 - 2 7 5 " ) . The a m p h o r a
w a s d i s c o v e r e d i n t h e e a s t e r n m o s t area o f t h e
above), p. 30 n . 76.
western necropolis, a r e g i o n near the outlet o f
t h e c a n a l i n t o t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n ( r u e des
49
G . G r i m m , " Z u m P t o l e m a e r a l t a r aus d e m
Soeurs), w h i c h w a s p a r t l y b u i l t o v e r b y c o n ­
a l e x a n d r i n i s c h e n S a r a p e i o n , " i n Alessandria
s t r u c t i o n s o f t h e " S o c i e t e de Pressage et de
mondo
hellenistico-romano:
D e p o t s . " T h e cinerary u r n was f o u n d intact i n
Achille
Adriani,
a b u r i a l n i c h e a n d b r o k e o n l y w h i l e b e i n g "res­
p i . 8; D a s z e w s k i ( n o t e 35 a b o v e ) , p . 1 1 4 , n o . 8,
c u e d . " O t h e r n i c h e s i n t h e same t o m b c o n t a i n e d
p i . 16; M . Sabottka, "Das Serapeum i n A l e x a n ­
t h r e e b r o k e n vases o f t h e H a d r a t y p e . A b l a c k -
dria: Untersuchungen zur Architektur u n d
Studi
in onore
e il
di
vol. 1 (Rome 1983), pp. 7 0 - 7 3 ,
s l i p h y d r i a "avec des d e c o r a t i o n s en c o u l e u r
B a u g e s c h i c h t e des H e i l i g t u m s v o n d e r f r i i h e n
b l a n c h e s u p e r p o s e e , les anses . . . t r a v a i l l e e s
p t o l e m a i s c h e n Z e i t bis z u r Z e r s t o r u n g 3 9 1 n .
c o m m e des c o r d e s , p o u r v u e s de m a s q u e s p l a s -
C h r . , " v o l . 1 (diss., T e c h n i s c h e U n i v e r s i t a t , Ber­
t i q u e s a u p o i n t d ' a t t a c h e sur l ' e p a u l e " w a s ac­
l i n 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 3 0 - 5 5 ; i b i d . , v o l . 2, p p . 5 8 - 7 0
q u i r e d i n 1923 by a certain M r . M i l l s , then
n n . 1 - 8 7 ; i b i d . , v o l . 3, figs. 4 - 7 ; i b i d . , v o l . 4 ,
director o f the c o m p a n y m e n t i o n e d before; i t
p i s . 8 - 1 9 . A n e a r l i e r d a t i n g o f t h e first b u i l d ­
has been m i s s i n g ever since.
i n g i n t o t h e r e i g n o f P t o l e m y 1 is suggested b y
A c c o r d i n g t o the i n v e n t o r y o f the m u ­
S a b o t t k a ' s o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t its a x i s deviates
s e u m , these finds w e r e m a d e i n M a y 1 9 2 3 . T h i s
4 t o 5 degrees f r o m t h e r e g u l a r o r i e n t a t i o n o f
s t a t e m e n t is also s u p p o r t e d b y t h e o r d e r o f i n ­
the Ptolemaic r o a d n e t w o r k ( v o l . 1, p p . 30,
v e n t o r y n u m b e r s ; Breccia's e r r o n e o u s
reference
t o t h e y e a r 1 9 3 0 as t h e d a t e o f t h e d i s c o v e r y
s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e be d e l e t e d .
53 — 55), w h e r e a s t h e l a t e r t e m p l e o f Serapis
e r e c t e d b y Euergetes a l i g n s e x a c t l y w i t h t h e
street l a y o u t . A p r o b a b l e r e a s o n f o r t h i s d e v i a ­
t i o n c o u l d lie i n the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t i n the earli­
40
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum 27811
est stage o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t t h e
(found i n February 1965 by D r . H e n r i R i a d ; H . :
r o a d n e t w o r k h a d n o t y e t been e x p a n s i v e
39 c m ; m i n o r restorations). Permission t o p u b ­
e n o u g h t o cover the southwestern quarters o f
l i s h i t has been g r a n t e d b y H . R i a d .
the t o w n . For the l o c a t i o n o f the temple i n the
q u a r t e r o f R h a k o t i s , see Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2
Grimm
i n g p . 1 3 2 . T h i s a l l o w s us t o a p p r o x i m a t e t h e
a b o v e ) , p p . 5 - 6 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) ,
dimensions of the "Caesareum," w h i c h m u s t
pp. 6 - 9 n n . 1 5 - 2 0 and 22.
have t a k e n u p a l m o s t a c o m p l e t e insula,
50
thus
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum P 8357;
h a r d l y leaving enough r o o m for the sundial i n
G r i m m (note 4 1 above), no. 9 2 w i t h i l l .
t h e F o r u m I u l i u m ( F o r u m A u g u s t i , Sebaste
A g o r a ) . Geza A l f o l d y ( n o t e 5 6 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 8 -
5I
T h e i m p o r t a n t s t i l l - u n p u b l i s h e d results a c h i e v e d
4 9 , figs. 1 1 , 1 2 , has suggested l o c a t i n g i t i n t h i s
by M . S a b o t t k a ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) have c e r t a i n l y
area, w h i c h i n n o w a y d e t r a c t s f r o m his b r i l ­
c l e a r e d a n d c h a n g e d o u r p i c t u r e o f t h e Serapis
l i a n t d e d u c t i o n t h a t the s o - c a l l e d O b e l i s k o f
s a n c t u a r y i n A l e x a n d r i a (cf. t h e r e c e n t discus­
G a l l u s o n t h e Piazza d i San P i e t r o i n R o m e is
s i o n b y P. Pensabene, " E l e m e n t i a r c h i t e t t o n i c i
v e r y l i k e l y o n c e t o have f o r m e d p a r t o f a s u n ­
di Alessandria e d i altri siti Egiziani," i n
d i a l t h a t C l e o p a t r a v n erected i n A l e x a n d r i a
tories d'Arte
delVEgitto
Reper­
a n d t h a t served as m o d e l f o r A u g u s t u s ' s s u n d i a l
serie C ,
Greco-Romano,
on the C a m p u s M a r t i u s (Alfoldy, p p . 5 5 - 6 7 ) .
v o l . 3 [ R o m e 1 9 9 3 ] , PP- 195 — 2.03, based o n a
level o f k n o w l e d g e p r i o r t o S a b o t t k a ' s
research).
58
52
S a b o t t k a , 1 ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 6 - 6 7 ; Sa­
E . I v e r s e n , Obelisks
in Exile,
Obelisks
and England
Egypt:
54
The
(Copenhagen
Skyscrapers
of
of the Past ( N e w Y o r k
1 9 7 7 ) , p p . 1 7 6 - 8 2 , figs. 4 7 - 5 0 ; A l f o l d y ( n o t e
S a b o t t k a , 1 ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 7 - 6 8 ; Sa­
b o t t k a , i n ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , figs. 3 i d , 3 2 a , b ,
5 6 a b o v e ) , p . 43 n . 7 8 a n d p . 52 n . 1 0 0 ( w i t h
33a.
further lit.).
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m P 10035;
59
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
G r i m m ( n o t e 4 1 a b o v e ) , n o . 93 w i t h i l l .
above), pp. 6 8 - 7 0 n n . 1 5 5 - 6 3 ; H . H e i n e n ,
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 5 - 1 7 ; Fraser, 11
H . T e m p o r i n i , e d . , Aufstieg
(note 2 above), pp. 3 0 - 4 2 n n . 7 7 - 9 2 .
romischen
"Die
55
v o l . 2,
1 9 7 2 ) , p p . 9 o f f . ; L . H a b a c h i , The Obelisks
b o t t k a , i n ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , figs. 3 i a - c a n d 3 3 b .
53
of Istanbul
A n f a n g e des r o m i s c h e n K a i s e r k u l t e s , " i n
und Niedergang
der
Welt 18,5 ( B e r l i n 1 9 9 5 ) , p p . 3 1 5 2 . -
5556
M o u s e i o n : Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 5 ;
Fraser, n ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 0 - 3 1 n . 7 7 .
60
See n o t e 6 1 b e l o w . H o e p f n e r ' s s t a t e m e n t ( n o t e 3
Grave of Cleopatra v n and M a r k A n t o n y :
a b o v e , p . 2 7 7 ) t h a t a q u a r t e r o r a fifth o f t h e
Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 3 - 3 4 n . 8 1 ; T i -
c i t y h a d been " r o y a l t e r r i t o r y " is c e r t a i n l y a p ­
m o n e i o n : P l u t a r c h Life
plicable t o the s i t u a t i o n neither before Strabo's
of Antony
69 a n d 7 1
(Loeb Classical L i b r a r y ) , w i t h an English trans­
v i s i t n o r i n his d a y a n d r a t h e r m o r e l i k e l y t o be
lation by Bernadotte Perrin, v o l . 9 ( L o n d o n
t r u e f o r t h e I m p e r i a l age o n l y .
1920), p p . 2 9 7 , 3 0 1 ; A d r i a n i , 1 (note 6 above),
p . 2 5 5 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 4 ; Fraser, 11
(note 2 above), p. 66 n . 153; G . A l f o l d y ,
Der
Obelisk
hi-
auf dem Petersplatz
storisches
Monument
in Rom:
der Antike,
Ein
Sitzungs-
61
1 7 . 1 . 8 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 ; Fraser, 11
(note 2 above), p . 30 n . 70.
62
1 7 . 5 2 ; B r a d f o r d W e l l e s ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 9 .
63
H o e p f n e r (note 3 above), p . 277.
64
F o r t h e same p h e n o m e n o n i n m o r e r e c e n t t i m e s ,
b e r i c h t e d e r H e i d e l b e r g e r A k a d e m i e der
Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische
Klasse, n o . 2 ( H e i d e l b e r g 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 4 6 .
57
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2
see R . Z i m m e r m a n n , Kunstliche
a b o v e ) , p p . 6 8 - 7 0 n n . 1 5 5 - 6 3 ; cf. also K . T u -
dien zu ihrer
chelt, " Z u m P r o b l e m 'Kaisareion-Sebasteion'.
1989).
Bedeutung
Ruinen:
und Form
Stu-
(Wiesbaden
E i n e Frage z u d e n A n f a n g e n des r o m i s c h e n
K a i s e r k u l t e s , " Istanbuler
Mitteilungen
31
65
E. G a l l i , "Riflessi d i p i t t u r a alessandrina i n Ca­
( 1 9 8 1 ) : 1 6 7 - 8 6 . I n 1 8 7 4 massive f o u n d a t i o n
l a b r i a , " Rivista
del R. Istituto
blocks o f b o t h limestone a n d sandstone (mea­
Storia
6 ( 1 9 3 7 ) : 3 2 f f . , figs. 7, 8, 9 , 1 1
dell'Arte
d'Archeologia
e
s u r i n g 3 . 5 0 m a n d 2 . 5 0 m across, r e s p e c t i v e l y )
and p i . 1 (color reconstruction); D . B. Harden,
were discovered immediately south of " C l e o ­
Journal
of Glass
Studies
10 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 33.
patra's Needles." These blocks h a d doubtlessly
s u p p o r t e d the largest p a r t o f the
at o n e t i m e ; cf. T . N e r o u t s o s ,
Alexandrie:
graphique
Etude
archeologique
"Caesareum"
L'ancienne
et
topo-
(Paris 1 8 8 8 ) , p p . i o f f . , m a p f o l l o w ­
66
H a r d e n ( n o t e 65 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 2 - 3 3 , n o s . a - j
(with further lit.); M . Pfrommer,
chungen
zur Chronologie
stischen
Goldschmucks,
friih-
und
Untersuhochhelleni-
Istanbuler Forschungen
73
74
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
3 7 ( T u b i n g e n 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 2 3 7 , a d n o . F K 63
(with further lit.).
67
H a r d e n ( n o t e 65 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 2 - 3 3 , n o . 4 , figs.
3 1 - 3 2 ( w i t h further lit.); P f r o m m e r (note 66
a b o v e ) , p . 2 3 7 n . 1 8 0 1 ( w i t h f u r t h e r l i t . ) . See
also U . H a u s m a n n , Griechische
Weihreliefs
( B e r l i n i 9 6 0 ) , p p . 8 1 - 8 2 , fig. 5 1 ( p r o b a b l y
A l e x a n d r i a n , first h a l f s e c o n d c e n t u r y B . C . ) .
68
G a l l i ( n o t e 65 a b o v e ) , f i g . 1 0 ; P f r o m m e r ( n o t e
66 above), p . 169 ( O R 22), p . 237, no. F K 63,
pis. 3 0 , 4 5 . A r e a o f o r i g i n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f
the antelope-head earrings: P f r o m m e r , p p . 1 7 1 7 2 , fig. 3 1 .
69
I n f o r m a t i o n k i n d l y p r o v i d e d by D r . Elena L a t tanzi (Soprintendenza archeologica della Cala­
bria, Reggio C ) .
70
Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 6 ; H o e p f n e r ( n o t e
3 above), p . 277.
75
Cults in Hellenistic Alexandria
Lilly
Kahil
A l e x a n d r i a is the first Greek t o w n t o become the base of a Greek m o n a r ­
chy i n E g y p t . H e r d o u b l e character as a t r a d i t i o n a l c i t y a n d the c a p i t a l
of a k i n g d o m gives her a special character, t h a t of a t o w n i n w h i c h the
p o w e r n o longer comes f r o m the citizens a n d t h a t m u s t i n v e n t a n e w re­
l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the p o p u l a t i o n , based o n a u t h o r i t y b u t also o n care f o r
this p o p u l a t i o n . T h e native m o n a r c h y r e m a i n e d isolated, a n d i n t e r n a ­
t i o n a l dynastic prestige was reserved f o r Greeks a n d M a c e d o n i a n s . T h e
c o u r t , the festivals, a n d the m o n u m e n t s were the instruments of the deli­
cate balance between Egyptians, o n the one h a n d , a n d Greeks a n d M a c e ­
donians, o n the other, realized under P t o l e m y n , w h i c h made A l e x a n d r i a
the center o f a n e w w o r l d (see Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 6 - 1 2 , w h i c h gives a very de­
t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f the t o w n as i t was a b o u t 25 B . C . ) . We have n o t i m e
to d w e l l o n this fascinating t e x t , w h i c h describes the d i s t r i c t o f the
palaces, the Basileia w i t h the r o y a l gardens, the M o u s e i o n , the L i b r a r y ,
a n d the Sema, w h i c h P t o l e m y i v considered the grave o f A l e x a n d e r the
Great, a n d w h i c h was also the grave o f the first Ptolemies.
W h a t was m o s t r e m a r k a b l e was the Serapeion, the sanctuary
t h a t became the biggest o f the t o w n . I t was i n the n e w t o w n , N e a p o l i s ,
w h e r e the agora, the t r i b u n a l s , the theater, the boule, a n d maybe the
g y m n a s i u m h a d been erected. B u t i t lacked an i m p o r t a n t d i v i n i t y , w h i c h
was unusual since i t was n o t far f r o m the civic center, a n d m o s t Greek
cities h a d sanctuaries i n such an area. T h e vast sanctuary of Serapis was
b u i l t m u c h further s o u t h , o n a h i l l o v e r l o o k i n g the d i s t r i c t t h a t k e p t the
ancient E g y p t i a n name, R h a k o t i s . Some scholars t h i n k t h a t the Serapeion
was p e r p e t u a t i n g an older, local c u l t . B u t this is n o t p r o v e d . T h e f o r m o f
this sanctuary a n d the c u l t of Serapis, as w e l l as the place w h e r e the
temple was b u i l t , c o u l d merely indicate the w i l l of the first Ptolemies t o
u n d e r l i n e a s y m b o l i c c o n t i n u i t y w i t h E g y p t i a n heritage.
Paradoxically, very l i t t l e is k n o w n a b o u t the Egyptians i n
A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g the t h i r d century. O n the other h a n d we k n o w m u c h
a b o u t the Celtic mercenaries because o f t h e i r m a n y t o m b s i n the t h i r d
a n d second centuries i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h i s is also the case o f the Jews,
who
perhaps were established by A l e x a n d e r the Great himself b u t i n any
76
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
I
Statue of Serapis, from the
Faiyum. Sycamore w o o d . Roman
period. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum.
case c o n s t i t u t e d a n i m p o r t a n t c o m m u n i t y f r o m the t i m e o f P t o l e m y v i
a n d were g r o u p e d i n one d i s t r i c t at the end o f the Ptolemaic era.
I w i l l n o t speak o f the E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n a n d its r e l a t i o n s h i p
w i t h the p h a r a o h s . I t is very difficult t o t r y t o summarize the significance
of the cults i n H e l l e n i s t i c E g y p t . T h e l e i t m o t i f o f the E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n is
i n fact the passage f r o m life t o death a n d the question of w h a t happens
i n the other w o r l d . I t is n o t everyday life t h a t concerns E g y p t b u t the u n ­
c e r t a i n t y o f w h a t happens after death. For the Egyptians i t seems t o be
the same life b u t i n another f o r m , m o r e s p i r i t u a l i z e d . M u m m i f i c a t i o n ,
the b u i l d i n g o f the t o m b s , the d e c o r a t i o n o f the t o m b s w i t h statues, re­
liefs, stelae, a n d g i f t s — f r o m a simple p o t t o the m o s t beautiful g o l d —
a n d the c u l t offerings i n the t o m b s a n d temples a l l suggest t h a t after
physical death there is a c o n t i n u a t i o n of life.
T h r o u g h art, we have i n some w a y a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the future,
of an eternal, m o r e b e a u t i f u l existence. E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n deals w i t h the
same p r o b l e m as a l l religions: w h a t is the c o n t a c t between m a n a n d g o d .
T h e gods have t h e i r plans, a n d m a n answers gods w i t h prayers a n d offer­
ings. B u t i n E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n , n o t every m a n is a l l o w e d i n t o the v i c i n i t y
of the g o d , b u t o n l y the k i n g , the p h a r a o h , a n d his priest. T h i s attitude is
Kahil
certainly one t h a t lasted m a n y thousands o f years. D u r i n g the p e r i o d
t h a t interests us—the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d of the Ptolemies—the n e w lead­
ers, Greeks w h o n o w r u l e d the l a n d of the N i l e a n d were l i v i n g i n the
m o s t beautiful city, A l e x a n d r i a , t r i e d t o understand the p o w e r o f G o d
a n d his omnipresence. T h e y also t r i e d t o find a f o r m t h a t suited E g y p ­
tians as w e l l as Greeks. T h e y d i d i t w i t h success, a n d they f o u n d a name,
Serapis, the n e w artistic c r e a t i o n of the n e w p h a r a o h , P t o l e m y I Soter.
T h e creation was a b r i l l i a n t idea t h a t t r i e d t o u n i f y the ethnic, c u l t u r a l ,
a n d social differences between the o l d a n d the n e w leaders of E g y p t .
We k n o w t h a t f o r hundreds o f years, Greeks a n d Egyptians
h a d been i n c o n t a c t a n d t h a t they already h a d the same beliefs a b o u t
some deities. W i t h the f o u n d a t i o n i n a b o u t 6 2 0 B . C . of N a u k r a t i s , a
Greek c o l o n y t h a t became extremely prosperous, a n d even before t h a t
t i m e , contacts were m a i n t a i n e d . I t is e n o u g h t o read H e r o d o t o s ( m i d d l e
of the fifth century) t o see h o w close the parallels were between some
E g y p t i a n a n d some Greek gods.
Serapis is the hellenized f o r m of O s o r - H a p i , whose c u l t was
established i n M e m p h i s i n the late p e r i o d a n d w h o was i n fact the b u l l
A p i s (see R i a d fig. i above), w h o , after his death, became an O s i r i s , as
d i d a l l w h o d i e d . T h i s g o d , w h o at first was l i t t l e k n o w n except i n M e m ­
phis, was represented as a h y b r i d , w i t h the b o d y o f a m u m m i f i e d m a n
a n d a bull's head, c a r r y i n g the solar disk between his h o r n s . B u t the g o d
w h o appeared t o P t o l e m y h a d the aspect o f an o l d , i m p o s i n g m a n w i t h a
beard (fig. i ) , h o l d i n g a scepter, w i t h the d o g Kerberos seated at his side.
T h i s image, w h i c h w o u l d be the i c o n o g r a p h y o f Serapis f o r the c o m i n g
centuries, has n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h the o l d E g y p t i a n i c o n o g r a p h y .
Yet Serapis presented aspects t h a t l i n k e d h i m t o his E g y p t i a n
past. H e is a g o d of the dead, a sort o f d o u b l e o f O s i r i s , a n d l i k e h i m , a
g o d of f e r t i l i t y : he wears a modius
o n his head (see R i a d fig. 3 above).
B u t he is also a healing g o d , a n d this is a n e w element, f o r the Egyptians
h a d n o gods w i t h such a specialty. Serapis became closely l i n k e d t o the
r o y a l couple o f the Ptolemies a n d t h e i r wives i n a l l sorts o f prayers.
T h e great Temple o f Serapis i n A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h its precious
f o u n d a t i o n deposits l a i d by the first Ptolemies, attests, especially after
Ptolemy 111 ( 2 4 6 - 2 2 1 ) , t o official i n t e r v e n t i o n of r o y a l p o w e r d u r i n g the
c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the temple. T h e archaeological e x p l o r a t i o n o n this site
has been very difficult: T h e site has been altered m a n y times, a n d i t has
been d i s t u r b e d .
I n fact, m a n y sources t e n d t o identify Serapis w i t h Hades, the
Greek g o d of the dead, a n d the advisors o f the k i n g persuaded h i m t h a t
Hades-Pluto was the Greek name f o r the E g y p t i a n name Serapis.
F r o m the d e s c r i p t i o n by Rufinus o f A q u i l e i a we can get an
idea of the splendor o f the Serapeion, its immense esplanade s u r r o u n d e d
by w a l l s , w i t h exedras, r o o m s f o r priests, a n d taller b u i l d i n g s w h e r e the
77
78
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
guardians a n d priests lived together. I n the center o f this vast ensemble
the temple rose w i t h ornate c o l u m n s a n d an exterior b u i l t o f m a r b l e .
T h e Serapeion's g l o r y was immense, a n d its d e s t r u c t i o n by the Christians
i n A . D . 392 was felt i n a l l E g y p t as a scandal a n d a cause f o r m o u r n i n g .
D u r i n g the first century B . C . there was n o conflict between the
different cults t h a t coexisted i n A l e x a n d r i a . I t has been t h o u g h t t h a t the
c u l t o f Serapis, so m u c h favored by the Ptolemies, h a d one o b j e c t i v e — t o
u n i f y the different elements o f the p o p u l a t i o n s l i v i n g i n Egypt. B u t this is
o n l y a guess. I n the t h i r d century B . C . the Greeks played a m a j o r role i n
society a n d h a d privileges. I n t e r m a r r i a g e was f o r b i d d e n i n N a u k r a t i s
a n d p r o b a b l y also i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e kings w a n t e d t o preserve a p r i v i ­
leged p o s i t i o n f o r the Greeks, a n d so i t is i m p r o b a b l e t h a t they w o u l d
have t r i e d t o achieve religious i n t e g r a t i o n , w h i c h they refused elsewhere.
T h e c u l t o f Serapis concerned the r o y a l c o u r t , the Greek p o p u l a t i o n of
A l e x a n d r i a , except i n M e m p h i s , where the c u l t was assimilated t o the
c u l t o f A p i s . O n e s h o u l d consider Serapis n o t as a g o d u n i f y i n g different
p o p u l a t i o n s b u t as the g o d o f A l e x a n d r i a , as the g o d o f a polis t h a t pa­
t r o n i z e d the n e w dynasty o f the Ptolemies a n d its p o w e r .
M e m p h i s is m o r e interesting t h a n A l e x a n d r i a f r o m the p o i n t
of v i e w o f the i n t e g r a t i o n of Greeks a n d Egyptians. I n M e m p h i s d u r i n g
the second century B . C . , Greeks a n d Egyptians were b o t h serving the g o d
whose official name was Serapis b u t also A p i s (he was w o r s h i p e d i n the
shape o f a b u l l l i v i n g i n a sacred p r e c i n c t ) . There, i n M e m p h i s , the inte­
g r a t i o n was a fact, a n d the believers recognized their g o d i n his different
shapes. T h i r d - c e n t u r y A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h its culture a n d r e l i g i o n , was
above a l l a Greek t o w n . B u t some o f the E g y p t i a n gods there were al­
ready w e l l k n o w n t o the Greeks a n d belonged also t o their universe:
A t h e n a was N e i t h , A p h r o d i t e was H a t h o r , a n d so f o r t h . A n d i t was i n
A l e x a n d r i a t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n c o m b i n e d w i t h Greek artistic tech­
niques a n d modes o f expression, g i v i n g the E g y p t i a n gods a different a n d
often m o r e c o m p l e x image. T h i s supposes n o t o n l y w o r k f r o m the artists
w h o c o m b i n e d Greek a n d E g y p t i a n elements b u t also m e n t a l , p h i l o s o p h ­
i c a l , a n d sometimes t h e o l o g i c a l reflection, as we can see i n P l u t a r c h , for
instance. I n fact, we c a n n o t speak o f a m i x e d Graeco-Egyptian r e l i g i o n
o r c i v i l i z a t i o n b u t o f m u t u a l influences, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c u l t o f Serapis,
w h o became universally k n o w n , w i t h his very Greek image as Hades
o r P l o u t o n . L i k e h i m , Isis was also represented, b u t m o r e often under a
hellenized aspect, invented i n A l e x a n d r i a , a n d n o t under her t r a d i t i o n a l ,
E g y p t i a n aspect.
Nevertheless, an i m p o r t a n t Jewish c o m m u n i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a
was also influenced by the Greeks, b u t there were conflicts between
Greeks a n d Jews s t a r t i n g i n the t h i r d century, n o t o n l y for religious rea­
sons, b u t f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o r fiscal ones. H o w e v e r , the extension of
C h r i s t i a n i t y i n the t h i r d a n d f o u r t h centuries was also one of the causes;
Kahil
FIG.
2
Head of Alexander the Great.
Granite. First century B.C.
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
Museum 3x42.
the conflicts became m o r e a n d m o r e v i o l e n t , a n d E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n itself
w o u l d vanish.
T h i s is n o t the place t o go i n t o greater d e t a i l a b o u t the differ­
ent elements t h a t c o n s t i t u t e d A l e x a n d r i a n r e l i g i o n . L e t us remember o n l y
t h a t m a n y Greek d i v i n i t i e s were w o r s h i p e d b u t t h a t Isis a n d Serapis
p l a y e d the m a j o r r o l e : T h e Ptolemies h a d a d o p t e d t h e m , a n d the rulers
were b o t h p h a r a o h s a n d k i n g s . We m u s t also n o t forget the i m p o r t a n c e
of the festivals attached t o a n u m b e r o f these cults. I n a p a m p h l e t w r i t t e n
p r o b a b l y under the emperor T r a j a n , D i o n o f Prusa r e p r o a c h e d the
A l e x a n d r i a n s f o r passing t h e i r t i m e w i t h w h a t he called " t r i v i a l enter­
t a i n m e n t s , " such as d a n c i n g , music, a n d horse r a c i n g . H e c o m p a r e d
t h e m t o maenads a n d satyrs, t h e i r life being just a k o m o s , a n d n o t an
agreeable one b u t a savage one: people d a n c i n g , singing, a n d p o u r i n g
b l o o d . Yet under the first Ptolemies, the artistic performances were n o t
c o m p a r a b l e t o those m e n t i o n e d by D i o n o f Prusa.
A few o f these festivals m u s t be m e n t i o n e d , especially the
great procession o f P t o l e m y π Philadelphos. I t was described at the end
of the first c e n t u r y B . C . by K a l l i x e i n o s o f Rhodes a n d m e n t i o n e d by
A t h e n a i o s o f N a u k r a t i s , a later E g y p t i a n w r i t e r f r o m the t h i r d c e n t u r y
A . D . w h o was r e c a l l i n g the f o r m e r splendor o f his n o w - r u i n e d c o u n t r y .
I n fact this festival was p r o b a b l y the P t o l e m a i a , celebrated first i n h o n o r
of P t o l e m y ι Soter, between 2 7 9 / 2 7 8 a n d 2 7 1 / 2 7 0 B . C . , a c e l e b r a t i o n c o n ­
sidered equal t o the O l y m p i c Games i n Greece. Three dates are g i v e n ,
the i n a u g u r a t i o n 2 7 9 / 2 7 8 , the Penteteris o f 2 7 1 / 2 7 0 , a n d also 2 7 5 / 2 7 4 .
These dates are n o t i m p o r t a n t i n themselves. W h a t is i m p o r ­
t a n t is t h a t the c e l e b r a t i o n c o m m e m o r a t e d the a d m i s s i o n o f P t o l e m y i n t o
O l y m p o s , w h e r e he j o i n e d A l e x a n d e r the Great. Therefore, the D i o n y s i a c
p a r t o f the festival o c c u p i e d the p r i m a r y place, f o r the g o d D i o n y s o s was
79
80
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
considered t o be an ancestor o f the dynasty. I n the second c e n t u r y B . C .
Satyros h a d w r i t t e n a treatise assuming t h a t t h r o u g h his m o t h e r , A r s i noe, P t o l e m y i was a descendant o f B o r k o s , the b r o t h e r o f the k i n g o f
M a c e d o n i a , A l e x a n d e r the Philhellene, descendant himself, like P h i l i p
a n d A l e x a n d e r , f r o m Temenos, son o f H y l l o s , son o f Herakles a n d
D e i a n e i r a , herself the daughter o f D i o n y s o s . T h i s c o m p l i c a t e d genealogy
p a r t i a l l y explains h o w the great procession was organized: i n the D i o nysiac procession there were statues o f kings, namely the h i s t o r i c or
m y t h i c a l ancestors o f A l e x a n d e r the Great (fig. 2) a n d P t o l e m y 1.
T h e Ptolemaia was n o t easy t o organize. M a n y representa­
tives o f Greek states were i n v i t e d , as were artists. Athenaeus
phistae
Deipnoso-
5 . 1 9 4 - 9 5 is p a r t i c u l a r l y interesting o n this p o i n t . I n i t we learn
t h a t soldiers, artists, a n d foreign delegations were sheltered under tents,
the m o s t b e a u t i f u l o f these being t h a t of the official banquet. T h e proces­
sion began w i t h the section dedicated t o the parents o f the k i n g s , f o l ­
l o w e d by the procession o f " a l l the gods," a n d finally that of the evening
star. A great n u m b e r o f animals were sacrificed, a n d o n another day
there was c e r t a i n l y a m i l i t a r y parade o f i n f a n t r y a n d horsemen.
D i o n y s o s appeared first as the founder o f the dynasty b u t also
as the g o d w h o presided over a l l d r a m a t i c contests, w h e r e actors, poets,
musicians, a n d singers were c o m p e t i n g . A n u m b e r o f persons were dis­
guised as satyrs a n d sileni, a n d the statue of the g o d was c a r r i e d o n a
c h a r i o t w i t h f o u r wheels: a r o u n d i t were a l l the c u l t officers, the priests,
the priestesses, the t h i a s o i , the n e w initiates, a l l sorts o f maenads ( M a c e ­
d o n i a n , T h r a c i a n , a n d L y d i a n ) . T h e y were a l l c r o w n e d w i t h wreaths o f
serpents a n d h e l d serpents and daggers i n t h e i r hands. T h i s was the be­
g i n n i n g o f the secret procession, w h i c h ended w i t h the a p p a r i t i o n of t w o
emblemata:
a gilded thyrsos 135 feet l o n g , a n d a p h a l l o s , also g i l d e d ,
180 feet l o n g , o n t o p o f w h i c h was a star. M y t h o l o g i c a l scenes illus­
t r a t e d the gods' aspects; a mechanical figure dressed as N y s a , the god's
nurse, s t o o d i n her seat, p o u r e d a l i b a t i o n , a n d sat d o w n again. O t h e r
chariots c a r r i e d a d d i t i o n a l m y t h o l o g i c a l scenes: the cave where D i o n y s o s
as an i n f a n t h a d been nursed by H e r m e s a n d the n y m p h s , a n d the altar
of Rhea w h e r e D i o n y s o s a n d Priapos h a d f o u n d refuge f r o m H e r a .
Some chariots glorified D i o n y s o s as the g o d o f w i n e . O n e car­
r i e d an immense winepress, where a chorus o f fifty satyrs w i t h flute play­
ers pressed w i n e grapes w h i l e singing; a silenus was w a t c h i n g t h e m .
A n o t h e r c h a r i o t c a r r i e d a gigantic s k i n (this t i m e n o t a g o a t s k i n b u t a
p a n t h e r s k i n ) f r o m w h i c h w i n e d r i p p e d ; 120 satyrs a n d sileni filled g o l d
vases f r o m i t . O n a t h i r d c h a r i o t a huge, beautifully decorated krater of
silver was c a r r i e d . I n this procession o l d a n d y o u n g m e n c a r r i e d precious
objects f r o m the pharaoh's s t o r e r o o m : the objects were meant n o t o n l y
t o h o n o r the g o d b u t also t o p r o m p t a d m i r a t i o n f r o m the c r o w d . A cho­
rus o f six h u n d r e d singers a n d three h u n d r e d musicians p l a y i n g k i t h a r a s
Kahil
accompanied the procession, w i n e was d i s t r i b u t e d , a n d f r o m the cave o f
the n y m p h s pigeons and other birds were released. Those w h o h a d the
privilege o f being seated i n the s t a d i u m c o u l d d r i n k sweet w i n e served
by y o u n g m e n .
T h i s procession t o D i o n y s o s was preceded by V i c t o r i e s w i t h
gilded w i n g s w h o h e l d t h y m i a t e r i a w i t h g i l d e d leaves. T h e n came alle­
gories o f the year a n d the seasons, and i n the procession i n h o n o r of
D i o n y s o s a pompe
depicted the t r i u m p h a l r e t u r n of the g o d f r o m I n d i a .
A c h a r i o t w i t h f o u r wheels bore the figure o f the v i c t o r i o u s g o d s i t t i n g
o n the back o f an elephant. H i s a r m y f o l l o w e d : five h u n d r e d y o u n g girls;
120 satyrs; five squadrons of asses m o u n t e d by sileni; elephants; chariots
d r a w n by horses, by camels, a n d by a l l sorts of other animals f r o m the
forest a n d desert. Some later sarcophagi s h o w us this imagery.
T h e n came the prisoners a n d the b o o t y ; w o m e n i n chariots;
camels; E t h i o p i a n s c a r r y i n g g o l d , ebony, a n d elephant tusks; f o l l o w e d by
the hunters w i t h their dogs, the bird-catchers w i t h cages f u l l o f birds,
a n d finally, exotic animals.
T h e last: c h a r i o t i n the procession c a r r i e d the religious a n d
p o l i t i c a l message: the statues of A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d P t o l e m y 1 or
P t o l e m y 11 w i t h c r o w n s of i v y o n their heads. N e a r P t o l e m y 1 were
figures of Arete a n d C o r i n t h a n d a procession of w o m e n d e p i c t i n g the
cities t h a t P t o l e m y h a d liberated d u r i n g the t i m e of A l e x a n d e r the Great
a n d h a d k e p t independent. T h u s , the M a c e d o n i a n dynasty o f E g y p t
was p r o c l a i m i n g its p h i l h e l l e n i s m . O t h e r gods f o l l o w e d : Zeus was
first,
a n d A l e x a n d e r closed the procession o n a c h a r i o t d r a w n by elephants;
at his side were A t h e n a a n d N i k e . T h i s is o n l y a short resume o f A t h e naeus's t e x t , w h i c h is very l o n g , a n d i t is strange t h a t we never find any
m e n t i o n o f Herakles.
I w i l l n o t elaborate o n another festival, t h a t of Demeter, the
T h e s m o p h o r i a , i n w h i c h Demeter is assimilated t o Isis. B u t I w i l l deal
briefly w i t h the festival i n h o n o r o f the c u l t of A d o n i s , w h i c h was
firmly
r o o t e d i n A l e x a n d r i a , c o m i n g f r o m nearby countries, such as Phoenicia
a n d C y p r u s . T h e best d e s c r i p t i o n o f this feast is a p o e m by T h e o k r i t o s ,
Idylls
15 ( 2 7 8 - 2 7 0
B.C.).
I t evokes an a n n u a l celebration o f the c u l t o f
A d o n i s organized inside the palace w a l l s by Queen A r s i n o e n . There was
perhaps n o t o n l y a religious festival organized by the queen b u t also a
m i l i t a r y parade organized by the k i n g . T h e queen gave this feast t o t h a n k
A p h r o d i t e for h a v i n g deified Queen Berenike, the w i f e of P t o l e m y 1
Soter, a n d A d o n i s , the d i v i n e spouse o f A p h r o d i t e , w h o was protectress
of b o t h Berenike a n d A r s i n o e 11. T h i s festival h a d a different sense t h a n
the usual one; i t was n o t celebrating a m y t h c o n c e r n i n g i m m o r t a l i t y .
T h e o k r i t o s ' s Idylls
is a short, c o m i c piece o f verse i n w h i c h
t w o y o u n g girls f r o m Syracuse are v i s i t i n g the palace o n the first day of
the festival t o A d o n i s ; i t tells us n o t h i n g a b o u t the gardens o f A d o n i s .
81
82
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
O n e o f the y o u n g girls is called P r a x i n o a ; w i t h her friend G o r g o a n d t w o
servants she goes t o the palace a n d meets m a n y soldiers. T h e husbands
of the t w o girls d o n o t p l a y any great role; one of t h e m is o n l y h u n g r y
a n d awaits his l u n c h . As usual d u r i n g a feast i n h o n o r o f A d o n i s , the
w o m e n h a d a c e r t a i n l i b e r t y a n d c o u l d visit the palace. Inside, i n the en­
t r y r o o m , pictures i l l u s t r a t e d episodes i n the legend of A d o n i s . A statue
of the g o d depicted h i m l y i n g o n a bed o f silver. A female singer f r o m
A r g o s sang i n h o n o r o f A d o n i s , describing the k l i s m o s o n w h i c h the g o d
was l y i n g , under a green b o w e r where little erotes were flying f r o m one
b r a n c h t o another. O n the ends o f the k l i s m o s were representations o f
the eagle c a r r y i n g off Ganymede, also an apotheosis. A l l a r o u n d were a l l
sorts of offerings: fruits, flowers, alabastra w i t h Syrian perfumes, a n d
sweets. N a t u r a l l y , there was m u c h singing. T h e songs m u s t have h a d a
religious m e a n i n g a n d a n n o u n c e d the ceremony o f the second day.
As these examples show, the cults o f the Ptolemies were
s u m p t u o u s . T h e c o u r t w a n t e d the G r a e c o - R o m a n p o p u l a t i o n o f A l e x a n ­
d r i a a n d the Egyptians t o share i n the c u l t activity. T h e exercise o f the
p o w e r t o establish a c u l t seems t o be a sign o f d i v i n e nature. T h i s
process started i n Greece i n the f o u r t h century, a n d especially i n M a c e ­
d o n i a . As s o o n as A l e x a n d e r d i e d , Ptolemy, the first satrap o f E g y p t , d i ­
verted this b o d y f r o m M a c e d o n i a t o A l e x a n d r i a . H e b u i l t a magnificent
t o m b , the Sema, f o r A l e x a n d e r a n d i n s t i t u t e d a c u l t i n his h o n o r as
f o u n d e r o f the c i t y (we d o n o t k n o w i f the Sema is preserved o r where
i t lies). I n a b o u t 2 8 0 , P t o l e m y 11 deified his parents, P t o l e m y 1 a n d
Berenike. H e t h e n i n s t i t u t e d his o w n c u l t , associated w i t h the c u l t of his
w i f e , A r s i n o e 11, w h o d i e d i n 2 7 0 . T h e y were t h e n called "the gods'
b r o t h e r a n d sister" (fig. 3).
T h i s dynastic c u l t w o u l d continue t o associate the l i v i n g k i n g
w i t h his deceased ancestors. I t w o u l d be a c u l t celebrated i n the Greek
FIG.
3
Octadrachm w i t h double portraits
of Ptolemy i and Berenike I (ob­
verse), Ptolemy n and Arsinoe n
way, by priests a n d priestesses of Greek o r i g i n . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l r i t u a l of
(reverse). T h i r d century B . C .
Greek r e l i g i o n was preserved, w i t h sacrifices, v i c t i m s , a n d l i b a t i o n s . O n e
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
c o u l d suppose t h a t this i d e o l o g y came f r o m the t r a d i t i o n s i n E g y p t , i n
w h i c h the p h a r a o h was son a n d successor o f the gods. H e r e the Greek
ideal o f arete (virtue) revealed the d i v i n e nature o f the ruler, w h o was the
e m b o d i m e n t o f justice, generosity, m i l i t a r y courage, a n d so o n . T h e
t h u n d e r b o l t o f Zeus a n d the c o r n u c o p i a , s y m b o l of prosperity, frequently
appear o n the coins. Perhaps i t is this r o y a l c u l t t h a t was the real i n s t r u ­
m e n t o f u n i f i c a t i o n for a p o p u l a t i o n o f very different o r i g i n s . T h e r o y a l
c u l t therefore h a d t w o levels: one Greek, especially i n A l e x a n d r i a , a n d
one E g y p t i a n i n other sanctuaries o f the c o u n t r y , a n d yet they d o n o t
c o n t r a d i c t each other.
We have already spoken of Serapis a n d the role he played.
B u t other E g y p t i a n gods were as i m p o r t a n t , especially Isis (fig. 4 ) , w h o
h a d several temples i n A l e x a n d r i a , one at Cape Lochias, another o n the
M u s e u m 25018.
Kahil
FIG.
4
Statue of Isis, f r o m Ras el-Soda
(Alexandria). M a r b l e . Ca. A . D .
1 4 0 - 1 5 0 . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n Museum 25783.
island o f Pharos. She was the protectress o f mariners a n d o f n a v i g a t i o n .
H e r c u l t was extremely i m p o r t a n t i n A l e x a n d r i a already i n the t i m e o f
A l e x a n d e r the Great. A r r i a n mentions that A l e x a n d e r the Great erected
a temple i n h o n o r of Isis the E g y p t i a n . I n the Hellenistic p e r i o d Isis was
certainly one of the m o s t p o p u l a r divinities o f E g y p t , a universal goddess.
Before the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a she already h a d a temple i n Piraeus.
She was identified by the Greeks w i t h Demeter, a n d her image was
m o s t l y a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c . B u t she was also often identified w i t h A p h r o ­
dite. I t was d u r i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d i n A l e x a n d r i a that the E g y p t i a n
gods often got a n e w l o o k . T h e Isis f r o m A l e x a n d r i a w o r e a dress o f
E g y p t i a n o r i g i n b u t i n a Greek fashion. She h a d n o w i g , her h a i r was
floating
or c u r l e d . She c o u l d be completely nude a n d reminds us t h e n o f
an o r i e n t a l i z i n g A p h r o d i t e . H e r attributes, the sistron,
the discus, a n d
the situla, were b o r r o w e d f r o m an E g y p t i a n repertoire b u t c o r r e s p o n d e d
n o w t o a Greek s y m b o l i s m .
83
84
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
5
Statue of Euthenia. M a r b l e .
Ca. A . D . 1 6 0 - 1 8 0 . Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 24124.
W e c o u l d say the same o f the N i l e , w h i c h was n o w depicted
i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n t r a d i t i o n , n o longer the E g y p t i a n , a n d o f E u t h e n i a
(fig. 5), w h o depicted abundance a n d f e r t i l i t y . T h e Egyptians i n A l e x a n ­
d r i a q u i c k l y g o t used t o the n e w l o o k o f t h e i r o l d gods, b u t i n the c o u n ­
t r y i t t o o k m u c h longer, a n d i t was o n l y u n d e r the R o m a n s t h a t these
images were spread w i d e l y , p r o b a b l y because of the coinage.
Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae
PARIS
85
Body and Machine: Interactions between
Medicine, Mechanics, and Philosophy in
Early Alexandria
Heinrich
von
Staden
A t different h i s t o r i c a l m o m e n t s o f e x c e p t i o n a l c u l t u r a l efflorescence,
science plays s t r i k i n g l y divergent roles. T h e o r e t i c a l l y i n c l i n e d , o r i g i n a l
"research" scientists represent a m o r e conspicuous strand i n the intellec­
t u a l t e x t u r e of early A l e x a n d r i a t h a n , f o r example, o f Periklean Athens
or of A u g u s t a n R o m e (despite the b r i l l i a n t t e c h n o l o g i c a l , a r c h i t e c t u r a l ,
a n d general c u l t u r a l v i r t u o s i t y o f Athens a n d R o m e ) . Scientists were, of
course, active i n m a n y Greek cities t h r o u g h o u t the H e l l e n i s t i c epoch,
i n c l u d i n g Syracuse, Athens, Rhodes, K o s , Pergamon, Smyrna, Ephesos,
L a o d i c e a - a d - L y c u m , a n d A n t i o c h , b u t a t h i c k t e x t u r e of scientific activ­
1
i t y is a p a r t i c u l a r l y distinctive feature o f A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r e i n the t h i r d
century B . C . H o w m a n y other ancient Greek cities c o u l d , w i t h i n a single
century, c o u n t E u c l i d , A r i s t a r c h o s o f Samos, A r c h i m e d e s o f Syracuse,
2
3
4
K o n o n o f Samos, Dositheos, Eratosthenes o f C y r e n e , a n d A p o l l o n i o s o f
5
Perge a m o n g its resident (or closely associated) m a t h e m a t i c a l scientists?
6
A n d h o w m a n y cities c o u l d , simultaneously, c l a i m b r i l l i a n t mechanicians
such as K t e s i b i o s , his p u p i l P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m , a n d D i o n y s o s of
7
8
A l e x a n d r i a a m o n g its t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t o r s , n o t t o m e n t i o n , a m o n g
9
its physicians, b o t h H e r o p h i l o s (the first person t o c o n d u c t systematic
scientific dissections o f h u m a n c a d a v e r s )
fluential E m p i r i c i s t " s c h o o l " ?
10
a n d the founders o f the i n ­
11
Collectively, these a n d other figures m a k e f o r an e x c e p t i o n a l
c e n t u r y of scientific a c t i v i t y w i t h i n a single city. N o t o n l y is the n u m b e r
of innovative scientists i n A l e x a n d r i a n o t e w o r t h y , however, b u t so are
the interactions between different branches of science a n d the hetero­
geneity o f r i v a l p o i n t s o f v i e w advocated by Greek scientists associated
w i t h the city. I t is i n these contexts, t o o , t h a t one s h o u l d locate t w o
new, f u n d a m e n t a l l y divergent, r i v a l scientific models o f the h u m a n b o d y
developed i n the t h i r d century B . C . by the Greek pioneers o f systematic
h u m a n dissection.
T h e e x c e p t i o n a l c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f factors that, f o r the first a n d
last t i m e i n a n t i q u i t y , p e r m i t t e d systematic scientific h u m a n dissection—
a n d systematic v i v i s e c t o r y e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n o n c o n d e m n e d c r i m i n a l s —
1 2
i n the early t h i r d century B . C . needs n o renewed rehearsal here (see note
86
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
10 above). B u t i t s h o u l d perhaps be underscored again t h a t any m o n o causal e x p l a n a t o r y hypothesis is l i k e l y t o be inadequate. Instead, o n o u r
h o r i z o n o f e x p l a n a t i o n we have t o accommodate a v a r i e t y o f interactive
factors, i n c l u d i n g the t h i c k t e x t u r e o f scientific a c t i v i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a ;
the attested r o y a l s u p p o r t o f this a c t i v i t y ; the c u l t u r a l a m b i t i o n s o f early
H e l l e n i s t i c rulers; the r e l a t i o n o f c u l t u r e t o p o l i t i c a l p o w e r ; the Ptolemies'
o w n v i o l a t i o n s o f Greek taboos; an i n t e l l e c t u a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h
b o l d , erudite e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n coexisted w i t h conservative t r a d i t i o n ; the
impressive example o f A r i s t o t l e ' s scientifically p r o d u c t i v e dissections a n d
vivisections o f animals (never o f humans) i n the previous century; the
p h i l o s o p h i c a l secularization o f the corpse by A r i s t o t l e a n d the Stoics (the
latter classified i t a m o n g the aSiacfropa, t h a t is, things t h a t are m o r a l l y
" i n d i f f e r e n t " ) ; a n d the p o s s i b i l i t y o f e x p r o p r i a t i n g the age-old E g y p t i a n
practice o f m u m m i f i c a t i o n as a " l e g i t i m a t i n g " precedent a n d as p r o o f
t h a t a cadaver m a y be opened w i t h i m p u n i t y ( a l t h o u g h n o respectable
h i s t o r i a n o f science has confused religious
mummification w i t h
system­
dissection; the m o t i v a t i o n s , methods, contexts, aims, a n d
atic scientific
results of these t w o k i n d s of a c t i v i t y were quite different). O u t of the sys­
tematic h u m a n dissections made possible by these a n d perhaps by other
interactive factors arose t w o r i v a l models o f the b o d y a r t i c u l a t e d m o s t
clearly b y H e r o p h i l o s a n d Erasistratos. I t u r n first t o H e r o p h i l o s , t h e n
t o Erasistratos.
HerophiDos
To the vast n e w w o r l d opened u p b y the founder o f their city, A l e x a n ­
drians i n various d o m a i n s responded w i t h extremes o f c u l t u r a l smallness
a n d bigness, o n the one h a n d e x p l o r i n g a n d creating the m i n i a t u r e , o n
the other h a n d e m b r a c i n g the g i g a n t i s m t h a t became a conspicuous fea­
t u r e o f H e l l e n i s t i c siege technology, o f sculpture, o f architecture, o f ship­
b u i l d i n g , o f ostentatious v i c t o r y games, o f religious processions, a n d so
o n . T h e K a l l i m a c h e a n poetics of smallness, the m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n of me­
chanical t e c h n o l o g y b y Ktesibios a n d others, a n d m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n i n the
decorative arts a l l belong t o the " c u l t u r e of smallness." So does a note­
w o r t h y feature o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s m o d e l o f the b o d y — w h a t one m i g h t call
his " m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n o f a n a t o m y . "
H e r o p h i l o s was n o t satisfied w i t h describing o n l y larger
bones, organs, vessels, a n d muscles; rather, he carefully differentiated
a m o n g h u m a n parts barely distinguishable b y the n a k e d eye, a n d i n the
process he created a n e w n o m e n c l a t u r e f o r the b o d y — a detailed n e w
language o f the b o d y t h a t extensively deploys v i v i d metaphors d r a w n
f r o m A l e x a n d r i a n a r t i f a c t u a l c u l t u r e , such as the P h a r o s .
13
T h r o u g h his
repeated, m e t i c u l o u s dissections H e r o p h i l o s n o t o n l y discovered the
existence o f nerves b u t also accurately described the paths o f at least
seven pairs o f c r a n i a l nerves a n d recognized the difference between m o t o r
von
Staden
a n d sensory nerves. H e distinguished between the ventricles o f the b r a i n ,
a n d he carefully differentiated between f o u r membranes of the eye, be­
s t o w i n g u p o n subsequent n o m e n c l a t u r e the terms cornea a n d
retina.*
4
H e also discovered the heart valves, the systematic a n a t o m i c a l distinc­
t i o n between arteries a n d veins, a n d numerous other smaller features o f
the vascular system.
T h e m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n o f a n a t o m y was, o f course, n o t H e r o p h i los's o n l y a n a t o m i c a l a c c o m p l i s h m e n t . H e also offered the first accurate
d e s c r i p t i o n of the h u m a n liver, c o n d u c t e d the first i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the
pancreas, and p r o v i d e d a descriptive a n d f u n c t i o n a l a n a t o m y of the
r e p r o d u c t i v e parts that was n o t i m p r o v e d u p o n f o r c e n t u r i e s .
15
Further­
m o r e , he demystified the w o m b by discovering the ovaries a n d the Fal­
l o p i a n tubes, by establishing the a n a t o m i c a l i m p o s s i b i l i t y of a w a n d e r i n g
w o m b t h a t causes hysterical suffocation, a n d by a b a n d o n i n g the t r a d i ­
t i o n a l idea—later revived by the i n f l u e n t i a l G a l e n — o f a b i c a m e r a l uterus
( w i t h a c o l d left chamber f o r the gestation o f the female fetus a n d a h o t
r i g h t chamber f o r the gestation o f the m a l e ) .
16
B u t m a n y o f his greatest
advances lay precisely i n the e x p l o r a t i o n o f m i n u t e parts u n k n o w n t o —
or p o o r l y recognized b y — t h e H i p p o c r a t i c s , A r i s t o t l e , D i o k l e s , Praxagoras, a n d other precursors.
A second conspicuous feature of H e r o p h i l o s ' s version of the
b o d y is t h a t i t is a " d y n a m i c " m o d e l t h a t deploys, inter alia, p r i n c i p l e s
t h a t display affinities w i t h theories o f m a g n e t i s m . I n the e x t a n t remains
of his w r i t i n g s H e r o p h i l o s d i d n o t m a k e e x p l i c i t the similarities between
his t h e o r y of " f a c u l t i e s " o r capacities (SvvdfieLs) a n d m a g n e t i s m , b u t
Galen later d i d s o ,
17
possibly d r a w i n g o n Stoic sources (this w o u l d n o t
be s u r p r i s i n g , since several of H e r o p h i l o s ' s views have m u c h i n c o m m o n
w i t h Stoic theories). I n p a r t i c u l a r , H e r o p h i l o s seems t o have believed
t h a t the b o d y is a m a t e r i a l c o n t i n u u m t h a t harbors n o v o i d , a n d t h a t i n ­
visible, innate capacities or faculties c o n t r o l a n d regulate a l l b o d i l y func­
t i o n s , often by a t t r a c t i n g or p u l l i n g various f o r m s o f m a t t e r — l i q u i d s ,
solids, a i r — t h r o u g h ducts a n d other spaces i n the b o d y t o w a r d their ap­
p r o p r i a t e destinations. These innate faculties are t h o r o u g h l y secularized;
n o c l a i m o f d i v i n e design o r d i v i n e force is made f o r t h e m .
T h u s an invisible, innate faculty ( " v i t a l dynamis"}),
extend­
i n g f r o m the heart t h r o u g h o u t the w a l l s of the arteries, m a i n t a i n s pulsa­
t i o n i n the f o r m o f simultaneous d i l a t a t i o n a n d c o n t r a c t i o n o f the heart
a n d o f a l l arteries. T h i s dynamis
thereby pulls or " a t t r a c t s " a m i x t u r e o f
b l o o d a n d p n e u m a (the latter u l t i m a t e l y derived f r o m respiration) f r o m
the heart t h r o u g h the entire b o d y v i a the a r t e r i a l s y s t e m .
18
Blood (with­
o u t pneuma) apparently is s i m i l a r l y m o v e d t h r o u g h the veins, w h i l e
p n e u m a — b y means o f w h i c h at least some sensory a n d v o l u n t a r y m o t o r
a c t i v i t y is c o n d u c t e d — i s m o v e d t h r o u g h the nerve d u c t s .
19
Innate facul­
ties likewise seem t o govern the movements a n d p r o p o r t i o n a l relations
87
88
HELLENISTIC
A L E X A N D R I A
of the t r a d i t i o n a l h u m o r s . O t h e r m o t i v e faculties apparently reside i n
the muscles, the lungs, the digestive organs, a n d so o n . A c c o r d i n g t o
H e r o p h i l o s , r e s p i r a t i o n , f o r example, is due t o a special capacity o r fac­
u l t y t h a t displays itself as the lungs' n a t u r a l tendency t o dilate a n d c o n ­
t r a c t . A l l b o d i l y matter, i n fact, seems t o be regulated by such faculties.
H e r o p h i l o s e x p l i c i t l y says, for example, t h a t the uterus "is w o v e n f r o m
the same things as the other parts a n d is regulated by the same faculties"
(VTTO
rcov ai)70)v 8vvaiJL€(ov) t h a t govern the rest o f b o d i l y matter
(vXag).
20
A l l the body's n a t u r a l processes a n d m o t i o n s , v o l u n t a r y a n d i n v o l u n t a r y ,
like a l l its materials, therefore are regulated or managed
by nature-given capacities o r faculties o r powers (dwapLELs)
(diOLKeladai)
capable o f
m o v i n g matter t h r o u g h b o d i l y ducts a n d spaces, especially by means
of m a g n e t l i k e a t t r a c t i o n .
A t h i r d n o t e w o r t h y feature o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s d y n a m i c , magnetic
m o d e l o f the b o d y is his tendency t o q u a n t i f y or t o mathematicize aspects
of b o t h the e x t e r i o r a n d the i n t e r i o r o f the body, i n c l u d i n g its i n t e r n a l
m o t i o n s . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l v i e w t h a t Greek science, u n l i k e m o d e r n science,
was largely q u a l i t a t i v e rather t h a n q u a n t i t a t i v e i n nature has been s h o w n
by Geoffrey L l o y d a n d others t o be i n need o f significant q u a l i f i c a t i o n .
21
I n c e r t a i n i m p o r t a n t respects H e r o p h i l o s ' s m a t h e m a t i c i z i n g aspirations
go b e y o n d those o f earlier Greeks. U n l i k e the H i p p o c r a t i c s , H e r o p h i l o s
tries t o extend precise measurement b e y o n d p h a r m a c o l o g y , stages i n the
e m b r y o , a n d the periodicities t h a t appear i n physical disorders such as
fevers. A n d u n l i k e Polykleitos's Canon,
w i t h its measurement of fixed
p r o p o r t i o n a l i t i e s , its " n o n n a t u r a l i s t i c " jmeaop, its ayppierpCa^ a n d its
Kara
TO TTapadetypxx
11
H e r o p h i l o s extends the process o f measuring
i n t o s m a l l i n t e r i o r structures o f the b o d y a n d i n t o i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r n a l
p h y s i o l o g i c a l a n d p a t h o l o g i c a l processes.
A l t h o u g h H e r o p h i l o s uses q u a n t i f i c a t i o n t o define generalizable b o d i l y laws, as h a d the H i p p o c r a t i c s a n d Polykleitos, he leaves
ample r o o m f o r i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y a m o n g h u m a n bodies ( i n this re­
spect, t o o , f o l l o w i n g some H i p p o c r a t i c s ) — a s does m u c h o f Hellenistic
art. H i s version o f the b o d y is inspired neither by an aestheticizing mathem a t i c i s m n o r by a m a t h e m a t i c i z i n g aestheticism, b u t by the a s p i r a t i o n
t o define precisely as m a n y n a t u r a l structures a n d processes i n the b o d y
as possible, w h i l e recognizing t h a t n o t a l l b o d i l y features w i l l s u b m i t t o
q u a n t i f i c a t i o n o r generalization.
H i s attempts t o measure b o d i l y processes are perhaps also t o
be u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t o f the renewed, m o r e extensive preoccupa­
t i o n w i t h scientific measurement i n the t h i r d century B . C . Eratosthenes'
On the Measurement
and Distances
of the Earth
(see note 5), Aristarchos's On the Sizes
of the Sun and the Moon,
ment of the Circle,
A r c h i m e d e s ' On the
Measure­
a n d Erasistratos's q u a n t i t a t i v e experiments are a m o n g
the m a n y manifestations of this interest. I cite o n l y t w o brief examples
von
Staden
of H e r o p h i l o s ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n this r i c h l y attested d i m e n s i o n o f early
A l e x a n d r i a n science—pulse r h y t h m s a n d the healing o f w o u n d s .
23
Perhaps p r o m p t e d i n p a r t by the native E g y p t i a n concept,
k n o w n f r o m p h a r a o n i c m e d i c a l p a p y r i , o f " c o u n t i n g " the body's ves­
sels,
24
H e r o p h i l o s became the first t o develop an elaborate q u a n t i t a t i v e
t h e o r y of the pulse. To measure differences a m o n g the pulses o f people
at different stages of life, he d r e w o n precise m u s i c a l u n i t s , i n c l u d i n g
the TTpcbrosxpovos
( " p r i m a r y t i m e u n i t " ) a n d the akoyos
("irrational
u n i t " ) , possibly b o r r o w e d i n p a r t f r o m A r i s t o x e n o s o f Taras's
of Rhythm.
15
Elements
T h e p r i m a r y differentiae o f pulse types, he argues, are
r h y t h m , speed, size, a n d vehemence o r s t r e n g t h — a l l e m i n e n t l y q u a n t i f i ­
able. R h y t h m , w h i c h he defines as "a m o t i o n h a v i n g a defined r e g u l a t i o n
i n t i m e , " is central t o his classification o f n o r m a l , healthy pulses accord­
i n g t o h u m a n stages o f life. We a l l pass f r o m a n a t u r a l l y p y r r h i c pulse
r h y t h m (--) i n infancy t h r o u g h a t r o c h a i c pulse (-«) i n adolescence t o a
spondaic p r i m e o f life ( - - ) , a n d eventually o n t o an i a m b i c pulse r h y t h m
(--) i n o l d age.
26
Nature's music i n o u r arteries hence displays m a t h e m a t ­
ically f o r m u l a b l e p r o p o r t i o n s o f such absolute r e g u l a r i t y t h a t deviations,
a n d hence illness, can be determined by exact measurement. T h i s also
holds true of the other pulse differentiae, n o t a b l y o f speed or frequency.
To measure the pulse H e r o p h i l o s constructed a p o r t a b l e clep­
sydra t h a t c o u l d be precisely c a l i b r a t e d t o fit the age-group o f each pa­
tient. T h e device was used t o measure the d e v i a t i o n of the frequency
of
the patient's pulse r h y t h m s f r o m n o r m a l frequency a n d thus t o measure,
i n p a r t i c u l a r , the patient's b o d y temperature or fever, since H e r o p h i l o s
h e l d pulse frequency t o be a correlate of b o d y t e m p e r a t u r e .
27
Herophi­
los's device was perhaps i n s p i r e d i n p a r t by the r i c h native E g y p t i a n t r a ­
d i t i o n of t i m e - m e a s u r i n g devices, such as a famous alabaster clepsydra
of the second m i l l e n n i u m B . C . , a n d i n p a r t by the sophisticated refine­
m e n t o f w a t e r - c l o c k t e c h n o l o g y by c o n t e m p o r a r y A l e x a n d r i a n m e c h a n i ­
cians such as K t e s i b i o s .
28
A m o n g the mechanical devices invented by Ktesibios is an
intricate a u t o m a t i c water c l o c k , w h i c h , u n l i k e the s u n d i a l , operated
equally precisely by n i g h t a n d by day, i n summer a n d i n w i n t e r .
2 9
Particu­
l a r l y interesting i n o u r c o n t e x t is the clock's mechanical seasonal ad­
j u s t a b i l i t y . T h e p r i n c i p l e of an adjustable t i m i n g device was h a r d l y n e w ;
some o f the p h a r a o n i c a n d Greek precursors of Ktesibios's device also
c o u l d accommodate seasonable variations (see notes 2 8 - 3 0 ) . B u t Ktesi­
bios's mechanisms f o r ensuring a regular f l o w a n d f o r adjusting this f l o w
seasonably were apparently sufficiently novel a n d s t r i k i n g t o have d r a w n
the a t t e n t i o n o f V i t r u v i u s a n d his source(s). I n p a r t i c u l a r , Ktesibios's
c l o c k c o u l d be adjusted easily by a series of wedges t o a c c o m m o d a t e
s h o r t e n i n g or lengthening of the days i n different m o n t h s o f the c h a n g i n g
seasons. T h e same p r i n c i p l e o f easy a d j u s t a b i l i t y t o seasons centrally
30
89
90
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
i n f o r m s H e r o p h i l o s ' s p o r t a b l e t i m i n g d e v i c e — a l t h o u g h here i t is n o t the
seasons of the year b u t the seasons of life, the rjAiKCai of his patients,
t h a t call f o r q u a n t i f y i n g adjustment. T h e similarities s h o u l d n o t be
pressed t o o far, b u t i n b o t h cases the mechanical a d j u s t a b i l i t y o f a t i m ­
ing device t o a c c o m m o d a t e r e g u l a r l y o c c u r r i n g , quantifiable
w i t h i n a larger order o f measurable
changes
regularity is central t o the efficacy
of the measuring device.
A second example illustrates the diversity of contexts i n w h i c h
H e r o p h i l o s m a t h e m a t i c i z e d the body. R e s p o n d i n g t o the question w h y
r o u n d w o u n d s heal w i t h m o r e difficulty t h a n others, H e r o p h i l o s , accord­
ing t o Cassius, "accounts f o r the cause by g i v i n g a geometric demonstra­
t i o n " [yecofierpLKT] aTrodeigis) o f the surface area o f c i r c u l a r shapes i n
r e l a t i o n t o t h e i r diameter a n d circumference.
31
T h e question was w e l l
k n o w n t o the Greeks, b u t H e r o p h i l o s seems t o have been the first t o ad­
dress i t by means o f m a t h e m a t i c a l p r o o f . T h i s effort, a n d others like i t ,
of course s h o u l d n o t be m i s t a k e n f o r a " g e o m e t r i c " c o n c e p t i o n of the
b o d y as a w h o l e ; H e r o p h i l o s ' s version o f the b o d y is far t o o d y n a m i c i n ­
ternally, t o o m i n u t e l y detailed, t o o i n d i v i d u a l l y variable, a n d t o o p r o v i ­
sional (see b e l o w ) t o accommodate overall p a r a d i g m a t i c n o t i o n s such
as Polykleitos's c a n o n o r the famous quadratum.
Rather, his geometric
p r o o f here reflects his a s p i r a t i o n t o deal w i t h a l l b o d i l y phenomena, large
a n d s m a l l , n o r m a l a n d a b n o r m a l , w i t h as m u c h p r e c i s i o n as possible, a n d
t o achieve such p r e c i s i o n by m a t h e m a t i c a l or other q u a n t i t a t i v e means
whenever possible.
These examples of H e r o p h i l o s ' s interactions w i t h geometry,
w i t h the m a t h e m a t i c a l features o f Aristoxenos's m u s i c a l theory, a n d w i t h
a flexible E g y p t i a n - A l e x a n d r i a n t e c h n o l o g y o f precise measurement illus­
trate the extent t o w h i c h his new, d y n a m i c - m a g n e t i c version o f the body,
m i n u t e l y detailed anatomically, regulated by incessantly active innate
powers t h a t c o n t i n u a l l y also p u l l — r a t h e r t h a n merely p u s h — m a t t e r
t h r o u g h i t w i t h meticulous regularity and precision,
32
is also projected
as m a t h e m a t i c a l l y a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y verifiable.
A f o u r t h n o t e w o r t h y feature o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s version of the
b o d y s h o u l d n o t be o v e r l o o k e d : his insistence o n its p r o v i s i o n a l i t y . For
all his precise f o r m u l a t i o n s o f regularities i n q u a n t i t a t i v e terms, he argues
t h a t a l l causal t h e o r y — a n d hence a l l explanations o f b o d i l y functions o r
d y s f u n c t i o n s — m u s t have a merely h y p o t h e t i c a l status; cause c a n n o t be
k n o w n or a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h c e r t a i n t y b u t o n l y ex h y p o t h e s i .
33
Experience
(i/uL7r€LpCa) is i m p o r t a n t t o H e r o p h i l o s , a n d he believes t h a t we have n o
choice b u t t o begin w i t h the surface w o r l d o f phenomena: " L e t the ap­
pearances {4>aiv6fjieva) be stated first even i f they are n o t
first."
34
B u t the
g o o d scientist, t r y i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d how the b o d y w o r k s , w i l l also have
to investigate why things w o r k the w a y they d o . T h i s w i l l m a k e i t neces­
sary t o engage i n inferences f r o m the visible t o the invisible and hence
von
Staden
i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of theories, n o t a b l y of causal theories (for example,
a b o u t invisible faculties t h a t regulate the b o d y ) . I t is i n this causal do­
m a i n , i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h a t H e r o p h i l o s insists o n the h y p o t h e t i c a l nature o f
his version of the body. I t is i m p o r t a n t n o t t o mistake this epistemological stance f o r t h a t of H e l l e n i s t i c skepticism. H e r o p h i l o s ' s h y p o t h e t i c a l i s m does n o t e n t a i l suspension o f a l l j u d g m e n t . H i s m i n u t e a n a t o m i c a l
investigations, his t h e o r y o f faculties, a n d his efforts at q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i l ­
lustrate t h a t his a i m is n o t skeptical epoche,
a n d t h a t he is n o t r e l u c t a n t
t o c o n s t r u c t theories. Rather, he welds his impressively detailed observa­
tions t o a b o l d insight i n t o the p r o v i s i o n a l i t y o f their e x p l a n a t i o n , n o
m a t t e r h o w precisely m a t h e m a t i c i z e d these explanations m i g h t b e .
35
Erasistratos
W h e t h e r Erasistratos, the a u t h o r o f the m a j o r r i v a l Greek version of the
h u m a n b o d y i n the early H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , ever p r a c t i c e d i n A l e x a n d r i a ,
is c o n t r o v e r s i a l . Geoffrey L l o y d a n d m o s t m o d e r n scholars believe t h a t
he d i d , at least for a substantial p e r i o d of t i m e , whereas Peter Fraser has
revived the v i e w t h a t o n l y Seleucid connections are attested for Erasis­
tratos.
36
I t is a p i t y t h a t many, t h o u g h n o t a l l , scholars have felt o b l i g e d
t o choose between A l e x a n d r i a a n d A n t i o c h . There is i n fact evidence
t h a t n o t o n l y Erasistratos b u t also several of his relatives, p u p i l s , a n d as­
sociates were active as physicians b o t h i n Seleucid A n t i o c h a n d i n Ptole­
maic A l e x a n d r i a .
3 7
O n e neglected, albeit p r o b l e m a t i c , ancient source,
Saint Augustine's acquaintance V i n d i c i a n , claims t h a t Erasistratos, l i k e
H e r o p h i l o s , c o n d u c t e d p a t h o l o g i c a l e x a m i n a t i o n s " m Alexandria"
by
means o f dissecting h u m a n cadavers; a n d another, Caelius A u r e l i a n u s ,
refers t o a remedy t h a t Erasistratos sent o r p r o m i s e d t o send t o one o f
the Ptolemies (Ptolemaeo
regi promittens).
38
T h e m o b i l i t y o f the H e l ­
lenistic scientific c o m m u n i t y is w e l l attested, a n d ancient sources allude
t o Erasistratos's presence n o t o n l y i n A n t i o c h a n d A l e x a n d r i a b u t also
i n Keos, Athens, K n i d o s , K o s , a n d other l o c a l i t i e s . M o r e p e r t i n e n t for
39
present purposes is that, wherever he c o n d u c t e d his investigations, Era­
sistratos's theories s h o w close i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n science.
F o u r related features o f Erasistratos's m o d e l of the b o d y are n o t e w o r t h y
i n this c o n t e x t .
First, Erasistratos refines a n d extends H e r o p h i l o s ' s a n a t o m i ­
cal and p h y s i o l o g i c a l discoveries, f o r example, by m a k i n g an even clearer
d i s t i n c t i o n between m o t o r nerves a n d sensory nerves, by specifying m o r e
precisely the o r i g i n o f the nerves i n the b r a i n as w e l l as the nervous c o n ­
nections between the b r a i n a n d the spine, a n d by d e m o n s t r a t i n g the func­
t i o n o f the heart valves.
40
I n a d d i t i o n , he seems t o have been the first t o
e x t e n d the systematic use o f h u m a n dissection t o p a t h o l o g y a n d t o deploy
e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n regularly i n order t o verify his p h y s i o l o g i c a l theories.
41
Second, epistemologically less reticent t h a n H e r o p h i l o s , Era-
91
92
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
sistratos distinguishes between the c o n j e c t u r a l , or stochastic, branches of
medicine (therapeutics, semiotics) a n d its scientific branches (etiology,
physiology).
42
For the latter Erasistratos claims certainty, a n d i n this c o n ­
t e x t he tries t o develop a m o r e comprehensive systematic m o d e l o f a l l
m a j o r b o d i l y functions as interdependent, interactive processes. Respira­
t i o n , appetite, digestion, maintenance o f b o d y temperature, sensation,
m u s c u l a r activity, the nervous system, p u l s a t i o n , a n d the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f
b l o o d a n d p n e u m a by the vascular system a l l are depicted as interdepen­
dent parts o f a u n i t a r y system.
43
A b a n d o n i n g the H e r o p h i l e a n m o d e l o f
m a t e r i a l processes regulated by invisible innate faculties (Swa/ueus),
and
likewise j e t t i s o n i n g the t h e o r y of the f o u r h u m o r s , Erasistratos instead
uses his " m i n i a t u r e " a n a t o m i c a l k n o w l e d g e t o develop a m o r e mechanis­
tic version o f the body.
A c c o r d i n g t o Erasistratos, the b o d y consists o f p a r t i c u l a t e o r
corpuscular matter, w h i c h always acts i n accordance w i t h the p r i n c i p l e
t h a t m a t t e r w i l l r u s h i n t o any space t h a t is being e m p t i e d (rj rrpbs TO
Kevovpuevov aKoXovdta).
44
Erasistratos, i n other w o r d s , denies the possi­
b i l i t y o f any c o n t i n u o u s or massed v o i d . B u t he acknowledges the dis­
t i n c t i o n between massed v o i d a n d disseminate o r dispersed v o i d .
4 5
The
latter is n o t the c o n t i n u o u s v o i d postulated by Epicurus a n d other a t o m ists b u t the i n t e r s t i t i a l v o i d perhaps accepted by Erasistratos under the
influence o f his older c o n t e m p o r a r y , the Peripatetic Strato o f L a m p s a k o s
(d. 2 6 9 / 2 6 8
B.C.),
a t u t o r of P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos. I n Strato's v i e w
v o i d exists, b u t o n l y i n the three-dimensional interstices between i m p e r ­
fectly fitting particles o f m a t t e r — p a r t i c l e s o f w h i c h a l l objects, animate
a n d i n a n i m a t e , are composed—since matter w o u l d i m m e d i a t e l y r u s h i n
t o fill any larger, m o r e c o n t i n u o u s , massed v o i d .
4 6
Wherever Strato m i g h t
belong i n Erasistratos's i n t e l l e c t u a l genealogy, i t seems clear t h a t Erasis­
tratos shares these general principles a n d t h a t , characteristically, he per­
f o r m s a simple e x p e r i m e n t t o illustrate t h e m . I t is s t r i k i n g t h a t a s i m i l a r
e x p e r i m e n t is f o u n d b o t h i n early A l e x a n d r i a n mechanics a n d i n Peri­
patetic w r i t e r s .
4 7
T h i r d , o n this m a t e r i a l basis, Erasistratos consistently applies
principles t h a t also appear i n A l e x a n d r i a n mechanics, n o t a b l y i n pneu­
matics, h y d r a u l i c s , a n d hydrostatics. H e r o p h i l o s h a d confidently b r o u g h t
mechanical means—a measuring d e v i c e — t o the b o d y surface t o measure
nature's music i n the body, b u t Erasistratos n o w places n a t u r a l " m a ­
chines" inside the body. Indeed, the b o d y is a machine according t o the
Erasistratean version: a perpetual nature-given a u t o m a t o n . There is n o
need f o r h i d d e n invisible faculties (Swa/meis), he believes; a l l p h y s i o l o g i ­
cal processes are explicable i n terms o f the m a t e r i a l properties a n d struc­
tures o f the parts o f a mechanistically o p e r a t i n g body. Yet, as w i l l be
s h o w n below, Erasistratos preserves a teleological perspective by depict-
von
Staden
ing m o s t of these parts as being purposive, t h a t is, as serving o r effecting
an identifiable f u n c t i o n o r end. H e depicts the body, i n effect, as an au­
t o n o m o u s machine w i t h i n w h i c h m a n y interrelated, smaller machines
w i t h m o s t l y purposive parts are c o n t i n u o u s l y operative. A n a t u r a l au­
t o m a t o n i n perpetual m o t i o n f o r the d u r a t i o n of h u m a n life, the h u m a n
b o d y keeps mechanically d i s t r i b u t i n g b l o o d f r o m the heart a n d liver
t h r o u g h the veins, v i t a l p n e u m a f r o m the heart t h r o u g h the arteries, a n d
psychic p n e u m a f r o m the b r a i n t h r o u g h the nerves, a l l i n accordance
w i t h irpog
TO K€POVJUL€POP
aKokovSCa (matter " f o l l o w i n g t o w a r d t h a t
w h i c h is being e m p t i e d " ) ,
48
a n d a l l w i t h o u t p r o m p t i n g by any e x t e r n a l
agency o r by invisible i n t e r n a l faculties. A closer l o o k at one of these
purposive parts w i t h i n the " b o d y m a c h i n e " m i g h t offer a useful i l l u s t r a ­
t i o n of Erasistratos's reasoning.
A m a j o r " s u b m a c h i n e " w i t h i n the larger b o d y machine is the
heart, w h i c h Erasistratos depicts as an a u t o m a t i c , d o u b l e - a c t i o n , suction-and-force p u m p or, t o use his o w n m e t a p h o r , bellows. T h i s cardiac
b e l l o w s - p u m p is e q u i p p e d w i t h superbly f u n c t i o n a l valves t h a t ensure
the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y of the f l o w b o t h of w h a t rushes i n t o its t w o chambers
and of what it pumps o u t .
4 9
T h e parallels between Erasistratos's m o d e l
of the heart a n d central features o f the n e w A l e x a n d r i a n mechanical
t e c h n o l o g y are s t r i k i n g . I offer o n l y one example: the w a t e r p u m p i n ­
vented by Ktesibios d u r i n g Erasistratos's l i f e t i m e .
1.
50
L i k e Erasistratos's version o f the heart, Ktesibios's w a t e r
p u m p has t w o chambers.
2.
B o t h the cardiac p u m p a n d the water p u m p are e q u i p p e d
w i t h valves t o ensure the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y o f the flow. As V i t r u vius says of Ktesibios's p u m p , " i n this chamber there are cir­
cular valves [tfsses] placed i n the upper orifices [ " n o s t r i l s " ] o f
the tubes w i t h an accurate fitting. A n d these valves, by clos­
ing u p the apertures o f the orifices [ " n o s t r i l s " ] , d o n o t p e r m i t
t h a t w h i c h has been pressed i n t o the chamber by means o f air
to r e t u r n . "
3.
5 1
As i n Erasistratos's m o d e l o f the heart, so i n Ktesibios's p u m p
there are f o u r sets of valves, t w o c o n t r o l l i n g i n t a k e a n d t w o
r e g u l a t i n g o u t f l o w f r o m the t w o chambers.
4.
F u r t h e r m o r e , Ktesibios uses valves t o ensure the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y
of the f l o w of either l i q u i d or air ( b o t h here a n d i n several
of his other machines). Erasistratos l i k e w i s e describes the
heart valves as ensuring the u n i d i r e c t i o n a l f l o w o f either air
{TTvevfjia,
breath) or l i q u i d ( b l o o d ) : t w o sets o f cardiac valves,
he says, c o n t r o l the f l o w of p n e u m a (respectively into the left
93
94
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
chamber of the heart f r o m the lungs a n d out of this left c h a m ­
ber i n t o the a o r t a ) , w h i l e t w o other valve sets ensure u n i d i r e c ­
t i o n a l flow o f b l o o d i n t o a n d f r o m the r i g h t cardiac chamber.
5.
Ktesibios's water p u m p has f o r k e d pipes (fistulae
furcillae),
a n d Erasistratos's vascular system is s i m i l a r l y dependent o n
f o r k i n g vessels.
6.
B o t h Erasistratos's version o f the heart a n d Ktesibios's p u m p
centrally depend o n the p r i n c i p l e o f an intermediate valved
chamber (medius
catinus,
see note 50). T h e Erasistratean
heart serves as a d o u b l e intermediate chamber, o n the one
h a n d , f o r b l o o d between the vena cava ( c o m i n g f r o m the
liver) a n d the p u l m o n a r y vessels t h a t c a r r y b l o o d t o the lungs,
a n d , o n the other h a n d , f o r p n e u m a between the lungs a n d
the a o r t a .
7.
52
Just as Ktesibios's water p u m p is constructed w i t h t w i n c y l i n ­
ders (modioli
gemelli)
s i t t i n g i n a r o u n d space, so Erasis­
tratos's heart is a t w o - c h a m b e r e d machine t h a t sits i n a larger
r o u n d i s h space, the t h o r a x .
8.
5 3
As compression a n d e x p a n s i o n alternate i n each chamber of
Ktesibios's water p u m p , so c o n t r a c t i o n c o n t i n u o u s l y alter­
nates w i t h d i l a t a t i o n i n Erasistratos's cardiac b e l l o w s - p u m p .
9.
M o r e fundamentally, the mechanical principles are s i m i l a r i n
the t w o cases: p r o p u l s i o n o f matter i n t o a c o n t i g u o u s space
by compression or c o n t r a c t i o n a n d d r a w i n g i n o f c o n t i g u o u s
matter by e x p a n s i o n o r d i l a t a t i o n , based o n the r e c o g n i t i o n
t h a t c o n t i n u o u s — a s opposed t o d i s s e m i n a t e — v o i d does n o t
exist n a t u r a l l y . (It s h o u l d n o t be o v e r l o o k e d , however, t h a t
Erasistratos i n his e x t a n t remains e x p l i c i t l y applies the t h e o r y
of i n t e r s t i t i a l v o i d o n l y t o the m o v e m e n t of l i q u i d s t h r o u g h
the body, n o t t o the c o m p r e s s i b i l i t y o f air.)
As always, s i m i l a r i t y s h o u l d n o t be m i s t a k e n f o r identity, n o r
does affinity necessarily e n t a i l influence. B u t the parallels between Erasis­
tratos's m o d e l o f the heart a n d Ktesibios's water p u m p are numerous,
n o n t r i v i a l , a n d n o n m a r g i n a l . W h e t h e r Erasistratos b o r r o w e d f r o m Ktesi­
bios o r Ktesibios f r o m Erasistratos, o r neither f r o m either, is unclear,
b u t i t is evident t h a t Erasistratos's version o f the b o d y has m u c h i n c o m ­
m o n w i t h early A l e x a n d r i a n technology. F u r t h e r m o r e , f o r whatever
reasons, b o t h Erasistratos a n d some early A l e x a n d r i a n mechanicians,
such as Ktesibios a n d P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m , developed versions o f " m a ­
chines"—Erasistratos t o e x p l a i n n a t u r a l p h y s i o l o g i c a l processes, the
others t o e x p l o r e n e w t e c h n o l o g i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s — t h a t h a d at least some
von
Staden
elements i n c o m m o n w i t h Strato's t h e o r y o f v o i d a n d o f p a r t i c u l a t e m a t ­
ter.
54
I t also is s t r i k i n g t h a t later A l e x a n d r i a n w r i t e r s o n mechanics, such
as H e r o n , p r o b a b l y d r a w i n g o n early H e l l e n i s t i c sources, i n v o k e m e d i c a l
i n s t r u m e n t s a n d m e d i c a l practices i n s u p p o r t o f t h e i r views o n i n t e r s t i ­
tial void and on pneumatics.
H e r o n ' s elaborate d e s c r i p t i o n o f the de­
55
sign o f m e d i c a l devices t h a t d e p l o y his p n e u m a t i c p r i n c i p l e s , such as a
c u p p i n g t o o l (oLKva)
t h a t does n o t require heating a n d a syringe f o r
d r a w i n g off pus {'?TVOVAK6<;,
"pus p u l l e r " ) ,
5 6
f u r t h e r illustrates the i n t e r ­
a c t i o n between H e l l e n i s t i c m e d i c i n e a n d m e c h a n i c a l technology.
F o u r t h , ever since a n t i q u i t y the conspicuously mechanistic
features o f m a n y o f Erasistratos's p h y s i o l o g i c a l a n d p a t h o l o g i c a l e x p l a ­
nations have tended t o obscure a n o t h e r m a j o r feature o f his v e r s i o n o f
the b o d y : teleology. I n some o f his extensive anti-Erasistratean p o l e m i c s ,
G a l e n suggests t h a t Erasistratos's t e l e o l o g i c a l statements were merely
r h e t o r i c a l , h y p o c r i t i c a l , Peripatetic w i n d o w dressing, a n d t h a t they were
b l a t a n t l y c o n t r a d i c t e d by Erasistratos himself, f o r e x a m p l e , w h e n the
latter fails t o specify a f u n c t i o n f o r the spleen, the o m e n t u m , the r e n a l
arteries, a n d y e l l o w b i l e .
57
B u t the ancient evidence offers n o c o m p e l l i n g
reason t o accept Galen's j u d g m e n t . Indeed, Galen's o w n reports leave
l i t t l e d o u b t t h a t Erasistratos u n e q u i v o c a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d a t e l e o l o g i c a l ap­
p r o a c h t o the b o d y : "Erasistratos h i m s e l f supposed t h a t nature (4>vatg) is
capable o f f o r e t h o u g h t {TrpovorjriKrj)
techne
(rexvLKrj)"
f o r the l i v i n g being a n d capable o f
a n d "Erasistratos seems t o have s o u n d sense, since he
t h i n k s t h a t a l l parts o f the b o d y are b o t h w e l l placed (KaXfjg
a n d w e l l shaped (8ia7r\a6drjvai)
'capable o f techne'
(re;^/^)."
5 8
n o t h i n g w i t h o u t reason (aXoycos),
this";
5 9
TeOfjvai)
by n a t u r e , . . . a n d he calls nature
Similarly, G a l e n r e p o r t s , " n a t u r e does
f o r he [Erasistratos] h i m s e l f says
" u p t o the p o i n t w h e r e he [Erasistratos] sings a h y m n t o nature
as being capable o f techne,
I [ G a l e n ] , t o o , recognize the o p i n i o n s o f the
Peripatos" (and, adds G a l e n , Erasistratos's f o l l o w e r s also c l a i m t h a t he
associated w i t h the P e r i p a t o s ) ;
60
" o n l y one [ o p i n i o n a b o u t n a t u r e ] w i l l
be f o u n d t o be the same f o r Erasistratos a n d f o r those a u t h o r s [sc. the
Peripatetics], n a m e l y t h a t nature makes a l l things f o r the sake o f some­
thing and nothing i n v a i n . "
6 1
P l u t a r c h (or pseudo-Plutarch) seems t o
allude t o this f u n d a m e n t a l feature o f Erasistratos's c o n c e p t i o n o f n a t u r a l
beings: " F o r , everywhere nature {(pvaug) is exact [aKpiprjs),
techne
(4>L\6T€XVO<;),
superfluity (aTrepirros),
(pOJTTLKOV)."
w i t h o u t deficiency (aveAAiTrrjs),
fond of
and w i t h o u t
h a v i n g , as Erasistratos says, n o t h i n g t a w d r y
6 2
I t is significant t h a t Erasistratos emphasizes n o t o n l y nature's
purposiveness, p r o v i d e n t i a l i t y , a n d aesthetically (KaAcog) d i r e c t e d a c c o m ­
plishments b u t also its craftsmanship (<\>vcrig TexviKrj,
Techne
(fyiXorexvog).
has a r i c h p h i l o s o p h i c a l h i s t o r y as a p a r a d i g m o f p u r p o s i v e o r
g o a l - d i r e c t e d a c t i v i t y , a n d hence Greek p h i l o s o p h e r s often use
techne
95
96
HELLENISTIC
A L E X A N D R I A
a n d its cognates t o refer t o teleological processes, also i n c o s m o l o g i c a l
contexts.
63
Erasistratos's Stoic c o n t e m p o r a r i e s — a l l ardent teleologists—
describe nature (c^vatg) as a "fire capable of tecbne
(irvp
TexyiKov),
w h i c h m e t h o d i c a l l y proceeds t o w a r d the creation o f the w o r l d " o r as
"fire e n d o w e d w i t h tecbne"
the pneuma
tecbne"
(irvp evrexvov),
a n d they s i m i l a r l y refer t o
o f w h i c h the entire universe is c o n s t i t u t e d as " e n d o w e d w i t h
[Trvevpua evrexvov)
o r as " t e c b n e - l i k e " (rex^oecdeg,
cally p u r p o s i v e l y d e s i g n i n g " ? ) .
64
i.e., " a r t i s t i ­
A n d a b o u t the goal-directed nature o f
t h e i r c o n c e p t i o n o f tecbne the Stoics leave n o d o u b t : a c c o r d i n g t o a p o p ­
ular d e f i n i t i o n by Z e n o o f C i t i u m , "tecbne
is a system (avcrrrj/uia) c o m ­
posed o f c o g n i t i o n s unified by practice w i t h a v i e w t o some goal (reAos)
useful for things i n l i f e . "
a n d craft, pbysis
6 5
Indeed, at times the Stoics describe nature
a n d tecbne, i n i d e n t i c a l terms, as "a d i s p o s i t i o n (e£is,
" t e n o r " ) t h a t effects a l l things m e t h o d i c a l l y . " F u r t h e r m o r e , a n u m b e r
66
of Greek philosophers described tecbne &s i m i t a t i n g nature ( i n a stronger,
m o r e comprehensive sense t h a n the topos " a r t imitates l i f e " ) .
between Erasistratos's c o n c e p t i o n o f pbysis
The link
6 7
as a lover o f tecbne (or as ca­
pable o f i t ) a n d his teleological reading o f n a t u r a l organisms is therefore
best u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t o f such p h i l o s o p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n s .
These t r a d i t i o n a l affinities between pbysis
a n d tecbne m a y
also, i n p a r t , have i n f o r m e d Erasistratos's c o m b i n a t i o n o f mechanism
a n d teleology: his v i e w seems t o be that, just as tecbne proceeds i n a me­
t h o d i c a l , goal-directed fashion t o the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f mechanical de­
vices, so nature m e t h o d i c a l l y (re)produces purposively s t r u c t u r e d n a t u r a l
machines, i n c l u d i n g the h u m a n body. B u t equally i m p o r t a n t for under­
standing the nature a n d l i m i t s o f Erasistratos's teleological c o m m i t m e n t s
are the models o f teleological e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t prevailed i n the Peripatos
i n the late f o u r t h a n d early t h i r d centuries B . C .
Aristotle's version of teleology, like Erasistratos's (and u n l i k e
Plato's, the Stoics', a n d Galen's), is e x p l i c i t l y l i m i t e d : according t o A r i s ­
t o t l e , n o t e v e r y t h i n g has a final cause, n o t even i n nature. T h i s holds n o t
o n l y f o r events t h a t A r i s t o t l e classifies as chance o r c o i n c i d e n t a l occur­
rences b u t also i n cases o f systematic failures or o f specieswide traits t h a t
c a n n o t be e x p l a i n e d i n teleological terms. I n farts of Animals,
for ex­
ample, A r i s t o t l e remarks:
It is likely that the gall (xoXij), when it is present i n the area
of the liver, is a residue and not for the sake of anything (oif\
eveKOL TLPOS).
For although nature sometimes makes use even
of residues, one should not o n this account seek purpose
TWOS,
" f o r the sake of w h a t , " "final cause") i n all things
(eveKa
(iravra).
Rather, while some things are of such a nature [sc. purposive],
many others occur as a result of these by necessity.
Similarly, elsewhere i n Parts of Animals
68
A r i s t o t l e n o t o n l y calls the
g r o w t h o f h o r n s i n certain animals useless (axpiqo-rov) b u t even adds
von
t h a t , i n such cases, h o r n s " d o m o r e h a r m t h a n g o o d . "
6 9
Staden
Moreover, Aris­
t o t l e offers p u r e l y mechanistic explanations o f the g r o w t h a n d shedding
of h o r n s . A r i s t o t l e m i g h t be famous for his refrain " N a t u r e makes n o t h ­
ing i n v a i n , " b u t he does n o t believe i t as literally, comprehensively, a n d
absolutely as Galen d i d . A r i s t o t l e ' s w o r l d , l i k e Erasistratos's, has its
share of things t h a t serve n o identifiable final purpose, a l t h o u g h some
m i g h t be the necessary b y - p r o d u c t s of processes t h a t themselves exist f o r
the sake o f s o m e t h i n g .
Aristotle's successor T h e o p h r a s t o s , w i t h w h o m ancient
sources associate Erasistratos d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y (see note 74 b e l o w ) ,
w e n t even further, f u n d a m e n t a l l y q u e s t i o n i n g the scope o f t e l e o l o g i c a l
e x p l a n a t i o n even w h i l e affirming his basic c o m m i t m e n t t o i t . I n his
physics,
Meta­
f o r example, Theophrastos argues t h a t w e m u s t accept c e r t a i n
l i m i t s t o purposiveness (TO k'veKa
TOV) i n nature a n d t h a t w e m u s t n o t
p o s i t either purposiveness or a tendency t o w a r d the best t o exist i n a l l
cases (iwl
TTOLVTCOV)
w i t h o u t q u a l i f i c a t i o n (a7rAd>g).
70
Indeed, he says,
m a n y n a t u r a l things either exist i n animals " i n v a i n , as i t w e r e " (TO. jmev
cbaTTep [JLQLToctet)) such as nipples i n males o r h a i r i n c e r t a i n places, or are
such as t o have an unspecifiable purpose
(TLVOS
eveKa).
There is m u c h i n
nature, Theophrastos adds, t h a t neither obeys n o r receives the g o o d ;
even the n a t u r a l placement of c e r t a i n b o d i l y organs, such as the w i n d ­
pipe, is p o o r . N a t u r e s i m p l y does n o t always d o w h a t is best a m o n g the
possibilities f o r each o r g a n , n o r does i t i n v a r i a b l y m a k e a structure the
way
i t is because i t thereby is
honorable."
7 1
" m o r e w o r t h y , valuable o r
TL/ULUDTEPOV,
F u r t h e r m o r e , Theophrastos's v i e w entails t h a t neither the
universality o f a t r a i t w i t h i n a species n o r the r e g u l a r i t y o f its r e p r o d u c ­
t i o n is sufficient t o establish t h a t s o m e t h i n g exists f o r the sake o f some
end. A n d , like A r i s t o t l e a n d Erasistratos, T h e o p h r a s t o s
accommodates
mechanistic explanations w i t h i n his larger teleological a p p r o a c h .
72
All
three seem t o believe t h a t one can coherently h o l d t h a t , i n c e r t a i n cases,
once nature has assembled matter i n a purposive way, n a t u r a l
mecha­
nisms w i l l i n e l u c t a b l y p r o d u c e the results w e observe.
As i n d i c a t e d above, the ancient evidence suggests t h a t Erasis­
tratos m a y have h a d personal o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o become acquainted w i t h
the Peripatetics' c i r c u m s c r i b e d teleology. Strato's presence i n A l e x a n d r i a
(in the p e r i o d before he succeeded T h e o p h r a s t o s as head o f the L y c e u m
in Athens i n a b o u t 288 B . C . ) is attested,
73
a n d the e x p l i c i t ancient evi­
dence o f Erasistratos's connections w i t h Peripatetics, i n c l u d i n g T h e o ­
phrastos, is accepted as v a l i d by m o s t m o d e r n scholars. As suggested
above, A r i s t o t l e ' s scientific dissections a n d vivisections o f a n i m a l s —
never of h u m a n s — p e r h a p s also p r o v i d e d a p o i n t o f reference f o r A l e x ­
andrian dissection.
74
Erasistratos's c o m b i n a t i o n of (a) mechanistic p r i n c i p l e s s i m i ­
lar t o those used by the mechanical t e c h n o l o g y o f his t i m e , a n d (b) l i m ­
ited teleological e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t finds n o specifiable f u n c t i o n s f o r
97
98
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
c e r t a i n organs a n d substances, m i g h t have seemed an outrageous c o n t r a ­
d i c t i o n t o Galen, w h o h e l d a m o r e P l a t o n i c a l l y c o l o r e d belief i n the ab­
solute, comprehensive, directed purposiveness o f nature. B u t relocated
w i t h i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n t e x t s o f his o w n times, Erasistratos's p o s i t i o n
is h i s t o r i c a l l y plausible a n d coherent. H e tries t o r e i n i n teleology w i t h ­
o u t a b a n d o n i n g i t , t o recognize nature's p r o v i d e n t i a l craftsmanship i n
the b o d y w i t h o u t m a k i n g overstated claims f o r i t , a n d t o analyze the
largely well-designed b o d i l y machines t h r o u g h w h i c h nature effects some
of its discernible purposes. These efforts render h i m an i n t r i g u i n g p a r t i c i ­
p a n t i n a lively debate t h a t s t i r r e d m a n y a f o u r t h - a n d t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c .
t h i n k e r — a debate t h a t , despite Galen's p o l e m i c a l efforts t o render i t
7 5
obsolete, is n o t over yet.
Erasistratos's c o m b i n a t i o n o f a teleological a n d a mechanistic
version o f the b o d y therefore offers a f u r t h e r e x a m p l e o f the interactive
n a t u r e o f the early H e l l e n i s t i c scientific c o m m u n i t y , n o t a b l y , i n this case,
of i n t e r a c t i o n between m e d i c i n e , mechanics, a n d p h i l o s o p h y . Such ex­
change m a y have been p a r t l y s t i m u l a t e d , o r at least f a c i l i t a t e d , by i n s t i ­
t u t i o n a l a n d p o l i t i c a l features o f scientific life i n A l e x a n d r i a , such as the
M o u s e i o n a n d m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l r o y a l p a t r o n a g e , even i f , as suggested
above, Erasistratos was active i n o t h e r H e l l e n i s t i c cities, t o o .
7 6
T h e t w o versions o f the b o d y presented above n o t o n l y illus­
trate some resonances between A l e x a n d r i a n medicine a n d other branches
of A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r e ; they also illustrate the r i c h A l e x a n d r i a n c o m p e t i ­
t i o n between r i v a l scientific theories, r i v a l m e t h o d s , divergent epistemol o g i c a l postures, a n d diverse r h e t o r i c a l c o m m i t m e n t s .
77
I t is a c o m p l e x ,
r i c h , p r o d u c t i v e scientific a g o n i n the m o s t v i b r a n t o f Greek t r a d i t i o n s ,
yet i t is a c c o m m o d a t e d , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , n o t i n democratic Athens b u t i n
an a u t o c r a t i c n e w state i n A f r i c a w i t h M a c e d o n i a n rulers.
Yale University
N E W
H A V E N ,
C O N N E C T I C U T
von
Staden
Notes
1
2 vols. (Leipzig 1890-1893);
T h e H e l l e n i s t i c scientific c o m m u n i t y w a s m o ­
Graece
b i l e , b u t i t is a t t e s t e d t h a t , a t least f o r c e r t a i n
T . L . H e a t h , e d . , t r a n s l . , Apollonius
exstant,
p e r i o d s o f t i m e , A r c h i m e d e s w o r k e d i n Syra­
Treatise
cuse; T h e o p h r a s t o s , E r a t o s t h e n e s , a n d S t r a t o i n
G . J. T o o m e r , e d . , t r a n s l . , c o m m . ,
A t h e n s ( b u t t h e l a t t e r t w o also i n A l e x a n d r i a ) ;
Conies
Dionysos the A l e x a n d r i a n and the astronomer
the Lost
on Conic
ν to vii: The Arabic
Greek
Original
ofPerga,
( C a m b r i d g e 1896);
Sections
Apollonius,
Translation
of
in the Version
of
Hipparchos o f Nicaea i n Rhodes; Praxagoras
the Banu Musa ( N e w Y o r k 1990); B . L . v a n
and m a n y subsequent doctors i n Kos. Pergamon
der W a e r d e n , Erwachende
a n d R h o d e s w e r e k n o w n centers o f m a t h e m a t ­
(Basel 1956), p p . 3 9 5 - 4 3 6 ; O . N e u g e b a u e r ,
Wissenschaft
ics, S m y r n a b e c a m e f a m o u s f o r its s c h o o l o f
" A p o l l o n i o s - S t u d i e n , " Quellen
E r a s i s t r a t e a n p h y s i c i a n s , a n d M e n K a r o u (near
Geschichte
Laodicea-ad-Lycum) f o r its school o f H e r o -
215-54.
und Studien
zur
A b t . B , 2 (1932):
der Mathematik,
p h i l e a n d o c t o r s . A p o l l o n i o s o f Perge w a s i n
E p h e s o s f o r a t least s o m e t i m e a n d m a i n t a i n e d
active contact w i t h
7
Pergamon.
See V i t r u v i u s De architectura
9.8.2-7, 10.7-
8; A t h e n a e u s Deipnosophistae
4.i74b-e,
n . 4 9 7 b - e ; A . G . D r a c h m a n n , The
2
F o r E u c l i d ' s c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h A l e x a n d r i a , see
Technology
P r o c l u s , In primum
Study
comment.,
Euclidis
in Euclidis
Elementa,
of the Literary
i d e m , Ktesibios,
Elementorum
Ancient
1, i n J. L . H e i b e r g , e d . , rev. E . S. S t a m a -
t i s , Euclidis
and Roman
Mechanical
Antiquity:
A
(Copenhagen
Sources
1963), p p . 10, 156, 1 8 9 - 9 0 , 1 9 2 - 9 3 , 2 0 2 - 3 ;
e d . G . F r i e d l e i n ( L e i p z i g 1873),
p . 6 8 . 1 0 - 2 0 ; Scholia
librum
Elementorum
of Greek
Philon
and Heron:
(Copenhagen
Pneumatics
A Study
in
1948).
v o l . 5 . 1 ( L e i p z i g 1977),
p . 4 0 . 2 3 - 2 5 ; P a p p u s , Collectiones
7.35 ( H e i ­
8
H . D i e l s a n d E . S c h r a m m , Philons
Belopoiika,
A b h a n d l u n g e n der preussischen A k a d e m i e
b e r g p . 678).
der W i s s e n s c h a f t e n , B e r l i n , p h i l . - h i s t . K L , 16
3
Aristarchos perhaps studied i n A l e x a n d r i a w i t h
(1918); i d e m , Exzerpte
S t r a t o o f L a m p s a k o s ( t h e P e r i p a t e t i c ) : see S t o -
B. VII und via, A b h a n d l u n g e n d e r p r e u s s i s c h e n
baeus Eclogae
A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaften, Berlin, phil.-hist.
1.16.1; D i o g e n e s L a e r t i u s
philosophorum
Vitae
Mechanik
K l . , 12 (1919); R . Schoene, Philonis
5.58.
cae Syntaxis
4
aus Philons
libri
quartus
Mechani(Berlin
et quintus
O n A r c h i m e d e s ' A l e x a n d r i a n a s s o c i a t i o n s , see
1893); C . de V a u x , " L e l i v r e des a p p a r e i l s
D i o d o r o s o f S i c i l y Bibliotheca
p n e u m a t i q u e s et des m a c h i n e s h y d r a u l i q u e s
5.37.3.
historica
F o r A r c h i m e d e s ' e x t a n t prefaces a d d r e s s e d t o
de P h i l o n de B y z a n c e , " Notices
A l e x a n d r i a n m a t h e m a t i c i a n s , see J. L . H e i b e r g ,
(1903): 2 7 - 2 3 5 ; D r a c h m a n n ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) ;
e d . , rev. E . S. S t a m a t i s , Archimedis
E . W . M a r s d e n , Greek
opera
om­
nia, 3 v o l s . ( S t u t t g a r t 1972), e.g., v o l . 1, p p . 2 - 4
Technical
Treatises
38
et extraits
and Roman
Artillery:
( O x f o r d 1971), p p . 1 0 5 - 8 4 ;
(to Dositheos), 168-70 (to Dositheos, w i t h
i d e m , Greek
m e n t i o n o f K o n o n ) , 246 ( t o D o s i t h e o s ) ; v o l . 2,
Development
p p . 2, 2 6 2 - 6 6 ( t o D o s i t h e o s , b u t b o t h w i t h
3^-37, 39-42.» 61-62, 75-76, 89-91, 1 1 3 E ,
m e n t i o n o f K o n o n ) , 4 2 6 - 3 0 a n d 528 ( b o t h t o
117, I 2 4 f . , 1 9 9 - 2 0 6 .
and Roman
Artillery:
Historical
( O x f o r d 1969), p p . 3 - 6 , 2 5 - 2 6 ,
Eratosthenes).
9
5
O n D i o n y s o s ' s r e p e a t i n g c a t a p u l t , p r o b a b l y de­
B e t t e r k n o w n t o s o m e as a n A l e x a n d r i a n l i b r a r ­
signed a n d b u i l t i n R h o d e s , see P h i l o n o f B y z a n ­
i a n , l i t e r a r y c r i t i c , a n d p o e t , E r a t o s t h e n e s also
t i u m Belopoeica
was a scientist. F o r his famous a t t e m p t t o mea­
[ n o t e 8 a b o v e ] , c h a p s . 5 1 - 6 0 ) ; M a r s d e n , Ar­
sure t h e c i r c u m f e r e n c e o f t h e e a r t h , see
medis
Caelestia,
Cleo-
ed. R. T o d d (Leipzig 1990),
tillery:
Technical
73-77 ( = Diels a n d Schramm
Treatises
(note 8 above),
p p . 1 4 6 - 5 2 , 1 7 7 - 8 4 , esp. D i a g r a m 9 ( p . 179);
1.7 ( p p . 3 3 - 3 7 , w i t h f u r t h e r useful refs. t o a n ­
H . D i e l s , Antike
cient accounts o f Eratosthenes' measurements;
1924), p p . 1 0 4 - 6 ; M a r s d e n , Artillery:
see also i b i d . , p p . x x i i i - x x v , f o r r e l e v a n t m o d ­
cal ( n o t e 8 a b o v e ) , p p . 89, 94; J. G . L a n d e l s ,
ern lit.).
Engineering
Technik,
in the Ancient
3rd e d . ( L e i p z i g
World
Histori­
(London
1978), p p . 1 2 3 - 2 6 , w i t h fig. 44. I t is n o t clear
6
I n i t s field, A p o l l o n i o s ' s Conies
E u c l i d ' s Elements
became w h a t
w e r e i n basic g e o m e t r y . See
J. L . H e i b e r g , e d . , Apollonii
Pergaei
quae
w h e t h e r B i t o n ' s f a m o u s treatise, On the
struction
Catapults
of Instruments
for Warfare
( M a r s d e n , Artillery:
Con­
and of
Technical
Trea-
99
100
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
p p . 6 1 - 1 0 3 ) , addressed t o a K i n g A t t a l o s ,
tises,
13
G a l e n , De anatomicis
10.7
administrationibus
b e l o n g s t o t h e t h i r d o r s e c o n d c e n t u r y B . C . (i.e.,
(vol. 2, p . 5 1 S i m o n ; p . 56 D u c k w o r t h ) =
w h e t h e r its addressee is A t t a l o s 1 o f P e r g a m o n
Heroph.
( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , f r . 9 2 (cf. f r . 7 9 ) .
o r A t t a l o s 11 o r 111), b u t i n a n y case t h e r e seems
t o be l i t t l e , i f a n y t h i n g , t h a t c o n n e c t s i t
t o A l e x a n d r i a . M a r s d e n , Artillery:
p . 6, a n d Artillery:
Treatises,
directly
14
Technical
retina
argues t h a t B i t o n ' s treatise w a s w r i t t e n a b o u t
240
and
are d e r i v e d f r o m L a t i n t r a n s l a t i o n s o f
Herophilos's Greek terms.
B.C.
15
10
( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 8 f f . , esp.
1 5 5 - 6 1 , 1 9 5 - 2 0 8 . O u r t e r m s cornea
p . 3,
Historical,
See Heroph.
See L . E d e l s t e i n , Ancient
(Baltimore
Medicine
See Heroph.
(note 10 above), p p . 1 6 1 - 7 7 ,
182-86, 200-27.
1967), pp. 2 4 7 - 3 0 1 ; idem, "The Development
o f G r e e k A n a t o m y , " Bulletin
of the History
of
16
3 (1935): 2 3 5 - 4 8 ^ . Kudlien, " A n -
Medicine
2 1 4 - 2 0 , 2 9 6 - 9 9 , 3 6 5 - 7 2 . Herophilos's identi­
tike A n a t o m i e u n d menschlicher L e i c h n a m , "
f i c a t i o n o f t h e b r o a d l i g a m e n t s (Heroph.
9 7 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 7 8 - 9 4 ; I . G a r o f a l o , ed.,
Hermes
Erasistrati
H . v o n Staden,
The Art of Medicine
in Early
o f t h e u t e r u s t h a t pass f r o m t h e side o f t h e
Herophilus:
bridge 1989), pp. 1 3 8 - 5 3 , 1 8 7 - 8 9
uterus t o the w a l l s of the pelvis, p r o b a b l y was
(Cam­
Alexandria
c r u c i a l t o his a p p a r e n t a b a n d o n m e n t o f t h e
(hereafter
idea o f a w a n d e r i n g w o m b , i n a s m u c h as t h e
i d e m , " T h e D i s c o v e r y o f the B o d y :
Heroph.);
frr.
1 1 4 , 6 1 ) , i.e., t w o b i l a m i n a t e l a t e r a l l i g a m e n t s
(Pisa 1 9 8 8 ) , p p . 2 0 - 2 9
fragmenta
(hereafter Erasist.);
(note 10 above), p p . 1 6 7 - 6 9 , 1 8 3 - 8 6 ,
Heroph.
b r o a d ligaments help t o h o l d the uterus i n
H u m a n Dissection a n d Its C u l t u r a l Contexts i n
p l a c e . ( B e t w e e n t h e t w o layers o f e a c h l i g a m e n t
A n c i e n t G r e e c e , " The Yale Journal
also pass t h e F a l l o p i a n t u b e s — d i s c o v e r e d b y
of
Biology
65 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 2 2 3 - 4 1 . See also
and Medicine
H e r o p h i l o s — a n d s o m e b l o o d vessels.)
notes 36, 38, 4 1 below.
17
I I
See K . D e i c h g r a b e r , Die griechische
Empiriker-
2 n d e d . ( B e r l i n 1 9 6 5 ) ; o n P h i l i n o s as
schule,
f o u n d e r , p p . 1 6 3 - 6 4 , 2 5 4 - 5 5 . Celsus
cina,
(Medi-
E m p i r i c i s t school, w h i l e Pliny the Elder
naturalibus
1.14, 3.15 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 4 4 - 5 6 ,
2 0 6 - 1 4 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Galenus,
(Natu-
Scripta
3 v o l s . , e d . J. M a r q u a r d t [ v o l . 1 ] ,
minora,
I . M u l l e r [ v o l . 2 ] , a n d G . H e l m r e i c h [ v o l . 3]
29.5) claims that it started w i t h
ralis historia
12
facultatibus
o f the
omnium)
to attack atomistic
e x p l a n a t i o n s o f m a g n e t i s m i n De
p r o o e m i u m 1 0 ) , h o w e v e r , seems t o m a k e
S e r a p i o n t h e f o u n d e r (primus
See, f o r e x a m p l e , Galen's use o f " a t t r a c t i v e
f a c u l t y " (eXKTLKrj Svvafus)
[ L e i p z i g 1 8 8 4 - 1 8 9 3 ] , h e r e a f t e r Scripta
minora,
A k r o n o f A g r i g e n t u m i n Sicily. See n o t e 7 7
v o l . 3, p p . 1 3 3 - 4 2 , 2 5 1 - 5 7 H e l m r e i c h ) ; Ad
below.
Pisonem
de theriaca
De locis
affectis
Celsus Medicina
prooemium 23-26
in Librum
De sectis
Galeni
6 3 b , p . 1 8 8 ) ; A g n e l l u s o f R a v e n n a ( ? ) , In
Galeni
2 3 , a d c a p . 5 (Arethusa
comm.
Mono­
18
See H . v o n S t a d e n , " C a r d i o v a s c u l a r Puzzles i n
E r a s i s t r a t u s a n d H e r o p h i l u s , " i n xxxi.
p p . 1 8 8 - 8 9 ) . B o t h H e r o p h i l o s a n d Erasistratos
gresso
c o n t i n u e d t o dissect a n d v i v i s e c t a n i m a l s as w e l l :
Bologna,
G a l e n De anatomicis
Heroph.
Claudii
Galeni
Opera
omnia,
6.8, i n
frr. 4 9 A ,
5 2 ) ; i d e m , De placitis
Platonis
7.3 ( v o l . 5, p . 6 0 9 K . ; Corpus
Graecorum
natura
sanguis
et
19
teries
Erasist.
and the
arteriis
(note 10 above), p p . 2 4 7 - 7 3 ;
s
e
e
a
l
s
o
p h a s i s o n f a c u l t i e s as a n e x p l a n a t o r y m e c h a ­
n i s m : see Heroph.,
p p . 3 3 1 (fr. 1 5 6 ) , 4 6 9 - 7 0
(fr. 2 8 4 ) , 5 2 6 .
Ar­
[Princeton 1984], pp. 162, 1 7 9 - 8 0 =
fr. 4 7 ) .
Heroph.
C h r y s e r m o s o f A l e x a n d r i a are a m o n g l a t e r
5.2 a n d 8.4, 5
on Respiration
(Bologna 1989), pp. 6 8 1 - 8 7 ;
( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 2 9 - 3 0 (fr. 5 7 ) ,
Herophileans w h o continued Herophilos's em­
( v o l . 4 , p p . 7 1 8 , 7 3 3 - 3 5 K . ; D . J. F u r l e y a n d
J. S. W i l k i e , Galen
Medicina,
notes 2 1 - 2 2 below. D e m e t r i o s o f A p a m e a a n d
Medicorum
f r . 4 2 A ) ; i d e m , An in
contineatur
Con-
della
145a, 155, 164, 184.18, 19).
[hereafter C M G ] , 5.4.1.2, p . 4 4 6
D e L a c y = Erasist.
1988
di Storia
fr. 60), a n d
7 . 1 6 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 6 4 6 - 4 9 K . = Erasist.
Hippocratis
Internazionale
p p . 2 4 2 - 4 3 , 2 6 2 - 8 8 , 3 2 2 - 6 1 (esp. f r r . 1 4 4 ,
ed. C. G . K i i h n
(Leipzig 1 8 2 1 - 1 8 3 3 [hereafter K i i h n ' s e d i t i o n
= K . ] ) , v o l . 2 , p . 5 7 0 ( = Heroph.
quaes-
Aristotelicum,
i n part, rely o n Theophrastos.
fr. 63c,
administrationibus
2.23 (Supplementum
v o l . 2, p a r t 2, p p . 7 2 - 7 4 Bruns), w h i c h m i g h t ,
a d c a p . 5,
fr.
De sectis
tiones
Com-
5 r a 3 5 ~ 4 2 ( p p . 5 7 - 5 8 P r i t c h e t t = Heroph.
g r a p h s 8 [ i 9 8 i ] , p . 9 2 = Heroph.
see A l e x a n d e r o f A p h r o d i s i a s , Naturales
[note
10 a b o v e ] , fr. 1 7 A ) ; J o h n o f A l e x a n d r i a
mentaria
ancient d o x o g r a p h y of theories of magnetism,
(Heroph.
[ n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ] f r . 6 3 a , p . 1 8 7 ; Erasist.
3 (vol. 14, pp. 2 2 4 - 2 5 K . ) ;
1.7 ( v o l . 8, p . 6 6 K . ) . F o r a n
20
Heroph.
( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 6 5 (fr. 1 9 3 ) ,
3 1 8 - 2 2 (frr. 1 4 1 , i 4 3 a - c ) , 2 5 5 - 6 2 , 297, 3 1 1 ;
von
cf. also p p . 4 6 5 - 6 7 , 4 6 9 - 7 0 ( f r r . 2 8 0 , 2 8 4 :
Festschrift
zur 4 9 . Versammlung
l a t e r H e r o p h i l e a n s a n d Stoics o n f a c u l t i e s ) .
Philologen
und Scbulmdnner
Staden
deutscher
(Basel 1 9 0 7 ) ,
p p . 4 4 8 - 7 2 , o n p . 4 6 3 ( = Heroph.
21
G . E . R . L l o y d , The Revolutions
of
(Berkeley 1 9 8 7 ) , chap. 5 ( " M e a s u r e m e n t
Heroph.,
p p . 2 8 2 - 8 3 , 3 9 2 , a n d , o n pulse frequency a n d
and
M y s t i f i c a t i o n " ) . C f . P. P e l l e g r i n , " Q u a n t i t e et
fever, p p . 2 8 3 - 8 5 , 3 0 2 - 4 , 3 3 6 , 3 3 9 , 3 5 4 - 5 6
biologie dans l ' a n t i q u i t e , " i n D . G o u r e v i t c h ,
(fr. 1 8 3 ) , 3 7 7 - 7 8 ( f r r . 2 1 1 , 2 1 5 ) , 3 8 0 - 8 3
e d . , Maladie
(frr. 2 i 7 a - b , 2 2 2 ) .
tualisation.
et maladies:
Melanges
Histoire
et
en I'honneur
concep­
de
Mirko
E c o l e P r a t i q u e des H a u t e s E t u d e s , i v
Grmek,
e
28
s e c t i o n , Sciences h i s t o r i q u e s et p h i l o l o g i q u e s , V :
Hautes
etudes
medievales
70
et modernes,
O n p h a r a o n i c w a t e r c l o c k s a n d t i m i n g devices,
see O . N e u g e b a u e r a n d R . A . P a r k e r ,
Astronomical
(Geneva 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 1 5 1 - 6 9 .
Egyptian
v o l . 3 (Providence, R . I . ,
Texts,
1969), pp. 1 2 - 1 4 ( w i t h p i . 2), 42, 47, 60, 152;
L . B o r c h a r d t , Die dgyptische
22
[note 10
a b o v e ] , f r . 1 8 2 , p p . 3 5 3 - 5 4 ) . See also
Wisdom
Zeitmessung
See G . V . L e f t w i c h , " A n c i e n t C o n c e p t i o n s o f
( B e r l i n 1 9 2 0 ) , p p . 6 f f . , 6 o f f . O n K t e s i b i o s , see
the B o d y and the C a n o n o f P o l y k l e i t o s " (Ph.D.
notes 2 9 - 3 0 , 5 0 - 5 1 below. O n ancient clocks,
diss., P r i n c e t o n U n i v . , 1 9 8 7 ) .
see also D i e l s , Antike
(note 9 above),
Technik
pp. 1 5 5 - 2 3 2 ; A . Rehm, " H o r o l o g i u m , " in
23
For reflections o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s interest i n mea­
Paulys
s u r e m e n t (size, w e i g h t , v o l u m e , etc.) a n d q u a n ­
Altertumswissenschaft,
t i f i c a t i o n , see n o t e s 2 6 - 3 0 b e l o w , a n d
clocks); C. R. Tittel, " H e r o n ( 5 ) , "
2 0 9 - 1 1 (frr. 96, 9 8 a - b , 99, i o o a - b ) , 297,
Real-Encyclopadie,
3 0 1 , 3 0 5 , 3 2 4 - 2 . 5 (fr. 1 4 6 ) , 3 4 4 - ^ 1 , 365
c o l s . 9 9 2 - 1 0 8 0 , esp. 1 0 5 2 - 5 4 ; D r a c h m a n n ,
p p . i 6 f f . ; M . C . P. S c h m i d t , Die
der antiken
d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see also i b i d . , p . 3 2 6
Agypter,
and Heron
der Medizin
29
V i t r u v i u s De architectura
7 vols, i n 9 (Berlin 1 9 5 4 - 1 9 6 2 ) ,
horologiorum
ex aqua
. . .
conparationes
explicuit,
9 . 8 . 4 ) suggests t h a t he is s i n g l i n g o u t f o r de­
S m i t h p a p y r u s , Case 1 ) .
s c r i p t i o n o n l y o n e o f several K t e s i b i a n w a t e r
c l o c k s . T h e merkhet,
C f . L . P e a r s o n , e d . , Aristoxenus,
century B . C . ) , apparently invented by A m e n -
{Elem..
e m h e t ( c o u r t a s t r o n o m e r t o A m e n h o t e p 1), also
2 . 2 0 - 2 2 , 25), 2 2 - 2 7 ,
2 8 , 3 2 - 3 5 , 5 4 - 5 5 , 6 1 , 6 4 - 7 0 ; Heroph.
or alabaster, water c l o c k
f r o m the reign o f A m e n h o t e p i n (fourteenth
Elementa
(Oxford 1990), pp. 6 - 9
2 . 1 0 - 1 2 ) , 1 2 - 1 7 {Elem.
is s a i d t o h a v e been d e s i g n e d t o m a r k t h e h o u r s
(note
1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 7 3 - 8 5 (esp. 2 7 8 - 8 0 ) , 3 5 6 ,
o f t h e n i g h t at a n y season (see n o t e 28 a b o v e ) .
392-93.
I n the f o u r t h century B . C . Aeneias "the Tacti­
c i a n " {How
172, i n V . Rose,
Quaestiones
medicinales
dota
et Graecolatina,
Graeca
fr. 1 7 2 ; see Heroph.,
to Survive
under
Siege
22.24-25)
l i k e w i s e describes a c l e p s y d r a t h a t is a d j u s t a b l e
F o r t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f r h y t h m , see p s . - S o r a n u s
1 8 7 0 ) , p . 2 6 5 = Heroph.
f o r t h e seasonal l e n g t h e n i n g a n d s h o r t e n i n g o f
Anec-
n i g h t s . A n i g h t c l o c k (cbpokoyiov
v o l . 2 (Berlin
A t h e n a e u s Deipnosophistae
p p . 2 7 3 , 2 7 6 - 8 3 . O n the
4.174c; H . Diels,
p u l s e at d i f f e r e n t stages o f l i f e , see R u f u s o f
" U b e r P l a t o n s N a c h t u h r , " Sitzungsberichte
Ephesos(?), Synopsis
preussischen
de pulsibus
4, i n C. D a -
(Paris 1 8 7 9 ) , p p . 2 2 3 - 2 5 = Heroph.,
Berlin,
der
phil.-hist. K l .
(1915), pp. 8 2 4 - 3 0 .
d'Ephese
5 1 (fr. 1 7 7 ) . O n p u l s e r h y t h m , see also
Heroph.,
vehemence,
pp. 2 7 3 - 7 5 , 2 8 4 - 8 6 , 3 2 7 - 2 8 , 352.-54,
30
V i t r u v i u s De architectura
aut in columna
in diem
singulis
F o r H e r o p h i l o s ' s c l e p s y d r a , see M a r c e l l i n u s
1 1 , i n H . Schone, " M a r k e l l i n o s '
Pulslehre: Ein Griechisches A n e k d o t o n , "
egrediens
totum.
cuneorum
diebus
9 . 8 . 6 : In his
aut parastatica
tur, quas sigillum
nificat
crescentias
356-59-
De pulsibus
Akademie,
pp. 3 5 0 -
PP- 3 3 5 - 3 8 , 3 4 0 - 4 2 , 3 4 ^ - 4 9 , 3 5 4 - 6 i ,
3 9 1 - 9 3 ; o n p u l s e speed, size, a n d
of
vvKTepivov)
t h e c l e p s y d r a t y p e is also a s c r i b e d t o P l a t o : see
(note 10 above),
r e m b e r g a n d C . E . R u e l l e , eds., Rufus
27
9 . 8 . 4 - 7 , esp. 9 . 8 . 6 .
V i t r u v i u s ' s use o f t h e p l u r a l (Ctesibius
der
v o l . 4 . 1 , p p . 1 (Ebers p a p y r u s ) , 1 7 2 ( E d w i n
Rhythmica
Entstehung
(Leipzig 1912); Landels
Wasseruhr
(note 9 above), p p . 1 8 8 - 8 9 .
See, e.g., H . G r a p o w , H . v o n D e i n e s , a n d
alten
Philon
(note 7 above),
Ktesibios,
(frr. 2 5 5 , 2 5 7 - 5 9 ) . B u t for an example of
quali­
Paulys
v o l . 8.1 ( S t u t t g a r t 1 9 1 2 ) ,
(fr. 1 9 3 ) , 375 ( f r r . 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 ) , 3 9 1 - 9 3 . 4 2 . 1 - 2 4
W . W e s t e n d o r f , Grundriss
26
classischen
1913), cols. 2 4 1 6 - 3 3 (2428ff. o n water
Heroph.
(fr. 1 4 9 . 5 - 7 ) ; cf. i b i d . , p . 1 9 .
25
der
v o l . 8.2 ( S t u t t g a r t
(note 10 above), p p . 1 8 2 - 8 7 (frr. 6 o a - 6 3 a ) ,
tative
24
Real-Encyclopadie
autem
describun-
ab imo uirgula
Quarum
adiectus
et mensibus
horae
breuitates
sigaut
aut exemptus
perficere
cogit:
in
"In
these [ c l o c k s ] t h e h o u r s are d r a w n e i t h e r o n a
c o l u m n o r o n a p i l a s t e r , a n d a figurine ascend­
i n g f r o m the b o t t o m indicates w i t h a r o d the
101
102
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
h o u r s f o r a w h o l e day. A n d t h e a d d i t i o n o r
f r r . 5 2 - 5 3 . C f . i b i d . , p p . 1 1 5 - 3 7 ; R . J. H a n k i n -
r e m o v a l o f w e d g e s forces i t t o effect t h e s h o r t ­
s o n , " S a y i n g t h e P h e n o m e n a , " Phronesis
nesses o r increases o f [ t h e d u r a t i o n ] o n i n d i v i d ­
(1990):
35
194-215.
ual days a n d i n i n d i v i d u a l m o n t h s . " I n 9.8.7
V i t r u v i u s describes a n a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h i s " w e d g e
m e t h o d " t h a t m a y be closer t o p h a r a o n i c
35
and
H e r o p h i l o s ' s p o s i t i o n reflects t h e g r o w i n g G r e e k
concern w i t h theories of scientific m e t h o d i n the
o t h e r predecessors (see n o t e s 2 7 - 2 9 a b o v e ) . F o r
t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . T h e E m p i r i c i s t s seem t o have
r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f K t e s i b i o s ' s w a t e r c l o c k , see
been t h e first g r o u p w h o s e a d h e r e n t s d e f i n e d
D i e l s , Antike
themselves i n terms o f a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a n d
(note 9 above), p p . 2 0 4 -
Technik
1 1 ( f i g . 7 1 ) ; J. S o u b i r a n , Vitruve,
ture,
De
ix (Paris 1 9 6 9 ) , p p . 2 7 2 - 8 7
livre
f u r t h e r l i t . ) ; F. G r a n g e r , e d . , Vitruvius
Varchitec­
e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l m o d e l {ijuLTretpCa a n d its s u b ­
(with
d i v i s i o n s ) r a t h e r t h a n after a f o u n d i n g f a t h e r
on
Archi­
( H i p p o c r a t i c , S o c r a t i c ) o r after a p l a c e o r s t r u c ­
vol. 2 (London 1934), p i . N ; Rehm
tecture,
t u r e (Academy, Stoa, L y c e u m , Kepos). T h i s
( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) , c o l s . 2 4 2 9 - 3 1 . See also
W . S c h m i d t , e d . , Heronis
1: Pneumatica
Alexandri
n o m e n c l a t i v e m o v e , t o o , reflects t h e i n c r e a s i n g
opera,
col.
p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h m e t h o d . See J. B a r n e s et a l . ,
(Leipzig 1899),
et automata
pp. 4 5 6 - 5 7 ( H e r o n , f r o m Proclus),
eds., Science
506-7
lenistic
and Speculation:
Theory
Studies
( f r o m P a p p u s ) ; T i t t e l ( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) , esp.
R . J. H a n k i n s o n , e d . , Method,
cols. 1 0 5 2 - 5 4 (on Heron's lost w o r k o n water
Metaphysics:
Studies
c l o c k s , w h i c h reflects at least s o m e t e c h n i c a l
cient
= Apeiron
concerns similar to Ktesibios's); D . R. H i l l ,
(note 10 above), p p .
Arabic
Science
in
Hel­
(Cambridge 1982);
and Practice
Medicine
and
in the Philosophy
of
22.2 (1988);
An­
Heroph.
115-37.
( A l e p p o 1 9 8 1 ) , p . 1 3 ; cf.
Water-clocks
i d e m , On the Construction
of
Water-clocks
36
(London 1976).
G . E. R. L l o y d , " A N o t e o n Erasistratus of
C e o s , " Journal
of Hellenic
95 (1975):
Studies
1 7 2 - 7 5 ; P. M . Fraser, " T h e C a r e e r o f E r a s i s t r a ­
31
Cassius I a t r o s o p h i s t a Problemata
e d . , Physici
et medici
Graeci
t u s , " Rendiconti
1 , i n J. I d e l e r ,
( B e r l i n 1 8 4 1 ) , p . 1 4 4 = Heroph.
Classe
Lombardo,
5 1 8 - 3 7 ; W . D . S m i t h , The Hippocratic
(note 10
Tradi­
( I t h a c a , N . Y . , 1 9 7 9 ) , p p . 1 9 0 , 1 9 5 . See
a b o v e ) , f r . 2 3 6 ( p p . 4 1 1 - 1 2 ) . Cassius s t a r t s o u t
tion
by a t t r i b u t i n g this v i e w t o "the
also R . F u c h s , " L e b t e E r a s i s t r a t o s i n A l e x a n ­
(Heroph.
Herophileans"
d r i a ? " Rheinisches
f r . 2 3 6 . 2 ) , b u t he t h e n p r o c e e d s t o
N . F . 52 ( 1 8 9 7 ) :
Museum,
identify the v i e w w i t h H e r o p h i l o s himself
3 7 7 - 9 0 ; F. S u s e m i h l , " C h r y s i p p u s v o n K n i d o s
N . F . 56
(fr. 2 3 6 . 1 3 ) . See also J. J o u a n n a , " P o u r q u o i les
u n d E r a s i s t r a t o s , " Rheinisches
plaies c i r c u l a i r e s guerissent-elles d i f f i c i l e m e n t ?
( 1 9 0 1 ) : 3 1 3 - 1 8 ; R. H e l m , " U b e r die Lebenszeit
U n n o u v e a u t e m o i g n a g e i n e d i t (Scorialensis
der A r z t e N i k i a s , E r a s i s t r a t o s , M e t r o d o r u n d
F i n 1 2 , f o l . 4 2 0 V ) , " i n Maladie
et
C h r y s i p p o s , " Hermes
maladies
(note 2 1 above), p p . 9 5 - 1 0 8 .
O n p u l l i n g (eXKecv, efyeXKeiv,
natura
sanguis
schaft,
VS. pushing
OXKTJ)
(TrejjLireiv, aTrcoBelv, e t c . ) , see, e.g., G a l e n
in arteriis
29 ( 1 8 9 4 ) : 1 6 1 - 7 0 ;
System
in Ancient
Greek
and the
Medicine
1 9 7 3 ) , p p . 1 7 7 - 7 8 ; Erasist.
[ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] , p . 1 7 6 = Heroph.
pp. 1 7 - 2 2 .
[note 10
a b o v e ] , f r . 1 4 5 a ) ; i d e m , De pulsuum
4 . 6 ( v o l . 8, p . 7 3 3 K . = Heroph.
H . D i e l s , e d . , Doxographi
p . 6 3 9 ( = Heroph.
cita 4 . 2 2 (Moralia
37
(note 10 above),
I a m i n c l i n e d t o agree w i t h P. G r e e n ,
to Actium
103, in
(Berlin 1879),
Graeci
Vascular
(Oxford
differentiis
fr. 144);
philosopha
Real-
Altertumswissen-
v o l . 6.1 (Stuttgart 1907), c o l . 335;
C . R . S. H a r r i s , The Heart
An
8 (vol. 4,
contineatur
der classischen
p. 7 3 2 K . [note 12 above]; Furley a n d W i l k i e
p s . - G a l e n De historia
Museum,
M . W e l l m a n n , " E r a s i s t r a t o s ( 2 ) , " Paulys
Encyclopddie
32
del Istituto
d i l e t t e r e e scienze m o r a l i e s t o r i c h e , 103 ( 1 9 6 9 ) :
vol. 1
minores,
fr. 143c); ps.-Plutarch
Pla-
(Berkeley 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 4 9 0 :
Alexander
"Erasistra­
tus w o r k e d i n A n t i o c h as w e l l as A l e x a n d r i a "
( a l t h o u g h m y assessment o f t h e h i s t o r i c a l v a l u e
of the evidence concerning Erasistratos a n d
903F-904B).
S t r a t o n i k e has b e c o m e m o r e c o m p l e x a n d re­
33
G a l e n De procatarcticis
causis
1 6 . 1 9 7 - 2 0 4 ( C M G [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] , Suppl.
p p . 4 1 - 4 2 B a r d o n g ) = Heroph.
served t h a n Green's a n d Fraser's, as w i l l be
13.162-64,
2,
s h o w n e l s e w h e r e ) . See Suda,
E . 2 8 9 6 , s.v.
t r a t u s (11, p p . 4 0 2 - 3 A d l e r ) ; G e o r g i u s
(note 10
Ecloga
above), frr. 58, 59a.
chronographica
520.13-17 (Olymp.
1 3 0 . 2 ; p . 3 3 0 M o s s h a m m e r ) ; Scholia
34
A n o n y m u s Londinensis 2 1 . 1 8 - 3 2 =
(note 10 above), fr. 50a; Galen
medendi
= Heroph.
Heroph.
a d Idyll,
Heroph.
3 8 ; A p p i a n Historia
in
The-
x i (p. 240 Wendel); Valerius
M a x i m u s , 5.7. e x t . 1 ; P l u t a r c h , Vit.
Methodus
2.5 ( v o l . 1 0 , p . 1 0 7 K . [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ]
f r . 5 0 b ) . O n e x p e r i e n c e , see
ocritum,
Erasis­
Syncellus
romana:
Syriac.
Demetrius
59-61,
3 0 8 - 2 7 . A m o n g E r a s i s t r a t o s ' s associates a n d
von
relatives, the Erasistratean A p o l l o p h a n e s , w h o
41
Staden
O n p a t h o l o g i c a l d i s s e c t i o n , see C a e l i u s A u r e ­
is i d e n t i f i e d as b e i n g f r o m Seleucia, b e c a m e a n
l i a n u s Tardae
advisor and probably a personal physician to
[note 10 above], fr. 2 5 1 ; V i n d i c i a n
5.8.111 =
A n t i o c h o s i n ( P o l y b i o s 5.56 a n d 5 . 5 8 ) , w h e r e a s
p r a e f . 2 (see n o t e 38 a b o v e ) . O n E r a s i s t r a t o s ' s
Apollonios from Egyptian Memphis, a pupil of
e x p e r i m e n t s , see H a r r i s ( n o t e 3 6 a b o v e ) ,
E r a s i s t r a t o s ' s close associate S t r a t o (the d o c t o r ,
p p . 2 2 4 , 3 7 8 - 8 8 ; H . v o n Staden, " E x p e r i m e n t
n o t the Peripatetic), appears t o have been active
and Experience i n Hellenistic M e d i c i n e , "
i n t h e A l e x a n d r i a n s p h e r e . A p o l l o n i o s seems
letin
passiones
of the Institute
of Classical
Erasist.
Gynaecia
Bul­
22
Studies
t o be t h e first f o l l o w e r o f E r a s i s t r a t o s t o have
( 1 9 7 5 ) : 1 7 8 - 9 9 ; Furley a n d W i l k i e (note 12
defined the pulse—a characteristically A l e x a n ­
above), p p . 4 7 - 5 7 (by W i l k i e ) .
d r i a n u n d e r t a k i n g : see G a l e n De pulsuum
dif-
4 . 2 a n d 4 . 1 7 ( v o l . 8, p p . 7 1 9 , 7 5 9 - 6 1
ferentiis
K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ) ; Heroph.
42
(note 10 above),
P s . - G a l e n Introductio
5 (vol. 14,
siue medicus
p . 6 8 4 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ) .
pp. 2 6 7 - 8 8 , 3 2 2 - 6 1 , 4 4 6 - 4 9 , 462.-65,
5 6 0 - 6 3 . Erasistratos's brother, K l e o p h a n t o s ,
43
p e r h a p s p r a c t i c e d i n A l e x a n d r i a : G a l e n In
Hippocratis
(vol.
Epidemiarum
1 7 A , p . 6 0 3 K . ; CMG
37;
2.4
111 comment.
See F u r l e y a n d W i l k i e ( n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 6 Erasist.
(note 10 above), p p . 3 1 - 4 6 ; v o n
S t a d e n ( n o t e 18 a b o v e ) ; H a r r i s ( n o t e 3 6 a b o v e ) ,
[note 12 above],
pp. 1 9 5 - 2 3 2 .
5.10.2.1, p. 77.20 Wenkebach); on Kleophantos's f a m i l y c o n n e c t i o n , see R u f u s o f E p h e s o s
De
renum
et uesicae
berg and Ruelle [note 26 above], p. 32;
3.1,
44
4.1 (Darem-
affectionibus
See, e.g., G a l e n De anatomicis
CMG
p . 1 2 8 . 5 Sideras). T h e i r f a t h e r , K l e o m b r o -
a b o v e ] , esp. 6 4 9 . 1 7 = Erasist.
[note 10 a b o v e ] ,
fr. 4 9 A ) ; G a l e n De naturalibus
facultatibus
t o s , m i g h t have been i n A n t i o c h as t h e p h y s i ­
I . 1 6 , 2 . 1 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 6 0 - 6 7 , 75 K . ; Scripta
c i a n o f Seleukos 1 N i k a t o r (cf. P l i n y
nora
historia
Naturalis
7 . 1 2 3 a n d 2 9 . 5 ) , as w a s m a i n t a i n e d o n
Geschichte der M e d i c i n i m A l t e r t u m , "
purgantium
Hermes
mi­
[ n o t e 1 7 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 4 5 - 5 0 ,
H e l m r e i c h = Erasist.
less t h a n secure g r o u n d s b y M . W e l l m a n n , " Z u r
155
frr. 74, 136); Galen
medicamentorum
I I , p . 3 2 8 K . = Erasist.
De
2 (vol.
facultate
f r . 9 3 ) ; G a l e n An
in
35 ( 1 9 0 0 ) : 3 4 9 - 8 4 (esp. p p . 3 8 0 - 8 2 ; cf. also
arteriis
p p . 3 7 1 , 3 8 2 on K l e o p h a n t o s ) . C h r y s i p p o s , a
p. 7 0 9 K . ; F u r l e y a n d W i l k i e [note 12 above],
son of Erasistratos's K n i d i a n teacher C h r y s i p ­
p . 1 5 0 = Erasist.
pos, apparently became a personal physician t o
differentiis
one o f the Ptolemies (Diogenes Laertius 7.186).
sanguis
V i n d i c i a n Gynaecia
p r a e f . 2 ( = Heroph.
1 0 a b o v e ] , f r r . 5 a n d 6 4 = Erasist.
5 . 2 . 5 0 ( = Erasist.
frr.
[note
2 (vol. 4,
contineatur
f r . 1 0 9 ) ; G a l e n De
pulsuum
4 . 2 ( v o l . 8, p . 7 0 3 K . =
sectione
Erasist.
aduersus
3 (vol. 1 1 , pp. 1 5 3 - 5 6 K . =
EraErasist.
1 9 8 , 2 1 2 ) . See a l s o n o t e 4 9 b e l o w .
[note 10
a b o v e ] , f r . 1 7 B ) ; C a e l i u s A u r e l i a n u s Tardae
siones
natura
fr. 1 1 0 ) ; G a l e n De uenae
sistratum
38
administra-
7.16 ( v o l . 2, p p . 6 4 8 - 4 9 K . [note 12
tionibus
pas-
fr. 267).
45
E r a s i s t r a t o s a n d his f o l l o w e r s d i s t i n g u i s h be­
t w e e n " m a s s e d v o i d " (KEVOV
ddpoov,
KEVOS
dOpocog TO7TO<;), i.e., t h e " e m p t y " t h a t is " l a r g e ,
39
Suda,
E . 2 8 9 6 , s.v. E r a s i s t r a t o s (11, p p . 4 0 2 - 3
A d l e r ) ; W e l l m a n n (note 37 above), p p . 370,
3 8 0 - 8 2 ; S t r a b o 9 . 5 . 6 ; P l i n y , Naturalis
2 9 . 5 ; Sextus E m p i r i c u s Aduersus
clear, p e r c e p t i b l e o r e v i d e n t " [KEVOV
o~a(f>Es, aladrjTov,
historia
mathematicos
pEja,
o n the one h a n d ,
and, o n the other h a n d , the " e m p t y " or " v o i d "
t h a t " i s i n t h e state o f b e i n g d i s p e r s e d
Traprai)
S t e p h a n u s o f B y z a n t i u m Ethnica,
p . 335
t h r o u g h o u t b o d i e s " : G a l e n De naturalibus
M e i n e k e ; S t o b a e u s Anthologium
3.7.57 (p. 325
cultatibus
(vol.
4
siue medicus
14, p . 683 K . [note 12 above]).
71-71
[ n o t e 2 6 a b o v e ] , p p . 1 8 4 - 8 5 ) = Erasist.
et Platonis
(vol.
(note
Hippocratis
6 . 6 . 4 - 1 1 , 6.6.19, 7 . 3 . 6 - 1 3 ,
5, p p . 5 4 8 - 5 0 , 5 5 2 , 6 0 2 - 4 ,
K . [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] = CMG
7.8.12
646-47
[ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ,
5.4.1.2, p p . 396, 398, 4 4 0 - 4 2 , 4 7 6 De Lacy) =
Erasist.
f r r . 2 0 1 , 2 8 9 , 4 2 A . See also n o t e s 4 2 ,
47 below.
minora
fa­
95-99
[ n o t e 17
a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 5 5 - 5 6 , 1 7 0 - 7 3 H e l m r e i c h
(Daremberg and Ruelle
1 0 a b o v e ) , f r . 3 9 ; G a l e n De placitis
fipaxv)
2 . 1 , 2.6 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 7 5 - 7 6 ,
K . [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] ; Scripta
= Erasist.
R u f u s ( ? ) , Anat.
at s h o r t i n t e r v a l s (Kara
(trapicr-
1 . 2 5 8 ; D i o g e n e s L a e r t i u s 5.57 a n d 7 . 1 8 6 ;
H e n s e ) ; p s . - G a l e n Introductio
40
ivapyEs),
[note 10 above], f r r . 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 3 6 ,
138, 147); A n o n y m u s Londinensis 26.48c,
2 7 . 6 - 7 , 2 5 - 3 9 . KEVOV
ddpoov,
for "massed" or
" c o n t i n u o u s v o i d " (as c o n t r a s t e d w i t h
i n a t e " o r i n t e r s t i t i a l v o i d , StEairappivov
irapEarrappiEvov
KEVOV),
"dissem­
or
apparently became a
t e c h n i c a l e x p r e s s i o n , also i n m e c h a n i c s ; i t is
conspicuous, for example, i n the p r o o e m i u m t o
H e r o n ' s Pneumatica
1 (1, p p . 4 . 3 - 4 ,
6.12-14,
8.22, 1 6 . 2 0 - 2 6 , 2 6 . 2 3 - 2 8 . 1 1 Schmidt; 104.29,
109.13, 112.14, 115.18, 116.4 Gottschalk) and
103
104
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
i n Pneum.
1.2 (1, p . 3 6 . 1 0 - 1 1 S c h m i d t ) , 1.4 (1,
p . 4 6 . 3 - 4 S c h m i d t ) . See also n o t e s 4 6 ,
f r r . 8 4 , 1 0 3 - 4 ) ; G a l e n De locis
55-56
( v o l . 8, p . 3 1 6 K . = Erasist.
b e l o w . H . D i e l s , " U b e r das p h y s i k a l i s c h e S y s t e m
des S t r a t o , " Sitzungsberichte
der Akademie
der
7 5 , 4 8 2 , 502 K . ; Furley a n d W i l k i e [note 12
a b o v e ] , p p . 8 2 - 8 4 , 9 4 , 1 2 0 = Erasist.
p p . 1 0 1 - 2 7 , esp. p p . 1 0 5 - 1 7 ( r e p r . i n D i e l s ,
1 0 8 , 1 1 2 ) ; C a e l i u s A u r e l i a n u s Celeres
Kleine
2 . 3 4 . 1 8 0 ( = Erasist.
Berlin,
Schriften
zur Geschichte
der
antiken
ed. W . B u r k e r t [ H i l d e s h e i m 1 9 6 9 I ,
Philosophie,
suum
passiones
fr. 183); Galen
Depul-
4 . 1 7 ( v o l . 8, p . 7 5 9 K . =
differentiis
Era­
sist. f r . 2 0 5 ) ; G a l e n De placitis
influenced b o t h Erasistratos and A l e x a n d r i a n
Platonis
m e c h a n i c i a n s , b u t D i e l s m a d e o v e r c o n f i d e n t use
[note 12 above], 5.4.1.2, p . 3 9 6 D e L a c y =
o f H e r o n t o r e c o n s t r u c t S t r a t o . See L . R e p i c i ,
Erasist.
e Vanima:
Saggi su Stratone
di
50
Straton
von
v o l . 5,
des Aristoteles,
CMG
fr. 201).
de Ctesibica
aquam
(Basel 1 9 5 0 ) , f r r . 5 4 -
Lampsakos
et
6 . 6 . 4 - 1 1 ( v o l . 5, p p . 5 4 8 - 5 0 K . ;
V i t r u v i u s De architectura
nunc
See F. W e h r l i , Die Schule
Hippocratis
Lamp-
(Turin 1988), pp. 8 5 - 9 0 .
saco
educit,
in radicibus
quae
monstrare.
modioli
fiunt
tantes,
T h e o r y i n Heraclides of Pontus,"
R o s e ) ] figura similiter
Mnemosyne,
10.7.1:
machina
67; Diels (note 45 above); I . M . L o n i e , " M e d i c a l
habentes
fistulas
Insequitur
in
altitudinem
Ea sit ex aere.
Cuius
gemelli
dis-
furcillae
paulum
(del.
[sunt
cohaerentes,
in
medium
4 t h ser. 18 ( 1 9 6 5 ) , p p . 1 2 6 - 4 3 ; Η . B . G o t t -
catinum
schalk, "Strato o f Lampsacus: Some Texts,"
give a n i n d i c a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e m a c h i n e o f
Proceedings
K t e s i b i o s , w h i c h raises w a t e r t o a h e i g h t . I t
sophical
of the Leeds
Society
Literary
of Pontus
Philo­
Theory
(Cambridge 1989), pp.
See G a l e n De naturalibus
H e l m r e i c h ; Erasist.
h a v i n g [ o u t l e t ] t u b e s i n t h e f o r m o f a f o r k ; these
of
t u b e s are a t t a c h e d t o t h e m [ i . e . , t o e a c h o f t h e
cylinders] i n a similar way, a n d the tubes c o n ­
149-60.
verge i n a m a i n c h a m b e r [vessel] i n t h e m i d d l e . "
5I
2.1
facultatibus
[ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p .
minora
s h o u l d be o f b r o n z e . I n its base [ " r o o t s " ] are
Cosmic
(vol. 2, p p . 7 5 - 7 6 K . [note 12 above];
" N o w we proceed to
concurrentes:
made t w i n cylinders, a small distance apart,
( O x f o r d 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 9,
of Bithynia
1 2 - 1 4 , 49? 5 6 , 5 8 - 5 9 ; D . J. F u r l e y ,
Problems
127-
( O x f o r d 1980),
p . 1 4 3 ; J. T . V a l l a n c e , The Lost
Asclepiades
and
1 1 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 9 5 - 1 8 2 , esp.
4 1 ; i d e m , Heraclides
47
frr. 106,
p p . 2 3 9 - 6 5 ) , argued that Strato o f Lampsakos
La natura
46
De
2 . 1 , 2 . 1 0 , 5.1 ( v o l . 4 , p p . 4 7 4 -
usu respirationis
phil.-hist. K l . (1893),
Wissenschaften,
5.3
affectis
fr. 105); Galen
Scripta
I b i d . : In quo
naribus
155-56
locati;
[note 10 above], f r r . 9 5 ,
catino
fistularum
fiunt
asses in
coagmentatione
qui praeobturantes
patiuntur
superioribus
subtili
foramina
( a d d . R o s e ) > quod
<redire
con-
narium
136): Erasistratos submerged a tube i n water,
catinum
e m p t i e d o u t the air i n i t , a n d observed the c o n ­
tus: spiritu
tiguous p o r t i o n of water immediately m o v i n g
a s i m i l a r d e v i c e , see H e r o n Pneumatica
i n t o t h e space f r o m w h i c h t h e a i r h a d been
(1, p p . 1 3 0 - 3 6 S c h m i d t , w i t h fig. 2 9 ; cf. 1,
r e m o v e d . See also P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m De
geniis
(the c o d i c e s r e a d
in
spiri-
is F r a G i o c o n d o ' s e m e n d a t i o n ) . F o r
1.28
p p . x x x i i i , x x x v w i t h fig. 2 9 a ) .
in-
3 and 6 (in W . Schmidt,
spiritualibus
Heronis
est expressum
non
spiritu
Alexandrini
52
v o l . 1 [Leipzig
Opera,
1899], pp. 4 6 2 - 6 4 , 4 7 0 - 7 2 ) ; Heron
Pneumat-
ica 1.2 a n d 1.4 (1, p p . 3 6 , 4 2 - 4 6 S c h m i d t ) ;
T h e m i s t i u s In Aristotelis
De caelo paraphr.
See, e.g., G a l e n De placitis
a b o v e ] ; CMG
4.5,
Plato­
[note 10 above], fr. 2 0 1 ) .
C f . Erasist.,
p l i c i u s In Aristotelis
4 0 , 4 4 , 49 above.
comment.
et
[note 12 above], 5.4.1.2, p . 3 9 6
D e L a c y = Erasist.
ad 3 i 2 b 5 ~ i 4 (p. 2 4 1 . 1 3 - 2 7 Landauer); SimDe caelo
Hippocratis
nis 6 . 6 . 4 - 1 1 ( v o l . 5, p p . 5 4 8 - 5 0 K . [ n o t e 1 2
4.5, ad
p p . 2 3 - 2 6 , 3 6 - 4 3 . See a l s o n o t e s
3 i 2 b 2 (p. 7 2 3 . 1 8 - 3 6 H e i b e r g ) .
48
lar P u z z l e s " ( n o t e 18 a b o v e ) .
49
53
V i t r u v i u s 1 0 . 7 . 1 - 3 . See n o t e s 5 0 - 5 1 a b o v e .
54
See n o t e s 4 5 - 4 6 a b o v e .
See n o t e s 4 4 a n d 4 9 ; v o n S t a d e n , " C a r d i o v a s c u ­
See n o t e s 4 0 a n d 4 3 - 4 4 a b o v e , a n d G a l e n
in arteriis
natura
sanguis
An
8.4-5
contineatur
(vol. 4, p p . 7 3 3 - 3 4 K . [note 12 above]; Furley
a n d W i l k i e [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] , p p . 1 7 8 - 8 0 =
[ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] , f r . 5 1 ) ; G a l e n De
sist.
micis
administrationibus
p p . 6 2 4 , 6 4 6 K . = Erasist.
De
usu partium
Era­
anato-
7 . 1 1 , 7.16 ( v o l . 2,
frr. 202, 52); Galen
6 . 1 2 , 7.8 ( v o l . 3, p p . 4 6 5 ,
5 3 7 - 4 0 K . ; i , p. 339 Helmreich =
Erasist.
55
H e r o n Pneumatica
p r o o e m i u m , v o l . 1,
pp. 8.23-10.13,
16.10-16, 20.24-25,
25 S c h m i d t . C f . P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m
nica Syntaxis
26.23Mecha-
4.60 (p. 7 7 . 2 8 - 3 2 Thevenot
=
p. 1 5 2 . 1 8 - 2 0 Marsden) o n Ktesibios, and
7-8.111.72-73 (p. 9 6 . 1 5 - 2 6 Thevenot
=
pp. 6 5 - 6 6 Diels and Schramm, 1919 [note 8
a b o v e ] ) . See n o t e s 4 5 , 5 6 .
von
56
H e r o n Pneumatica
2. 1 7 - 1 8 (1, p p .
xographi
250-54
tiones
Schmidt).
p. 618); ps.-Galen
Graeci ,
x
medicae
Staden
Defini-
9 5 ( v o l . 1 9 , p . 3 7 9 K . ; SVF,
v o l . 2, f r . 113 3 ) ; C l e m e n t o f A l e x a n d r i a
57
G a l e n De naturalibus
( v o l . 2, p p . 7 8 , 9 1 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ;
minora
Stro-
5 . 1 4 . 1 0 0 . 4 ( S V F , v o l . 2 , f r . 1 1 3 4 ) . See
mateis
2 . 2 , 2.4
facultatibus
also SVF, v o l . 2, f r r . 1 1 3 5 - 3 9 .
Scripta
[ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 5 7 , 1 6 7
H e l m r e i c h ) ; Erasist.
65
( n o t e 10 a b o v e ) , f r . 8 1 .
O l y m p i o d o r o s In Platonis
1 2 . 1 ; for
Gorgiam
p a r a l l e l passages, see SVF ( n o t e 6 4 a b o v e ) ,
58
G a l e n De naturalibus
minora
[ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 5 7 , 1 5 9 - 6 0 H e l m ­
r e i c h ) ; Erasist.
v o l . 1, fr. 7 3 .
2 . 2 , 3 ( v o l . 2,
facultatibus
p p . 7 8 , 8 1 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Scripta
66
SVF ( n o t e 6 4 a b o v e ) , v o l . 1 , f r . 7 3 .
( n o t e 10 a b o v e ) , f r . 7 9 . See a l s o
G a l e n De venae
sectione
adversus
Erasistratum
4 ( v o l . 1 1 , p p . 1 5 7 - 5 8 K . = Erasist.
67
fr. 80):
E . g . , A r i s t o t l e Meteorologica
2.2.194321-22
Physica
" Y o u [ E r a s i s t r a t o s ] m a r v e l at n a t u r e as b e i n g at
i d e m , Poetica
o n c e c a p a b l e o f techne
i d e m , Protrepticus
t h o u g h t (irpovoriTiKiq)
and of fore­
(TEXVLKTJ)
for l i v i n g beings."
G a l e n De usu partium
[ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; 1, p . 2 3 1 H e l m r e i c h =
L i t t r e ; CMG
3
60
G a l e n De naturalibus
[note
minora
68
17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p . 165 H e l m r e i c h ) .
G a l e n De naturalibus
8Joly/Byl).
A r i s t o t l e De partibus
69
Ibid., 3.2.66338-11.
70
T h e o p h m s t o s Metaphysics
[note
minora
17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p . 1 6 7 H e l m r e i c h =
Erasist.
Theophrastus,
Quaestiones
= Erasist.
63
3 {Moralia
prolis
7 . 1 (Moralia
convivales
Metaphysics
(Leiden 1933),
phraste,
Metaphysique
Theo-
(Psris 1 9 9 3 ) , p p . 1 8 - 2 2 ,
74-88.
698B-D)
fr. 114.
E . g . , P l a t o Timaeus
h i m , is a c r a f t s m a n u s i n g techne
u n i v e r s e (Srjjmuwpydg,
t o create the
2933, 4 i 7 > 4
7 5 b 7 ~ 8 ; pur)Xctvaop,ai,
a
I C
4 5'
T h e o p h m s t o s Metaphysics
9.1-4.10321-1232.
72
See, e.g., A r i s t o t l e De partibus
animalium
2 . i 4 - i 5 . 6 5 8 a n - b 2 6 ; J. G . L e n n o x , " T h e o ­
phrastus o n the L i m i t s of Teleology," i n
-
5
W . W . F o r t e n b a u g h , e d . , Theophrastus
3 4 C I , 3763, 40C2,
4 5 b 6 , 7 0 C 4 , 7 3 C 2 , 7 4 b 4 , 7 7 a 3 ; see also
/jLTqxavcbvTai
71
33<Ji; here t h e c o s m i c d e m i ­
u r g e h i m s e l f , l i k e t h e lesser g o d s w h o assist
T4 VU
X
i n a n a n a l o g y , 5oe6). F u r t h e r m o r e ,
Eresus:
On His Life
and
Work,
of
Rutgers Univer­
sity Studies i n C l a s s i c s l H u m s n i t i e s , v o l . 2
t h e u n i v e r s e itself, l i k e the n a t u r e o f a l l its p a r t s ,
(New Brunswick, N.J., 1985), pp.
is " t e c h n i c a l l y c r a f t e d "
J. C o o p e r , " A r i s t o t l e o n N a t u r a l T e l e o l o g y , "
(8e87]/nLovpyrj/ji€vrj
(frvcris, 8oe4; ovpavdg
76d5~6), and
its e l e m e n t s behave l i k e c r a f t s m e n (777, 4 0 c 1 - 2 ;
Language
and Logos
(Ith3C3, N . Y . , 1 9 8 2 ) ,
p p . 1 9 7 - 2 2 2 ; J. C o o p e r , " H y p o t h e t i c s l N e c e s ­
s i t y 3nd N s t u r s i T e l e o l o g y , " i n A . G o t t h e l f 3nd
TTvp, 5 9 3 5 - 6 ; cf. 4 7 3 6 , 4 6 e 4 ) .
J. G . L e n n o x , eds., Philosophical
H . v o n A r n i m , e d . , Stoicorum
menta
(hereafter SVF),
143-63;
i n M . C . N u s s b a u m 3nd M . S c h o f i e l d , eds.,
SeSrj/uuovpyrj/uLevos,
3 1 3 2 - 4 ; Sep/uut Srjjuuovpyrjdev,
64
see
pp. 4 8 5 - 5 8 7 ; A. Lsks snd G. W . Most,
495C)
( n o t e 10 a b o v e ) , f r . 8 3 . See i d e m ,
= Erasist.
9.2.1131-16;
3lso 4 . 2 . 7 3 1 9 - 2 2 . C f . M s r l e i n v s n R 3 3 l t e ,
[ n o t e 10 a b o v e ] , f r . 8 1 ) .
P l u t a r c h ( P ) , De amore
4.2.677312-
animalium
19.
2.4 ( v o l . 2,
facultatibus
p . 9 1 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Scripta
62
1.11-16 ( v i , pp. 4 8 6 - 9 0
[ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] , 1.2.4, p p . 1 3 4 -
2 . 3 , 4 ( v o l . 2,
facultatibus
p . 88 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Scripta
61
4.1.735; idem,
2.18.2 Cf. the H i p p o c m t i c
plantarum
treatise On Regimen
Erasist.
[ n o t e 10 a b o v e ] , f r . 8 2 ) .
i448b2o-27;
f r r . 1 3 - 1 4 Ross; p s . - A r i s t o t l e
6 0 ; i d e m , Metaphysics
De causis
4 . 1 5 ( v o l . 3, p . 3 1 5 K .
2.8.199311-20;
4 . i 4 4 8 b 4 ~ 9 and
5 . 3 9 6 b n - i 2 ; T h e o p h r a s t o s De
De mundo
lapidus
59
4 . 3 . 3 8 ^ 6 ; idem,
and
veterum
frag-
4 vols. (Leipzig 1 9 0 3 -
1 9 2 4 ) , v o l . 2, f r . 1 0 2 7 ( A e t i u s Placita
1.7.33);
totle's
Biology
Issues
in
Aris­
(Csmbridge 1987), pp. 2 4 3 - 7 4 ;
A . Gotthelf, "Aristotle's Conception of Finsl
C a u s a l i t y , " Review
of Metaphysics
30 (1976):
D i o g e n e s L a e r t i u s 7 . 1 5 6 (SVF, v o l . 2, f r . 7 7 4 ) ;
2 2 6 - 5 4 ( r e p r i n t e d i n Philosophical
C i c e r o De natura
[above, this note], p p . 2 0 4 - 4 2 ) ; D . M . Balme,
deorum
fr. 1 7 1 ) ; G a l e n Methodus
2 . 5 7 (SVF, v o l . 1 ,
medendi
1.2 ( v o l . 10,
"Teleology a n d Necessity," i n
Issues
Philosophical
[above, this n o t e ] , p p . 2 7 5 - 9 0 ; W . K u l l -
p p . 1 5 - 1 6 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] = S V F , vol.. 2,
Issues
fr. 4 1 1 ) ; p s . - G a l e n Historia
m a n n , "Different Concepts of Final Csuse i n
philosopha
6 and 8
( v o l . 1 9 , p p . 2 4 6 , 2 5 2 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ;
Do-
A r i s t o t l e , " i n A . G o t t h e l f , e d . , Aristotle
on
105
106
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Nature
and Living
(Pittsburgh 1985),
Things
B o d y " ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , esp. p . 2 3 1 . C o n n e c ­
p p . 1 6 9 - 7 5 ; G . W . M o s t , " T h e Relative Date
o f T h e o p h r a s t u s ' Metaphysics,"
tions between the Ptolemaic r o y a l c o u r t a n d
i n W . W . For-
t e n b a u g h a n d R . W . S h a r p i e s , eds.,
s o m e e a r l y A l e x a n d r i a n scientists are w e l l at­
Theophras-
tested: k i n g s gave H e r o p h i l o s a n d E r a s i s t r a t o s
R u t g e r s U n i v e r s i t y Studies i n
tean Studies,
condemned criminals for vivisectory experimen­
Classical H u m a n i t i e s , v o l . 3 ( N e w B r u n s w i c k ,
t a t i o n (Celsus Medicina
N.J., 1988), pp. 2 2 4 - 3 3 ;
centes
homines
a regibus
uiuos
inciderint;
Erasist.
Teleologie
- K u l l m a n n , Die
w
in der aristotelischen
Sit-
Biologie,
z u n g s b e r i c h t e der H e i d e l b e r g e r A k a d e m i e der
Wissenschaften,
fr. 1 7 A ; Heroph.
phil.-hist. K l . , vol. 2 (1979);
[note 10 above],
fr. 63a). Erasistratos pre­
s c r i b e d a p l a s t e r f o r a K i n g P t o l e m y w h o suf­
sache' b e i A r i s t o t e l e s , " Berichte
passiones
zur
Wissen-
5 (1982): 2 5 - 3 9 ; G. Wohrle,
Methode
in seinen
5 . 2 . 5 0 = Erasist.
Tardae
fr. 267). A n d the
son o f Erasistratos's teacher C h r y s i p p o s became
botanischen
a Ptolemaic c o u r t physician (Diogenes Laertius
(Amsterdam 1985), pp. 9 0 - 9 4 ;
Schriften
no-
acceptos
fered f r o m g o u t (Caelius A u r e l i a n u s
Theophrasts
7 . 1 8 6 ) , as d i d H e r o p h i l o s ' s p u p i l A n d r e a s
L . Repici, " L i m i t s of Teleology i n Theophras­
( P o l y b i u s 5 . 8 1 . 1 - 7 ; see Heroph.,
t u s ' Metaphysics?"
One A p o l l o n i o s dedicated a sundial to Ptolemy
Archiv
fur Geschichte
der
72 (1990): 1 8 2 - 2 1 3 .
Philosophie
P h i l a d e l p h o s (Orientis
Selectae
pp. 4 7 2 - 7 5 ) .
Graeci
Inscriptiones
2 4 ; see D i e l s , Antike
Technik
[note 9
above], p p . 1 7 6 - 7 8 ) , and Ktesibios dedicated a
Diogenes Laertius 5.58: Strato received eighty
t a l e n t s f o r t u t o r i n g P h i l a d e l p h o s . See n o t e s 3
famous r h y t o n w i t h an automatically operating
a n d 4 6 a b o v e ; P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
trumpet i n honor of Arsinoe Philadelphos i n
Alexan­
t h e t e m p l e at C a p e Z e p h y r i o n : H e d y l u s , i n
v o l . 1 ( O x f o r d 1972), pp. 114, 3 1 1 , 322,
dria,
4 2 7 - 2 8 ; Green (note 37 above), p p . 86, 88,
A t h e n a e u s Deipnosophistae
494,
A . S. F. G o w , The
611-12.
Epigrams
74
ex carcere
i d e m , " W e s e n u n d B e d e u t u n g der ' Z w e c k s u r schaftsgeschichte
73
p r o o e m i u m 2 3 : qui
fr. 7 . See a l s o P l i n y Naturalis
29.5
Hellenistic
( C a m b r i d g e 1 9 6 5 ) , v o l . 1,11.
1843-
t h i r d century B . C . Philon of B y z a n t i u m claims
(note 10 above),
historia
9 . 4 9 7 D - E ; cf.
Anthology:
52, a n d v o l . 2, p p . 2 9 2 - 9 3 . A n d i n the later
O n T h e o p h r a s t o s a n d E r a s i s t r a t o s , see D i o ­
genes L a e r t i u s 5.57 = Erasist.
Greek
t h a t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e t e c h n o l o g y o f ar­
=
Erasist.
f r . 8; Sextus E m p i r i c u s Adversus
mathe-
tillery owes m u c h t o the systematic a p p l i c a t i o n
maticos
1.258 = Erasist.
natu-
of the p r i n c i p l e o f c a l i b r a t i o n , w h i c h "the
ralibus
facultatibus
1 2 a b o v e ] ; Scripta
f r . 5; G a l e n De
minora
since t h e y o b t a i n e d , f o r t h e first t i m e , a b u n d a n t
[ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] ,
v o l . 3, p . 1 6 6 H e l m r e i c h = Erasist.
p r o d u c t i o n f u n d s (μβγάλην
f r . 6 ) . See
tory
a n d techne-friendly
"Erasistratus,
S t u d e n t o f T h e o p h r a s t u s ? " Bulletin
of the
poeica
His­
[ = Mechanica
kings"
(φιλοτέχνων)
Syntaxis,
thanks
(φιλοδοξών)
(Belo-
B o o k 4 ] , p . 50
T h e v e n o t = p . 1 0 8 M a r s d e n ) . Fraser ( n o t e 73
59 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 5 1 5 - 1 7 .
of Medicine
χορηγίαν)
to the p r o v i s i o n made by a m b i t i o u s
Green (note 37 above), p . 4 9 4 ; b u t for a m o r e
s k e p t i c a l v i e w , cf. J. S c a r b o r o u g h ,
tech-
i n A l e x a n d r i a have succeeded i n d o i n g
nitai
2.5 ( v o l . 2 , p . 9 0 K . [ n o t e
a b o v e ) , v o l . 1 , c h a p . 6, a n d p p . 3 7 1 , 4 4 6 .
75
See n o t e s 6 3 - 7 2 a b o v e a n d , e.g., P l a t o ' s c r i t i ­
c i s m o f A n a x a g o r a s , Phaedo
Aris­
^ybS-^^dz;
Scientists o f t h i s p e r i o d also d i s p l a y d i s p a r a t e
m o r a l sensibilities. T h e E m p i r i c i s t s , f o r ex­
ateleological m e c h a n i s m , also i n b i o l o g i c a l c o n ­
a m p l e , r e j e c t e d v i v i s e c t i o n as i m m o r a l a n d sci­
t e x t s (e.g., A r i s t o t l e De generatione
entifically worthless (and they likewise spurned
animalium
2 . 6 . 7 4 2 b i 7 - 2 5 , 5 . 8 . 7 8 8 b 8 - 2 9 ; cf. A r i s t o t l e De
caelo
3 . 4 . 3 0 3 3 3 ^ 8 ; A r i s t o t l e De
et corruptione
Metaphysica
generatione
1.8.324^35-326b6; Aristotle
A . 4 . 9 8 5 b 4 ~ 2 2 ) . For Epicurus's
a t e l e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s , see, e.g., Letter
Herodotus
73-74,
Letter
to Pythocles
to
88, and
L u c r e t i u s 4 . 8 2 3 - 5 7 , 5 . 1 5 6 - 2 3 4 . F o r Stoic tele­
o l o g y , see n o t e s 6 4 - 6 6 a b o v e a n d , e.g.,
SVF
(note 64 above), v o l . 2, frr. 1 0 2 1 , 1 1 5 2 , 1163,
1 1 6 9 - 7 0 , 1 1 7 2 ; SVF, v o l . 3, f r r . 3 7 1 , 6 1 6 .
76
77
totle's n u m e r o u s criticisms o f D e m o k r i t o s ' s
N o e v i d e n c e e x p l i c i t l y c o n n e c t s e i t h e r Erasis­
tratos or H e r o p h i l o s w i t h the A l e x a n d r i a n
M o u s e i o n as s u c h . B u t p a t r o n a g e c a n t a k e
m a n y f o r m s : see Heroph.
(note 10 above),
p p . 2 6 - 3 0 , a n d v o n Staden, " D i s c o v e r y o f the
d i s s e c t i o n as h a v i n g n o c l i n i c a l v a l u e ) . See C e l ­
sus Medicina
prooemium 40-44;
Deichgraber
( n o t e 1 1 a b o v e ) , f r . 2 4 (esp. p . 1 0 5 . 2 3 - 2 9 ) ,
frr.
66-70.
Arts of Hellenistic Alexandria:
Greek and Egyptian Contributions
This page intentionally left blank
109
Alexandria and the Origins of
Baroque Architecture
Judith
McKenzie
I t has generally been assumed t h a t the architecture of Ptolemaic A l e x a n ­
d r i a has been lost b e y o n d recall. Sufficient of i t i n fact survives, however,
t o suggest t h a t there was a classical architecture t h a t was d i s t i n c t l y
A l e x a n d r i a n a n d t h a t this includes the earliest s u r v i v i n g baroque a r c h i ­
tecture. F u r t h e r m o r e , i t can be s h o w n t h a t this architecture is reflected
i n the architecture at Petra a n d i n Second Style P o m p e i a n w a l l p a i n t i n g .
Finally, i t can be suggested t h a t there is a largely unrecognized c o n t i n u i t y
of t r a d i t i o n of i t .
T h i s paper is l i m i t e d t o a discussion o f o u r k n o w l e d g e o f the
classical architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a , based o n the l i t t l e - k n o w n archaeo­
logical remains f o u n d i n A l e x a n d r i a itself. I t w i l l focus o n the style of ar­
chitecture, n o t the t o p o g r a p h y , except f o r i n i t i a l b r i e f c o m m e n t s o n the
Ptolemaic c i t y l a y o u t based o n a detailed r e e x a m i n a t i o n o f the r e c o r d o f
the archaeological evidence. T h u s , i t touches o n o n l y a s m a l l f r a c t i o n o f
m y broader study of the architecture of A l e x a n d r i a , a p p r o x i m a t e l y f r o m
3 0 0 B . C . t o A . D . 7 0 0 , w h i c h concentrates o n the m o n u m e n t a l architec­
ture of the c i t y a n d the rest o f E g y p t a n d also considers the t o p o g r a p h i ­
cal development o f the city. T h i s larger study is based o n the evidence
p r o v i d e d by archaeological remains a n d t e x t u a l sources.
T h e t e x t u a l sources p r o v i d e m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n t h a n is usu­
ally realized a b o u t the development o f the t o p o g r a p h y o f the c i t y r i g h t
t h r o u g h t o the Byzantine p e r i o d , w h i l e the archaeological remains give
a p i c t u r e o f w h a t the architecture l o o k e d l i k e , at a level o f d e t a i l n o t gen­
erally p r o v i d e d b y the w r i t t e n sources. For a complete p i c t u r e , one needs
the c o m b i n a t i o n o f t e x t u a l a n d archaeological evidence. I n c o n f i n i n g
ourselves t o the latter i n this paper, we g a i n o n l y a glimpse o f the
whole picture.
Ptolemaic G r i d Plan
T h e m o d e r n v i s i t o r t o A l e x a n d r i a always remarks o n h o w few traces
apparently survive of this famous ancient city. H e visits the site of the
Temple o f Serapis a n d discovers o n l y "Pompey's P i l l a r , " the sole c o l u m n
i n the c i t y t h a t has survived standing t h r o u g h centuries o f earthquakes.
H e finds F o r t K a i t Bey m a r k i n g the site o f the lighthouse, the Pharos,
NO
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
I
Plan of Alexandria made by
M a h m o u d Bey i n 1866. F r o m
M . El Falaki, Memoire
I'antique
sur
(Copenhagen
Alexandrie
1872), reproduced in G. Jondet,
Atlas historique
Ports d'Alexandrie
de la Ville et des
(Cairo 1921),
p i . 37.
FIG.
2
Detail of M a h m o u d Bey's plan of
Alexandria showing surviving
paving and columns i n 1866
("12a" equals 330 m , cf. fig. 4).
D r a w i n g by the author, based on
H . Kiepert, " Z u r Topographie der
alten Alexandria: N a c h M a h m u d
Begs Entdeckungen,"
der Gesellschaft
Zeitschrift
fur Erdkunde
zu
Berlin 7 (1872): 3 3 7 - 4 9 , pi- 5,
map opposite page 384.
a n d discovers t h a t n o other trace o f i t remains. Even the site o f the
entrance t o the Caesareum, the Temple o f Caesar, is n o longer m a r k e d
by "Cleopatra's Needles." Instead, the t o u r i s t can find t h e m at h o m e ,
one o n the Thames E m b a n k m e n t i n L o n d o n , the other i n C e n t r a l Park i n
N e w Y o r k , t o w h e r e they were r e m o v e d late i n the nineteenth century.
F r o m the n i n t h t h r o u g h the fifteenth c e n t u r y the ancient ar­
c h i t e c t u r a l remains of the c i t y were m e t h o d i c a l l y r e m o v e d f o r reuse i n
other b u i l d i n g s , such as the mosques o f C a i r o a n d even o f I s t a n b u l .
1
McKenzie
FIG.
T h i s process was assisted b y the earthquakes, w h i c h were p a r t i c u l a r l y
3
Plan of Alexandria made by
H . Salt i n 1806. F r o m G. Valentia,
Voyages and Travels to
Ceylon,
India,
the Red Sea, Abyssinia
Egypt in the Years
and
1802-1806,
v o l . 4 (London 1811), first fold-
destructive i n the t h i r t e e n t h a n d f o u r t e e n t h centuries.
2
T h u s , few remains o f the ancient b u i l d i n g s were still s t a n d i n g
by the late eighteenth c e n t u r y w h e n E u r o p e a n interest i n the t o w n began
t o develop. Traces o f the l a y o u t o f the ancient c i t y were, however, still
out map. Courtesy of The N e w
visible. By 1 8 8 0 m o s t o f these traces h a d been b u i l t over o r destroyed by
York Public Library.
the m o d e r n city, b u t before this happened, they h a d been recorded i n
m o r e d e t a i l t h a n is usually appreciated.
I n 1 8 6 6 a n A r a b surveyor, M a h m o u d Bey, recorded the re­
mains o f the g r i d p l a n (fig. i ) .
3
H o w e v e r , his p l a n , a n d even its o r i e n ­
t a t i o n , were disbelieved by the E n g l i s h archaeologist D a v i d George
H o g a r t h , w h o has been f o l l o w e d b y other scholars w r i t i n g i n E n g l i s h .
4
T h e p l a n p u b l i s h e d by R i c h a r d A l l a n T o m l i n s o n was an excellent reflec­
t i o n o f h o w l i t t l e E n g l i s h scholars t h o u g h t was k n o w n a b o u t the p l a n .
5
T h e i r c o n t i n e n t a l colleagues were slightly less skeptical o f M a h m o u d
Bey's w o r k .
6
I f one reads the t e x t t h a t M a h m o u d Bey p u b l i s h e d i n F r e n c h
i n 1 8 7 2 t o a c c o m p a n y his p l a n , however, one discovers t h a t he was very
careful t o r e c o r d w h e r e c o l u m n s o r p a v i n g s u r v i v e d . F u r t h e r m o r e , he
a c k n o w l e d g e d (quite c o r r e c t l y ) t h a t those he was r e c o r d i n g were R o m a n
rather t h a n P t o l e m a i c . These are visible o n v a r i o u s G e r m a n copies o f
7
M a h m o u d Bey's p l a n , such as those o f K i e p e r t (fig. 2) a n d Sieglin.
8
I t has n o t p r e v i o u s l y been recognized t h a t c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the
accuracy o f M a h m o u d Bey's r e c o r d o f the archaeological evidence is t o
be f o u n d i n the m a p made b y H e n r y Salt i n 1 8 0 6 (fig. 3 ) . T h i s p l a n was
9
made over h a l f a c e n t u r y before M a h m o u d Bey's a n d shows street lines
III
112
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
4
Plan of the Ptolemaic Serapeion,
Alexandria ("a" equals 27.5 m ,
or 1/12 X 330 m ) . D r a w i n g by
the author, based on details of
A . Rowe and B. R. Rees, "The
Great Serapeum of Alexandria,"
Bulletin
of the John
Rylands
Library,
Manchester
39.2 (1957):
4 8 5 - 5 2 0 , plan opposite page 492.
existing w h e r e M a h m o u d Bey later recorded t h e m . F u r t h e r m o r e , Salt's
p l a n confirms M a h m o u d Bey's i n t e r a x i a l g r i d w i d t h o f 3 3 0 m . T h i s is
the distance between the center line of each o f the m a i n n o r t h - s o u t h
streets. T h i s d i m e n s i o n is three times the average used i n the Seleucid
cities of S y r i a .
10
I t is notable t h a t traces of the p l a n have survived i n
A l e x a n d r i a t h r o u g h the R o m a n , Byzantine, a n d Islamic periods, just as
they d i d i n Syria.
M o s t o f the s u r v i v i n g R o m a n remains, such as those uncov­
ered at K o m el D i k k a ,
1 1
are b u i l t o n the same o r i e n t a t i o n as this g r i d as
are m o s t Ptolemaic ones, i n c l u d i n g n o t a b l y the Serapeion. T h e h i p p o ­
d r o m e a d j o i n i n g i t , whose existence was recorded by the N a p o l e o n i c
e x p e d i t i o n as w e l l as by H e n r y Salt, was also b u i l t o n this same o r i e n t a ­
tion.
1 2
T h i s structure, called the L a g e i o n after the father o f P t o l e m y 1,
was situated southwest o f Pompey's Pillar. A l t h o u g h i t was as large as
the Circus M a x i m u s i n R o m e , by the end o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y i t
h a d disappeared under h o u s i n g .
T h e f o u n d a t i o n s o f the Serapeion, o r Temple o f Serapis b u i l t
by P t o l e m y i n a b o u t 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B . C . , have survived. T h e y are clearly
m a r k e d a n d r e l i a b l y dated because P t o l e m y left f o u n d a t i o n plaques i n
holes at the corners inscribed b o t h i n Greek a n d i n E g y p t i a n h i e r o -
McKenzie
FIG.
5
Ptolemaic architectural fragments
in the Graeco-Roman Museum i n
Alexandria as they appeared ca.
192.0. From E. Breccia,
ad Aegyptum
Alexandria
(Bergamo 1922),
fig. 103.
glyphs.
13
O n e x a m i n i n g the p l a n f r o m Rowe's excavations, w h i c h were
done i n the 1940s a n d 1950s, i t becomes apparent n o t o n l y t h a t the
t e m p l e a n d its enclosure were l a i d o u t o n the same o r i e n t a t i o n as the
g r i d b u t also t h a t the gross u n i t o f t h e i r p l a n , 2 7 . 5 0 m , is e x a c t l y onet w e l f t h o f the i n t e r a x i a l g r i d w i d t h recorded by M a h m o u d Bey a n d Salt
(see figs. 2, 4 ) . T h i s w o u l d t e n d t o c o n f i r m the Ptolemaic o r i g i n o f the
basic g r i d a n d its o r i e n t a t i o n . T h e use o f a s u b d i v i s i o n o f the street g r i d
dimensions a n d the same o r i e n t a t i o n as o n the Serapeion, w h i c h is r e l i ­
ably dated t o P t o l e m y i n , suggest t h a t the basic dimensions a n d o r i e n t a ­
t i o n o f the street g r i d recorded by M a h m o u d Bey h a d a Ptolemaic o r i g i n .
T h e y were t h e n preserved i n the R o m a n g r i d , w h i c h he recorded.
W h a t the A r c h i t e c t u r e along T h e s e Streets L o o k e d Like
We n o w come t o w h a t the architecture a l o n g these streets a n d inside the
c o l o n n a d e d courts off t h e m l o o k e d l i k e . Some o f this a r c h i t e c t u r e , par­
t i c u l a r l y i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . , was s i m i l a r t o t h a t at other H e l ­
lenistic sites, such as the fragments r e p u b l i s h e d by W o l f r a m H o e p f n e r ,
f r o m a b u i l d i n g i n the palace a r e a .
14
F r a g m e n t s in t h e M u s e u m . T h i s paper w i l l concentrate o n the
fragments i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h indicate
t h a t a classical architecture developed t h a t was d i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n .
There are over one h u n d r e d p u b l i s h e d a r c h i t e c t u r a l fragments
preserved i n the m u s e u m t h a t were still o n display i n 1 9 8 2 (fig. 5). M a n y
of these can be s h o w n t o date t o the Ptolemaic p e r i o d . M o s t o f t h e m
were n o longer o n display by 1 9 9 2 , however, despite the fact t h a t they
give the best available i n d i c a t i o n , at a general level, o f the a r c h i t e c t u r a l
details t h a t m i g h t have been used o n Ptolemaic structures, such as the
colonnades o f the ancient M o u s e i o n o r L i b r a r y .
113
114
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
6
7a
7b
7c
FIG.
6
Epidauran Corinthian capital.
FIGS.
7a-c
Corinthian capital types.
a: Type ι Alexandrian capital;
b: Type n Alexandrian capital;
c: Type i n Alexandrian capital.
FIG.
8
Roman " n o r m a l " Corinthian
capital.
8
FIG.
9a
Type ι Alexandrian capital, from
the Chantier Finney. Ca. second
century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. From A . A d r i a n i ,
Annuaire
du Musee
greco-romain,
I 9 3 5 - I 9 3 9 , pl- ΐ 5 · ΐ ·
FIG.
9b
Type π Alexandrian capital, from
9a
9b
9c
the Chantier Finney. Ca. second
century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. From A . A d r i a n i ,
F r o m the fragments i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m i t is
possible, first, t o define specific details o f capitals and cornice types as
distinctively A l e x a n d r i a n a n d , second, t o determine t h a t the earliest
examples o f various n e w baroque s t r u c t u r a l features, such as halfpediments a n d curved entablatures, survive f r o m Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a .
M o s t o f these fragments were loose finds, a l t h o u g h one i m ­
p o r t a n t g r o u p , f r o m the " C h a n t i e r Finney," was f o u n d together a n d ap­
pears t o come f r o m one b u i l d i n g . I r e p r o d u c e d the published pieces i n
The Architecture
Since t h e n , Pensabene's large v o l u m e has
ofPetra.*
5
appeared, w h i c h gives m a n y m o r e examples, reflecting the r e m a r k a b l e
consistency o f the evidence.
16
T h e basis f o r the c h r o n o l o g y o f the t o m b s i n A l e x a n d r i a
has been given elsewhere.
17
Suffice i t t o say t h a t w h e n the t o m b s are
re-examined i n detail, i t becomes clear t h a t w h i l e m o s t of t h e m c a n n o t
Annuaire
du Musee
greco-romain,
1935-1939, pl. 16.1.
FIG.
9c
Type i n Alexandrian capital, from
the Chantier Finney. Ca. second
century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. From A . A d r i a n i ,
Annuaire
du Musee
I 9 3 5 - I 9 3 9 , pl- 17-4-
greco-romain,
McKenzie
FIG.
10
Type i v Alexandrian capital.
1 0
FIG. 11
Type IV Alexandrian capita. Ca.
Type i v Alexandrian capital. Ca.
second century B . C . Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m . From
K . Ronczewski, "Kapitelle des El
Hasne i n Petra,"
Anzeiger,
FIG.
Archaologischer
1932, 3 7 - 9 0 , fig. 22.
12
Acanthus c o l u m n base, from the
Chantier Finney. Ca. second
century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n M u s e u m . From A . A d r i a n i ,
Annuaire
du Musee
I I
I 2
greco-romain,
I935-I939, pl- 16.6.
r e l i a b l y be dated t o w i t h i n a p p r o x i m a t e l y a q u a r t e r o f a century, i t is
generally clear w h e t h e r they are Ptolemaic o r R o m a n , d a t i n g t o the t h i r d
o r second c e n t u r y B . C . rather t h a n the first c e n t u r y A . D .
For e x a m p l e , T o m b 2 at M u s t a f a Pasha is dated t o a b o u t the
second c e n t u r y B . C . , based o n the evidence o f the coins, p o t t e r y , a n d
epigraphy. T o m b s 1 a n d 3 at M u s t a f a Pasha are close t o i t i n date. Based
o n a c o m p a r i s o n w i t h these, the g r o u p o f a r c h i t e c t u r a l fragments f r o m
the C h a n t i e r Finney, w h i c h was i n the area o f the palace quarter, m a y be
dated t o a b o u t the second c e n t u r y
B.C.
1 8
Capitals. T h e C o r i n t h i a n capitals s u r v i v i n g i n A l e x a n d r i a
f r o m the Ptolemaic p e r i o d f a l l i n t o a n u m b e r o f d i s t i n c t types. T h e first
three are related t o t h a t used o n the T h o l o s at E p i d a u r o s . L i k e i t (fig. 6 ) ,
the A l e x a n d r i a n ones have the helices s p r i n g i n g d i r e c t l y f r o m the c o l l a r
of acanthus leaves (fig. 7 a - c ) . By c o n t r a s t , the R o m a n " n o r m a l " C o ­
r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l is characterized b y the sheath called a c a u l i c u l u s , f r o m
w h i c h the helices a n d corner volutes s p r i n g together (fig. 8).
T h e A l e x a n d r i a n C o r i n t h i a n capitals were classified by R o n ­
czewski.
19
T y p e 1, w h i c h has the helices facing each o t h e r ,
20
includes
some examples f r o m the C h a n t i e r Finney b u i l d i n g (see figs. 7a, 9 a ) . I t
also h a d examples o f Type π o n w h i c h the helices are back t o b a c k
(see figs. 7 b , 9 b ) . O n Type 111 the helices are again back t o b a c k
2 2
21
but
s p r i n g f r o m f u r t h e r a p a r t , as seen o n the C h a n t i e r F i n n e y examples (see
figs. 7c, 9c).
T y p e i v capitals are characterized by the lack o f a c o l l a r o f
acanthus leaves a n d b y the corner volutes c o n t i n u i n g i n t o spirals back
t o back i n place o f the helices.
23
Some examples o f this type are c o n t e m ­
p o r a r y w i t h the examples o f the other types f r o m the C h a n t i e r Finney
(figs. 10, 11).
A l s o s u p p o r t i n g one o f the capitals f r o m this b u i l d i n g was an
acanthus c o l u m n base (fig. 1 2 ) . These were c o m m o n i n A l e x a n d r i a
are f o u n d later at other sites i n the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n .
2 4
and
115
116
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
13
15
14
Cornices. T h e capitals f r o m the C h a n t i e r Finney b u i l d i n g sup­
p o r t e d cornices w i t h the d i s t i n c t i v e l y n a r r o w , flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s
a n d square h o l l o w m o d i l l i o n s (figs. 13, 14). M a n y o f these m o d i l l i o n
FIG.
I 3
Underside of m o d i l l i o n cornice of
Alexandrian Corinthian order.
cornices survive i n A l e x a n d r i a . By contrast, a t y p i c a l R o m a n cornice
FIG.
does n o t have these p l a i n m o d i l l i o n s b u t is m o r e ornate (fig. 15). These
Fragment of m o d i l l i o n cornice
2 5
m o d i l l i o n types are d i s t i n c t i v e t o the architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a a n d are
f o u n d o n l y at sites influenced by i t . T h e y have a l o n g c o n t i n u i t y i n
14
block, from the Chantier Finney.
Ca. second century B . C . Alexan­
dria, Graeco-Roman Museum.
From A . A d r i a n i , Annuaire
E g y p t , as is s h o w n below.
Mew B a r o q u e S t r u c t u r a l Features. T h e fragments i n the
Musee greco-romain,
p l . 15.5.
G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m also include the earliest s u r v i v i n g examples
of b a r o q u e f o r m s of pediments a n d entablatures. I t s h o u l d first be ex­
p l a i n e d w h a t is m e a n t b y " b a r o q u e " i n this c o n t e x t . T h e n o r m a l ancient
FIG.
15
Roman Corinthian order.
Greek m e t h o d o f b u i l d i n g , used o n the Greek temples such as the Par­
t h e n o n i n A t h e n s , i n v o l v e d a p o s t - a n d - l i n t e l system o f straight stone
o r t i m b e r beams w i t h a t r i a n g u l a r p e d i m e n t (fig. 16). By contrast,
" b a r o q u e " architecture involves b r e a k i n g away f r o m this system. T h e
architecture is treated as a facade, a n d n e w s t r u c t u r a l elements are i n ­
t r o d u c e d , such as the half-pediments f r a m i n g the c i r c u l a r structure de­
p i c t e d i n the H o u s e o f the L a b y r i n t h i n P o m p e i i a n d carved o n the
K h a s n e h at Petra (figs. 1 7 - 1 9 ) .
T h e first stage i n the development of b a r o q u e architecture is
the a t t a c h m e n t o f pilasters o r c o l u m n s t o a w a l l ; the w a l l is treated as a
facade. T h i s began i n Greece by the fifth c e n t u r y
B.C.
2 6
T h e develop­
m e n t t h a t appears t o have o c c u r r e d i n A l e x a n d r i a is the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f
the b a r o q u e f o r m s o f pediments a n d e n t a b l a t u r e s .
27
These include the
h a l f - p e d i m e n t , segmental p e d i m e n t (fig. 2 0 ) , a n d c u r v e d entablature.
FIG.
16
Triangular pediment.
du
1935-1939,
McKenzie
FIG.
17
Broken pediment consisting of t w o
half-pediments of single pitch.
FIG.
18
Roman w a l l painting from the
House of the L a b y r i n t h , Pompeii.
First century B.C.
I 8
FIG.
19
The Khasneh, Petra.
F I G .
2 0
F I G . 20
Segmental
pediment.
I 9
20
117
118
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
T h e earliest s u r v i v i n g examples o f these are i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u ­
FIG.
2 1
Half-pediment. Hellenistic.
seum i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e h a l f - p e d i m e n t a n d curved entablature illus­
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
t r a t e d here (figs. 2 1 - 2 3 ) b o t h have a H e l l e n i s t i c date, based o n t h e i r
Museum. F r o m P. Pensabene,
l o n g , n a r r o w dentils. N o t e the distinctive A l e x a n d r i a n m o d i l l i o n s , w h i c h
"Lastre di chiusura d i loculi con
naiskoi Egizi e stele funerarie con
never occur i n R o m a n architecture. T h e segmental p e d i m e n t i l l u s t r a t e d
ritratto del Museo d i Alessandria,"
is f r o m C h a m b e r 2 o f T o m b 2 at Anfushy, w h i c h is p r o b a b l y late H e l ­
in Alessandria
lenistic (fig. 2 4 ) .
ellenistico-romano:
di A. Adriani,
H a n s L a u t e r has suggested t h a t the s t i m u l a t i o n f o r b r e a k i n g
e il mondo
Studi in onore
v o l . ι (Rome 1983),
pp. 9 1 - 1 1 9 , figs. 8, 9.
away f r o m the r i g i d p o s t - a n d - l i n t e l system was p r o v i d e d b y l o c a l Egyp­
tian influence.
28
For e x a m p l e , the curved shape f o r m e d b y the b e n d i n g o f
canes w o u l d result i n a segmental p e d i m e n t rather t h a n a t r i a n g u l a r one.
A s i m i l a r E g y p t i a n o r i g i n can be suggested f o r the acanthus c o l u m n base.
T h e distinctively A l e x a n d r i a n architecture is observed at other
sites influenced b y i t . O f p a r t i c u l a r i m p o r t a n c e is I r a q a l - A m i r i n J o r d a n ,
f i r m l y dated t o the early second c e n t u r y B . C . T h e recent f u l l p u b l i c a t i o n
FIG.
22
Half-pediment. Hellenistic.
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
Museum. F r o m H . von Hesberg,
" L o sviluppo delPordine corinzio
i n eta tardo-republicano," i n
decoratif
LArt
a Rome: A la fin de la
Republique
et au debut du
Princi-
of i t confirms the existence by this date of a distinctively A l e x a n d r i a n ar­
pat, table ronde, Rome 1 0 - 1 1
chitecture, i n c l u d i n g even the use o f the Ptolemaic c u b i t as its basic u n i t
M a y 1979 (Rome 1981), pp. 1 9 -
of d e s i g n .
29
I t has A l e x a n d r i a n decorative details, such as C o r i n t h i a n
c a p i t a l types, as w e l l as acanthus c o l u m n bases.
T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Khasneh at Petra a n d the a r c h i ­
tecture depicted i n Second Style Pompeian w a l l p a i n t i n g has l o n g been a
m y s t e r y (see figs. 18, 19). T h i s is because the w a l l paintings are dated t o
the first c e n t u r y B . C . , w h e n there is n o c o n t e m p o r a r y R o m a n baroque
architecture. T h e c h r o n o l o g y o f the Khasneh at Petra has, however, n o w
been slightly c l a r i f i e d ,
30
c o n f i r m i n g t h a t i t is a p p r o x i m a t e l y c o n t e m p o r a r y
w i t h the w a l l p a i n t i n g s . T h e y are i n fact b o t h a reflection o f the architec­
ture of A l e x a n d r i a .
31
T h e w a l l p a i n t i n g s include decorative details, such
as the h o l l o w m o d i l l i o n s , w h i c h are never used i n R o m a n a r c h i t e c t u r e .
32
3 3 , % · 35·
McKenzie
FIG.
23
Vertically curved entablature.
Hellenistic. Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m . From R Pensabene, "Lastre d i chiusura di loculi
con naiskoi Egizi e stele funerarie
con ritratto del Museo di Alessan­
d r i a , " i n Alessandria
ellenistico-romano:
di A. Adriani,
e il mondo
Studi in onore
vol. i (Rome 1983),
pp. 91-119, figs. 3, 4.
FIG.
24
Segmental pediment, from Tomb 2,
Anfushy, Alexandria. From
A . A d r i a n i , Annuaire
greco-romain,
FIG.
du Musee
1 9 4 0 - 1 9 5 0 , fig. 40.
25
The M a r k e t Gate, Miletos. Second
century A . D . Berlin, Pergamon
Museum.
By contrast, w h e n the R o m a n s started using b a r o q u e struc­
t u r a l features, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the second c e n t u r y A . D . , they d i d n o t use
the A l e x a n d r i a n decorative details o f c a p i t a l a n d cornice types, b u t t h e i r
o w n . T h e b e s t - k n o w n examples o f R o m a n b a r o q u e architecture have
survived i n T u r k e y , f r o m the early second c e n t u r y A . D . , such as the M a r ­
k e t Gate f r o m M i l e t o s , w h i c h has a b r o k e n p e d i m e n t ; i t is n o w i n the
Pergamon M u s e u m i n B e r l i n (fig. 2 5 ) . T h e L i b r a r y o f Celsus at Ephesos
has segmental p e d i m e n t s .
33
B o t h structures consist o f an a r t i c u l a t e d fa­
cade, w i t h the entablatures b r o k e n f o r w a r d , as earlier seen o n the facade
119
120
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
26a
Broken-pediment niche head, from
House 9, M a r i n a el-Alamein.
F r o m W . Daszewski et ah, Marina
el-Alamein:
Archaeological
Background
Problems,
and
Conservation
v o l . i (Warsaw r 9 9 i ) ,
p . 26, fig. 1 1 .
FIG.
26b
Broken-pediment niche head, from
House 9, M a r i n a el-Alamein.
From W . Daszewski et al., Marina
el-Alamein:
Archaeological
Background
Problems,
and
front cover.
of the K h a s n e h at Petra. T h e Temple o f H a d r i a n at Ephesos has an
arched e n t a b l a t u r e .
34
N o t e the o r d i n a r y R o m a n c a p i t a l a n d cornice types
o n these examples.
CoontDimyDty o f ADexairocllnaim Amchotectuire
M e a n w h i l e , at sites under the influence o f A l e x a n d r i a there is a s t r o n g
c o n t i n u i t y o f its architecture. T h e Palazzo delle C o l o n n e at Ptolemais i n
L i b y a has A l e x a n d r i a n C o r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l types as w e l l as b r o k e n p e d i ­
ments decorated w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s .
35
Similarly, at
Cyrene i n L i b y a i n the first c e n t u r y A . D . A l e x a n d r i a n C o r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l
types were u s e d .
36
I n C y p r u s the A l e x a n d r i a n influence is visible i n the
Hellenistic a n d early R o m a n capitals a n d c o r n i c e s .
37
A t M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n , near the site o f the W o r l d W a r n
battle a b o u t a h u n d r e d k m west o f A l e x a n d r i a , there has recently been
m u c h b u i l d i n g activity, d u r i n g w h i c h a very i m p o r t a n t niche head was
uncovered (figs. 26a, b ) . I t consists of a b r o k e n p e d i m e n t f r a m i n g a
c o n c h a n d is decorated w i t h square h o l l o w a n d flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s .
I t has been suggested t h a t i t is dated t o the first century
A.D.
3 8
D i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n architecture continues i n E g y p t i n t o
the late antique a n d early C h r i s t i a n periods i n the so-called C o p t i c a r c h i ­
tecture o f the E g y p t i a n Christians. These b r o k e n - p e d i m e n t niche heads
d o n o t survive outside E g y p t after the R o m a n p e r i o d .
M a n y examples o f these niche heads are f o u n d at the sites
a l o n g the N i l e (fig. 2 7 ) . Examples decorated w i t h square h o l l o w o r flat
g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s survive at A h n a s , O x y r h y n c h u s , A s h m u n e i n , a n d i n
situ i n the l i t t l e - k n o w n c h u r c h at D e i r e z - Z a w i a h . Such niche heads even
survived at B a w i t a n d S a q q a r a .
39
These niche heads were also carved as far s o u t h as Sohag o n
the so-called W h i t e M o n a s t e r y ,
40
w h i c h was the m a i n c h u r c h o f the
m o n a s t e r y c o m p l e x . M y detailed, first-hand e x a m i n a t i o n o f the c h u r c h
structure reveals t h a t the niche heads were made f o r i t a n d c o n t e m p o -
Conservation
v o l . 1 (Warsaw 1991),
McKenzie
FIG.
27
Broken-pediment niche head,
from Egypt. Late antique. Berlin,
M u s e u m fur Spatantike und
Byzantinische Kunst.
FIG.
28
M o d i l l i o n cornice from the W h i t e
Monastery at Sohag. Ca. A . D . 440.
r a r y w i t h the m o d i l l i o n cornice (fig. 2 8 ) , w h i c h runs a r o u n d the inside o f
the b u i l d i n g i n situ above the i n s c r i b e d l i n t e l , w h i c h is dated t o a b o u t
A . D . 440.
4 1
T h e c h u r c h was b u i l t by the E g y p t i a n a b b o t Shenute, w h o
w e n t t o the C o u n c i l o f Ephesos w i t h C y r i l o f A l e x a n d r i a . T h e n o t i c e a b l y
A l e x a n d r i a n a n d classical influence o n this architecture accords w i t h re­
cent, m o r e detailed reevaluations o f the w r i t i n g s o f Shenute, w h i c h c o n ­
t a i n a greater k n o w l e d g e o f Greek c u l t u r e t h a n has p r e v i o u s l y been
appreciated.
42
O n C o p t i c b u i l d i n g s f u r t h e r s o u t h , such as the churches at
D e n d e r a a n d L u x o r , the flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s survive i n t o the fifth o r
s i x t h century.
T h e c o n t i n u i t y o f the d i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n classical a r c h i ­
tecture at these sites clearly has serious i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the h i s t o r y o f
the d e v e l o p m e n t o f early C h r i s t i a n architecture i n E g y p t . I t suggests
t h a t the so-called C o p t i c architecture perhaps m o r e d i r e c t l y reflects the
late a n t i q u e and early C h r i s t i a n architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a t h a n has
been recognized, a n d perhaps there is n o t the a m o u n t o f influence f r o m
C o n s t a n t i n o p l e t h a t is usually assumed. I t is o n l y n o w since the charac­
teristic features o f the Ptolemaic classical architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a
have been defined t h a t i t has been possible t o ascertain the strength o f
its c o n t i n u i t y .
Just as there is a c o n t i n u i t y o f the d i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n
architecture i n E g y p t itself, so there is also a c o n t i n u i t y o f the d e p i c t i o n
of i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the east. T h e b r o k e n - p e d i m e n t niche head f r o m
M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n c o n f i r m s the a l l u s i o n t h a t s i m i l a r structures m a k e
t o A l e x a n d r i a , for e x a m p l e , the i v o r y f r o m the s i x t h o r seventh cen­
t u r y A . D . t h a t is n o w i n M i l a n a n d depicts Saint M e n a s , whose shrine
was at A b u M e n a s west o f A l e x a n d r i a . T h i s m o t i f is also used o n the
4 3
121
122
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
s i x t h - c e n t u r y Rossana Gospels t o frame Saint M a r k , w h o is credited
w i t h evangelizing A l e x a n d r i a .
4 4
T h e d e p i c t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r a l m o t i f s occurs par­
t i c u l a r l y o n gospel m a n u s c r i p t s , such as those o f the A r m e n i a n , Syriac,
a n d E t h i o p i a n churches, w h e r e the c i r c u l a r structure is related t o t h a t i n
the P o m p e i a n w a l l p a i n t i n g s , w i t h the tent r o o f c r o w n e d b y a c a p i t a l .
45
T h e M o n o p h y s i t e churches, independent o f influence f r o m C o n s t a n t i ­
n o p l e , appear t o have p r o v i d e d the c o n t a c t f o r this c o n t i n u i t y .
I n the e i g h t h century, Islamic w a l l mosaics i n the Great
M o s q u e i n Damascus depict the t w o - s t o r e y b u i l d i n g w i t h half-pediments.
A l t h o u g h m u c h later t h a n the R o m a n w a l l p a i n t i n g s , the scenes i n the
Great M o s q u e bear a r e m a r k a b l e s i m i l a r i t y — n o t o n l y i n details b u t
also i n the types o f scenes—to the w a l l p a i n t i n g s , such as the r o o m f r o m
Boscoreale near P o m p e i i , n o w i n the M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m i n N e w
Y o r k . I n b o t h , the same types o f scenes are c o m b i n e d : m o n u m e n t a l ar­
chitecture, cityscapes, a n d garden scenes.
46
T h e strength o f c o n t i n u i t y o f the architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a
a n d o f its d e p i c t i o n i n the east w o u l d suggest t h a t A l e x a n d r i a perhaps
r e m a i n e d m o r e active a r t i s t i c a l l y t h a n is generally assumed. T h i s is cer­
t a i n l y suggested b y the Byzantine texts p e r t a i n i n g t o c h u r c h b u i l d i n g i n
the f o u r t h a n d fifth centuries, w h i c h I have recently been a n a l y z i n g i n de­
tail.
4 7
F u r t h e r m o r e , the spectacular D i o n y s o s tapestry o f the f o u r t h cen­
t u r y A . D . c o n f i r m s the p i c t u r e given by the textiles recently i l l u s t r a t e d b y
Rutschowscaya t h a t H e l l e n i s t i c c u l t u r e , w h i c h began i n E g y p t w i t h the
f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a , h a d a s t r o n g c o n t i n u i t y a l o n g the N i l e .
4 8
Before c o n c l u d i n g , i t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t i n the later ar­
chitecture o f the Renaissance a n d Baroque periods (Baroque w i t h an u p ­
percase JB), the b a r o q u e s t r u c t u r a l elements t h a t h a d first been used i n
Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a were again used, as they h a d been by the R o m a n s .
For e x a m p l e , o n the Basilica o f Saint Peter i n R o m e , the segmental p e d i ­
ments are used, the earliest examples o f w h i c h survive i n A l e x a n d r i a .
T h u s , the a r c h i t e c t u r a l fragments once displayed i n the
G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a are the earliest reflection o f the
lost architecture o f Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a : the inventive source f r o m
w h i c h are derived b o t h early a n d later b a r o q u e architecture. These frag­
ments are also the m o s t accurate i n d i c a t i o n at a general level o f w h a t the
a r c h i t e c t u r a l decorative details o f specific Ptolemaic b u i l d i n g s m i g h t
have been l i k e , such as the colonnades o f the M o u s e i o n o r the L i b r a r y .
The University of Sydney
S Y D N EY,
A U S T R A L I A
McKenzie
Notes
1
E . g . , M o s q u e o f S u l e y m a n i y e : J. M . R o g e r s ,
esp. 2 6 9 . Seleucid b l o c k sizes: T o m l i n s o n ( n o t e
" T h e Stones o f S u l e y m a n i y e , "
5 above), p. 228.
Journal
of Middle
7 1 - 8 6 , esp.
East
International
14 ( 1 9 8 2 ) :
Studies
I I
75-79-
Polish excavations w i t h g r i d m a r k e d : B. T k a ­
czow, "Badania nad 'mapa archeologiczna'
2
P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
antycznej A l e k s a n d r i i , " i n M . B e r n h a r d , ed.,
vol. 1 (Ox­
Alexandria,
Starcizytna
f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) , p . 8..
Aleksandria
w badaniach
polskich
( W a r s a w 1 9 7 7 ) , p p . 4 7 - 5 7 , fig. 4 . R o d z i e w i c z
3
M . el F a l a k i , Memoire
sur Vantique
(note 8 above), p. 19, p l a n 1; i d e m , " L e debat
Alexandrie
sur la t o p o g r a p h i e de la v i l l e a n t i q u e , " i n R . I I -
(Copenhagen 1872).
b e r t , e d . , Alexandrie
4
D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n ,
Revue
"Report
o n Prospects of Research i n A l e x a n d r i a , "
tract from
Egypt
the Archaeological
Exploration
Report
e s
deux
musulman
mondes
=
et de la
Medi-
4 6 . 4 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 3 8 - 4 8 , esp. 4 5 ; W . A .
Daszewski, " N o t e s o n the T o p o g r a p h y o f Ptole­
the
( L o n d o n 1895?),
Fund
terranee
Ex­
of
entre
de I'occident
m a i c A l e x a n d r i a , " i n Alessandria
P-
e il
mondo
vol. 1 (Rome 1983), pp. 5 4 -
ellenistico-romano,
p p . 1 7 - 1 8 . I t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t H o g a r t h d i d
n o t have a c o p y o f el F a l a k i ' s p u b l i c a t i o n b u t a
6 9 , esp. 6 3 ; W . K o l a t a j , Imperial
"manuscript t r a n s l a t i o n " of it p r o v i d e d by A d ­
el-Dikka
(Warsaw
Baths
at
Kom
de I'Egypte,
vol.
1992).
m i r a l B l o o m f i e l d . Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 .
12
5
R . A . T o m l i n s o n , From
Mycenae
tinople:
of the Ancient
The
Evolution
to
M . S a i n t - G e n i s , i n Description
5 (Paris), p p . 3 2 8 - 3 7 , p i . 3 9 . A , fig. 2; V a l e n t i a
Constan­
(note 9 above). P h o t o g r a p h of part: E. Sieglin,
City
Expedition
( L o n d o n 1992), fig. on p. 46.
Ernst
Sieglin:
K6m-esch-Schukdfa,
6
E . g . , A . A d r i a n i , Repertorio
d'arte
von
1 9 - 2 0 , p i . X ; J. H . H u m p h r e y , Roman
dell'Egitto
C, v o l . 1 ( t e x t ) ( P a l e r m o
greco-romano
Die Nekropole
vol. 1 (Leipzig 1908), pp.
(London 1986), pp.
1963-
Circuses
505-13.
1 9 6 6 ) , fig. 1; B. T k a c z o w , r e p r o d u c e d i n
I3
P. Pensabene, " E l e m e n t i d i A r c h i t e t t u r a A l e s s a n d r i n a , " Studi
[ 1 9 9 1 ] ) : 2 9 - 8 5 , fig. 8 2 ; W . H o e p f n e r
E . - L . S c h w a n d n e r , Haus
schen
Griechenland
und
Stadt
d'Alexandrie
and
im
A . R o w e , " N e w E x c a v a t i o n s at ' P o m p e y ' s P i l ­
l a r , ' " Bulletin
28 ( 1 9 8 4 - 1 9 8 5
miscellanei
de la Societe
ery of the Famous
klassi-
rapis
( M u n i c h 1994), pp. 2 3 5 -
royale
d'archeologie
35 ( 1 9 4 2 ) : 1 2 4 - 6 1 ; i d e m ,
Temple
Discov­
and Enclosure
of
Se­
supplement aux Annales d u
at Alexandria,
Service des A n t i q u i t e s de I ' E g y p t e , c a h i e r n o . 2
5 6 . See also n o t e 1 1 b e l o w .
( C a i r o 1 9 4 6 ) ; A . R o w e a n d B . R . Rees, " T h e
7
El Falaki (note 3 above), pp. 1 8 - 2 3 ,
G r e a t S e r a p e u m o f A l e x a n d r i a , " Bulletin
27.
John
8
Rylands
Library,
Manchester
H . K i e p e r t , " Z u r T o p o g r a p h i e der a l t e n A l e x a n ­
4 8 5 - 5 2 0 , plan opp. p. 492. M . Sabottka,
S e r a p e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a " ( P h . D . diss., B e r l i n ,
Berlin
der Gesellschaft
fiir Erdkunde
d z i e w i c z , Les Habitations
d'Alexandrie
romains
Technische Universitat, 1 9 8 5 ) .
zu
14
W . H o e p f n e r , Zwei
tuts, Athenische A b t e i l u n g , Beiheft 1 ( 1 9 7 1 ) ;
L . B o r c h a r d t , " V o n einer
the Red
and
Travels
Sea, Abyssinia
and
India,
Ceylon,
Egypt
in the Years 1802-1806,
de Geogr.
B a u s t e l l e , " Bulletin
to
d'archeologie
alexandrinischen
de la Societe
royale
8 (1905):
d'Alexandrie
1-6.
vol. 4 (London
1 8 1 1 ) ; r e p r o d u c e d i n G . J o n d e t , Atlas
de la Ville et des Ports
Mit­
Ptolemaierbauten,
t e i l u n g e n des D e u t s c h e n A r c h a o l o g i s c h e n I n s t i -
tardives
(Warsaw 1984), p. 365.
H . Salt, i n G . V a l e n t i a , Voyages
Sultan,
"Das
7 ( 1 8 7 2 ) : 3 3 7 - 4 9 , ° P P - P- 3^4* p i - 5
m a p ; Sieglin's m a p is r e p r o d u c e d i n M . R o -
d'Alexandrie,
bistorique
Mem.
15
Soc.
J. S. M c K e n z i e , The Architecture
f o r d 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 6 9 - 7 5 , pis-
of Petra
(Ox­
199-2,18.
2 (Cairo 1921), p i . 28.
16
10
the
d r i a : N a c h M a h m u d Begs E n t d e c k u n g e n , "
Zeitschrift
9
of
39.2 (1957):
P. Pensabene, Elementi
architettonici
di
Ales­
sandria
R o m a n Syria: Some N e w Considerations,"
e x c e l l e n t s u m m a r y o f t h i s is g i v e n i n Pensabene
Damaszener
Mitteilungen
1 (1983):
269-77,
e di altri siti Egiziani
(Rome 1993). A n
A v e r a g e : F. E . Peters, " C i t y P l a n n i n g i n G r e c o -
(note 6 above).
123
124
ARTS
OF
17
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 6 3 - 6 9 , 7 8 .
36
G. R. H . W r i g h t , "Architectural Fragments
f r o m t h e P e r i s t y l e , " i n J. H . H u m p h r e y , e d . ,
18
Apollonia:
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 6 9 .
pp.
19
K . R o n c z e w s k i , " L e s c h a p i t e a u x c o r i n t h i e n s et
varies d u musee g r e c o - r o m a i n
Bulletin
de la Societe
(1927):
royale
d'Alexandrie,"
37
d'archeologie
A t p r e s e n t t h e s u b j e c t o f a D . P h i l , thesis b y
P i p p a V a n d e r s t a r at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f O x f o r d .
s u p p l e m e n t d u fascicule 2 2
d'Alexandrie,
3-36.
38
W . D a s z e w s k i et a l . , Marina
chaeological
20
(Tripoli 1976),
The Port of Cyrene
189-223.
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 0 - 7 2 , p i s .
Problems,
i 9 9 ~ 2 0 3 d ; Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i s . 2 6 ,
26-27.
Background
el-Alamein:
and
Ar­
Conservation
vol. 1 (Warsaw 1991), pp. 23,
2 7 , 28 e x c l u d i n g n o . 1 9 6 , p i . 2 9 .
39
21
E . g . , A h n a s : U . M o n n e r e t de V i l l a r d , La
2 0 4 ; Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i . 3 7 e x c l u d ­
O x y r h y n c h u s : E . B r e c c i a , Le Musee
ing nos. 2 7 4 - 7 5 ,
romain
277.
Scul-
( M i l a n 1 9 2 3 ) , figs. 9 , 4 8 B ;
tura ad Ahnas
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 7 2 , p i s . 2 0 3 c -
d'Alexandrie
greco(Bergamo
1931-1932
1933), p i . 47.124; Ashmunein: A . Wace,
22
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 7 2 , p i s . 2 0 5 -
A . M e g a w , a n d T . Skeat, Hermopolis
2 0 6 b ; Pensabene ( n o t e 16 a b o v e ) , p i . 35 e x c l u d ­
Ashmunein
i n g n o . 2 5 7 , p i . 36 nos.
D e i r e z - Z a w i a h : F. D u f e y , " U n g r o u p e de c i n q
263-68.
Magna:
( A l e x a n d r i a 1 9 5 9 ) , p i s . 2 5 . 2 , 3;
s o m m e t s - d e - n i c h e s c u l p t e s : Eglise d ' A b b a
23
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 2 - 7 3 , p i . 2 0 7 ;
A t h a n a s i o s el A p o s t o l o s a D e i r e z - Z a w i a h , " i n
Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i s . 3 9 - 4 1 .
M . R a s s a r t - D e b e r g h a n d J. Ries, eds., Actes
iv
e
24
Congres
Copte
du
vol. 1 (Louvain 1992),
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 7 3 , p i . 2 0 8 ; Pen­
p p . 6 9 - 7 7 ; B a w i t : G . D u t h u i t , La
sabene ( n o t e 16 a b o v e ) , p i . 8 7 .
Copte
Sculpture
(Paris 1 9 3 1 ) , p i . 3 6 b ; S a q q a r a : J. E . Q u i -
b e l l , Excavations
25
1988,
at Saqqara
in,
1907-1908
(Cairo 1909), p i . 37.2.
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 3 - 7 4 , p i s . 2 1 1 1 4 ; Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i s . 9 2 - 9 9 , 1 0 1 .
40
26
M . L y t t e l t o n , Baroque
Architecture
in
Niches
sculpte
du
Convent
( C a i r o 1 9 7 6 ) , niches nos.
et frises
8 - 1 0 , 34, 42.
( L o n d o n 1974), p. 38.
Antiquity
P. A k e r m a n n , Le Decor
Blanc:
Classical
41
Basis f o r d a t e o f i n s c r i b e d l i n t e l , see M o n n e r e t
27
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 7 - 9 2 .
28
H . Lauter, "Ptolemais i n Libyen: Ein Beitrag
has been l i t t l e d i s a g r e e m e n t a b o u t t h e d a t e o f
z u r B a u k u n s t A l e x a n d r i a s , " Jahrbuch
the lintel, b u t considerable v a r i a t i o n i n the
de V i l l a r d ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 8 - 2 2 . T h e r e
Deutschen
Arch'dologiscben
Instituts
des
dates g i v e n t o t h e n i c h e heads f r o m t h e f i f t h t o
86 ( 1 9 7 1 ) :
the seventh century A . D .
1 4 9 - 7 8 , esp. 1 7 2 .
29
E . W i l l et a l . , Iraq
biade
Hyrcan
al-Amir:
Le chateau
du
to-
42
H . N . T a k l a , St. Shenouda
His
(Paris 1 9 9 1 ) ; M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15
Life
and Times
the
Archimandrite:
(Los Angeles 1987),
pp. 8 - 1 2 ; T. O r l a n d i , "Coptic Literature," i n
above), p . 7 7 , pis. 223c, d.
B . A . P e a r s o n a n d J. E . G o e h r i n g , eds.,
Roots
30
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p .
33-53.
31
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 5 - 1 0 1 .
32
M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 9 4 , p i . 2 2 7 a .
of Egyptian
The
(Philadelphia
Christianity
1 9 8 6 ) : 5 1 - 8 1 , esp. 6 9 .
43
K . W e i t z m a n n , " T h e Ivories o f the So-called
G r a d o C h a i r , " Dumbarton
Oaks
Papers
26
( 1 9 7 2 ) : 4 3 - 9 1 , p i . 5.
33
L y t t e l t o n (note 26 above), p i . 1 9 1 .
34
L y t t e l t o n (note 26 above), p i . 179.
35
G . Pesce, i7 "Palazzo
maide
di Cirenaica
delle
Colonne"
in
44
I b i d . , p i . 18.
45
P. U n d e r w o o d , " T h e F o u n t a i n o f L i f e , "
Tole-
barton
( R o m e 1950); Lauter (note
Oaks
Papers
Dum­
5 (1950): 4 3 - 1 3 8 , pis. 3 4 -
38, 53-54-
28 a b o v e ) ; M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 5 77, pis.
219-233.
46
K . A . C . C r e s w e l l , Early
Muslim
Architecture,
McKenzie
2 n d edn., v o l . i ( O x f o r d 1969); R. L i n g ,
man
47
Painting
Ro­
(Cambridge 1991), fig. 27.
T h i s w i l l be p u b l i s h e d , a l o n g w i t h d e t a i l e d
v e r s i o n s o f a l l o f t h e aspects c o v e r e d i n t h i s
p a p e r , i n The Architecture
of
Alexandria
(forthcoming).
48
M . - H . R u t s c h o w s c a y a , Coptic
Fabrics
1990), pp. 8 2 - 1 1 8 . G. Bowersock,
in Late
Antiquity
(Paris
Hellenism
(Ann A r b o r 1990), pp. 5 1 - 6 9 ,
discusses n o t o n l y t h e t a p e s t r y a n d its i m p l i c a ­
t i o n s b u t also l i t e r a t u r e i n E g y p t .
125
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127
From the Double Crown to the Double Pediment
John
Onians
We are used t o seeing the Pantheon (fig. i ) as a R o m a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of
a Greek t r a d i t i o n , b u t i t m a y be just as a p p r o p r i a t e t o see some o f w h a t
we t h i n k o f as essentially R o m a n i n this b u i l d i n g as essentially E g y p t i a n .
T h i s paper proposes t h a t an E g y p t i a n architecture was developed i n the
N i l e Valley i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d i n conscious o p p o s i t i o n t o the i m ­
p o r t e d Greek t r a d i t i o n , a n d that i t was there ready t o be used f o r s i m i l a r
purposes by the country's n e w conquerors, the R o m a n s . I t also argues
t h a t the p s y c h o l o g i c a l a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l f r a m e w o r k t h a t a l l o w e d the E g y p ­
tians t o develop their n e w anti-Greek style was deeply embedded i n the
E g y p t i a n m i n d since the first dynasties. T h e basic p r o p o s i t i o n of this
paper, a l l u d e d t o i n the h i e r o g l y p h i c o f the t i t l e , is t h a t the a l t e r n a t i n g
p e d i m e n t d e c o r a t i o n of the Pantheon i n t e r i o r is a direct descendant of
the Pharaoh's d o u b l e c r o w n . T h e attitudes t o geography, history, art,
a n d u l t i m a t e l y t o c u l t u r e t h a t a l l o w e d the f o r m u l a t i o n a n d development
of this t r a d i t i o n i n E g y p t a n d its inheritance by the R o m a n s were n o t
o n l y alien t o Greek views b u t c o n s t i t u t e d a c r i t i q u e of Greek c u l t u r e a n d
an i l l u s t r a t i o n of some o f its f u n d a m e n t a l l i m i t a t i o n s .
T h i s a r g u m e n t m a y n o t please everyone. We like t o p r i d e o u r ­
selves o n being heirs t o a distinctively Greek t r a d i t i o n and are especially
p r o u d o f the w a y o u r great i n t e l l e c t u a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are based o n theirs.
N o w h e r e is this m o r e true t h a n i n the G e t t y M u s e u m , w h i c h can c l a i m
an unusually direct descent t h r o u g h the V i l l a dei P a p i r i f r o m the M o u seion a n d L i b r a r y at A l e x a n d r i a . I t is certainly f r o m the scholars of the
M o u s e i o n t h a t the West i n h e r i t e d its confidence t h a t i t h a d l i t t l e t o learn
f r o m non-Greeks. Yet the M o u s e i o n a n d L i b r a r y themselves can o n l y be
e x p l a i n e d as conscious i m i t a t i o n s by the Greek invaders of E g y p t i a n i n ­
s t i t u t i o n s . I n the Greek w o r l d there was n o t r a d i t i o n of b u i l d i n g s hous­
i n g c o m m u n i t i e s o f scholars w o r k i n g o n large collections o f texts. I n
E g y p t every great temple h a d its staff of priests a n d its papyrus l i b r a r y .
Greece may, i n the schools of the Sophists a n d philosophers, p r o v i d e the
m o d e l f o r the Western teaching i n s t i t u t i o n s , b u t the u l t i m a t e m o d e l f o r
the great Western research i n s t i t u t i o n s is E g y p t i a n .
Such a p o i n t o f v i e w is difficult f o r us t o accept. I t is h a r d f o r
us t o t u r n the c l o c k back a n d open o u r m i n d s t o E g y p t , t o v i e w i t n o t
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FIG.
I
Interior of the Pantheon,
Rome. Ca. A . D . 120. Photo by
N . Batcock.
just as the Greeks a n d R o m a n s d i d , t h a t is, as a granary, a reservoir o f
taxes, a source o f exotic flora a n d fauna, a n d a l a n d of mysterious r u i n s .
T h e Greeks believed i n one c u l t u r a l system, theirs, w i t h themselves at the
center. T h e i r m o d e l f o r c u l t u r e was the single m i n d , w h e t h e r i t was the
m i n d o f the i n d i v i d u a l h u m a n o r the one divine m i n d t h a t r u l e d the u n i ­
verse. P h i l o s o p h i c a l l y they were monotheists, a n d they were also u n i c u l turalists. T h e Greeks d i d n o t like there being t w o of a n y t h i n g . T h e Greek
state was t y p i c a l l y r u l e d b y a single l e a d e r — w h e t h e r k i n g , t y r a n t , or
strategos—or
b y a single class, be i t the n o b i l i t y o r the demos.
I n the
balance between the sexes, m e n were superior t o w o m e n , w h o were t y p i ­
cally regarded as defective males. Few Greeks c o u l d speak t w o l a n ­
guages, w h i c h is w h y the o n l y P t o l e m y w h o c o u l d speak E g y p t i a n was
the l a s t — C l e o p a t r a . T h e Greeks also h a d o n l y one type o f p e d i m e n t , the
t r i a n g u l a r one.
T h e R o m a n s , o n the other h a n d , t h o u g h t i n terms of t w o s ,
a n d this is w h e r e this i n q u i r y begins. N o t o n l y d i d the R o m a n s have t w o
types o f pediments, the t r i a n g u l a r a n d the segmental, they also were
h a p p y t o have t w o o f m o s t things. Indeed, t h e i r c u l t u r e was f o u n d e d o n
the i m p o r t a n c e o f d u a l i s m . T h e i r state was r u l e d by t w o consuls. I n the
FIG.
2
Pharaonic crowns: Upper Egypt,
Lower Egypt, and double (after
Emery).
Ο ηi aηs
h o m e , m a n a n d w o m a n h a d considerable equality. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , i n
the field o f c u l t u r e , R o m a n s were h a p p y t o speak n o t o n l y their o w n l a n ­
guage, L a t i n , b u t Greek as w e l l . I n a l l this n o t o n l y were the R o m a n s the
opposite o f the Greeks b u t they were also just like the Egyptians. T h e
Egyptians a c k n o w l e d g e d dualities i n m a n y areas a n d above a l l i n b o t h
r e l i g i o n a n d p o l i t i c s . I n religious terms the Egyptians recognized t w o
w o r l d s , t h a t o f the l i v i n g a n d t h a t o f the dead, a n d they gave expression
t o this d i v i s i o n in cities o f the l i v i n g t o the east of the N i l e a n d cities o f
the dead t o the west. I n p o l i t i c s , t o o , the E g y p t i a n p h a r a o h was the r u l e r
of t w o lands, U p p e r E g y p t a n d L o w e r E g y p t , a n d t h a t d o u b l e k i n g d o m
was i n some measure reflected i n the pharaoh's m a r r i a g e often w i t h a sis­
ter, w h o was i n m a n y ways his equal. W o m e n figure p r o m i n e n t l y i n state
reliefs, b o t h as spouses a n d as partners, a n d E g y p t i a n t o m b s are f u l l o f
statues of s y m m e t r i c a l couples. M o r e prosaically, the Egyptians also rec­
ognized t w o equal r o o f silhouettes, the c u r v e d a n d the flat.
W h a t is the core o f the E g y p t i a n interest i n duality? T h e an­
swer is h i n t e d at i n the d o u b l e c r o w n (fig. 2 ) . W o r n by the p h a r a o h f o r
nearly three t h o u s a n d years, the d o u b l e c r o w n was emblematic o f the
FIG.
3
d o u b l e k i n g d o m , t h a t o f the D e l t a , L o w e r E g y p t , a n d t h a t o f the N i l e
Hieroglyph w i t h shrine of Upper
Valley, U p p e r E g y p t . H i s t o r i c a l l y i t was o n the u n i o n o f those k i n g d o m s
Egypt.
t h a t the strength of the E g y p t i a n state was f o u n d e d . A l t h o u g h w h a t hap­
pened i n reality was t h a t one dynasty, a n d perhaps even one race, c o n ­
quered another, f r o m the earliest times r i t u a l s a n d apparatus o f the state
made visible a c o n t i n u i t y o f the t w o i n s t i t u t i o n s . M o s t i m p o r t a n t was
the sacred r i t u a l o f the Heb-Sed at w h i c h the p h a r a o h r a n between t w o
shrines representing the capitals o f the t w o k i n g d o m s . T h e t w o k i n g ­
doms were also represented m o r e w i d e l y t h r o u g h t w o shrines of care­
fully distinguished f o r m s . T h e shrine o f U p p e r E g y p t has an essentially
flat t o p b u t w i t h a strangely a s y m m e t r i c a l c u r v e d c o p i n g t h a t appears
o r i g i n a l l y t o have represented the line o f the back o f an a n i m a l (fig. 3).
T h e shrine o f L o w e r E g y p t is c o m p l e t e l y s y m m e t r i c a l a n d has a t o p t h a t
is m u c h m o r e steeply a n d s y m m e t r i c a l l y c u r v e d as i f i t represents an
arched r o o f (fig. 4 ) . T h i s o r i g i n is c o n f i r m e d by some representations o f
the shrine t h a t s h o w i t s u r m o u n t e d b y w h a t l o o k s l i k e a d o m e o r v a u l t .
Parallel t o the d i s t i n c t i o n between the t w o shrines is a difference of m a ­
t e r i a l a n d t e c h n o l o g y between the a r c h i t e c t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s of the t w o
k i n g d o m s . U p p e r E g y p t is r i c h i n stone a n d r a p i d l y became the center o f
the w o r l d ' s first great t r a d i t i o n of stone architecture. M o r e o v e r , i t d i d
this so early t h a t the s t r u c t u r a l types t h a t developed there—the w a l l s ,
lintels, copings, a n d so o n — a r e p a l p a b l y masonic i n character. As a re­
FIG.
4
Hieroglyph w i t h shrine of Lower
Egypt.
sult, the system o f h o r i z o n t a l c o u r s i n g r i s i n g t o h o r i z o n t a l lintels span­
n i n g d o o r s a n d h o r i z o n t a l slabs spanning roofs a c q u i r e d its o w n
integrity. T h e b u i l d i n g s t h a t resulted were t y p i c a l l y flat r o o f e d a n d h a d
the profile a n d c o n f i g u r a t i o n t h a t w e consider t y p i c a l l y E g y p t i a n . I n
L o w e r E g y p t , b y contrast, w h e r e stone was n o t available locally, b u t
129
130
ARTS
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ALEXANDRIA
reeds, p a l m t r u n k s , a n d sun-dried b r i c k were, the architecture r a p i d l y
acquired a
flexibility
o f vocabulary, w i t h c u r v e d roofs covered w i t h reed
mats a n d b r i c k vaults a n d domes p r o d u c i n g quite different f o r m s a n d
c o n f i g u r a t i o n s . T h e t w o shrines n a t u r a l l y became emblematic o f the t w o
k i n g d o m s because they a l l u d e d t h r o u g h t h e i r different architectures t o
their different geographies.
A n o t h e r w a y i n w h i c h the geographical d i s t i n c t i o n between
the t w o k i n g d o m s c o u l d be characterized was by vegetation. T h e pa­
p y r u s , w h i c h g r e w i n p r o f u s i o n i n the D e l t a , r a p i d l y became the e m b l e m
of L o w e r E g y p t , a n d the lotus o r w a t e r l i l y t h a t of U p p e r E g y p t (fig. 5).
I t is i n this guise t h a t each b l o o m decorates one o f the great square piers
t h a t c a r r i e d the r o o f o f a h a l l o f T h u t m o s i s 111 i n the great temple at K a r n a k . T h a t t o the s o u t h is decorated w i t h gigantic l o t u s , t h a t t o the n o r t h
by gigantic p a p y r u s . W h a t makes this p a i r i n g m o r e r e m a r k a b l e is t h a t i t
is associated w i t h the i n s c r i p t i o n s o n the S i x t h P y l o n o n the a p p r o a c h t o
the temple: the p y l o n is covered w i t h cartouches c o n s t i t u t i n g geographi­
FIG. 5
cal lists. These are d i v i d e d so t h a t those o n the n o r t h e r n h a l f of the p y ­
Hieroglyphs w i t h lotus and
l o n are the names o f c o m m u n i t i e s n o r t h of E g y p t , i n the Levant, w h i l e
papyrus plants representing Upper
those o n the s o u t h e r n h a l f are those o f c o m m u n i t i e s s o u t h o f E g y p t , i n
Egypt and Lower Egypt.
N u b i a . T h e t w o emblematic plants are evidently p a r t of a larger m a p ­
p i n g enterprise.
T h e c o n n e c t i o n between the piers a n d the geographical lists
r e m i n d s us t h a t f u n d a m e n t a l t o the E g y p t i a n w a y of t h i n k i n g was the
ideographic system o f h i e r o g l y p h i c characters. T h e h i e r o g l y p h i c script
changed m u c h t h r o u g h o u t its history, b u t i t always preserved the p o w e r ,
w h i c h i t derived f r o m its o r i g i n s , of c a p t u r i n g i n images references n o t
just t o things b u t also t o concepts. T h i s resource ensured t h a t differenti­
ated pictures, w h e t h e r o f the c r o w n s , shrines, o r plants, c o u l d represent
the f u n d a m e n t a l difference between the t w o k i n g d o m s . T h e richness o f
the system is expressed i n the w a y t h a t each p a i r a r t i c u l a t e d another type
of difference. W h i l e the t w o c r o w n s a r t i c u l a t e d a difference o f h i s t o r y
a n d o f p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i t y , the t w o shrines a l l u d e d t o differences o f geology
a n d c l i m a t e , a n d the t w o plants a l l u d e d t o s i m i l a r differences o f h y d r o g ­
raphy. T h e d o m i n a n t r o l e o f h i e r o g l y p h i c i m a g e r y i n E g y p t i a n a r t a n d
c u l t u r e m e a n t t h a t a l l members o f the p o p u l a t i o n , n o t just those w h o
k n e w the f u l l language system, w o u l d have been m u c h m o r e alert t o the
m e a n i n g o f a r t t h a n i n other cultures.
I n a c u l t u r e i n w h i c h the highest social a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l ex­
pression t o o k the f o r m of images of things, i t was inevitable t h a t images
of things generally, a n d even things themselves, w o u l d have an excep­
t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e . T h i s h a d a p a r t i c u l a r significance f o r architecture. I f
v a r i a t i o n i n the representation of a shrine c o u l d represent a difference of
reference t o geography a n d c u l t u r e , i t was inevitable t h a t any differences
of a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m w o u l d have been liable t o a reading i n broader
Onians
FIG.
6
Detail of N a r m e r Palette. Early
t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m B . C . Cairo, The
Egyptian M u s e u m .
terms. T h e same w o u l d have been t r u e o f p l a n t s . T h e m e a n i n g o f the l o ­
tus a n d p a p y r u s i n the script was t h a t t h e i r c o m b i n a t i o n i n another c o n ­
t e x t , such as i n the piers o f T h u t m o s i s i n , c o u l d refer t o the p r i m a r y
g e o g r a p h i c a l d i v i s i o n o f the N i l e V a l l e y a n d u l t i m a t e l y by e x t e n s i o n o f
the w h o l e w o r l d . Indeed, the tendency t o see m e a n i n g i n representational
f o r m led t o f o r m a l resemblances being far m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n i n o t h e r
cultures, so t h a t , f o r e x a m p l e , the resemblance between the S o u t h e r n
C r o w n a n d a rnace head so evident o n the N a r m e r Palette (fig. 6) effec­
tively leads t o the c r o w n a n d thus the k i n g h i m s e l f a c q u i r i n g the p r i n c i ­
p a l a t t r i b u t e o f the mace, t h a t is, its effectiveness i n s k u l l c r u s h i n g . I t is
t e m p t i n g t o suggest t h a t the c r o w n m a y have been given this shape i n
order t o invest i t w i t h t h a t m e a n i n g .
I n a l l this there c o u l d h a r d l y be a greater c o n t r a s t w i t h the
Greeks, f o r w h o m script a n d a r t r a p i d l y became l i t t l e m o r e t h a n t r a n scriptive systems. Greek letters served p r i n c i p a l l y as a n o t a t i o n f o r a se­
quence o f s o u n d s — m u c h as a m o d e r n d i g i t a l a u d i o system provides a
t r a n s c r i p t i o n o f m u s i c — w h i l e a r t essentially d i d the same f o r v i s u a l real­
ity. Greek a r t developed progressively as a n o t a t i o n f o r w h a t was seen
u n t i l i t a l m o s t m a t c h e d the directness o f w r i t i n g as a n o t a t i o n f o r w h a t
was heard. A s c u l p t o r w h o carved b o t h figures a n d i n s c r i p t i o n s was
w o r k i n g i n the same m o d e i n b o t h activities. T h e o n e - d i m e n s i o n a l i t y o f
his a p p r o a c h was just one aspect o f the single-mindedness n o t e d earlier.
I t m i g h t be t h o u g h t t h a t the Greek use o f v a r i a n t f o r m s , such
as different letter f o r m s f o r D o r i c a n d I o n i c dialects o r different architec­
t u r a l f o r m s f o r D o r i c a n d I o n i c b u i l d i n g s , constitutes some p a r a l l e l t o
the E g y p t i a n d u a l i s m , b u t these differences were u n d e r s t o o d above a l l as
m a r g i n a l v a r i a t i o n s o f nature a n d c u s t o m w i t h i n a single p o p u l a t i o n
rather t h a n as the representation o f t w o separate w o r l d s . I o n i c c u l t u r e
131
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ALEXANDRIA
was seen basically as o n l y a v a r i a n t o f D o r i c . Since the Ionians were
t h o u g h t o f as m o r e f e m i n i n e a n d the D o r i a n s as m o r e masculine, this
p r o d u c e d a p a r a l l e l w i t h the field o f sex difference. I n general, the differ­
ences w i t h i n the Greek t r a d i t i o n were seen as t r i v i a l c o m p a r e d t o the
absolute d i v i d e between Greeks a n d the rest o f the w o r l d .
T h e i n t e g r a t i o n a n d coherence o f the Greek a p p r o a c h m e a n t
t h a t i t c o u l d be t a k e n over m o r e o r less i n its e n t i r e t y by outsiders. I t
c o u l d be a d o p t e d v o l u n t a r i l y b y neighbors, such as the M a c e d o n i a n s o f
Alexander's generation. I t c o u l d equally be i m p o s e d t o some extent by
the same M a c e d o n i a n s o n those they conquered. A Greek e d u c a t i o n gave
one a Greek m i n d , a Greek physical t r a i n i n g gave one a Greek body. I t
was as Greeks t h a t the M a c e d o n i a n s w e n t t o E g y p t , a n d i t was t h r o u g h
members o f the l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n w h o v o l u n t a r i l y o r i n v o l u n t a r i l y became
t o some extent Greek t h a t the M a c e d o n i a n s a d m i n i s t e r e d the t e r r i t o r y .
T h e degree t o w h i c h the Greeks were seen as outsiders a n d ,
indeed, t h o u g h t o f themselves as such is w e l l expressed i n the n o t i o n t h a t
the p l a n of A l e x a n d r i a , the N i l e k i n g d o m ' s n e w c a p i t a l , corresponded t o
the shape o f a M a c e d o n i a n c l o a k , a rectangle w i t h r o u n d e d corners.
L i k e a g a r m e n t t h r o w n d o w n o n a field, the c i t y was an alien a r t i f a c t i n
the E g y p t i a n landscape, a n d i t is t e m p t i n g t o t h i n k t h a t i t was the h i e r o g l y p h i c a l l y o r i e n t e d Egyptians w h o read i t t h a t way. W i t h i n the c i t y the
M a c e d o n i a n s lived o u t Greek lives i n Greek b u i l d i n g s s u r r o u n d e d b y
Greek artifacts. O u t s i d e , o n the other h a n d , the strength o f E g y p t i a n c u l ­
t u r e r e q u i r e d t h a t they n o t o n l y tolerate b u t also s u p p o r t the m a i n t e ­
nance o f l o c a l r i t u a l a n d artistic t r a d i t i o n s . T h e Egyptians w h o m o v e d t o
A l e x a n d r i a w o u l d have been w e l l prepared t o c o l l a b o r a t e w i t h t h e i r
newest oppressors. T h e rivalries o f the predynastic p e r i o d h a d been suc­
ceeded b y the u n c e r t a i n balance o f the u n i t e d c r o w n s a n d t h a t i n t u r n by
a l t e r n a t i n g periods o f self-rule a n d e x t e r n a l d o m i n a t i o n by the H y k s o s ,
the Assyrians, a n d the Persians. H a b i t u a t e d t o being conquered, the
Egyptians were equally used t o recovering their independence f r o m i n ­
vaders, w h o t y p i c a l l y a l l o w e d themselves t o be c u l t u r a l l y absorbed by
their subjects. T h i s at least was true u n t i l the a r r i v a l o f the Greeks f o r
w h o m , as w e saw, there was i n a sense o n l y one c u l t u r e , their o w n . A d ­
m i t t e d l y the Greeks w e n t o n c o n s t r u c t i n g temples a n d c o m m i s s i o n i n g
sculptures a n d p a i n t i n g s i n t r a d i t i o n a l style f o r the use of the native p o p ­
u l a t i o n , b u t f o r themselves they preferred t h e i r o w n f o r m s .
A f t e r the first conquest, however, the Egyptians soon started
t o assert t h e i r i d e n t i t y n o t just i n U p p e r E g y p t , w h e r e the Greeks h a r d l y
made an i m p a c t c u l t u r a l l y , b u t at the n e w c a p i t a l . T h i s is m o s t evident i n
the cemeteries. D u r i n g the second c e n t u r y B . C . E g y p t i a n - t y p e burials i n ­
creasingly r i v a l e d Greek cremations, a n d soon the local p o p u l a t i o n , f o l ­
l o w i n g m i l l e n n i a - o l d practice, established its o w n c i t y o f the dead t o the
west of the c i t y of the l i v i n g , leaving the Greeks i n the east. Increasingly,
t o o , the f o r m s o f E g y p t i a n sculpture a n d architecture reasserted t h e m -
Ο ηi aη s
FIG.
7
Interior of Tomb 2, Anfushy,
Alexandria. Second century B . C .
FIG.
8
Shrine. Second century B . C .
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
Museum.
selves. T h e t r a d i t i o n a l Greek t o m b facade was opened u p , as was usual
i n E g y p t i a n architecture, t o p r o d u c e a c o m p l e x m i x t u r e of p o r t a l s , l o w
w a l l s , w i n d o w s , a n d half- a n d f u l l c o l u m n s . M o r e significantly, some
f o r m s are used w i t h a n e w assertiveness, a n d none perhaps so forcefully
as the segmental p e d i m e n t (fig. 7 ) . T h i s shape h a d , as n o t e d , a l o n g his­
t o r y i n L o w e r E g y p t as a f o r m expressing t h a t area's separate architec­
t u r a l i d e n t i t y a n d c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . N o w i t reappeared opposed n o t t o
the flat-roof stone architecture o f U p p e r E g y p t b u t t o the t r i a n g u l a r p e d i ­
m e n t o f the Greeks. I n its d y n a m i c curve i t n o w seems t o express d i r e c t l y
the energies of a people a n x i o u s t o t h r o w off oppression by those c o n ­
strained by the triangle's geometry. A l o n g w i t h the surging c o l u m n s o f
b u d d i n g lotus a n d papyrus, the huge curved cornices, a n d the c r o w n i n g
r o w s o f uraei, the c u r v e d p e d i m e n t gave architecture a v i t a l energy i t
never h a d before (fig. 8). T h i s is almost certainly because the Egyptians
h a d never before seen their c u l t u r e so clearly opposed t o s o m e t h i n g as
stiff a n d h a r d as the Greek a r c h i t e c t u r a l vocabulary.
T h e Greeks were n o t insensitive t o this challenge. As i n the
establishment of the M o u s e i o n a n d L i b r a r y a n d i n so m a n y other areas,
the Ptolemies hastened n o t t o i m i t a t e their subjects b u t t o adapt their
o w n c u l t u r e so t h a t i t c o u l d c l a i m s i m i l a r properties. I t was thus perhaps
i n a n e w awareness o f the p o w e r o f organic f o r m s t h a t they were the
leaders i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the C o r i n t h i a n order o n the e x t e r i o r of
b u i l d i n g s such as the A r s i n o e i o n a n d P r o p y l a i a at Samothrace. I f we
k n e w m o r e of their architecture i n A l e x a n d r i a , we m i g h t be able t o c o n ­
firm w h a t is suggested by the first t e x t u a l reference t o the f o r m i n a t e x t
of K a l l i x e i n o s , preserved by Athenaeus, t h a t i t was a favorite f o r m i n
t h a t city. K a l l i x e i n o s tells h o w the order was used i n P t o l e m y iv's cele­
brated N i l e barge, the thalamegos.
There i t was h a r m o n i o u s l y p a i r e d
w i t h a flowery E g y p t i a n c o l u m n a r f o r m w i t h whose v i t a l i t y i t m i g h t have
FIG.
9
Reconstruction of tent of
Ptolemy 11. T h i r d century B . C .
(after Studnizcka).
seemed c o n t a m i n a t e d . A s i m i l a r v i t a l i z a t i o n o f architecture was evident
1
i n P t o l e m y n's festival tent w i t h its thyrsus-like c o l u m n s (fig. 9 ) , its hang­
ings, a n d its raised clerestory.
M u c h o f the architecture o f L o w e r E g y p t h a d always been i n -
133
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OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
spired b y b u i l d i n g s i n t e m p o r a r y materials, a n d n o w at last the Greek
t r a d i t i o n was infused w i t h the same f l e x i b i l i t y a n d freedom. W h e t h e r o r
n o t the Palazzo delle C o l o n n e at Ptolemais is Ptolemaic a n d dates f r o m
the early first c e n t u r y B . C . , the c o m p l e x i t y a n d diversity o f its f o r m s cer­
t a i n l y reflect E g y p t i a n values. As others have suggested, the b r o k e n
2
p e d i m e n t f o u n d there a n d elsewhere a l m o s t certainly goes back t o the
b r o k e n lintels of fifteen h u n d r e d years earlier. T h e Egyptians, w h o h a d
3
l o n g ago b r o k e n architecture u p i n t o its elements t o use as h i e r o g l y p h s ,
h a d n o p r o b l e m s e x p l o i t i n g h a l f - c o l u m n s , h a l f - w a l l s , w i n d o w s , aedi­
cules, a n d other f r a g m e n t a r y a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m s . T h e Greeks, w h o
r e q u i r e d t h a t architecture, l i k e w r i t i n g a n d the representational arts,
transcribe nature, h a d p r o b l e m s w i t h a n y t h i n g t h a t was n o t a complete
w a l l , a complete c o l u m n , a complete d o o r , a complete t r i a n g u l a r p e d i ­
m e n t , o r an u n b r o k e n h o r i z o n t a l entablature. I t was o n l y i n E g y p t t h a t
the Greeks a c q u i r e d f r o m t h e i r subjects a m o r e d y n a m i c conceptual a n d
f o r m a l a p p r o a c h . T h i s is evident b o t h i n real a n d i n p a i n t e d architec­
t u r e . T h e correspondence o f the m o r e advanced so-called Second Style
p a i n t i n g s f o u n d at P o m p e i i n o t just w i t h w h a t can be reconstructed as
Ptolemaic architecture a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l p a i n t i n g b u t also w i t h E g y p t i a n
p a i n t e d architecture o f fifteen h u n d r e d years earlier shows once again
h o w i m p o r t a n t E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n s were. N o p a i n t e d architecture i n a
p u r e Greek t r a d i t i o n has a n y t h i n g l i k e the c o m p l e x i t y a n d variety of the
p a i n t e d decorations o f E g y p t i a n M i d d l e K i n g d o m t o m b s . Such p r o p e r ­
ties o n l y enter the Classical w o r l d i n the u l t i m a t e l y Ptolemaic t r a d i t i o n
of scenes such as those f r o m Boscoreale. T h e same is i n m a n y ways t r u e
of p o r t r a y a l s o f landscape. U n l i k e the Greeks, the Egyptians h a d a l o n g
t r a d i t i o n of s h o w i n g h u m a n i t y o f a l l ages, sexes, a n d races at ease i n
b o t h u r b a n a n d r u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t s . T h e longer the Greeks stayed i n
E g y p t , the m o r e they were liberated b y t h a t land's t r a d i t i o n of m a t e r i a l
expression, a t r a d i t i o n so m u c h longer a n d stronger t h a n theirs.
T h e Greeks elsewhere i n the Eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , such as
the Seleucids i n Syrian A n t i o c h , felt s o m e t h i n g of the same influence.
Those w h o lived i n m a i n l a n d Greece, o n the other h a n d , a n d especially
the A t h e n i a n s , were u n l i k e l y t o have a p p r o v e d o f the c o n t a m i n a t i o n
of t h e i r inheritance. T h e same m u s t have been true of m a n y Athenseducated R o m a n s . M a n y m u s t have been appalled at the c o r r u p t i o n of
the Greek c u l t u r e they sought t o i m i t a t e , a n d before the Battle o f A c t i u m
i n 3 1 B . C . there was a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y a r i v a l r y o f c u l t u r a l affiliation be­
t w e e n those, such as A u g u s t u s , w h o v a u n t e d a relatively pure Greek
taste i n o p p o s i t i o n t o w a n t o n o r i e n t a l extravagance, a n d those, such as
A n t o n y , w h o were enthused by the cultures o f the East. I t has been w e l l
argued t h a t i t is this o p p o s i t i o n t h a t underlies the difference between the
d r i e r a n d plainer Temple o f A p o l l o b u i l t by Augustus o n the Palatine a n d
t h a t c o n s t r u c t e d b e l o w by the T i b e r by A n t o n y ' s associate Sosius (figs.
10, 1 1 ) . T h e c o m b i n a t i o n i n the latter temple o f segmental pediments,
4
Onians
FIG.
10
Plans of Temple of A p o l l o on the
Palatine H i l l and Temple of A p o l l o
Sosianus, Rome. Ca. 20 B . C . (after
Zanker).
FIG.
II
Interior details of Temple of
A p o l l o Sosianus, Rome (after
Zanker).
135
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ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
F I G . 12
Basilica at Fano. Reconstruction
after Vitruvius.
canted cornices, a n d exuberant organic v i t a l i t y can o n l y be e x p l a i n e d by
an Egyptian inspiration.
T h e p a i n t e d equivalent of such Egyptian-style architecture
was w h a t we n o w call the T h i r d Style. There can be l i t t l e d o u b t t h a t the
c o m b i n a t i o n of pediments a n d roofs c a r r i e d by flowering stalks against
w h i c h V i t r u v i u s r a i l e d i n De architectura
7 has its o r i g i n i n the N i l e
Valley, w h e r e flowers h a d s u p p o r t e d massive m a s o n r y for t w o m i l l e n n i a .
O n l y i n the years after A c t i u m was Augustus able t o m a k e this t r a d i ­
t i o n — l i k e the l a n d o f E g y p t itself—his o w n , a n d V i t r u v i u s himself h a d
n o hesitation i n designing a basilica for the emperor at F a n u m Fortunae,
GREEK TUNIC
w h i c h c o m b i n e d c o l u m n s o f different sizes a n d clerestory l i g h t i n g i n i m i ­
t a t i o n o f E g y p t i a n hypostyle halls (fig. 12). R o m e , w h i c h h a d l o n g ago
w e l c o m e d the E g y p t i a n s t r u c t u r a l v o c a b u l a r y o f arches, vaults, a n d
domes, came increasingly t o feel m o r e c o m f o r t a b l e w i t h the E g y p t i a n
c r i t i q u e o f Greece t h a n i t was w i t h the pure Greek t r a d i t i o n . W i t h the
passing o f t i m e , as the R o m a n s felt increasingly threatened by a l l aspects
of Greek c u l t u r e , g o o d a n d bad, this tendency was o n l y accentuated.
A decisive factor i n the R o m a n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the d y n a m ­
ically curved E g y p t i a n f o r m s was almost certainly a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t the
R o m a n toga, w i t h its nearly semicircular f o r m , differed f r o m the rectan­
g u l a r Greek t u n i c i n m u c h the same w a y as the segmental p e d i m e n t dif­
fered f r o m the t r i a n g u l a r (fig. 13). Slaves were p r o u d t h a t w h e n they
were freed, they cast off square clothes a n d p u t o n r o u n d ones. To m a t c h
this, there is also p a r a l l e l evidence t h a t some R o m a n s actually t h o u g h t
of themselves as physically r o u n d as i f i n o p p o s i t i o n t o the Greeks, w h o
h a d lavished praise o n m e n w h o were square. I t was this sense o f the re­
5
l a t i o n between curved a n d angular f o r m t h a t almost certainly led t o the
i n t r o d u c t i o n , first, o f the a l t e r n a t i n g r o u n d a n d square niche a n d , t h e n ,
of segmental a n d t r i a n g u l a r pediments, w i t h the r o u n d niche a n d seg-
ROMAN T O G A
F I G . 13
Greek tunic and Roman toga.
D r a w i n g by the author.
Onians
FIG.
14
Exterior of Trajan's Markets,
Rome. Ca. A . D . n o . Photo by
D . Hemsoll.
m e n t a l p e d i m e n t t y p i c a l l y i n the m o r e i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n . T h e alterna­
t i o n o f t r i a n g u l a r a n d segmental pediments is first f o u n d i n Vespasianic
structures, such as the E u m a c h i a b u i l d i n g at P o m p e i i , a n d i t is significant
t h a t at the same t i m e a n e w c a p i t a l type was i n v e n t e d c o m b i n i n g the
I o n i c a n d C o r i n t h i a n capitals as an e m b l e m of R o m a n d o m i n a t i o n over
the Greek w o r l d . T h e n e w c a p i t a l c o u l d be read as a h i e r o g l y p h m u c h
6
l i k e the d o u b l e c r o w n of E g y p t ; at the same t i m e Q u i n t i l i a n , the official
teacher o f r h e t o r i c a p p o i n t e d by the emperor, w r o t e a treatise p r o p o s i n g
a m e m o r y system using signa, or "signs," i n a w a y s i m i l a r t o h i e r o g l y p h s
t o summarize a n d recall the contents of a speech. T h e use o f sacrificial
7
i n s t r u m e n t s o n the entablature of the Temple of the Deified Vespasian as
a s u m m a r y o f sacrificial r i t u a l reflects a s i m i l a r desire t o compress c o m ­
m u n i c a t i o n i n t o visual ideograms. T h e n e w c a p i t a l type, the relief frieze,
a n d the d o u b l e p e d i m e n t a l l can be read e m b l e m a t i c a l l y i n a close p a r a l ­
lel t o E g y p t i a n ideograms. I n the M a r k e t s of T r a j a n the w a y the segmen­
t a l p e d i m e n t is made t o break the t r i a n g u l a r f o r m i n h a l f m a y even
express the v i c t o r y of one c u l t u r e over another, just as the h i g h c r o w n o f
one k i n g d o m d o m i n a t e d the l o w f o r m o f the other i n early dynastic
E g y p t (fig. 14).
I t is, however, under H a d r i a n , an e m p e r o r w h o expended
m u c h effort i n b r i n g i n g u n i t y a n d security t o his e m p i r e , t h a t E g y p t i a n
137
138
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
a n d R o m a n cultures come closest, b o t h i n t h o u g h t a n d m a t e r i a l expres­
FIG.
sion. L i k e the p h a r a o h , H a d r i a n traversed his r e a l m f r o m end t o end,
The Canopus at Hadrian's V i l l a ,
a n d , also like the p h a r a o h , he c o n s t r u c t e d a b u i l d i n g i n w h i c h he c o u l d
conveniently m i m i c t h a t j o u r n e y o n a s m a l l scale. I n his V i l l a at T i v o l i ,
w i t h its C a n o p u s , its Academy, a n d its Tempe, he c o u l d cover thousands
of miles i n a few yards, just as the p h a r a o h c o u l d i n the c o u r t of the
Heb-Sed festival. I n the V i l l a H a d r i a n also c o m b i n e d r o u n d a n d square
i n the arches a n d h o r i z o n t a l entablatures of a colonnade i n yet another
v a r i a t i o n o f the earlier expression o f b i c u l t u r a l i s m (fig. 15). T h e c o m b i ­
n a t i o n o f Greek a n d E g y p t i a n sculptures o n the pavement underneath
made i t clear t h a t the synthesis o f Greece a n d R o m e was p a r a l l e l t o t h a t
of Greece a n d E g y p t . R o u n d a n d square were also c o m b i n e d i n H a d r i a n ' s
t o m b , the present Castel S a n t ' A n g e l o , w h i c h enclosed a R o m a n c i r c u l a r
cone w i t h i n a Greek rectangular p l a t f o r m , just as the E g y p t i a n d o u b l e
c r o w n c o m b i n e d the emblems of U p p e r a n d L o w e r E g y p t . T h e p o i n t , of
course, is n o t t h a t the one imitates the other b u t t h a t the w h o l e w a y of
t h i n k i n g h a b i t u a l i n E g y p t was enthusiastically t a k e n u p a n d a p p l i e d
by the R o m a n s .
Finally, the b u i l d i n g t h a t m o s t e l o q u e n t l y articulates E g y p t i a n
t h o u g h t is the Pantheon. T h i s n o t o n l y combines a rectangular Greek
c o l o n n a d e d p e d i m e n t w i t h a r o u n d R o m a n d o m e as w e l l as rectangular
niches o n the m i n o r axes w i t h r o u n d ones o n the m a i n ones (see fig. 1)
but i t reinforces the message o f the a l t e r n a t i o n o f segmental a n d t r i a n g u ­
lar pediments o n the i n t e r i o r by c o u p l i n g the segmental E g y p t i a n f o r m
w i t h shafts o f E g y p t i a n p o r p h y r y t h a t are u n f l u t e d , f o l l o w i n g E g y p t i a n
15
T i v o l i . Ca. A . D . 130. Photo by
N . Batcock.
Onians
t r a d i t i o n , a n d the Greek t r i a n g u l a r p e d i m e n t w i t h m a r b l e shafts t h a t are
fluted,
as they always were i n Greece. Even as the R o m a n s t o o k the seg­
8
m e n t a l p e d i m e n t a n d u n f l u t e d c o l u m n as t h e i r o w n , they always r e m e m ­
bered t h e i r E g y p t i a n o r i g i n , as i f i n assertion t h a t i n t h e i r p r o u d e s t
a t t r i b u t e , they identified m o r e w i t h t h a t e n d u r i n g e m p i r e t h a n w i t h the
u p s t a r t u n r e l i a b i l i t y o f Greece.
We c a n n o t trace the f u l l story o f the earlier conflict o f a r c h i ­
t e c t u r a l f o r m a n d idea t h a t t o o k place i n Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , b u t we
f i n d decisive t e s t i m o n y t o its existence i n the architecture o f R o m e .
W h a t e v e r t h e i r debt t o Greece i n terms o f d r y d e t a i l , the R o m a n s o w e d
m o r e t o the Egyptians i n terms o f t h e i r ideas a n d the larger features o f
style. T h e R o m a n use o f the d y n a m i c c u r v i n g f o r m s o f a r c h , v a u l t , u n ­
fluted
c o l u m n , a n d the segmental p e d i m e n t , a l l d e r i v i n g n o t f r o m Greece
b u t f r o m E g y p t , e l o q u e n t l y d o c u m e n t s t h i s . So, t o o , does t h e i r fondness
for energetic organic p l a n t f o r m s o n friezes a n d capitals. I t is s a l u t o r y t o
realize t h a t w h e n Brunelleschi used u n f l u t e d c o l u m n s i n San L o r e n z o ,
o r w h e n M i c h e l a n g e l o used a b r o k e n segmental p e d i m e n t i n the N e w
Sacristy n e x t d o o r , b o t h were r e v i v i n g the f o r m s n o t o f A t t i c a b u t o f the
N i l e Valley. Since A u g u s t u s absorbed Cleopatra's k i n g d o m , Western
b u i l d i n g s have t o be read n o t as careful exercises i n f o r m a l design i n the
Greek t r a d i t i o n , b u t , l i k e E g y p t i a n m o n u m e n t s , as compressed h i e r o ­
glyphs o f geography, h i s t o r y , a n d c u l t u r e .
University of East Anglia
N O R W I C H ,
E N G L A N D
139
140
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Notes
1
K a l l i x e i n o s is q u o t e d i n A t h e n a e u s
2
See G . Pesce, I I Palazzo
maide
3
Colonne
J. M c K e n z i e , The Architecture
in
Tole-
See P. Z a n k e r , The Power
Sapiens,
of Images
in the
(Ann A r b o r 1988), pp.
fortis
et in se ipse totus
H o r . Sat.
rotundus,
(Oxford
ofPetra
75-77-
of Augustus
5
delle
(Rome 1950), passim.
1990), pp.
4
Deipno-
5.38-39.
sophistae
teres
atque
2.7; cf. P l a t o , q u o t i n g Si-
m o n i d e s o n the perfect " s q u a r e " m a n ,
ras
6
Protago­
339ff.
J. O n i a n s , Bearers
Orders
in Antiquity,
of Meaning:
The
the Middle
Q u i n t i l i a n Inst.
Or.
Classical
Ages
(Princeton 1988), pp.
Renaissance
7
Age
65-70.
and
the
41-44.
1 1 . z . 1 9 . See J. O n i a n s ,
" Q u i n t i l i a n and the Idea o f R o m a n A r t , " i n
M . H e n i g , e d . , Architecture
Sculpture
of the Roman
and
Empire
Architectural
(Oxford
1990), p. 4.
8
See K . de F i n e L i c h t , The Rotunda
(Copenhagen 1968), p. 1 1 1 .
in
Rome
141
From Hellenistic Polychromy of Sculptures
to Roman Mosaics
W. A.
Daszewski
T h e Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t s i n Greek style executed i n m a r b l e are character­
ized by a n u m b e r o f technical a n d stylistic features t h a t set t h e m apart
f r o m other r o y a l p o r t r a i t s o f the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d . These features have
l o n g been w e l l recognized by scholars.
1
M a n y Ptolemaic heads have composite character. T h e f r o n t
p a r t , i n c l u d i n g the face, neck, ears, a n d hair, was s c u l p t u r e d i n one piece
of m a r b l e , the rear p a r t a n d t o p of the head were made separately a n d
adjoined later, o r they were c o m p l e t e d i n a different m a t e r i a l , usually
stucco. T h e lack o f local m a r b l e i n E g y p t a n d the elevated cost of i m ­
p o r t e d m a t e r i a l were u n d e r s t o o d t o be the m a i n causes f o r the use o f
such marble-saving techniques. I t is also characteristic t h a t a l t h o u g h
m a r b l e heads of Ptolemaic kings a n d queens are quite n u m e r o u s , they
are n o t accompanied by c o m p a r a b l e numbers o f statues or fragments o f
statues. As a m a t t e r of fact, p r a c t i c a l l y n o m a r b l e statues m a y be associ­
ated w i t h r o y a l p o r t r a i t heads. O n the other h a n d , ancient w r i t t e n
sources give ample evidence t h a t r o y a l statues d i d exist i n considerable
n u m b e r s . Some were made of bronze a n d possibly o f precious metals,
2
b u t they d i d n o t have m a r b l e heads. A logical c o n c l u s i o n is t h a t m a r b l e
heads were destined f o r a c r o l i t h i c statues. T h e heads were c o m b i n e d
w i t h figures made of perishable m a t e r i a l , m o s t l i k e l y w o o d , b u t perhaps
also g y p s u m . Some heads themselves m u s t have been enriched w i t h at­
t r i b u t e s o f different materials, o r even p r o v i d e d w i t h w i g s .
A specific, very soft m o d e l i n g o f the surface of m a n y p o r t r a i t
heads, w i t h l i t t l e emphasis o n precise r e n d e r i n g of c o n t o u r s , a technique
k n o w n as sfumato, was l o n g considered another characteristic feature
of the P t o l e m a i c - A l e x a n d r i a n sculpture i n h e r i t e d f r o m the Praxitelean
t r a d i t i o n . H e l m u t Kyrieleis c o r r e c t l y p o i n t e d o u t t h a t sfumato s h o u l d
n o t be considered f o r its o w n sake as a special finishing o f A l e x a n d r i a n
sculptures b u t o n l y as a reflection of the a m o r p h i c r e n d e r i n g o f the sur­
face. T h e o r i g i n a l f o r m h a d been defined b y features sharply a n d linearly
accentuated b y p a i n t i n g . T h e p o l y c h r o m y was thus o f p r i m e i m p o r t a n c e .
I t was also needed t o conceal the difference i n materials, m a r b l e a n d
stucco. T h e p o l y c h r o m y was supposedly executed i n s t r o n g a n d c o n ­
t r a s t i n g colors, w i t h black a n d red the d o m i n a n t hues. T h e brightness
142
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
a n d aggressivity o f c o l o r finishings o f Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t s were empha­
FIG.
sized by Kyrieleis a n d m o r e recently also by K o n s t a n t i n o s Y f a n t i d i s i n a
Female head, from the Serapeion.
thesis o n the p o l y c h r o m y o f H e l l e n i s t i c sculptures.
3
T h e s t r o n g c o l o r i n g of the heads is generally considered t o
have been i n h e r i t e d f r o m o r influenced by l o c a l E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n , as
I
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
Museum. Photo by D . Johannes,
courtesy of the D A I , Cairo.
FIG.
2
opposed t o the m u c h m o r e restrained p o l y c h r o m y o f p u r e l y Greek sculp­
Mosaic, from Thmuis, second
tures outside E g y p t . T h e m u m m y masks a n d m u m m y p o r t r a i t s of the
copy. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
R o m a n p e r i o d are q u o t e d as expressing the same E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n c o n ­
Museum 21736. Photo by
t i n u i n g i n m o r e recent times. Indeed, the masks a n d m u m m y p o r t r a i t s
often seem t o c o r r o b o r a t e the statement a b o u t the brightness a n d aggres­
sivity o f the p o l y c h r o m y , b u t they are a l l m u c h later t h a n the p o r t r a i t s i n
q u e s t i o n . For the earlier p e r i o d , t h a t is, the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , there is
4
l i t t l e reliable evidence. W i t h regard t o w h a t p a i n t e d m a r b l e heads really
l o o k e d l i k e , we are confined t o conjectures based o n m i n u t e traces o f
faded colors, usually o f b l a c k , r e d , a n d occasionally b r o w n , t h a t are still
recognizable o n better-preserved pieces, w h i l e some idea o f the p o l y ­
c h r o m y o f a c r o l i t h i c statues m a y perhaps be gathered f r o m an analysis
of p a i n t e d t e r r a c o t t a figurines. H o w e v e r , considering the s m a l l size a n d
mass p r o d u c t i o n o f terracottas, they c a n n o t be t a k e n as conclusive evi­
dence f o r the standard o f official Ptolemaic statuary.
D . Johannes.
Daszewski
O f special interest w i t h regard t o the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f o r i g i ­
n a l c o l o r i n g are t w o r o y a l heads f r o m the Serapeion i n A l e x a n d r i a , usu­
ally i n t e r p r e t e d as P t o l e m y i v a n d his sister-wife A r s i n o e i n ; a head of a
queen n o w i n Kassel, identified as Berenike i i ; a n d a head n o w i n the
Musee de M a r i e m o n t . I t was the female head f r o m the Serapeion (fig. i )
5
t h a t a l l o w e d Kyrieleis t o d r a w a suggestive p i c t u r e of its o r i g i n a l p o l y c h r o m y a n d t o stress the c r u c i a l i m p o r t a n c e of p a i n t i n g f o r its final ap­
pearance. Kyrieleis underlines the sharpness a n d l i n e a r i t y i n the use of
colors. C o n s i d e r i n g , however, t h a t o n l y traces of the strongest colors are
preserved w h i l e m o r e delicate hues, shading, a n d g r a d a t i o n o f colors are
gone forever, the faded remains of c o l o r i n g o n these heads a n d others d o
n o t a l l o w any conclusive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . W h a t w e have are the remains
of a skeletal g r i d of c o l o r s , the filling between the m a i n lines h a v i n g dis­
appeared. W e m a y thus p u t f o r w a r d t w o c o n t r a d i c t o r y suggestions.
Either the Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t heads were b r i g h t l y c o l o r e d a n d aggressive,
or they were t o n e d d o w n a n d delicate. U n t i l n o w there was l i t t l e t o
prove o r disprove either a s s u m p t i o n . I w o u l d like therefore t o a d d a
brief c o m m e n t a r y t o this subject i n the hope t h a t i t m a y shed n e w l i g h t
o n the p r o b l e m of p o l y c h r o m y o f H e l l e n i s t i c p o r t r a i t s i n E g y p t .
A c o m p a r a t i v e analysis of t w o H e l l e n i s t i c m o n u m e n t s t h a t
have been k n o w n f o r q u i t e a l o n g t i m e b u t never before used i n discus­
sions of p o l y c h r o m y m a y perhaps help us. These m o n u m e n t s , m o r e o r
less c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h the above-mentioned heads, are t w o s p l e n d i d
mosaic emblemata
executed i n vermiculatum
technique. B o t h mosaics
were f o u n d i n Tell T i m a i , ancient T h m u i s i n the N i l e D e l t a , b u t they are
obviously products of a metropolitan workshop from Alexandria. Both
s h o w a bust of one a n d the same w o m a n i n a rather strange a t t i r e . 1
6
have considered these t o be t w o stylistically slightly different copies o f
some late t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c . p a i n t i n g executed f o r the r o y a l c o u r t circles
i n the c a p i t a l . T h e t w o faces differ slightly a n d represent t w o modes o f
expression. O n e is h i g h l y e m o t i o n a l , the other is m o r e c a l m a n d subdued
(fig. 2). These t w o modes of expression reflect the p r e v a i l i n g s c u l p t u r a l
styles of the p e r i o d i n Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t u r e , exemplified, for instance,
by the B o s t o n head o f A r s i n o e i n a n d the Serapeion head, perhaps of the
same queen. I n the Corpus
of Mosaics
from Egypt,
I suggested, based o n
a detailed i c o n o g r a p h i c a l analysis, t h a t the w o m a n m a y a c t u a l l y be an
ideal presentation o f a Ptolemaic queen as thea synnaos,
representing
various aspects of the Ptolemaic p o w e r o n l a n d a n d sea.
M o r e recently, after careful e x a m i n a t i o n o f several o r i g i n a l
Ptolemaic m a r b l e p o r t r a i t s r e t a i n i n g traces o f c o l o r , I have realized t h a t
t h e i r present p o l y c h r o m y is i n fact a faded version o f w h a t one can see
o n a f u l l scale a n d w i t h a l l details o n the mosaics f r o m T h m u i s . L e t me
quote here, translated by me i n t o E n g l i s h , the d e s c r i p t i o n given by
143
144
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Kyrieleis o f c o l o r finishing o f the Serapeion p o r t r a i t , w h i c h is a t y p i c a l
example, a n d c o m p a r e i t w i t h the t w o faces o n the mosaics.
The eyelids are even n o w marked by thick black lines, the eye­
lashes are i n the f o r m of short strokes directed upwards and
downwards. The eyebrows were large thick bands. The rugged
surface retains considerable traces of dark b r o w n iris. Clearly
visible are the remains of linear strands of hair o n forehead and
temples. The heavy red and black paint on the m o u t h , nose, and
eyes stood glaring against the w h i t e surface. Painted forms must
have dominated its whole appearance.
7
L i n e after line, t r a i t after t r a i t , we find o n the mosaics a l l the
p o l y c h r o m a t i c details preserved o n the m a r b l e head, a n d m u c h m o r e .
For the first t i m e we can a d m i r e a b r o a d s p e c t r u m o f halftones, grada­
t i o n s , a n d shading. O n e may, of course, object o n the g r o u n d s t h a t the
p o l y c h r o m y o f sculptures c a n n o t be j u d g e d by a representation o n
mosaics. T h i s o b j e c t i o n is justified, b u t o n l y t o some extent. T h e t w o
mosaic busts f r o m T h m u i s are so far absolutely u n i q u e , a n d they are
p r o b a b l y the earliest emblemata
k n o w n t o us. T h e y have n o i c o n o g r a p h i c
parallels a m o n g other H e l l e n i s t i c mosaics o r paintings i n the M e d i t e r ­
ranean. I k n o w o f n o other representations o f heads o n mosaics, be they
Hellenistic o r R o m a n , w h e r e m i n o r details of the face w o u l d be i n d i ­
cated i n the same way. Especially characteristic is the r e n d e r i n g o f the
eyes a n d eyelashes, nose, a n d m o u t h . O n the other h a n d , this w a y of
presentation o f eyelashes a n d o f the use of colors f o r other details is
f o u n d o n Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t sculpture i n m a r b l e a n d occasionally o n R o ­
m a n m u m m y masks a n d m u m m y p o r t r a i t s . T h e mosaics f r o m T h m u i s
thus seem deeply a n c h o r e d i n the P t o l e m a i c - E g y p t i a n c o n t e x t . T h e ques­
t i o n remains, however, w h e t h e r the T h m u i s busts are copies of a p a i n t ­
i n g o r perhaps a reflection o f an a c r o l i t h i c statue. T h e latter hypothesis
is very t e m p t i n g . Be t h a t as i t may, t h a n k s t o these t w o faces of stone, re­
e x a m i n e d f r o m a different p o i n t o f view, we m a y better visualize w h a t a
m a r b l e head, perhaps p a r t o f an a c r o l i t h i c statue o f a Ptolemaic ruler,
m i g h t have l o o k e d like i n f u l l p o l y c h r o m a t i c splendor. A l t h o u g h the
mosaics f r o m T h m u i s betray appurtenance t o the P t o l e m a i c - E g y p t i a n
c o n t e x t , they testify t o the w a y colors were used t o emphasize facial fea­
tures. U n l i k e m u m m y m a s k s — w h i c h , after a l l , are mass p r o d u c t s — t h e
faces o n mosaics as a w h o l e are neither excessively sharp n o r t o o aggres­
sive. I n fact, they p r o b a b l y are n o t different f r o m w h a t one m i g h t expect
i n the c o n t e x t o f the p u r e l y Greek o r H e l l e n i s t i c k o i n e , except f o r one
i m p o r t a n t detail: T h e eyes are emphasized t o a degree t h a t recalls ageold Egyptian tradition.
A l t h o u g h H e l l e n i s t i c mosaics i n E g y p t are n o t n u m e r o u s ,
some o f t h e m are n o t o n l y b e a u t i f u l b u t also o f great i m p o r t a n c e f o r the
Daszewski
study o f the development o f this type o f d e c o r a t i o n , as p r o v e d by the
mosaic o f the H u n t i n g Erotes f r o m the Shatby r e g i o n i n A l e x a n d r i a .
I have dealt w i t h this p r o b l e m elsewhere. A f o r e i g n i n v e n t i o n , mosaics
8
were b r o u g h t t o E g y p t by the Greeks i n the late f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C .
T h i s type o f d e c o r a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y l i n k e d , first, w i t h the GraecoM a c e d o n i a n settlers a n d , t h e n , w i t h the Graeco-Egyptians b u t always
w i t h a t h o r o u g h l y hellenized p a r t o f the p o p u l a t i o n . T h e h i g h q u a l i t y
of some examples a n d the relative lack o f simple mosaic floors indicate
t h a t mosaics i n H e l l e n i s t i c E g y p t were the p r i v i l e g e o f r i c h people a n d o f
the r o y a l c o u r t .
R o m a n E g y p t presents a very different p i c t u r e . M o s a i c deco­
r a t i o n became m o r e frequent, a l t h o u g h , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f A l e x a n ­
d r i a a n d its v i c i n i t y , mosaics never achieved the immense p o p u l a r i t y they
enjoyed i n other parts o f the R o m a n w o r l d , even i n places as close t o
E g y p t as Cyrene o r the Syro-Palestine r e g i o n .
A c c o r d i n g t o m y i n v e n t o r y based o n l o c a l visits, e x c a v a t i o n
r e p o r t s , m u s e u m records, a n d files o f the E g y p t i a n D e p a r t m e n t o f A n t i q ­
uities, some 160 mosaics are n o w k n o w n f r o m a l l over the c o u n t r y , m a n y
of t h e m preserved o n l y i n fragments. O n e can d i s t i n g u i s h f o u r m a i n areas
w i t h mosaics o f u n e q u a l i m p o r t a n c e b o t h i n q u a l i t y a n d i n q u a n t i t y o f
the m o n u m e n t s : First, A l e x a n d r i a a n d its i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o r h o o d ; sec­
o n d , the r e g i o n o f the N i l e D e l t a ; t h i r d , the F a i y u m Oasis, M i d d l e a n d
U p p e r E g y p t , a very large area w i t h very few items; a n d , f o u r t h , the Sinai
Peninsula f r o m the M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast s o u t h w a r d t o the M o n a s t e r y o f
Saint Catherine. Scanty remains o f mosaic d e c o r a t i o n are recorded f r o m
the western desert, n o t a b l y f r o m A b u M i n a a n d K e l l i a .
I f the first three areas are m o r e o r less related t o one another
a n d stand under v a r i o u s degrees o f A l e x a n d r i a n influence, the mosaics
f r o m the n o r t h e r n Sinai, especially f r o m Sheikh Z u e d e ,
9
b e l o n g t o the
sphere o f influence o f the Syro-Palestine r e g i o n , especially the area o f
M a d a b a , R i h a b , M a i n , a n d M o u n t N e b o i n present-day J o r d a n .
c
10
T h e w a l l mosaics i n the M o n a s t e r y o f Saint Catherine stand
apart f r o m a l l other examples i n the area a n d have l i t t l e t o d o w i t h
E g y p t . T h e y p r o v i d e us w i t h a s p l e n d i d e x a m p l e o f the best p r o d u c t s
f r o m the J u s t i n i a n p e r i o d , m o s t p r o b a b l y executed by some m e t r o p o l i ­
t a n expert mosaicist f r o m C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . "
T h e greatest n u m b e r o f mosaic floors, some sixty-seven items
a n d sixty-three larger fragments, come f r o m A l e x a n d r i a a n d its v i c i n i t y .
I a m r e f e r r i n g t o such places as A b u K i r
1 2
(Canopus), M a a m u r a h ,
1 3
a n d the p a r t o f the M a r e o t i s r e g i o n closest t o the c a p i t a l , such as the islet
of M a h a r S h a a r a n .
14
I t is h i g h l y p r o b a b l e t h a t a l l these mosaics were
a c t u a l l y made b y the same m e t r o p o l i t a n w o r k s h o p s . T h e c o m p o s i t i o n ,
m o t i f s , a n d e x e c u t i o n o f a large mosaic f l o o r f o u n d by the G e r m a n expe­
d i t i o n o n K o m esh-Shugafa i n A l e x a n d r i a
1 5
are very s i m i l a r t o those o f a
145
146
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
mosaic f r o m M a a m u r a h (fig. 3). T h e same is true for some fine-quality
FIG.
examples f o u n d isolated i n the chora. A g o o d example is p r o v i d e d by a
Mosaic, from M a a m u r a h -
p o l y c h r o m e shield o f scales w i t h the representation o f a p y g m y c a r r y i n g
3
Kharaba. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 8473. Photo by
water. Years ago K l a u s Parlasca saved this fine mosaic, w h i c h is n o w i n
D . Johannes, courtesy of the
the C i b a B u i l d i n g i n Basel, S w i t z e r l a n d , f r o m o b l i v i o n .
D A I , Cairo.
1 6
T h e piece sup­
posedly comes f r o m M e m p h i s . I have serious d o u b t s a b o u t its prove­
FIG.
nance. I t w o u l d be a u n i q u e mosaic f r o m this t o w n , where extensive
Mosaic, from Shatby. Alexandria,
excavations have been carried o u t for m a n y years. Since Hellenistic times
Graeco-Roman Museum 10200
a "circle i n square" c o m p o s i t i o n , i n i t i a l l y w i t h a shield o f scales a n d
later w i t h a rosette (fig. 4 ) , triangles, o r squares, is very characteristic o f
many Alexandrian floors.
17
T h e mosaic i n Basel thus seems m o r e l i k e l y
t o have been made either by a m i g r a n t artist f r o m A l e x a n d r i a w h o
b r o u g h t w i t h h i m t o M e m p h i s n o t o n l y the technical k n o w - h o w b u t also
the necessary materials, o r i t comes f r o m the r e g i o n o f the c a p i t a l b u t
the provenance has been falsified, as is often the case w i t h finds c o m i n g
f r o m i l l i c i t excavations.
A figured mosaic f r o m Sheikh A b a d a , ancient A n t i n o u p o l i s i n
U p p e r E g y p t , represents a very different case. I t was uncovered i n a p r i ­
vate house by the I t a l i a n M i s s i o n of Sergio D o n a d o n i .
1 8
Fragments o f a
geometric mosaic floor were also recorded f r o m another l o c a t i o n i n this
t o w n f o u n d e d by E m p e r o r H a d r i a n i n m e m o r y o f his dead f r i e n d . T h e
figured
mosaic, w h i c h was i n a p o o r state o f preservation, depicts an
aucupium,
o r b i r d - c a t c h i n g scene, s u r r o u n d i n g panels p r o b a b l y s h o w i n g
A r t e m i s , A p o l l o , a n d D a p h n e . T h e b i r d - c a t c h i n g m o t i f is rare i n Egyp­
t i a n floor mosaics, as are figured representations. I t is n o t a p r o b l e m o f
b a d preservation, as has sometimes been suggested, b u t rather the result
of a deliberate choice o r taste. I t is r e m a r k a b l e t h a t apart f r o m a few
emblemata
o n l y f o u r floors w i t h figured representations are k n o w n
4
(5395)· Photo by the author.
Daszewski
FIG. 5
Mosaic, from Shatby. Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 25093.
D r a w i n g by K . K a m i n s k i , Polish
Centre of Archaeology, Cairo.
f r o m R o m a n A l e x a n d r i a . O n e o f t h e m depicts v a r i o u s b i r d s , a n o t h e r fish
(fig. 5), the t h i r d ( n o w lost) c o n t a i n e d a bust o f D i o n y s o s , a n d the f o u r t h
(also n o w lost) h a d a representation o f h u m a n f i g u r e s .
19
T w o figured mosaics are k n o w n f r o m T h m u i s . O n e is the
famous Banquet Scene a m o n g N i l o t i c marshes, aquatic a n i m a l s , a n d p y g ­
mies; the other redraws one o f the m o s t famous ancient tales o f passion
a n d death, namely, the m y t h o f A l p h e u s a n d A r e t h u s a .
20
G e o m e t r i c mosaics i n the D e l t a are recorded i n greater q u a n ­
t i t y . T h e y are b i c h r o m e , usually b l a c k a n d w h i t e . I n this they recall the
s i t u a t i o n i n the c a p i t a l , whereas f r o m the later first c e n t u r y A . D . , b l a c k a n d - w h i t e mosaics w i t h v a r i o u s geometric m o t i f s d o m i n a t e the scene,
a l t h o u g h p o l y c h r o m e floors are also present. T h e great m a j o r i t y o f
E g y p t i a n mosaics i n a l l areas, a n d especially i n A l e x a n d r i a , share one
c o m m o n feature. T h e y are usually d e p r i v e d o f t h e i r o r i g i n a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l
c o n t e x t a n d lack precise c r i t e r i a f o r d a t i n g other t h a n stylistic o r h i s t o r i ­
cal ones. O n l y a few floors can be dated o n m o r e secure archaeological
g r o u n d s . These few exceptions are therefore o f p a r t i c u l a r i m p o r t a n c e .
T h e y serve as parallels f o r other, u n d a t e d m o n u m e n t s . T h e m o s t o u t ­
s t a n d i n g such g r o u p is a set o f mosaic pavements discovered by the
Polish A r c h a e o l o g i c a l M i s s i o n at K o m el D i k k a i n the center o f A l e x a n ­
dria.
21
I n late a n t i q u i t y this area c o m p r i s e d i n its western p a r t several
p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s , an o d e o n , a b a t h , a n d assembly halls. T o the east was a
147
148
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
A L E X A N D R I A
FIG.
6a
Mosaics, from House A , K o m el
D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo by
W. Jerke, courtesy of the Polish
Centre of Archaeology, Cairo.
FIG.
6b
Upper mosaic from House A , K o m
el D i k k a , Alexandria. D r a w i n g by
R. Sobolewski, Polish Centre of
Archaeology, Cairo.
Daszewski
FIG.
7
Mosaic from House A , K o m el
D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo by
residential quarter occupied between the f o u r t h a n d seventh centuries
by modest dwellings a n d w o r k s h o p s o f craftsmen a n d small merchants.
A . B o d y t k o , courtesy of the Polish
B e l o w these late b u i l d i n g s were uncovered remains o f r i c h l y decorated
Centre of Archaeology, Cairo.
w e a l t h y houses w i t h peristyle courts a n d large d i n i n g r o o m s . M a n y
FIG.
8
c o n t a i n e d mosaic floors of fine q u a l i t y , sometimes i n t w o superimposed
Mosaic from House B, K o m el
layers (figs. 6a, b ) . Stratified p o t t e r y finds give the early second h a l f
D i k k a , Alexandria. D r a w i n g by
of the first century A . D . as a t e r m i n u s post quern f o r their e x e c u t i o n .
R. Sobolewski, Polish Centre of
Archaeology, Cairo.
F i n a l d e s t r u c t i o n o f a l l houses i n the area o c c u r r e d by the end o f the
t h i r d century.
Frequent repairs i n mosaics of the second layer testify t o t h e i r
l o n g use. T h e earliest level c o m p r i s e d t w o b i c h r o m e , b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e
mosaics set i n grayish m o r t a r of l i m e a n d ashes o n an earlier pavement
of red m o r t a r resembling signinum
t i o n of a b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e tesselatum
floors. O n e mosaic was a c o m b i n a ­
frame w i t h a p a t t e r n of small cross-
lets b o r d e r i n g an opus sectile panel (fig. 7 ) . T h e other one presented a
c o m b i n a t i o n of b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e squares w i t h inscribed b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e
circles. There s h o u l d be n o d o u b t t h a t these A l e x a n d r i a n pavements
were made i n the latter h a l f o f the first c e n t u r y o r slightly later. Soon
after the first t w o mosaics were l a i d , f o u r n e w pavements were added,
some of t h e m superimposed. Three other mosaics were executed i n the
n e i g h b o r i n g b u i l d i n g . Five mosaics o u t of the t o t a l of seven were b i ­
c h r o m e , b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e (fig. 8).
I n their c o m p o s i t i o n s a n d m o t i f s these mosaics a l l find their
149
150
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
9a
FIG.
Mosaic w i t h birds from House A ,
K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo
by A . Bodytko, courtesy of the
Polish Centre of Archaeology,
Cairo.
FIG.
9b
Mosaic w i t h birds from House A ,
K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria.
D r a w i n g by R. Sobolewski, Polish
Centre of Archaeology, Cairo.
closest parallels i n Italy. O n e need o n l y m e n t i o n mosaics f r o m P o m p e i i
a n d A q u i l e i a o f the late first c e n t u r y a n d especially o f the first h a l f o f the
second century. Some mosaics f r o m K o m el D i k k a have almost c a r b o n
copies a m o n g u n d a t e d mosaics f r o m Canopus, thus f a c i l i t a t i n g their
c h r o n o l o g i c a l assignment a n d p r o v i n g l i n k s w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k ­
shops. T w o mosaics c o n t a i n e d p o l y c h r o m e panels w i t h i n b l a c k - a n d w h i t e geometric borders.
T h e panels w i t h birds (figs. 9a, b) r e m i n d us o f such represen­
tations o n H a d r i a n i c floors i n O s t i a . H o w e v e r , aquatic birds o n the K o m
el D i k k a floor deserve special a t t e n t i o n i n v i e w o f the existence i n late
Hellenistic times o f s i m i l a r representations o n mosaics f r o m Canopus,
a n d later i n T h m u i s o n the mosaic w i t h the Banquet Scene.
There is one m o r e peculiar d e t a i l o f technical e x e c u t i o n
w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g because i t sets the representations f r o m K o m el D i k k a
a p a r t f r o m a l l other such depictions of b i r d s . A t K o m el D i k k a the eyes
are made n o t o f tesserae b u t o f specially prepared glass roundels t h a t
i m i t a t e the sequence o f c o l o r zones i n an eye. Suffice i t here t o recall the
Daszewski
FIG.
10
Mosaics from House T, K o m el
D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo by
A . B o d y t k o , courtesy of the Polish
Centre of Archaeology, Cairo.
centuries-long t r a d i t i o n of mosaic glass manufacture i n A l e x a n d r i a .
T h e same layer f r o m the late first a n d early second centuries
A . D . c o m p r i s i n g r i c h residential houses has been identified i n the western
p a r t of K o m el D i k k a , w h e r e t w o mosaics were f o u n d . O n e is an o l d find
of 1 8 9 5 , made by D . G . H o g a r t h a n d m e n t i o n e d by Parlasca.
22
The
floor, i n c o m p l e t e l y recorded i n a d r a w i n g , shows a shield o f triangles
a n d a fragment o f a geometric border. A c c o r d i n g t o a d e s c r i p t i o n , i t also
c o n t a i n e d a representation o f birds a n d an opus sectile p a r t . I t can n o w
be dated m o r e securely t o late H a d r i a n i c times.
T h e other mosaic, f o u n d i n an early R o m a n house located
p a r t l y b e l o w the o d e o n , displays a b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e panel c o n t a i n i n g a
sort o f r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a meander o f swastikas, o r latchkey p a t t e r n ,
set w i t h i n an adjusting border o f i r r e g u l a r tesselatum.
23
T h e t h i r d house
i n the eastern p a r t o f the K o m was the largest of a l l a n d is later i n date
a c c o r d i n g t o p o t t e r y finds. W i t h i n i t , three tessellated mosaics a n d one
opus sectile floor were f o u n d .
2 4
O n l y one mosaic was black a n d w h i t e ,
the other pavements are p o l y c h r o m e t h r o u g h o u t (fig. 10). T h e y display
decorative m o t i f s t h a t , w h e n t a k e n i n d i v i d u a l l y , find parallels i n the late
second century b u t , w h e n considered as a w h o l e , s h o u l d n o t be placed
151
152
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
before the second quarter o r even the m i d d l e of the t h i r d century. Espe­
cially characteristic i n this respect is the p o l y c h r o m e o r t h o g o n a l p a t t e r n
of adjacent squares i n five colors c o m b i n e d w i t h a p o l y c h r o m e d o u b l e
g u i l l o c h e a n d an adjacent panel of intersecting circles w i t h inscribed
concave lozenges. A l l mosaic pavements a n d the opus sectile floor reveal
traces o f repairs. T h e discovery of mosaics i n a stratified excavation at
K o m el D i k k a a n d their c h r o n o l o g i c a l assignment a l l o w us t o d r a w sev­
eral conclusions o f a m o r e general nature.
1.
M o s a i c d e c o r a t i o n i n R o m a n A l e x a n d r i a m u s t have been
m u c h m o r e p o p u l a r t h a n h i t h e r t o suspected. W i t h i n a rela­
tively small area o f K o m el D i k k a were f o u n d i n situ sixteen
tessellated floors, three opus sectile pavements, a n d hundreds
of s m a l l , loose fragments. One emblema
figured representation was also f o u n d .
2.
vermiculatum
with
2 5
M o s a i c s f r o m K o m el D i k k a help fix a p p r o x i m a t e dates for
m a n y undated floors i n A l e x a n d r i a a n d Canopus, the a r c h i ­
t e c t u r a l c o n t e x t o f w h i c h is u n k n o w n .
3.
I f considered together w i t h m a n y floors f r o m other A l e x a n ­
d r i a n sites n o t m e n t i o n e d i n this paper, the mosaics f r o m
K o m el D i k k a strengthen the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t i n the first a n d
second centuries A . D . , b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e floors w i t h geometric
ornaments d o m i n a t e d . I n this respect A l e x a n d r i a n mosaics
stay i n line w i t h c o n t e m p o r a r y developments i n Greece, Cyrenaica, a n d , especially, Italy. I t is w i t h I t a l y rather t h a n Greece,
however, n o t t o m e n t i o n Syria, t h a t b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e mosaics
i n A l e x a n d r i a appear t o have h a d special l i n k s w i t h respect t o
m o t i f s a n d their use i n overall c o m p o s i t i o n s .
4.
C e r t a i n representations t h a t were p o p u l a r already i n ear­
lier periods, namely birds, flowers, a n d fruits, persist
i n R o m a n times.
5.
T h e astonishing p o p u l a r i t y o f the "circle i n square" c o m ­
p o s i t i o n a n d the p r e d i l e c t i o n for a l l k i n d s of rosettes are
demonstrated o n mosaics i n K o m el D i k k a a n d other
A l e x a n d r i a n sites.
6.
M o s a i c s f r o m K o m el D i k k a indicate t h a t the scarcity o f
figured representations o n mosaic pavements i n E g y p t as a
w h o l e a n d i n A l e x a n d r i a i n p a r t i c u l a r is n o t accidental b u t
reflects a certain t r e n d or a deliberate choice.
University of Trier
T R I E R ,
G E R M A N Y
Daszewski
Notes
1
E . g . , A . A d r i a n i , Lezioni
sull'arte
alessandrina
(Naples 1972), pp. 47ft.; H . Kyrieleis,
nisse
der Ptolemäer
11
Royal
at Mount
Sinai
of
Saint
(Ann A r b o r 1973),
p p . 1 1 - 2 0 , a n d i l l s . ; K . W e i t z m a n n , Studies
(Berlin 1975), p p . 126ft.;
R . R . R . S m i t h , Hellenistic
G . H . F o r s y t h e et a l . , The Monastery
Catherine
Bild-
the Arts
Portraits
at Sinai
in
(Princeton 1982), pp. 9 - 1 8 .
( O x f o r d 1 9 8 8 ) , p p . 86ff.
12
Black-and-white mosaic showing intersecting
circles w i t h i n s c r i b e d t r i a n g l e s a n d s q u a r e s .
2
Athenaeus 5.196, 198, 2 0 1 .
3
K . Y f a n t i d i s , " D i e P o l y c h r o m i e der H e l l e n i -
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8472.
13
stischen P l a s t i k " ( P h . D . diss., M a i n z 1 9 8 4 ) ,
M u l t i c o l o r e d s h i e l d o f scales w i t h i n a s q u a r e
frame of bead-and-reel m o t i f , A l e x a n d r i a ,
p p . 96ft.
G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m 8 4 7 0 ; see E . B r e c c i a ,
4
G . G r i m m , Die römischen
Mumienmasken
Bulletin
aus
drie
( W i e s b a d e n 1 9 7 4 ) , p a s s i m ; K . Par-
Ägypten
lasca, Repertorio
d'arte
dell'Egitto
Serie B . , v o l s . 1 - 3 , Rittrati
romano,
(Palermo
de la Société
Archéologique
d'Alexan-
8 ( A l e x a n d r i a 1905): 105ft. p l . Y
e t
another
greco-
m o s a i c d i s p l a y s a s h i e l d o f i n t e r s e c t i n g circles
di
w i t h i n a square frame of guilloche, A l e x a n d r i a ,
mummie
Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8473: i b i d . , p p . 107ft.
1969-1980).
and pi.
5
S e r a p e i o n heads: K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) ,
p p . 4 6 f t . a n d p . 1 7 1 , D 3, p i s . 3 4 , 3 5 ; p p . i o 6 f t . ,
14
F o u r geometric b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e mosaics decorating four contiguous rooms: G. Botti, "Studio
a n d p . 1 8 2 , L 5, p i . 2 5 ; Kassel h e a d , i b i d . ,
p p . 98 and 180, K 1, p i . 83; M a r i e m o n t head,
sull i n n o m o d e l l ' E g i t t o inferiore e p i u special-
i b i d . , p p . 9 9 a n d 1 8 1 , K 5, p i . 8 7 ; see also
m e n t e s u l l a r e g i o n e m a r e o t i c a , " Bulletin
Smith (note 1 above), pp. 9 1 - 9 2 .
Société
Archéologique
de la
4 (1902):
d'Alexandrie
80ft. a n d p l .
6
W . A . D a s z e w s k i , Corpus
Egypt,
of Mosaics
vol. i (Mainz 1985), pp.
from
142-60,
15
pis. A 32, 33.
7
T . Schreiber, Expedition
Ernst
vol. 1
Sieglin,
(Leipzig 1908), p. 80, pis. 1 2 - 1 4 .
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 109: " D i e A u g e n -
16
l i d e r s i n d n o c h j e t z t als d i c k e s c h w a r z e L i n i e n
K . P a r l a s c a , La mosaïque
Gréco-Romaine,
v o l . 2 (Paris 1 9 7 5 ) , p p . 3 6 3 - 6 8 , p l . H .
m a r k i e r t , d i e W i m p e r n f ü h r e n als k u r z e S t r i c h e
n a c h o b e n u n d u n t e n . D i e B r a u e n w a r e n als
17
F o r e x a m p l e , a fine, m u l t i c o l o r e d m o s a i c w i t h a
breite, dichte B ä n d e r i n Schwarz aufgemalt. D i e
s h i e l d o f r a d i a t i n g scales f o u n d i n t h e r e g i o n o f
g e r a u h t e O b e r f l ä c h e b e w a h r t n o c h s t a r k e Reste
M o h a r e m Bey i n A l e x a n d r i a ,
der d u n k e l b r a u n e n I r i s , u n d a n S t i r n u n d S c h l ä -
M u s e u m 3 2 2 4 A ; see G . B o t t i , Le Musée
fen erkennt m a n d e u t l i c h Farbspuren v o n linear
Romain
Graeco-Roman
Gréco-
(Alexandria 1892-1898).
d'Alexandrie
a u f g e m a l t e n L o c k e n s t r ä h n e n . I n s b e s o n d e r e die
starke rote u n d schwarze Bemalung an M u n d ,
18
Nase u n d A u g e n p a r t i e h o b sich u r s p r ü n g l i c h
G . U g g e r i , i n Antinoe
(Rome
(1965-1968)
1 9 7 4 ) , PP- 1 2 5 - 2 8 , p i s . 5 7 - 6 0 .
g r e l l v o n der w e i ß e n O b e r f l ä c h e a b . D i e g e m a l t e n F o r m e n m ü s s e n d e n g a n z e n E i n d r u c k be-
19
herrscht haben."
F o r b i r d s , M . R o d z i e w i c z , Alexandrie,
nuaire
8
vol. 3
( W a r s a w 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 4 4 . For fish, A . A d r i a n i ,
D a s z e w s k i ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , p . 103 a n d p a s s i m .
du Musée
1935-1939
Gréco-Romain
(Alexandria 1940): 149, p l . 6 1 ; for
D i o n y s o s , M . D o n d e r e r , Die Mosaizisten
9
J. C l é d a t , " F o u i l l e s à C h e i k h Z o n è d e , "
du service
des Antiquités
de l'Egypte
Annales
Antike
15 ( 1 9 1 5 ) :
lung
und ihre wirtschaftliche
1 5 f t . ; P. H o f f m a n n , " D e r M o s a i k f u ß b o d e n v o n
with human
marche
turzeitschrift
3 (1969): 1 8 8 - 9 7 .
der
und soziale
Stel-
(Erlangen 1989), pp. 1 0 7 - 8 ; for mosaic
I s m a i l i a , " i n A r m a n t , Deutsch-Arabische
Kul-
An-
d'Alexandrie,
figures,
du service
d'Alexandrie
E . B r e c c i a , Rapport
du Musée
pendant
sur la
Gréco-Romain
l'Exercice
1921-1912,
p . 4 ; i d e m ( n o t e 13 a b o v e ) , p . 56 n . 1 .
10
M . P i c c i r i l l o et a l . , I Mosaici
di Giordania,
exh.
cat. ( R e g i o n e L a z i o A s s e s s o r a t o a l l a C u l t u r a
1 9 8 6 ) , p p . 7 8 , 9 5 , 9 8 , esp.
117-27.
20
B a n q u e t Scene, A l e x a n d r i a ,
Graeco-Roman
M u s e u m 2 1 6 4 1 a n d 2 1 6 4 1 A , see E . B r e c c i a , Le
153
154
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
Musée
ALEXANDRIA
gréco-romain
d'Alexandrie,
1925-1931,
p. 1 0 1 , p l . 52.193; A . Adriani, in
dell'arte
antica,
classica
e orientale,
Enciclopedia
voi. 1
(Rome 1958), p . 2 2 8 , i l i . 335; i d e m (note 1
above), p . 188, p l . 57; Alpheus and Arethusa,
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 20195,
see G . D a r e s s y , Annales
Alexandrea
du Service
des
Antiqui­
13 ( 1 9 1 4 ) : 1 8 4 ; E . B r e c c i a ,
tés de l'Egypte
(Bergamo 1922),
ad Aegyptum
p. 2 4 1 , ill. 137; H . Sichtermann, i n
dia dell'arte
antica,
classica
Enciclope­
voi. 3
e orientale,
(Rome i 9 6 0 ) , ili. 878; K . M i c h a l o w s k i ,
dria
(Warsaw 1970), p l . 20; H . De
a n d P. M a c K a y , Mendes,
Alexan­
Meulenaere
voi. 2 (Warminster
1976), p. 2 1 1 , ill. 158.
21
Ζ . K i s s , " L e s f o u i l l e s p o l o n a i s e s e n E g y p t e et a u
S u d a n en 1 9 7 3 , " Africana
Bulletin
21 (1974):
2 3 o f f . , i l l . p . 2 3 1 ; M . R o d z i e w i c z , Études
( n o t e 19 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 3 6 ° .
Alexandrie
22
et
9 (1976): i7off., and 262L; idem,
Travaux
D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n , " R e p o r t o n
Prospects o f Research i n A l e x a n d r i a w i t h N o t e
o n Excavations i n A l e x a n d r i a n Cemeteries,"
Egypt
port
Exploration
Fund,
Archaeological
i l l . o n p . 1 6 ; A . A d r i a n i , Repertorio
dell'Egitto
Re-
(London 1895), pp. 14ÎÏ. and
1894-1895
d'arte
Serie C , v o l s .
greco-romano,
1-2
( P a l e r m o 1 9 6 6 ) , p . 8 3 , n o . 4 4 A ; Parlasca ( n o t e
16 a b o v e ) , p . 3 6 6 a n d i l l .
23
24
Kiss (note 2 1 above), p. 2 3 1 .
R o d z i e w i c z , Alexandrie
( n o t e 19 a b o v e ) ,
pp. 5 0 - 5 2 .
25
W . A . Daszewski, " A n O l d Question in Light
o f N e w E v i d e n c e , " Das
Ägypten,
Römisch-Byzantinische
A k t e n des i n t e r n a t i o n a l e n S y m p o -
sions, 2 6 . - 3 0 . September 1 9 7 8 , T r i e r .
tiaca
Treverensia,
Aegyp-
v o l . 2, ed. G . G r i m m ,
H . H e i n e n , a n d E. W i n t e r ( M a i n z 1983),
pp. 1 6 1 - 6 5 , Ρ · 3 ΐ · ΐ ·
1
155
Ein spätrömischer bemalter Sarg aus Ägypten
im J. Paul Getty Museum
Klaus
Parlasca
D i e m i t d e m T h e m a des Symposiums " A l e x a n d r i a a n d A l e x a n d r i a n i s m "
verknüpften Probleme sind n i c h t a u f die K u l t u r dieser W e l t s t a d t be­
schränkt. D i e A k z e n t e der griechisch-orientalischen K u l t u r b e g e g n u n g
sind i n dieser a n t i k e n W e l t s t a d t u n d i m eigentlichen Ä g y p t e n , der soge­
n a n n t e n Chora,
teilweise sehr verschieden. I m L i c h t e unserer a r c h ä o l o ­
gischen Q u e l l e n ü b e r r a s c h e n die vielfältigen Erscheinungsformen dieser
Symbiose. D a z u k o m m e n charakteristische Unterschiede i n zeitlicher
Hinsicht.
V o r a l l e m sprechen z w e i A r g u m e n t e für die Einbeziehung v o n
F u n d e n aus anderen Landesteilen i n unsere T h e m a t i k . I n A l e x a n d r i a
sind verschiedene Facetten der materiellen K u l t u r w ä h r e n d der fast i o o o
Jahre dauernden p o l i t i s c h e n Z u g e h ö r i g k e i t zur klassischen W e l t n i c h t
belegt. Deshalb m u ß m a n n i c h t selten a u f Funde aus anderen Gegenden
Ä g y p t e n s zurückgreifen, natürlich m i t d e m V o r b e h a l t eventueller re­
gionaler Unterschiede. Andererseits ist die unterschiedliche A u s p r ä g u n g
der K u l t u r m i s c h u n g ein i n s t r u k t i v e r Gradmesser für das Ü b e r g e w i c h t
der einen K u l t u r bzw. der Resistenz der anderen. D a b e i sind die V o r z e i ­
chen dieser Polarität i n A l e x a n d r i a u n d a u f d e m flachen L a n d , der
" C h o r a , " gegensätzlich. I n A l e x a n d r i a erfolgte eine schrittweise D u r c h ­
d r i n g u n g des griechischen Erscheinungsbildes m i t ä g y p t i s c h e n Elementen.
D e m g e g e n ü b e r haben sich i m übrigen Ä g y p t e n die " e u r o p ä i s c h e n "
K o m p o n e n t e n des a r c h ä o l o g i s c h e n Erbes n u r z ö g e r n d durchgesetzt.
Das Griechische ist hier selten u n d zumeist a u f den frühen H e l l e n i s m u s
beschränkt. I n jedem Falle sind die Resultate der sich d a r a n a n k n ü p ­
fenden A n a l y s e n für beide Aspekte dieses Problems—also des ä g y p t i ­
schen sowie des griechischen—sehr l e h r r e i c h . Z u r V e r m e i d u n g voreiliger
Verallgemeinerungen sind j e d o c h getrennte U n t e r s u c h u n g e n e r f o r d e r l i c h ,
die den j e w e i l i g e n Gegebenheiten—Gattungen, Perioden u n d R e g i o n e n —
R e c h n u n g tragen.
I m Jahre 1982 e r w a r b J i f i Frei für das J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m
einen i n allen wesentlichen Teilen v o l l s t ä n d i g e n , bemalten H o l z s a r g —
zusammen m i t einer Serie teilweise fragmentierter, nach Aussage des
Vorbesitzers z u g e h ö r i g e r K l e i n f u n d e . D a v o n w u r d e bisher n u r das
B r u c h s t ü c k einer beschrifteten H o l z t a f e l p u b l i z i e r t . V o m Sarg selbst
1
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ALEXANDRIA
w u r d e i n den vergangenen Jahren n u r die M a l e r e i der Frontseite mehr­
ABB.
fach abgebildet ( A b b . i a ) . Erst i n den Jahren 1 9 9 2 / 1 9 9 3 erfolgte eine
Holzsarg. Langseite A. M a l i b u ,
2
eingehende Restaurierung u n d technische U n t e r s u c h u n g . D a n a c h w u r d e
I a
J. Paul Getty Museum 82.AP.75.
der Sarg i n seiner o r i g i n a l e n F o r m anläßlich des A l e x a n d r i a - S y m p o s i o n s
ABB.
erstmals der Öffentlichkeit vorgestellt; er f a n d i n der Schausammlung
Langseite B des Holzsargs,
des M u s e u m s einen angemessenen Platz. D i e erhaltenen Teile des nach
3
seiner A u f f i n d u n g zersägten Sargs umfassen die beiden Langseiten ( A b b .
i a , b ) , eine Schmalseite ( A b b . i c ) u n d den D e c k e l ( A b b . i d ) . S o m i t
fehlt, abgesehen v o n d e m v e r m u t l i c h unverzierten B o d e n u n d den aufge­
setzten Leisten an den E n d e n des Deckels, n u r die andere Schmalseite.
I h r Fehlen ist leicht z u e r k l ä r e n . D i e O b e r f l ä c h e der anschließenden Par­
t i e n der beiden Langseiten ist d u r c h W a s s e r e i n w i r k u n g stark beschädigt.
Deshalb w a r v e r m u t l i c h auch die M a l s c h i c h t dieser Partie weitgehend
zerstört. M i t A u s n a h m e der Schmalseite bestehen die erhaltenen Partien
jeweils n u r aus einem Brett. I m H i n b l i c k a u f die gute, bereits i n v o r h e l ­
lenistischer Z e i t p r a k t i z i e r t e Stückungstechnik ist dieser A u f w a n d über­
raschend. D i e G r ü n d e für diese Praxis sind j e d o c h , w i e w i r n o c h sehen
werden, deutlich.
Eine C-14-Analyse hat ergeben, daß das H o l z wesentlich älter
ist als seine V e r w e n d u n g für den Sarg. D i e sorgfältige U n t e r s u c h u n g
I b
Abb. i a .
Parlasca
ABB.
I c
Schmalseite des Holzsargs,
Abb. i a .
ABB.
Id
Gesamtansicht m i t Deckel des
Holzsargs, A b b . i a .
des technischen Befundes lieferte ferner den N a c h w e i s , daß die Bretter
zunächst einem anderen Z w e c k gedient haben. D a b e i b i l d e t e n die beiden
Langseiten u r s p r ü n g l i c h ein einziges B r e t t ( M i n d e s t l ä n g e 3,06 m ) , dessen
o r i g i n a l e Breite sich d u r c h die an einer Seite verkürzten Einsatzleisten
(s. unten) a u f etwa 75 c m berechnen läßt. Z u r E r s t n u t z u n g g e h ö r t a u c h
eine Serie k l e i n e r B o h r l ö c h e r , deren u n r e g e l m ä ß i g e V e r t e i l u n g allerdings
keine R ü c k s c h l ü s s e a u f den u r s p r ü n g l i c h e n V e r w e n d u n g s z w e c k er­
m ö g l i c h t . D i e L ö c h e r w u r d e n bei der Z w e i t v e r w e n d u n g kaschiert.
D i e F o r m des Sargs ist auffallend schlicht; bei den H o l z t e i l e n
fehlen völlig i m eigentlichen Sinne tektonische oder d e k o r a t i v e Elemente.
Sogar a u f die sonst üblichen Eckpfosten w u r d e n verzichtet. D i e vier
Seiten bestehen ebenso w i e der D e c k e l u n d der fehlende B o d e n aus glat­
t e n F l ä c h e n ohne Profile. A n beiden Schmalseiten des Deckels w a r e n
Leisten v o n 4,3 c m Breite befestigt. Sie dienten w o h l p r i m ä r als Schiebe­
griffe für den D e c k e l , d o c h k ö n n e n sie auch als flache Giebel d e k o r a t i v
ausgestaltet gewesen sein. A n den Ecken sind die Einzelbretter sorgfältig
verzapft u n d zusätzlich n o c h d u r c h dicke N ä g e l gesichert.
I n auffallendem Gegensatz zu den ü b e r a u s schlichten Formge­
b u n g des Sargkastens steht die bemerkenswert sorgfältige h a n d w e r k l i c h e
G e s t a l t u n g der w i e d e r v e r w e n d e t e n Bretter. Abgesehen v o n der Schmal-
157
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OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
seite (s. unten) besteht jede F l ä c h e aus einem einzigen Brett, das jeweils
aus der M i t t e des Stamms einer m ä c h t i g e n Libanonzeder h e r a u s g e s ä g t
ist. A u f diese Weise bestand das geringste R i s i k o , daß sich das H o l z i m
Laufe der Z e i t verzieht. A u ß e r d e m befinden sich i n den langen B r e t t e r n
rechteckige B o h r u n g e n , i n die m i t erstaunlich sauberer F ü g u n g fünf bzw.
sechs lange Leisten aus H a r t h o l z eingezogen sind. D a d u r c h erzielte m a n
eine zusätzliche Stabilität. Diese Leisten sind i n den B r e t t e r n der L a n g ­
seite v o n u n t e n bis etwa 2/3 der H ö h e eingefügt. D e r D e c k e l weist eine
ähnliche A r m i e r u n g auf; hier w u r d e n v o n jeder Seite aus sechs bzw. fünf
solcher Leisten i n a n n ä h e r n d gleicher L ä n g e eingezogen. Einer V e r w e r ­
fung des Holzes mußte besonders b e i m D e c k e l vorgebeugt w e r d e n , u m
sein einwandfreies F u n k t i o n i e r e n bei späterem Öffnung z u g e w ä h r l e i s t e n .
D e m V e r k l e m m e n i n den beiden Falzen w u r d e zusätzlich entgegengewirkt
d u r c h eine geringe, m i t b l o ß e m Auge n i c h t w a h r n e h m b a r e V e r j ü n g u n g
des Bretts (die Breite beträgt an den Enden 25,0 bzw. 23,6 c m ) . Daraus
ergibt sich, daß der D e c k e l v o n der l i n k e n Seite eingeschoben w u r d e .
D i e alten Bretter hatten teilweise längere Risse, die d u r c h
L e i n w a n d s t r e i f e n kaschiert w u r d e n . Z u s ä t z l i c h mußte eine Fehlstelle i m
D e c k e l d u r c h ein F l i c k s t ü c k geschlossen w e r d e n . D i e O b e r f l ä c h e erhielt
d a n n eine K r e i d e g r u n d i e r u n g für die M a l e r e i . A u c h die Innenseiten w u r ­
den m i t einem K r e i d e ü b e r z u g versehen, u m ein Verziehen des Holzes i n ­
folge des T r o c k n e n s der äußeren Schicht z u vermeiden. D e r B o d e n w a r
i n einer besonderen N u t eingefügt u n d zusätzlich d u r c h E i s e n n ä g e l i n
v o r g e b o h r t e n L ö c h e r n m i t den senkrechten Teilen v e r b u n d e n .
D i e andere Langseite des Sargs ist d u r c h i h r e n schlichteren
D e k o r d e u t l i c h als R ü c k s e i t e charakterisiert ( A b b . i b ) . Sie w i r d geglie­
dert d u r c h fünf Pilaster m i t k o r i n t h i s i e r e n d e n K a p i t e l l e n u n d B l a t t k e l c h ­
d e k o r a m unteren Ende. Basen sind n i c h t angegeben, ebensowenig ein
Sockelstreifen a u f der i n voller H ö h e erhaltenen W a n d u n g . D i e Boden­
platte w a r , w i e bereits e r w ä h n t , i n eine N u t der Langseitenbretter einge­
fügt. D e r architektonische C h a r a k t e r der M a l e r e i w i r d unterstrichen
d u r c h die v e r b i n d e n d e n A r k a d e n m i t M u s c h e l n i n den Bogenfeldern.
V i e l l e i c h t ist hier eine N i s c h e n g l i e d e r u n g gemeint, d o c h w u r d e n u r deren
oberer A b s c h l u ß einigermaßen k o r r e k t wiedergegeben. D i e a n n ä h e r n d
quadratischen Felder d a r u n t e r enthalten n u r geometrische M u s t e r . D i a ­
gonale L i n i e n u n d breite, auf die Spitze gestellte Vierecke gliedern die
F l ä c h e i n kleine Q u a d r a t e u n d Dreiecke.
A l s V o r b i l d dieser K o m p o s i t i o n dienten vielleicht W a n d m a ­
lereien m i t derartiger G l i e d e r u n g , w e n n auch i n Ä g y p t e n hierfür keine
entsprechenden Parallelen erhalten sind. A n S ä u l e n s a r k o p h a g e d a r f m a n
i n diesem Z u s a m m e n h a n g n i c h t denken; Reliefsarkophage w a r e n i m
L a n d e w e i t g e h e n d u n b e k a n n t ; auch i m p o r t i e r t e E x e m p l a r e sind i m I n ­
n e r n Ä g y p t e n s n i c h t e i n m a l i n Resten nachzuweisen. D i e geometrischen
M u s t e r sind vielleicht als W e i t e r b i l d u n g v o n I n k r u s t a t i o n s m a l e r e i z u
P a r l a s c a
ABB.
le
Detail m i t Inschrift des Holzsargs,
Abb. i a .
verstehen, o b g l e i c h die für diese G a t t u n g charakteristische tektonische
G l i e d e r u n g sonst anders gelöst ist. D e r B l a t t k e l c h a m unteren Ende
der Pilaster ist ein v o r a l l e m i n der o s t r ö m i s c h e n A r c h i t e k t u r w e i t
verbreitetes M o t i v , das auch i n Ä g y p t e n seit der m i t t l e r e n Kaiserzeit
vielfach belegt ist.
A u c h der Sargdeckel zeigt i n unregelmäßiger A u f t e i l u n g
eine r e i n o r n a m e n t a l e M a l e r e i ( A b b . i d ) . Z w e i Felder enthalten gegen­
ständige Dreiecksmuster. Das Restfeld an der einen Schmalseite ist u n verziert. Das asymmetrisch i n die eine Hälfte verschobene Rechteck
enthält ein schildartiges M o t i v a u f g r ü n e m G r u n d . D i e d u n k e l v i o l e t t e
Fläche m i t schwarzen P u n k t e n w i r d v o n einem F l e c h t b a n d eingefaßt; i n
der M i t t e sitzt eine sechsblättrige Rosette, die aus d e m b e k a n n t e n M u s t e r
v e r s c h r ä n k t e r Kreise e n t w i c k e l t ist. D i e u n r e g e l m ä ß i g e A u f t e i l u n g des
D e k o r s läßt v e r m u t e n , daß das H a u p t f e l d die P o s i t i o n der K o p f p a r t i e
der M u m i e andeuten sollte. D e r Befund des Deckels spricht j e d o c h dafür,
daß die M u m i e tatsächlich anders h e r u m gelegen hat.
D i e erhaltene Schmalseite ist m i t einem vierfachen Kreis­
muster a u f w e i ß e m G r u n d verziert, dessen Innenfläche d u r c h radiale
L i n i e n i n acht ungleiche Sektoren aufgeteilt ist. D i e verbleibende äußere
F l ä c h e ist d u n k e l g r ü n ( A b b . i c ) .
D i e m e h r f i g u r i g e M a l e r e i der H a u p t s e i t e des Sargs zeigt i n
der M i t t e den a u f einer K l i n e gelagerten Verstorbenen ( A b b . i a ) . Dieser
Teil der D a r s t e l l u n g n i m m t fast die gesamte Breite ein. D i e u n r e g e l m ä ß i g
geformte K l i n e hat n u r i n i h r e r rechten Partie eine hohe, m i t Stoff be­
spannte R ü c k e n l e h n e . D e r untere Teil ist n i c h t wiedergegeben; die Liege­
fläche schließt m i t der U n t e r k a n t e des Sarges ab. N u r a m rechten R a n d
der K l i n e ist ein gedrechseltes Bein wiedergegeben, das sich i n einer Serie
159
160
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
ABB.
If
Z w e i Knaben als Diener des
Holzsargs, A b b . i a .
v o n vier scheibenartigen Elementen bis zur O b e r k a n t e der R ü c k e n l e h n e
fortsetzt. D e r Tote ist offenbar ein K n a b e ; die geringen Abmessungen des
Sargs schließen o h n e h i n die V e r w e n d u n g für einen Erwachsenen aus.
Seine reiche G e w a n d u n g w i r d später i m Z u s a m m e n h a n g m i t der T r a c h t
der anderen Personen z u besprechen sein. D e r Inschriftenstreifen neben
der l i n k e n H a n d des T o t e n n e n n t seinen N a m e n — A m m o n i o s ( A b b . i e ) .
D i e D e u t u n g der Buchstaben i n der z w e i t e n Z e i l e ist unsicher. Offenbar
ist die Buchstabenfolge fehlerhaft. V i e l l e i c h t ist N T O N i n ETCON ( i m
A l t e r v o n . . .) z u emendieren. D i e Ziffer des erreichten A l t e r s blieb of­
fen. D a der über den Z a h l b u c h s t a b e n übliche waagerechte Strich
angegeben ist, s o l l t e n sie offenbar nachgetragen w e r d e n . E i n e n or­
t h o g r a p h i s c h e n Fehler m u ß m a n auch a n n e h m e n , w e n n die Buchstaben
z u m Vatersnamen g e h ö r e n s o l l t e n . V i e l l e i c h t w a r es ( A ) N T O N ( 6 o u ) .
4
A l l e r d i n g s fehlt a m A n f a n g a m O r i g i n a l k e i n Buchstabe!
D e r B l i c k des K n a b e n f i x i e r t den Betrachter; seine aus­
gestreckte Rechte ist j e d o c h einem der Pagen zugewendet, der die v o n
A m m o n i o s m i t spitzen F i n g e r n gehaltene flache Glasschale füllen soll.
Dieser u r a l t e , seit d e m 5. J a h r h u n d e r t v . C h r . belegte G e s t u s hat sich i m
5
Z u s a m m e n h a n g m i t k l e i n e n , henkellosen T r i n k s c h a l e n lange gehalten.
D i e einzuschenkende Flüssigkeit hat, w i e m a n a m I n h a l t des Kessels der
k l e i n e n , v o m Pagen gehaltenen Schale sehen k a n n , eine helle, grünliche
F ä r b u n g . D e m n a c h k ö n n t e es sich u m W e i ß w e i n h a n d e l n . B e i m I n h a l t
der Becher, die verschiedentlich i n der H a n d später M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e z u
sehen s i n d , ist hingegen sicher R o t w e i n g e m e i n t .
6
D i e K l i n e w i r d v o n drei Pagen f l a n k i e r t , die den T o t e n bedie­
nen. D e r eine steht ganz l i n k s v o r einem gelblichen H i n t e r g r u n d neben
einer Serie v o n vier S p i t z a m p h o r e n ( A b b . i f ) . I n der erhobenen rechten
H a n d hält er einen langen, bronzenen Schöpflöffel, m i t d e m er aus einer
fünften A m p h o r a W e i n e n t n o m m e n hat, u m d a m i t den rechts neben i h m
Parlasca
stehenden Kessel u n d seine i n der l i n k e n H a n d gehaltene Schale z u
füllen. D e r ungeschickt wiedergegebene, aber sicher r u n d z u denkende
Kessel hat einen o r n a m e n t i e r t e n R a n d . D e r Farbe n a c h zu u r t e i l e n ist es
ein B r o n z e g e f ä ß , das a u f einem d r e i - bzw. fünfbeinigen Gestell aus dem­
selben M a t e r i a l m i t A n d e u t u n g e n v o n F ü ß e n i n F o r m v o n L ö w e n t a t z e n
steht. Rechts daneben steht ein weiterer Page, dessen F ü ß e v o n der an
dieser Stelle r e l a t i v n i e d r i g e n K l i n e n r ü c k w a n d verdeckt s i n d . Er hält
einen großen, rechteckigen F ä c h e r aus F l e c h t w e r k i n der l i n k e n H a n d ; ein
originales G e g e n s t ü c k aus Tebtynis i m F a y u m befindet sich i n Berkeley
( A b b . 2 ) . V o n d e m ganz rechts neben der K l i n e stehenden d r i t t e n Pagen
7
sind n u r n o c h Reste erhalten; die M a l e r e i ist i n diesem Bereich großen­
teils verrieben. T r o t z d e m sind verschiedene Einzelheiten n o c h d e u t l i c h
z u erkennen. I m U n t e r s c h i e d z u den beiden anderen f r o n t a l stehenden
K n a b e n ist er vor d u n k e l g r ü n e m H i n t e r g r u n d a u f einer gelblichen Stand­
linie schreitend dargestellt. I n der rechten H a n d e r k e n n t m a n eine g r o ß e
B u c h r o l l e , a m H a n d g e l e n k einen querrechteckigen Gegenstand an
schwarzen, geflochtenen B ä n d e r n ; v e r m u t l i c h ist ein g r o ß f o r m a t i g e s
P o l y p t y c h o n gemeint.
N o c h ein W o r t zu den G r ö ß e n v e r h ä l t n i s s e n der vier Personen.
M a n hat die relative K l e i n h e i t der Pagen als A u s d r u c k eines n i e d r i g e r e n
sozialen Status i n t e r p r e t i e r t . Diese F o l g e r u n g ist sicher u n r i c h t i g . Es ist
8
b e s t i m m t k e i n Z u f a l l , daß die G e w a n d u n g aller vier Personen teilweise
identisch ist, so z. B . die k l e i n e n Z i e r m u s t e r a u f den frei h e r a b h ä n g e n d e n
Stoffpartien. H i e r b e i h a n d e l t es sich u m lose Ä r m e l . A u f Einzelheiten
9
der G e w a n d u n g u n d i h r e r V e r z i e r u n g k a n n an dieser Stelle n i c h t einge­
gangen w e r d e n . Interessanterweise g i b t es aber auch i n der p a l m y r e n i schen G r a b k u n s t des 3. J a h r h u n d e r t s D i e n e r f i g u r e n — a u c h hier s p r i c h t
m a n gern v o n Pagen—die w i e der G r a b h e r r reich verzierte, parthische
G e w ä n d e r tragen.
Es ist sicherlich k e i n Z u f a l l , daß die Streifengliederung des
Klinenstoffs bei unserer S a r k o p h a g m a l e r e i a u f die O b e r k ö r p e r p a r t i e
des
T o t e n R ü c k s i c h t n i m m t . Dies hat k a u m den r e i n ästhetischen G r u n d ,
störende Ü b e r s c h n e i d u n g e n des Stoffmusters m i t d e m K o p f zu v e r m e i d e n .
D i e diesen u n m i t t e l b a r umgebende F l ä c h e b i l d e t ein g r ü n g r u n d i g e s
ABB. 2
R ö m i s c h e r Fächer. University of
California at Berkeley, Phoebe A .
Rechteck. Es liegt nahe, hierbei an den rechteckigen N i m b u s z u d e n k e n ,
der i m k o p t i s c h e n Ä g y p t e n verschiedentlich belegt ist. I n diesem Z u s a m ­
Hearst M u s e u m of A n t h r o p o l o g y
m e n h a n g ist die besonders v o n W . de G r ü n e i s e n behandelte Frage nach
6-20548.
den eventuellen paganen V o r s t u f e n dieses M o t i v s v o n B e d e u t u n g .
10
Im
R a h m e n seiner A u s f ü h r u n g e n spielen M u m i e n p o r t r ä t s a u f L e i c h e n t ü c h ­
ern v o n A n t i n o o p o l i s eine gewisse R o l l e . Es ist deshalb vielleicht k e i n
Z u f a l l , daß auch für unseren S a r k o p h a g die H e r k u n f t aus O b e r ä g y p t e n
i n h o h e m M a ß e w a h r s c h e i n l i c h ist.
D i e Abmessungen der K o p f p a r t i e des S a r k o p h a g p o r t r ä t s
entsprechen u n g e f ä h r den M a ß e n später M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e . Es liegt nahe,
161
162
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
ABB. 3
Schmalseite eines Holzsargs m i t
P o r t r ä t . Paris, M u s é e du Louvre
E. 22309.
hier b e w u ß t e Z u s a m m e n h ä n g e z u v e r m u t e n . W a h r s c h e i n l i c h legte m a n
W e r t a u f die Wiedergabe des Porträts ohne die religiösen I m p l i k a t i o n e n ,
w i e sie bei den paganen P o r t r ä t m u m i e n gegeben w a r e n . " E i n derartiger
Z u s a m m e n h a n g ist a m besten verständlich i n einer Gegend, i n der auch
i n der späten Kaiserzeit die A u s s t a t t u n g v o n M u m i e n m i t gemalten B i l d ­
nissen üblich w a r oder wenigstens gelegentlich v o r k a m .
I n A u s n a h m e f ä l l e n gab es auch auf paganen Sarkophagen
gemalte Porträts i m allgemeinen Sinne des W o r t e s . H i e r z u rechne i c h
n i c h t die flüchtige Wiedergabe der Verstorbenen i m R a h m e n v o n T o t e n geleitszenen ä g y p t i s c h e r P r ä g u n g , bei denen die C h a r a k t e r i s i e r u n g als
Sterbliche a u f T r a c h t u n d Darstellungsweise—frontale K o p f w e n d u n g —
b e s c h r ä n k t b l i e b . I m L o u v r e befindet sich die Schmalseite eines Sarko­
phags aus der späten Kaiserzeit m i t d e m B r u s t b i l d eines K n a b e n i n
langärmeligem C h i t o n (Abb. 3 ) .
1 2
Er hält einen schmalen Becher sowie
eine H a n d g i r l a n d e . D i e Büste w i r d f l a n k i e r t v o n z w e i Falken a u f K o n ­
solen. Eine gebogene G i r l a n d e u m r a h m t den K o p f des K n a b e n . A u f
dieser, v e r m u t l i c h b a l d nach der M i t t e des 4 . Jahrhunderts datierbaren
M a l e r e i begegnen uns i n reduzierter F o r m typische Elemente des pa­
ganen Totenglaubens, insbesondere die beiden Falken i n der F u n k t i o n
als Schutzgottheiten des T o t e n . D i e H a n d g i r l a n d e ist t r o t z ihres h e i d n i ­
schen U r s p r u n g s — b e i den Ä g y p t e r n i n der Bedeutung als " K r a n z der
R e c h t f e r t i g u n g " i m osirianischen T o t e n g e r i c h t — d u r c h ein M i n i a t u r ­
p o r t r ä t i n K a i r o auch n o c h für die koptische Z e i t — e t w a 6. J a h r h u n d e r t
n.Chr.—belegt.
13
I m Z u s a m m e n h a n g m i t der religionsgeschichtlichen Interpre­
t a t i o n des Sargs d r ä n g t sich die Frage auf, o b der große A u f w a n d an
h a n d w e r k l i c h e m K ö n n e n für einen äußerlich keineswegs
prätentiösen
Sarg vielleicht triftige Ursachen hat. Dies g i l t insbesondere für die H e r ­
r i c h t u n g der Verschlußplatte. D e r a r t i g e Schiebedeckel sind v o r a l l e m
Parlasca
v o n k l e i n e n H o l z k ä s t c h e n b e k a n n t . Diese K o n s t r u k t i o n setzt bei den
vorliegenden Abmessungen eine ü b e r a u s sorgfältige V e r a r b e i t u n g voraus.
Offenbar sollte der D e c k e l i m Bedarfsfalle auch über einen längeren
Z e i t r a u m h i n leicht z u öffnen sein. A u s diesem Befund ergeben sich
einige aufschlußreiche Konsequenzen. Offenbar w u r d e der Sarg n a c h der
Trauerfeier n i c h t endgültig beigesetzt, w i e dies unseren m o d e r n e n V o r ­
stellungen entspräche. Literarische Zeugnisse belegen die pagane Sitte,
den Verstorbenen m i t u n t e r n o c h lange Z e i t h i n d u r c h die Grabesruhe
v o r z u e n t h a l t e n , auch n o c h für die k o p t i s c h e Z e i t . D e r V o r b e h a l t , den
Sarg jederzeit öffnen zu k ö n n e n , hat die M u m i f i z i e r u n g des d a r i n bestat­
teten K n a b e n zur Voraussetzung. W i r wissen, daß eine derartige Behand­
l u n g der Leichen auch i n k o p t i s c h e r Z e i t n o c h p r a k t i z i e r t w u r d e .
Deshalb k a n n die V o r r i c h t u n g für ein leichtes Öffnen des
Deckels n u r den Z w e c k haben, B e r ü h r u n g s k o n t a k t e m i t der M u m i e z u
e r m ö g l i c h e n . Diese Sitte ist, soweit i c h w e i ß , i m ä g y p t i s c h e n T o t e n k u l t
der Z e i t l i t e r a r i s c h n i c h t belegt. Andererseits k e n n e n w i r eine derartige
Praxis aus einer historischen Q u e l l e der klassischen W e l t . F ü r A u g u s t u s
ist überliefert, daß er b e i m Besuch A l e x a n d r i a s den S a r k o p h a g des
g r o ß e n M a k e d o n e n k ö n i g s öffnen ließ u n d seine M u m i e b e r ü h r t e .
14
Dazu
k o m m e n z w e i a r c h ä o l o g i s c h e Parallelen, a u f deren Bedeutung i c h bereits
i n anderem Z u s a m m e n h a n g hingewiesen habe. D e r D e c k e l eines w o h l
frühkaiserzeitlichen Sargs aus el-Bagawat ( K h a r g a Oase) i n K a i r o , Ä g y p ­
tisches M u s e u m , k a n n v o n der einen Langseite eingeschoben w e r d e n .
15
E i n u m 100 n . C h r . datierbarer Sarg u n b e k a n n t e r H e r k u n f t i n B e r l i n hat
eine v e r t i k a l bewegliche Schmalseite.
16
Es fällt auf, daß die b i l d l i c h e n D a r s t e l l u n g e n des Sargs keine
d e u t l i c h e n H i n w e i s e a u f die religiöse S p h ä r e des Verstorbenen e n t h a l t e n .
Dieser Befund w ä r e n u r bei einem c h r i s t l i c h e n K n a b e n n i c h t ü b e r r a ­
schend. W i r wissen, daß bei den frühen C h r i s t e n die D e m o n s t r a t i o n
eigener Symbole i n der Öffentlichkeit—trotz i h r e r bei zahlreichen M a r ­
t y r i e n b e w ä h r t e n G l a u b e n s t r e u e — n i c h t üblich w a r . Es sei n u r an den
b e k a n n t e n Brief des Clemens v o n A l e x a n d r i a e r i n n e r t , der den G l ä u b i ­
gen e m p f o h l e n hatte, sich bei F i n g e r r i n g e n mehrdeutiger Symbole zu be­
dienen.
17
E i n solches V e r h a l t e n w i r d anscheinend auch d u r c h unseren
Sarg i l l u s t r i e r t . A u ß e r d e m ist seit jeher das Fehlen eindeutiger, a r c h ä o l o ­
gischer Zeugnisse für die z a h l e n m ä ß i g bereits bedeutende v o r k o n s t a n t i nische Christengemeinde i n Ä g y p t e n aufgefallen.
I m Gegensatz z u i h r e n c h r i s t l i c h e n L a n d s l e u t e n bestand für
die an paganen Glaubensvorstellungen festhaltenden Teile der B e v ö l k e ­
r u n g i n dieser H i n s i c h t k e i n G r u n d zu besonderer Z u r ü c k h a l t u n g . E i n
B l i c k a u f sicher pagane D a r s t e l l u n g e n i m Bereich der G r a b k u n s t l e h r t ,
daß bei i h n e n stets eine m e h r oder m i n d e r a u s g e p r ä g t e A u s s t a t t u n g m i t
e i n d e u t i g heidnischen M o t i v e n u n d S y m b o l e n z u beobachten ist.
M e i n e Auffassung, daß der Sarg i n M a l i b u für einen christ-
163
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ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
ABB.
4
Brett eines Sarkophags. Ehemals
Kunsthandel, N e w York. © 1975
Sotheby's, Inc.
liehen K n a b e n b e s t i m m t w a r , erfordert eine sorgfältige Prüfung even­
tueller Gegenargumente. E i n e n scheinbaren H i n w e i s zugunsten einer pa­
ganen D e u t u n g bietet der t h e o p h o r e Personenname. " A m m o n i o s " ist
v o n d e m N a m e n des Gottes A m m o n abgeleitet.
18
Es ist aber häufig zu
belegen—diese Feststellung g i l t n i c h t n u r für Ä g y p t e n — d a ß derartige
Personennamen n o c h lange nach d e m Ende der heidnischen Z e i t i n Ge­
b r a u c h gewesen s i n d . Deshalb k a n n auch unser A m m o n i o s durchaus
A n g e h ö r i g e r einer c h r i s t l i c h e n F a m i l i e gewesen sein.
E i n anderes P r o b l e m betrifft die religionsgeschichtliche E i n ­
o r d n u n g bzw. B e w e r t u n g des i k o n o g r a p h i s c h e n Themas. T o t e n m a h l d a r stellungen begegnen uns i n der griechischen W e l t m i t zunehmender
H ä u f i g k e i t seit d e m m i t t l e r e n 5. J a h r h u n d e r t v . C h r . Solche Szenen bzw.
einzelne a u f einer K l i n e gelagerte Tote sind i n der ägyptischen G r a b ­
k u n s t , besonders a u f Grabreliefs, w ä h r e n d der ganzen Kaiserzeit ü b e r a u s
häufig.
19
Sie liefern uns ein lehrreiches A n s c h a u u n g s m a t e r i a l für den t y -
pologischen S p i e l r a u m dieser G a t t u n g einschließlich bestimmter Sonder­
f o r m e n . D a r a u s w i r d d e u t l i c h , daß ä g y p t i s c h e Elemente n u r d a n n fehlen,
w e n n die D a r s t e l l u n g auch sonst einen d e u t l i c h reduzierten T y p u s re­
präsentiert. F ü r entsprechende Reliefs hellenistischer Z e i t bestanden
natürlich andere Voraussetzungen, die i n griechischen Glaubensvorstel­
l u n g e n u n d entsprechenden künstlerischen T r a d i t i o n e n w u r z e l t e n . A u c h
i n der Kaiserzeit findet sich sehr häufig das M o t i v des Trinkgefässes i n
der ausgestreckten Rechten des T o t e n . D e r D o p p e l s i n n dieser auffallen­
den Geste—Trankspende an den heroisierten T o t e n bzw. seine Bedie­
n u n g m i t W e i n i m D i e s s e i t s — b l i e b i m frühen C h r i s t e n t u m erhalten.
20
Dieser Gedanke b i l d e t eine religiös n i c h t genau festgelegte K o n s t a n t e i n
der frühchristlichen G r a b k u n s t , w o b e i die N u a n c e n der jeweiligen V o r ­
stellungen vielfach n i c h t genauer z u m A u s d r u c k gebracht w u r d e n . D a r -
P a rIas c a
aus w i r d d e u t l i c h , daß auch bei unserem Beispiel diese Szene keineswegs
als spezifisch pagan i n t e r p r e t i e r t w e r d e n m u ß . B e g n ü g e n w i r uns z u ­
nächst m i t der v o r s i c h t i g e n Feststellung, daß die Totenmahlszene auf u n ­
serem Sarg, isoliert betrachtet, keine eindeutige Festlegung i n religiöser
H i n s i c h t e r l a u b t . E i n e n i n s t r u k t i v e n V e r g l e i c h bietet eine sicher n i c h t
christliche, v e r m u t l i c h gleichfalls v o n einem Sarg stammende H o l z t a f e l ,
die sich 1975 i m N e w Y o r k e r K u n s t h a n d e l befunden hat ( A b b . 4 ) .
2 1
Hier
sieht m a n a u f einer h o c h b e i n i g e n K l i n e eine gelagerte F r a u . I h r scheinbar
entblößter O b e r k ö r p e r ist w o h l n u r die ungeschickte W i e d e r g a b e eines
d u r c h s i c h t i g e n C h i t o n s . D e r d a h i n t e r dargestellte einzelne Flügel b e r u h t
v e r m u t l i c h a u f der m i ß v e r s t a n d e n e n E n t l e h n u n g aus einer V o r l a g e , bei
der a m K o p f e n d e der K l i n e eine Schutzgöttin m i t ausgebreiteten F l ü g e l n
stand. D i e M ö g l i c h k e i t , daß a u f diese Weise eine D e i f i k a t i o n angedeutet
sein k ö n n t e , ist n i c h t auszuschließen. V o r der K l i n e — g l e i c h s a m u n t e r
derselben dargestellt—steht ein M u n d s c h e n k m i t den üblichen R e q u i ­
siten: ein dreibeiniger T i s c h m i t z w e i T r i n k g e f ä ß e n u n d eine S p i t z a m ­
p h o r a i n Dreifußständer. Rechts sieht m a n a u f p y l o n a r t i g e m Sockel
einen n a c k t e n , tanzenden M u s i k a n t e n m i t D o p p e l f l ö t e . A n speziellen re­
ligiösen M o t i v e n findet sich a u f dieser Tafel, abgesehen v o n d e m o b e n
e r w ä h n t e n F l ü g e l , n u r ganz l i n k s der a u f einer A r t Standarte sitzende
H o r o s f a l k e u n d rechts i m B i l d f e l d des M u s i k a n t e n s o c k e l s eine G ö t t i n ,
die z w e i aufgerichtete Schlangen hält.
D i e Klinenszene m i t der D a r b i e t u n g v o n W e i n k ö n n t e m a n
vielleicht i m dionysischen Sinne i n t e r p r e t i e r e n . D e r für T o t e n m a h l d a r stellungen ansonsten charakteristische T i s c h m i t E ß w a r e n fehlt. K i n d ­
liche Symposiasten sind i n der paganen G r a b k u n s t Ä g y p t e n s n i c h t
u n g e w ö h n l i c h . Es ist aber meiner A n s i c h t n a c h n i c h t z w i n g e n d , die
betreffenden K i n d e r als echte M y s t e n , also als Eingeweihte der d i o n y ­
sischen M y s t e r i e n , zu i n t e r p r e t i e r e n . I n unserer a r c h ä o l o g i s c h e n Ü b e r l i e ­
f e r u n g g i b t es einige Parallelen bei den Grabreliefs. H i e r f i n d e n sich
z. T . auffallend niedrige A l t e r s a n g a b e n . Das bekannteste Beispiel ist das
v e r m u t l i c h aus A l e x a n d r i a stammende Relief des dreijährigen K n a b e n
Souper i n B o l o g n a .
22
I m ü b r i g e n ist die W i e d e r g a b e v o n V e r s t o r b e n e n
beiderlei Geschlechts a u f einer K l i n e i n der kaiserzeitlichen G r a b k u n s t
des N i l l a n d e s ganz geläufig, w i e e i n E x e m p l a r i m B r o o k l y n M u s e u m i l ­
l u s t r i e r t , das zur u m f a n g r e i c h e n G r u p p e der Terenuthisstelen g e h ö r t
(Abb. 5).
2 3
Bei der Ü b e r p r ü f u n g anderer I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s m ö g l i c h k e i t e n
bietet sich eine ü b e r r a s c h e n d e A l t e r n a t i v e . Enge f o r m a l e Beziehungen
bestehen n ä m l i c h z u den griechischen Heroenreliefs. Das älteste e r h a l ­
tene E x e m p l a r dieser u m f a n g r e i c h e n langlebigen G r u p p e , ein u m 4 5 0
v . C h r . datierbares Relief aus Thasos i n I s t a n b u l ,
2 4
zeigt l i n k s neben der
K l i n e einen g r o ß e n D i n o s a u f h o h e m Untersatz u n d einen M u n d s c h e n k .
D i e Ü b e r n a h m e einer paganen B i l d t r a d i t i o n w a r i m v o r l i e g e n d e n Falle
n u r eine äußerliche, f o r m a l e E n t l e h n u n g . D a b e i w u r d e d e m paganen
665
166
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
ABB.
5
Grabstele aus Terenuthis
(Nildelta). H . : 37,5 cm; B.: 31 cm.
The Brooklyn M u s e u m 72.60.
T h e m a der H e r o i s i e r u n g v e r m u t l i c h ein veränderter Gehalt i m Sinne der
neuen c h r i s t l i c h e n Lehre unterlegt.
Verschiedene Punkte der Beschreibung haben die Bedeutung
dieses singulären Sargs v e r d e u t l i c h t . U m so w i c h t i g e r ist die K l ä r u n g
seiner zeitlichen u n d religionsgeschichtlichen E i n o r d n u n g . F ü r die C h r o ­
n o l o g i e liefern die Ergebnisse der C-14-Analysen folgende Eckdaten:
zwischen 265 u n d 4 2 0 n . C h r .
25
M e i n e erste, a u f stilistischem Wege unter
Einbeziehung antiquarischer K r i t e r i e n gewonnene D a t i e r u n g — E n d e des
4. J a h r h u n d e r t s — i s t m i t d e m naturwissenschaftlichen Befund g u t verein­
bar. N i c h t u n e r w ä h n t bleiben d a r f einer der angeblichen Beifunde des
Sargs, das Fragment einer H o l z t a f e l m i t einem 4 7 4 n . C h r . datierten
Kaufvertrag.
26
D i e erhebliche Zeitdifferenz z u m spätestmöglichen C - 1 4 -
D a t u m einerseits u n d d e m stilistischen D a t i e r u n g s s p i e l r a u m andererseits
schließt seine Z u g e h ö r i g k e i t z u unserem K i n d e r s a r g aus.
Für eine Stilanalyse e m p f i e h l t sich v o r a l l e m ein V e r g l e i c h
des A m m o n i o s m i t späten M u m i e n p o r t r ä t s , deren jüngste nach bis v o r
k u r z e m einhelliger M e i n u n g gegen Ende des 4 . Jahrhunderts z u datieren
sind. Diese E r k e n n t n i s w u r d e zuerst v o n H e i n r i c h D r e r u p e r a r b e i t e t ;
andere, d a r u n t e r G ü n t e r G r i m m ,
selbst,
30
2 8
David L. Thompson
sind i h m d a r i n gefolgt. Gegen diese communis
2 9
27
und ich
opinio
wurde
jüngst die B e h a u p t u n g aufgestellt, die spätesten M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e seien
i n severischer Z e i t entstanden. Eine nähere B e g r ü n d u n g der bisher n u r
i m R a h m e n eines Vortragsresumes bekanntgemachten H y p o t h e s e steht
n o c h aus. D i e i m folgenden herangezogenen Beispiele dieser G a t t u n g
sprechen m . E . entschieden dagegen. D r e r u p hatte bereits e r k a n n t , daß
die M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e der n a c h k o n s t a n t i n i s c h e n Z e i t , also der beiden
Parlasca
ABB.
6
M u m i e n p o r t r ä t aus Er-Rubayat
( Ä g y p t e n ) . Ende des vierten
Jahrhunderts n.Chr. Temperafarbe
auf H o l z . H . : 28,2 cm. M a l i b u ,
J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 79.AP.129.
ABB.
7
Mumienporträt. Wien,
Kunsthistorisches M u s e u m x 432..
G e n e r a t i o n e n zwischen der M i t t e u n d d e m Ende des 4 . J a h r h u n d e r t s ,
n u r a l l g e m e i n als stilistische G r u p p e n d a t i e r b a r s i n d .
31
I n n e r h a l b dieses
Z e i t r a u m s w i r d m a n die G r u p p e des B r o o k l y n M a l e r s r e l a t i v früh
anzusetzen h a b e n — e t w a M i t t e bis 3. J a h r h u n d e r t v i e r t e l . Sie w i r d unter
a n d e r e m repräsentiert d u r c h z w e i Bildnisse v o n Erwachsenen i m J. Paul
Getty M u s e u m
3 2
bzw. i n E d i n b u r g h .
3 3
Einer jüngeren Stilstufe s i n d einige
andere M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e zuzurechnen, so z.B. z w e i K i n d e r p o r t r ä t s i n
Athen,
3 4
e i n bereits v o n D r e r u p analysiertes E x e m p l a r heute ebenfalls
i m J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m ( A b b . 6 ) ,
Wien (Abb. 7).
3 6
3 5
sowie ein J ü n g l i n g s p o r t r ä t i n
Letzteres d a r f als besonders nahe stilistische Parallele
z u m stilisierten Gesicht des A m m o n i o s gewertet w e r d e n . D a i n n e r h a l b
der gemalten S e p u l k r a l p o r t r ä t s keine E x e m p l a r e b e k a n n t s i n d , für die
sich eine spätere D a t i e r u n g w a h r s c h e i n l i c h m a c h e n läßt, e r g i b t sich für
den Sarg des G e t t y M u s e u m s eine a p p r o x i m a t i v e G l e i c h z e i t i g k e i t m i t
den jüngsten M u m i e n p o r t r ä t s , also ein Ansatz gegen Ende des 4.
Jahrhunderts.
I n verschiedener H i n s i c h t repräsentiert der Sarg des G e t t y
M u s e u m s s o m i t e i n singulares Z e u g n i s des frühen k o p t i s c h e n K u n s t ­
schaffens. Er v e r m i t t e l t d a r ü b e r hinaus w i c h t i g e A u f s c h l ü s s e über
die religiösen V e r h ä l t n i s s e i m Bereich der ä g y p t i s c h e n G r a b k u n s t w ä h ­
r e n d der relativ langen Ü b e r g a n g s p h a s e v o n der paganen zur frühchrist­
lichen Periode.
37
Frankfurt am Main
G E R M A N Y
167
168
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Anmerkungen
1
I n v . 8 2 . A I . 7 6 ; W . B r a s h e a r , " A B y z a n t i n e Sale
o f L a n d , " / . Paul Getty
Museum
I I
11
Journal
D i e P o r t r a t m u m i e n s t e h e n i n der T r a d i t i o n der
p h a r a o n i s c h e n a n t h r o p o i d e n (besser: o s i r i s f o r -
( 1 9 8 3 ) : 1 6 1 - 6 8 . A b b . 1. 2. Das anpassende
m i g e n ) Sarge. Sie s i n d a u f dieser Weise m i t der
F r a g m e n t b e f i n d e t s i c h als T e i l der S c h e n k u n g
paganen Osirisreligion unmittelbar verkniipft.
Kiseleff i n W i i r z b u r g , M a r t i n v o n WagnerM u s e u m I n v . K 1 0 2 2 . D i e U r k u n d e ist 4 7 4
12
n.Chr. datiert.
Inv. E 2 2 3 0 9 (ehemals M u s e e G u i m e t Inv.
4 8 1 0 ) ; 2 9 , 5 X 4 2 , 0 c m ; G . G r i m m , Die
mischen
2
I n v . 8 2 . A P . 7 5 ; The /. Paul Getty
Handbook
of the Collections
Museum,
( M a l i b u 1986
1 9 8 8 ) , 55 m i t A b b . ( n i c h t i n der
onore
di A. Adriani,
Studi
miscellanei
1 A ; ders., i n The
Ritratti
di studio
2 0 0 3 , A b b . a u f S. 2 0 0 5 o b e n , s.v.
= Repertorio
d'arte
Serie B , v o l . 3 ( R o m
greco-romano,
1 9 8 0 ) , 4 9 , N r . 6 0 1 , Taf. 1 4 3 . 1 .
in
=
28 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 1 5 , 1 2 5 f . A b b .
I3
I n v . J E 6 8 8 2 5 ; P a r l a s c a , Mumienportrats
(a.O.
A n m . 6 ) , 2 1 1 , T a f . 5 3 . 4 ; N . P. S e v c e n k o , i n K .
(1991),
Encyclopedia
di mummie
delVEgitto
R o m , 2 6 - 2 7 N o v . 1984
Coptic
ro­
(Wies­
aus Agypten
baden 1 9 7 4 ) , 125, Taf. 1 0 9 . 1 ; K . Parlasca,
=
Neuauflage
v o n 1 9 9 2 ) . K . P a r l a s c a , i n Giornate
Mumienmasken
W e i t z m a n n , H r s g . , The Age of Spirituality,
Portraiture,
Aus-
stellungskatalog ( N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n
C o p t i c ( t h i r d a n d f o u r t h centuries).
M u s e u m o f A r t , 1 9 7 9 ) , 55 i f . , N r . 4 9 6 , A b b .
3
MafSe: L : 1,56 m ; H : 0 , 4 7 m ; B r . : 0 , 3 5 m . I n f o r m a t i o n e n iiber die Ergebnisse ihrer bisherigen,
intensiven Untersuchungen
14
N a c h einem U . H a u s m a n n verdankten Hinweis;
D . K i e n a s t , Augustus
und konservatori-
Princeps
und
Monarch
( D a r m s t a d t 1 9 8 2 ) , 6 4 , 4 5 1 A n m . 7 2 ( z u Cas-
schen M a E n a h m e n v e r d a n k e i c h M a y a E l s t o n .
sius D i o 5-1.16.5).
4
Diesen V o r s c h l a g m a c h t e Prof. D i a n a D e l i a
w a h r e n d der D i s k u s s i o n i m AnschlufS a n m e i n e n
15
I n v . J E 5 6 2 2 8 ; P a r l a s c a , i n Giornate
(a.O.
A n m . 2), 125, A b b . 12, 13.
V o r t r a g . E i n e n verschriebenen(P) V a t e r s n a m e n
erwog auch G. W . Bowersock i n einem personlichen Gesprach.
5
B . B . S h e f t o n , i n Annates
Arahes
Syrienne
Archeologiques
2 1 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : i n , Taf.
16
Inv. 16-83; ebendort 1 2 4 ^ , A b b . 10, 1 1 .
17
T h . K l a u s e r , i n Jahrbuch
fiir Antike
und
Chri-
1 (1958): 2 i f f . ; L . Eizenhofer, ebenda,
stentum
22.9-n.
3 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 5 i f f . ; ders., e b e n d a , 6 ( 1 9 6 3 ) : i 7 3 f .
6
K . P a r l a s c a , Mumienportrats
Denkmaler
und
verwandte
18
(Wiesbaden 1966), 144 ( m i t
F. P r e i s i g k e , Namenbuch
chischen
Nachweisen).
griechischen
7
enthaltend
. . . Menschennamen,
Urkunden
alle
soweit
. . . Agyptens
grie-
sie in
sich
vor-
Phoebe A . Hearst M u s e u m of A n t h r o p o l o g y
finden
( H e i d e l b e r g 1 9 2 2 ) , Sp. 2 6 ; T h . H o p f n e r ,
I n v . 6 - 2 0 5 4 8 ; M a E e : 2 2 , 7 X 18 c m ; L a n g e des
Archiv
Orientdlni
G r i f f s : 6 3 , 5 c m . G r a b u n g B . P. G r e n f e l l u n d
cyclopedia,
A . S. H u n t 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 0 0 ; u n p u b l i z i e r t . P h o t o
Les
und Publikationserlaubnis verdanke ich Frank
weiteren
15 ( 1 9 4 3 ) : 8; The
Coptic
En­
Band 1 (1991), 113; G. Wagner,
Oasis
d'Egypte
( K a i r o 1987), 7of., 229 m i t
Nachweisen.
A. Norick.
19
K . Parlasca, i n Roma
classica,
8
Handbook
(a.O. A n m . 2), 55.
9
N a c h einem H i n w e i s , den ich E. R. Knauer
265ff., A b b .
( P h i l a d e l p h i a ) v e r d a n k e , die d e n "sleeved c o a t "
20
e VEgitto
nelVanticbita
K a i r o 6 - 9 Feb. 1 9 8 9 ( R o m 1 9 9 2 ) ,
n-15.
Parlasca, Mumienportrats
(a.O. A n m . 6), 144
u n d verwandte Trachten u n d deren langjahrige
m i t H i n w e i s a u f K . F r i i s J o h a n s e n , The
Geschichte eingehend analysiert hat i n
Grave-Reliefs
tion
Expedi­
romischen
Welt,
und Niedergang
Period
Attic
(Kopen-
hagen 1951), 85.
21.1 (Fall 1978): 1 8 - 3 6 , sowie i n H . Tem-
p o r i n i , e d . , Aufstieg
of the Classical
der
Band 12.2 (Berlin 1985),
21
A u k t i o n s k a t a l o g Sotheby-Parke Bernet, N e w
Y o r k , N r . 3753, 2 M a i 1975, N r . 58, A b b .
578-741.
(57,2. X 4 1 , 9 c m ) .
10
Parlasca ( a . O . A n m . 6 ) , 2 2 1 , N r . 4 7 ; 2 2 3 ,
N r . 6 1 ( B e i t r a g e v o n W . de G r i i n e i s e n ) .
22
H . W r e d e , Consecratio
in formam
deorum
Parlasca
37
(Berlin 1 9 8 1 ) , 32!., 36, 621., N r . 179, Taf.
2 4 . 1 ; K . P a r l a s c a , i n Ägypten:
del
Dauer
und
Wan-
( M a i n z 1 9 8 5 ) , i o i f . (jeweils m i t weiterer
D i e religionsgeschichtliche Forschung über diesen P r o b l e m k r e i s b a s i e r t so g u t w i e a u s s c h l i e ß lich auf papyrologischen u n d literarischen
Literatur).
Quellen. Die spärliche archäologische Über-
I n v . 7 2 . 6 0 , 37,5 X 3 1 c m ; B . V . B o t h m e r , i n The
V g l . zuletzt Ewa Wipszycka, " L a christianisa-
lieferung bleibt weitgehend
23
Brooklyn
Museum
Annual
1972-1973:
Report,
t i o n de l ' E g y p t e a u x i v - v i
e
verdankten Photographie m i t freundlicher
1 1 7 - 6 5 ; R . S. B a g n a l l , " C o m b a t o u v i d e :
Genehmigung v o n R. Fazzini.
C h r i s t i a n i s m e et p a g a n i s m e d a n s l ' E g y p t e r o -
M . Schede, Griechische
Antikenmuseums
und römische
couche
dans
du vn
au iv
e
le Proche-Orient
e
siede
avant
Skulptur
(Berlin 1928),
(Istanbul)
3f., T a f . 5; J . - M D e n t z e r , La Motif
du
banquet
et le monde
J.-C.
grec
( R o m 1982),
605, N r . R 316, A b b . 565.
D i e E r s t v e r w e n d u n g d e r B r e t t e r ist z w i s c h e n 9 5
vor u n d 50 n . C h r . datierbar. Jerry Podany i n formierte m i c h freundlicherweise darüber,
daß
e r g ä n z e n d e C-1:4-Analysen, besonders v o n den
angeblichen Beifunden, geplant sind.
26
s.O. A n m . 1 .
27
H . D r e r u p , Die Datierung
der
Mumienporträts
(Paderborn 1933; N e u d r u c k 1968), 24, 43$.
28
29
G r i m m (a.O. A n m . 12), 106.
D . L . T h o m p s o n , North
Art
Bulletin
Mummy
Carolina
Museum
of
1 4 . 2 - 3 ( 1 9 8 0 ) : 7, 1 4 ; ders.
Portraits
in the } . Paul Getty
Museum
( M a l i b u 1982), 10.
30
P a r l a s c a , Mumienporträts
31
D r e r u p (a.O. A n m . 27).
32
I n v . 7 9 . A P . 1 4 2 ; T h o m p s o n , Mummy
(a.O. A n m . 6), 2oof.
Portraits
( a . O . A n m . 2 9 ) , 5 7 , 6 6 , N r . 1 1 , F a r b t a f e l a u f S.
56.
33
I n v . 1 9 0 2 . 7 0 ; Parlasca ( a . O . A n m . 6 ) , 25;,
Farbtafel G.
34
I n v . A N E 1 6 3 0 ; P a r l a s c a , Ritratti
di
mummie
( a . O . A n m . 1 2 ) , 111, 6 6 , N r . 6 7 1 , T a f . 1 5 8 . 3 .
Das andere Porträt w i r d i m B a n d 4 meiner Pub l i k a t i o n vorgelegt.
35
Inv. 79.AP.129; D r e r u p (a.O. A n m . 27), 47f.,
6 6 , N r . 3 4 , Taf. 2 0 b ; T h o m p s o n ( a . O . A n m .
2 9 ) , 5 8 f 6 7 , N r . 1 2 , T a f . a u f S. 5 9 .
36
siècles: Aspects
s o c i a u x et e t h n i q u e s , " Aegyptus
des
25
e
1 1 , m i t A b b . H i e r n a c h einer B . V . B o t h m e r
m a i n e t a r d i v e , " Ktema
24
unberücksichtigt.
I n v . X 4 3 2 ; M . Z a l o s c e r , Porträts
Wüstensand
aus
dem
( W i e n 1 9 6 1 ) , 30, 67, Taf. 4 7 :
"typisch . . . Sonntagsmalerei"
(sie!).
68 ( 1 9 8 8 ) :
13 ( 1 9 8 8 ) [ 1 9 9 2 ] :
2 8 5 - 9 6 (jeweils m i t älterer L i t e r a t u r ) .
169
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171
Roots and Contacts:
Aspects of Alexandrian Craftsmanship
Michael
Pfrommer
Shortly after the m i d d l e of the t h i r d c e n t u r y a s m a l l sanctuary located
i n a fortress i n the eastern p a r t o f the D e l t a close t o the m o d e r n village
T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s , b u r n t d o w n t o ashes, b u r y i n g the s m a l l treasure of
the sanctuary. O b v i o u s l y n o b o d y survived t o r e p o r t o n the b u r i e d h o a r d ,
a n d t h a t can mean o n l y t h a t the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the f o r t i f i c a t i o n a n d sanc­
t u a r y was n o t caused by accident b u t by w a r or local s e d i t i o n .
T h e fortress seems t o have belonged t o the eastern D e l t a
fortifications o f the first Ptolemy, f o u n d e d already before 3 1 6 B . C . under
the n o m i n a l patronage of P h i l i p A r r h i d a i o s . T h e d a t i n g o f the f o u n d a ­
1
t i o n a n d the disaster are fairly w e l l fixed by a huge sequence o f c o i n s .
2
To establish a h i s t o r i c a l b a c k g r o u n d f o r the d e s t r u c t i o n , i t
is interesting t o keep i n m i n d the g e o p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n of the years i n
question. I n 246 B . C . the Seleucid A n t i o c h o s 11 Theos was m a r r i e d
t o Berenike Syra, the sister of the t h i r d Ptolemy. W h e n A n t i o c h o s d i e d at
Ephesos under obscure circumstances t h a t same year, his d i v o r c e d w i f e
L a o d i k e c l a i m e d the t h r o n e f o r her sons, whereas P t o l e m y 111 Euergetes
t r i e d t o preserve the rights of his sister Berenike Syra a n d her i n f a n t son.
T h e y o u n g Ptolemy, himself just e n t h r o n e d a few m o n t h s earlier, led his
armies against Seleucid Syria t o rescue his sister, w h o was besieged i n
A n t i o c h i a . B u t he a r r i v e d t o o late. B o t h m o t h e r a n d son h a d already
been m u r d e r e d by members o f Laodike's entourage.
C o n d e m n i n g this ruthless c r i m e , the cities o f Asia w e n t over
t o Euergetes, w h o at the same t i m e regained p o w e r over the coastal re­
gions of Asia M i n o r a n d Thrace. I n a d d i t i o n , o n the famous i n s c r i p ­
t i o n at A d u l i s P t o l e m y i n Euergetes c l a i m e d p o w e r over a l m o s t a l l the
M i d d l e East, f r o m the M e d i t e r r a n e a n t o the borders o f I n d i a . As Justi3
nus stated, w i t h o u t sedition i n E g y p t itself, Euergetes w o u l d have c o n ­
quered a l l A s i a . Because o f the s e d i t i o n , however, the y o u n g k i n g was
4
forced h o m e i n 2 4 4 . W i t h his sister dead and her c h i l d m u r d e r e d , his
c l a i m t o the Seleucid t h r o n e a n d his p o w e r over the t e r r i t o r i e s o f the
M i d d l e East were ephemeral a n d i n the end r e m a i n e d just c o u r t
fiction.
B u t he firmly c o n t r o l l e d the coasts of Asia M i n o r a n d the Aegean, a n d
consequently the regnal years of the t h i r d Ptolemy, between 2 4 6 a n d
2 2 2 / 2 2 1 , m u s t be considered the c l i m a x o f Ptolemaic p o w e r .
172
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIGS,
la, b
Sketch of t w o incense burners,
from T u k h el-Quarmous. a: Cairo,
The Egyptian Museum J E 38089/
90; b: Cairo, The Egyptian M u ­
seum J E 38088/91. Drawings by
the author.
b
a
T h e w a r is called the W a r of L a o d i k e , o r the T h i r d Syrian
W a r , a n d i t is i n the w a k e o f the l o c a l uproars i n Egypt t h a t we m a y
place the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the sanctuary a n d fortress of T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s .
T h e treasure r e m a i n e d u n t o u c h e d u n t i l 1 9 0 5 , w h e n the leg o f a d o n k e y
b r o k e i n t o the cavern w h e r e the treasure was h i d d e n , a n d the m o d e r n
h i s t o r y o f o u r h o a r d started.
5
A m o n g the vessels a n d j e w e l r y unearthed by the animal's
l u c k y o w n e r a n d by the subsequent excavations o f the E g y p t i a n Archae­
o l o g i c a l Service, t w o t h y m i a t e r i a , o r incense burners, c o r r o b o r a t e the
FIG.
sacred c o n n o t a t i o n o f o u r h o a r d (figs, i a , b ) . T h e type p r o p e r was
6
o r i g i n a l l y derived f r o m o r i e n t a l p r o t o t y p e s , b u t by the early Hellenistic
Cairo, The Egyptian Museum
p e r i o d t h y m i a t e r i a h a d l o n g become an i n t e g r a l class o f the Greek reper­
t o i r e . T h e p a i r f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s belongs t o t w o different phases
7
8
the other (fig. i b ) , w i t h o u t the r o u n d e d b o w l , m u s t be considered a t r a n ­
s i t i o n a l shape, m e d i a t i n g between the earlier examples a n d the types of
the second h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y .
9
F r o m the v i e w p o i n t o f Greek t y p o l o g y , these incense burners
p r o v i d e n o difficulties. W h e n we shift o u r a t t e n t i o n t o the decorative ele­
ments o f the second t h y m i a t e r i o n (fig. i b ) , however, an entirely different
o b s e r v a t i o n emerges. Its spherical l i d is decorated w i t h three tiered
friezes a n d a s m a l l E g y p t i a n leaf c a l y x o n t o p (fig. 2). Just b e l o w runs a
n a r r o w frieze o f lotus flowers a n d t i g h t l y b o u n d palmettes (see fig. 3 b ) ,
w h i c h c a n n o t hide its A c h a e m e n i d ancestors (figs. 3a, c, d ) .
1 0
A l t h o u g h o u r craftsman compressed his N e a r Eastern p r o t o ­
type considerably, he was entirely aware of the A c h a e m e n i d system, a n d
o n l y m i n i m a l changes give away the later c r e a t i o n . T h e s o m e w h a t ser-
J E 3 8 0 9 1 . Photo by D . Johannes,
courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg.
F12605.
of t y p o l o g i c a l development. T h e older (fig. i a ) f o l l o w s late Classical
p r o t o t y p e s represented, f o r example, by an incense burner f r o m C u m a e ;
2
L i d of incense burner, fig. i b .
Pfrommer
FIGS.
3a-d
a: Architectural decoration from
Susa; b: Sketch of the lotus frieze
on the l i d of the incense burner,
a
b
fig. 2; c: Frieze on an Achaemenid
amphora-rhyton f r o m Kukova
M o g i l a (Thrace), Sofia, Archaeo­
logical M u s e u m 2; d: Frieze on an
Achaemenid r h y t o n , N e w York,
N o r b e r t Schimmel collection.
Drawings by the author.
d
c
FIGS.
4a, b
a: Tendril on the base of the
a
incense burner, fig. i b ; b: Tentative
correction according to Greek
standards. Drawings by the
author.
b
rated leaves o f the base calyxes o f the lotus flowers recall Greek lotus
types, a n d the l i t t l e bars beneath the flowers can o n l y be seen under the
l i t t l e "palmettes."
11
T h e craftsman even q u o t e d f r o m the " o r i e n t a l o r i g i ­
n a l " the t i n y decorative elements i n the interstices b e l o w the basic semiarches o f the f r i e z e .
12
T h e f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h A c h a e m e n i d t r a d i t i o n s is further d o c u ­
m e n t e d by the frieze o f s t r i d i n g lion-griffins. O n l y the heads t u r n e d en
face t o w a r d the v i s i t o r seem t o be a t r i b u t e t o the conventions o f Greek
art. T h e Bes masks i n perfect E g y p t i a n style i n the m i d d l e frieze are n o
surprise, given the provenance o f o u r vessel.
O u r s i l v e r s m i t h o b v i o u s l y h a d n o difficulties i n mastering the
n o n - E g y p t i a n type o f the incense burner, b u t the t e n d r i l o n the base o f
the vessel (fig. 4a) clearly betrays the craftsman as a n o n - G r e e k native.
Figure 4 b provides a tentative " c o r r e c t i o n " of the artist's atrocious " m i s ­
s p e l l i n g " o f Greek decorative f o r m s .
13
T h i s insufficient f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h Greek standards n o t o n l y re­
veals the craftsman's n o n - G r e e k ethnikon,
i t also demonstrates t h a t even
i n the early Ptolemaic p e r i o d the b l e n d o f cultures was far f r o m perfect.
T h e Greek vessel shape was a d o p t e d , b u t the h a n d l i n g o f Greek decora­
tive elements is still d i s a p p o i n t i n g i n n o n - G r e e k ateliers. G i v e n the early
Hellenistic date o f the treasure a n d t h y m i a t e r i o n , i t is s u r p r i s i n g t h a t o u r
craftsman h a d o n l y m i n o r difficulty i n h a n d l i n g the decorative repertoire
of the collapsed A c h a e m e n i d empire, a r e a l m t h a t i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y
d o m i n a t e d E g y p t o n l y f o r a few years under A r t a x e r x e s i n .
173
174
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Pfrommer
T h i s s t r o n g affiliation t o A c h a e m e n i d standards is n o t u n i q u e
t o T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s . I f one lists, f o r e x a m p l e , the d r i n k i n g vessels o f
o u r treasure a n d parallels t h e m w i t h vessels f o u n d i n a n A c h a e m e n i d
necropolis at Deve H i i y i i k i n n o r t h e r n Syria, a cemetery o f the fifth a n d
early f o u r t h centuries at the latest, w e encounter a n a s t o u n d i n g situa­
t i o n : f o r a l m o s t a l l the d r i n k i n g vessels f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s w e can
FIG. 5
q u o t e A c h a e m e n i d - N e a r Eastern c o u n t e r p a r t s (fig. 5 ) .
Vessel shapes represented i n T u k h
ical angle the w h o l e set f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s belongs t o the category
el-Quarmous (left) compared w i t h
vessels from the n o r t h Syrian
1 4
From a typolog­
of " a c h a e m e n i z i n g " silver. Greek f o r m s are a l m o s t entirely absent. A n d
necropolis of Deve H i i y i i k (right).
a l l this i n a sanctuary t h a t belonged i n its e n t i r e t y t o the early Ptolemaic
Drawings by the author.
p e r i o d . Even i f w e exclude some p r e - H e l l e n i s t i c vessels f r o m T u k h elQ u a r m o u s , the p i c t u r e does n o t change c o n s i d e r a b l y .
15
T h e s i t u a t i o n is s t r o n g l y reminiscent o f the famous w o r k s h o p
representations o n the reliefs f r o m the t o m b o f Petosiris at T u n a el-Gebel
(see K o z l o f f fig. 7 b e l o w ) .
1 6
D e p i c t e d is an E g y p t i a n atelier w i t h E g y p t i a n
craftsmen w h o are m a n u f a c t u r i n g vessels o f a basically N e a r Eastern
type: A c h a e m e n i d deep c u p s ,
17
phialai w i t h flaring rims, rhyta w i t h p r o -
tomes o f lion-griffins a n d , last b u t n o t least, an incense b u r n e r t h a t can
easily be c o m p a r e d w i t h the t y p o l o g i c a l l y less advanced t h y m i a t e r i o n
f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s . Even the Petosiris r h y t a find a t y p o l o g i c a l
c o u n t e r p a r t i n the famous griffin r h y t o n f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s (see
K o z l o f f fig. 6 b e l o w ) .
1 8
A l t h o u g h here, i n contrast t o the Petosiris situa­
t i o n , the griffin is entirely Greek i n style, the A c h a e m e n i d t r a d i t i o n s s t i l l
s h o w i n the h o r i z o n t a l l y fluted h o r n o f the vessel.
T h e o n l y possible c o n c l u s i o n is t h a t one b r a n c h o f native
E g y p t i a n crafts o f the early Ptolemaic p e r i o d was still s t r o n g l y influenced
by the repertoire o f the f o r m e r A c h a e m e n i d e m p i r e . T h i s was o b v i o u s l y
the case n o t o n l y i n p r o v i n c i a l ateliers b u t even i n w o r k s h o p s i n the
v i c i n i t y o f the o l d E g y p t i a n centers. These achaemenizing tendencies can
be encountered already i n E g y p t i a n treasures o f the later fifth a n d the
first h a l f o f the f o u r t h c e n t u r i e s .
19
Greek influences were r i s i n g , however, as the a d o p t i o n o f the
Greek type o f t h y m i a t e r i o n o r the griffin r h y t o n f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s
demonstrates, b u t i f w e were t o speak o f a Greek d o m i n a t i o n over native
ateliers, we w o u l d be entirely m i s t a k i n g the s i t u a t i o n . W h a t w e are a c t u ­
ally e n c o u n t e r i n g is a slow, a l m o s t shy convergence o f t w o cultures; the
o l d , p r e - H e l l e n i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s were still s t r o n g l y alive.
A r e w e justified i n t r a n s f e r r i n g the p i c t u r e " T u k h elQ u a r m o u s / P e t o s i r i s " t o a l l Ptolemaic ateliers o f the late f o u r t h a n d t h i r d
centuries? C e r t a i n l y n o t . L e t us glance briefly at M e m p h i s , the o l d c a p i ­
t a l , w h i c h o r i g i n a l l y housed the t o m b o f A l e x a n d e r the Great. T h e plas­
ter casts o f ancient m e t a l w a r e a n d models o f helmets f o u n d at m o d e r n
M i t R a h i n e shed a n entirely different l i g h t o n Ptolemaic craftsmanship o f
175
176
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
6
Plaster cast of tendril decoration
on a helmet from M e m p h i s .
Hildesheim, Pelizaeusmuseum
H46a-f.
FIG.
7
Wall painting of a tendril from
a Thracian tomb, Kasanlak,
Bulgaria. D r a w i n g by the author.
the t h i r d a n d earlier second c e n t u r i e s .
20
T h e y are a l m o s t entirely Greek
i n style a n d o f the best q u a l i t y , a n d they cover even figural art, n o t o n l y
o r n a m e n t s . Interestingly e n o u g h , a c e r t a i n A c h a e m e n i d influence is nev­
ertheless d o c u m e n t e d i n an u n m i s t a k a b l e preference f o r b u d d e d plates,
a tendency otherwise h a r d l y traceable a m o n g H e l l e n i s t i c m e t a l w a r e .
21
22
Considerable numbers o f the M e m p h i s casts a n d models were
c o n t r i v e d as d e c o r a t i o n f o r w e a p o n r y . T h e I t a l i a n i z i n g t e n d r i l d e c o r a t i o n
of a helmet (fig. 6) illustrates the s t r o n g affiliations of this Ptolemaic ate­
lier t o M a c e d o n i a n t r a d i t i o n s . T h e o r i g i n a l l y South I t a l i a n s p i r a l - t e n d r i l
23
was a d o p t e d by M a c e d o n i a n ateliers i n the second h a l f o f the f o u r t h
c e n t u r y a n d is subsequently traceable even i n M a c e d o n i a n - i n f l u e n c e d
T h r a c e , as is d o c u m e n t e d by the w a l l paintings o f the famous T h r a c i a n
t o m b at K a s a n l a k i n B u l g a r i a (fig. 7 ) .
2 4
As models f o r helmets f r o m
Pfrommer
FIG.
8
Decoration of a shield model, said
to be f r o m M e m p h i s . Limestone.
M e m p h i s show, the s i m i l a r i t y o f o u r t e n d r i l t o decorations f r o m the
M a c e d o n i a n sphere is n o t u n i q u e i n Ptolemaic E g y p t .
25
D i a m . : 64 cm. Ca. 150 b . c .
T h i s decorative axis " M a c e d o n i a - E g y p t " can h a r d l y be a
Amsterdam, A l l a r d Pierson
surprise i n a c o u n t r y such as Ptolemaic E g y p t , whose kings n o t o n l y
Museum 7879.
were M a c e d o n i a n s by descent b u t even c l a i m e d A l e x a n d e r the Great
as ancestor o f t h e i r d y n a s t y .
26
I n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h this " M a c e d o n i a n ten­
d e n c y " o n the M e m p h i s w e a p o n r y , a t t e n t i o n s h o u l d be d r a w n t o the
m o d e l o f a " M a c e d o n i a n s h i e l d " w i t h the i n s c r i p t i o n " P t o l e m a i o u "
a r o u n d the c e n t r a l g o r g o n e i o n (fig. 8 ) ,
2 7
a n d i t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t
under the f o u r t h Ptolemy, native Egyptians were t r a i n e d f o r the first t i m e
i n a specifically M a c e d o n i a n m a n n e r f o r the famous Battle o f R a p h i a
against A n t i o c h o s the G r e a t .
28
These M a c e d o n i a n affiliations were by n o means l i m i t e d t o
weapons o r m i n o r arts; they can be f o u n d even i n Ptolemaic architec­
t u r e . A l t h o u g h the A u g u s t a n a u t h o r Strabo i n f o r m s us t h a t the Basileia,
the palace quarter, covered a q u a r t e r o r perhaps even a t h i r d o f A l e x a n ­
d r i a a n d t h a t each P t o l e m y erected his o w n palace i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h
177
178
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
9
Reconstruction of the facades of
the thalamegos,
the l u x u r y yacht
of Ptolemy i v . D r a w i n g by the
author.
FIG.
10
Reconstruction of the temple of
Aphrodite on the second floor of
the thalamegos.
author.
D r a w i n g by the
Pfrommer
FIG.
I I
Tendril decoration on a hydria,
from Shatby. Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m 10433. D r a w i n g
by the author.
the b u i l d i n g s of his predecessors,
29
l i t t l e is actually k n o w n a b o u t Ptole­
maic p a l a t i a l architecture. A n e x c e p t i o n , however, is the extensive de­
s c r i p t i o n by K a l l i x e i n o s o f Rhodes of the famous r i v e r b o a t o f P t o l e m y i v
P h i l o p a t o r : the thalamegos
(figs. 9, 1 0 ) .
30
As the name a n d o u r ancient source reveal, the
thalamegos
was a floating palace, quite u n l i k e any other ship. A t t e n t i o n s h o u l d be
d r a w n t o the facade a n d its a r c h i t e c t u r a l structure (fig. 9 ) . O u r ancient
source describes the facade o f the thalamegos
as c o l o n n a d e d o n the
g r o u n d level b u t w i t h a closed upper storey (krypton).
There we find
w i n d o w s over a balustrade. T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n caused some p r o b l e m s i n
the past, b u t today, w i t h M a c e d o n i a n architecture unearthed, i t provides
l i t t l e difficulty. T h e entirely n o n - G r e e k appearance o f the w i n d o w e d u p ­
per floor w i t h its " M a c e d o n i a n ledge" resembles at first glance the fa­
m o u s M a c e d o n i a n t o m b of L e f k a d i a a n d related facades.
the a r c h i t e c t u r a l order o f the thalamegos,
31
I f we c o m p a r e
there can be n o d o u b t t h a t the
concept o f the facade is closely connected t o M a c e d o n i a n p r o t o t y p e s .
T h e i n t e r i o r o f the yacht, however, provides m u c h m o r e t h a n
just an equivalent o f a M a c e d o n i a n palace. K a l l i x e i n o s m e n t i o n s a l i t t l e
t h o l o i d temple o f A p h r o d i t e o n the upper floor, f r a m e d by t w o d i n i n g
r o o m s (fig. 1 0 ) .
32
T h e real i m p l i c a t i o n s o f this strange concept are missed
unless one k n o w s t h a t A p h r o d i t e - I s i s was the i m m o r t a l equivalent o f the
m o s t famous Ptolemaic queens, f r o m A r s i n o e 11 d o w n t o Cleopatra v n .
3 3
W i t h this temple we suddenly enter the field o f Ptolemaic dynastic cults,
w h i c h is essentially so u n l i k e M a c e d o n i a n c o n c e p t s .
thalamegos,
34
I n the case o f the
the M a c e d o n i a n - t y p e facade is n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a M a c e ­
d o n i a n shell. B u t the a r c h i t e c t u r a l language o f the facade was neverthe­
less very clear, a n d t h a t means i n o u r case basically M a c e d o n i a n .
W i t h this b a c k g r o u n d , i t c a n n o t be s u r p r i s i n g that o u r M a c e ­
d o n i a n t e n d r i l decorations were n o t l i m i t e d t o weapons o r architec­
ture.
35
Reference s h o u l d be made t o an u n p u b l i s h e d scroll o n a ceramic
h y d r i a f r o m the A l e x a n d r i a n necropolis of Shatby (fig. n ) .
3 6
T h e rather
squat type o f vessel recalls h y d r i a i of the fifth or earlier f o u r t h c e n t u r y ,
37
b u t the t i n y t e n d r i l d e c o r a t i o n o f a l m o s t extravagant elegance proves its
early H e l l e n i s t i c date. T h e three-dimensional spirals are closely c o n ­
nected t o the scrolls m e n t i o n e d above f r o m M i t Rahine a n d K a s a n l a k
(see figs. 6, 7 ) .
I n the c o n t e x t o f o u r i t a l i a n i z i n g M a c e d o n i a n t e n d r i l s , atten­
t i o n s h o u l d be d r a w n t o Ptolemaic w o o d e n sarcophagi a n d t h e i r scroll
d e c o r a t i o n . A g a i n we are c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the question o f w h e t h e r they
s h o w M a c e d o n i a n influence o r direct South I t a l i a n c o n t a c t s .
38
T h e ques-
179
180
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
t i o n is h a r d t o answer, as the details a l l o w n o clear-cut conclusions at
FIG.
the m o m e n t , b u t i t s h o u l d be k e p t i n m i n d t h a t A l e x a n d r i a is still o u r
Gnathia imitation pottery, said to
m a j o r source o f I t a l i a n G n a t h i a p o t t e r y i n the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n .
12
be from Crete. Germany, private
39
collection. Photo courtesy of the
I n v i e w o f t h i s , direct South I t a l i a n influences can be r u l e d o u t o n l y i n the
case of i t a l i a n i z i n g decorations w i t h e x p l i c i t l y M a c e d o n i a n references.
owner.
FIG.
I n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h G n a t h i a i m p o r t s , t w o p o i n t s deserve fur­
13
Gnathia imitation pottery, said to
ther c l a r i f i c a t i o n . First, a l t h o u g h dozens o f fragments are k n o w n f r o m
be from Crete. Germany, private
A l e x a n d r i a , G n a t h i a p o t t e r y a n d related vessels f o r m just a s m a l l m i n o r ­
collection. Photo courtesy of the
i t y o f A l e x a n d r i a n p o t t e r y . Second, at least some o f the A l e x a n d r i a n
G n a t h i a m i g h t w e l l a c t u a l l y be A l e x a n d r i a n i m i t a t i o n s a n d n o t i m p o r t s .
4 0
T h e last p o i n t is clearly i l l u s t r a t e d by m a t e r i a l f r o m a C r e t a n t o m b
g r o u p (figs. 12, i 3 ) .
4 1
Some of the vessels quote f a m i l i a r G n a t h i a m o t i f s ,
b u t the d e c o r a t i o n a n d the fabric speak i n favor o f l o c a l C r e t a n o r per­
haps even A l e x a n d r i a n potters a n d s t r o n g l y against any South I t a l i a n at­
t r i b u t i o n . I n the case o f a h i g h skyphos (fig. 12), the spray o f m y r t l e
beneath the r i m is clearly derived f r o m the G n a t h i a repertoire, b u t the
rose blossom finds analogies i n Crete itself a n d o n a H a d r a h y d r i a .
4 2
The
pigeon-and-flower frieze (fig. 13) o f a squat skyphos, however, is best
represented a m o n g A l e x a n d r i a n G n a t h i a fragments f r o m Shatby.
43
In
c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the A l e x a n d r i a n m a t e r i a l , the e x e c u t i o n seems some­
w h a t i n f e r i o r , a n d we m i g h t consequently see C r e t a n
"pseudo-Gnathia"
as an i n t e r m e d i a r y between m a t e r i a l f r o m South I t a l y a n d f r o m Ptole­
maic A l e x a n d r i a .
A glance at the d i s t r i b u t i o n of G n a t h i a a n d pseudo-Gnathia
i n the western M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o u l d be r e w a r d i n g . I n fact, the prove­
nances cover m o r e o r less the regions a n d t e r r i t o r i e s c o n t r o l l e d by the
Ptolemies i n the m i d d l e a n d the later h a l f o f the t h i r d century, m e n t i o n e d
i n the i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m A d u l i s n o t e d above (fig. 1 4 ) .
4 4
A l e x a n d r i a as a
G n a t h i a center has already been m e n t i o n e d . C y p r u s was firmly i n Ptole­
m a i c hands, a n d the Aegean was a Ptolemaic s t r o n g h o l d . Rhodes a n d
owner.
Pfrommer
FIG.
14
D i s t r i b u t i o n of Gnathia pottery
in the eastern Mediterranean.
A l e x a n d r i a h a d t r a d i t i o n a l l y close e c o n o m i c a f f i l i a t i o n s ,
45
a n d Crete,
whose eastern p a r t a r o u n d Itanos was under Ptolemaic c o n t r o l a n y w a y ,
/: territories conquered during the
m u s t be considered one o f the m a i n sources f o r Ptolemaic m e r c e n a r i e s .
T h i r d Syrian War; 2: territories
I t is thus h a r d l y i n d o u b t t h a t the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f G n a t h i a w a r e reflects
Ptolemy i n inherited from his
Ptolemaic e c o n o m i c connections a n d t h a t w e s h o u l d see G n a t h i a - t y p e
father; 3: fictitious domination
46
over Mesopotamia and farther
p o t t e r y i n the western M e d i t e r r a n e a n p r i m a r i l y u n d e r a Ptolemaic v i e w ­
east, based on the inscription
p o i n t . T h e e x a m p l e o f G n a t h i a w a r e illustrates the t r a n s i t i o n f r o m eco­
from Adulis. D r a w i n g by the
author.
n o m i c s t o artistic r e c e p t i o n . A l e x a n d r i a a n d Ptolemaic E g y p t seem t o
have been n o t o n l y a focus f o r commerce b u t also subsequently the
source o f l o c a l i m i t a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t s f o r m e r l y f o r e i g n t o the Ptolemaic
r e p e r t o i r e a n d as such i m p o r t e d i n t o E g y p t .
T h e achaemenizing tendencies o f the native E g y p t i a n reper­
t o i r e o f the early Ptolemaic p e r i o d a n d the M a c e d o n i a n a n d S o u t h I t a l ­
i a n connections give rise t o the q u e s t i o n o f w h a t was authentic i n the
Graeco-Ptolemaic r e p e r t o i r e . C a n Ptolemaic craftsmanship be regarded
o n l y as a heterogeneous b l e n d o f f o r e i g n influences?
To consider this p o i n t , let us r e t u r n t o T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s
a n d the jewelry o f this t r e a s u r e .
47
I n the case o f the jewelry, w e are deal-
181
182
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
i n g n o t w i t h p r o v i n c i a l w o r k s h o p s b u t w i t h p r o d u c t s f r o m t o p ateliers,
w o r k i n g i n an entirely Graeco-Hellenistic style. A snake bracelet, for ex­
ample, one o f the m a j o r types o f Hellenistic jewelry, reveals at first
glance the already f a m i l i a r similarities between E g y p t (fig. 1 5 a )
the M a c e d o n i a n sphere o f influence (fig. 1 5 b ) .
49
4 8
and
Snake-type j e w e l r y de­
a
veloped considerably over the generations a n d reached almost baroque
f o r m s w i t h v i v i d depictions o f c o i l e d animals i n the second century B.C.,
each object composed o f a single snake (figs. 15c, d ) .
5 0
T h i s one-snake concept seems t o be supplemented by Ptole­
m a i c ateliers w i t h a double-snake variety, w i t h a n i m a l heads at b o t h
ends. T h e E g y p t i a n a t t r i b u t i o n o f this type is suggested by a j e w e l r y
h o a r d f r o m E g y p t i a n B a l a m u n a n d by representations o n E g y p t i a n
m u m m y masks.
T h e date o f the B a l a m u n h o a r d is debated, b u t a H e l ­
51
b
lenistic date is argued f r o m the n o n i m p e r i a l t y p o l o g y a n d especially
f r o m the a d d i t i o n o f t y p i c a l l y Hellenistic Herakles k n o t s (fig.
I n contrast t o the single-snake types, double-snake
16).
52
examples
exist i n closed, r i g i d (see fig. 16) a n d flexible, open versions a n d v a r y
considerably i n design a n d e x e c u t i o n , leaving the d o u b l e - a n i m a l concept
as the p r i m e element o f c o m p a r i s o n . A rather closed, r i g i d v a r i a n t o f this
class belongs t o a b r i l l i a n t set o f Ptolemaic jewelry, w h i c h has recently
f o u n d its w a y i n t o the G e t t y collections (fig. 17), a g r o u p t h a t seems a l ­
m o s t t a i l o r - m a d e t o c o n f i r m m y recently questioned c h r o n o l o g y of H e l ­
lenistic j e w e l r y . I t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t as an aspect o f an authentic
53
Ptolemaic repertoire the set contains a pair o f one-snake bracelets fash­
i o n e d w i t h a j o i n t a n d differing i n t h a t detail f r o m the Greek k o i n e
types.
54
W i t h the double-snake concept, P t o l e m a i c - E g y p t i a n j e w e l r y de­
c
veloped an independent type, b u t this v a r i a n t is n o t represented u n t i l the
late t h i r d century.
T h i s g r o w i n g e m a n c i p a t i o n f r o m the early H e l l e n i s t i c M a c e d o n i a n repertoire is likewise d o c u m e n t e d by earrings w i t h ante­
lope heads f r o m the set o f j e w e l r y i n the G e t t y M u s e u m m e n t i o n e d
above (fig. 1 8 ) .
55
T h i s variety developed f r o m the M a c e d o n i a n lion's-
head earrings a n d was almost entirely absent i n the M a c e d o n i a n sphere.
As antelope-head earrings seem t o have been p a r t o f the treasure i n T u k h
e l - Q u a r m o u s , the emergence o f this v a r i a n t m a y have t a k e n place i n the
second quarter o f the t h i r d century, o r the m i d d l e o f t h a t century at the
latest.
56
T h e earrings are also, a l t h o u g h rarely, represented i n Syria, a n d
i t is t e m p t i n g t o consider t h e m p r i m a r i l y Ptolemaic i n type b u t o f course
not i n manufacture.
We can see clearly the rise of types favored i n Ptolemaic
E g y p t , a repertoire o f j e w e l r y t h a t emerged s l o w l y a r o u n d the m i d d l e of
the t h i r d century. W e can nevertheless expect i n Ptolemaic E g y p t the
presence a n d general k n o w l e d g e o f Hellenistic " k o i n e standards," a
p o i n t t h a t deserves n o further e l a b o r a t i o n i n a c o u n t r y devoted so exten­
sively t o i n t e r n a t i o n a l exchange a n d trade.
d
FIGS.
I 5a-d
a: Bracelet, from T u k h elQuarmous. Cairo, The Egyptian
Museum J E 38078; b: Bracelet,
from Kralevo, Bulgaria;
c, d: Bracelets, said to be from
Thessaly. Athens, N a t i o n a l
Museum. Drawings by the
author.
pfrommer
FIG.
I 6
Double-snake bracelet, bought i n
Balamun, Egypt. Silver. N e w York,
The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t
26.7.i4 36
FIG.
17
Double-snake bracelets. G o l d .
M a l i b u , The J. Paul Getty
Museum 92.AM.8.7.1-2.
FIG.
18
Antelope-head earrings. G o l d .
D i a m . : 2.0 c m . M a l i b u , The
J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 3 .
183
184
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
19
Antelope-head bracelet, said to
be from Egypt. Silver. Formerly
art market.
To w h a t extent, however, these k o i n e types s t o o d side by side
w i t h specific Ptolemaica is h a r d t o t e l l , because so l i t t l e datable m a t e r i a l
is k n o w n f o r the second a n d first centuries. O f interest is a s m a l l set o f
second-century silver t h a t appeared o n the art m a r k e t i n recent years a n d
t h a t , a c c o r d i n g t o reliable sources, was f o u n d i n E g y p t . A n antelopehead bracelet f r o m this h o a r d f o l l o w s a type already k n o w n i n Achae­
m e n i d times a n d is likewise w e l l represented a m o n g early H e l l e n i s t i c
j e w e l r y (fig. 1 9 ) .
5 7
A c c o r d i n g t o H e l l e n i s t i c conventions, the rather u n ­
usual preference o f silver, already encountered i n B a l a m u n , p o i n t s t o a
l o c a l atelier. T h i s a t t r i b u t i o n is c o r r o b o r a t e d by the incised a n d crosshatched " c u f f s " b e h i n d the a n i m a l s ' heads a n d the s i m i l a r l y incised,
large, t r i a n g u l a r tongues b e h i n d these c u f f s .
58
A m o n g Hellenistic jewelry
these elements are n o r m a l l y i n d i v i d u a l adjuncts, cut f r o m t h i n sheets o f
g o l d a n d soldered o n .
T h e h i g h l y stylized f o r m s o f the a n i m a l heads still recall
A c h a e m e n i d a n d early H e l l e n i s t i c conventions, b u t the heavy r i n g , a l ­
m o s t t w o centimeters i n diameter, speaks u n m i s t a k a b l y i n favor o f a
second-century d a t e .
59
T h e " h e a v y " variety of the antelope-head
lets is k n o w n f r o m a b r i l l i a n t fragment f r o m A s i a M i n o r ,
6 0
brace­
a comparison
t h a t underlines the p r o v i n c i a l i t y of o u r Ptolemaic example. T h e silver
bracelet also illustrates t h a t even p r o v i n c i a l Ptolemaic ateliers o f the sec­
o n d c e n t u r y n o t o n l y preserved o l d t r a d i t i o n s b u t adjusted t h e i r reper­
toires t o c o n f o r m t o c o n t e m p o r a r y standards.
To the same second-century h o a r d belongs an excellent h e m i ­
spherical silver cup w i t h parcel-gilt c a l y x d e c o r a t i o n (fig. 2 0 ) .
61
The
d e c o r a t i o n associates the cup w i t h silver a n d gold-glass vessels f r o m
E g y p t i a n F a i y u m a n d Canosa i n I t a l y .
62
T h e Faiyum-Canosa g r o u p c o n ­
tains f o u r silver examples o f t w o entirely different t e c h n i q u e s — l o w a n d
extremely h i g h r e l i e f — a n d n o less t h a n three exquisite gold-glass b o w l s .
Pfrommer
FIG.
20
Cup, said t o be f r o m Egypt.
Parcel-gilt silver. Formerly art
market.
O u r cup is the t h i r d f r o m E g y p t p r o p e r , a n d i t c o r r o b o r a t e s the Ptole­
m a i c a t t r i b u t i o n o f the w h o l e g r o u p .
T h e F a i y u m - C a n o s a g r o u p n o t o n l y underlines again the I t a l ­
i a n c o n n e c t i o n o f Ptolemaic e x p o r t s b u t is l i k e w i s e r e m a r k a b l e i n c o m ­
p a r i s o n w i t h silver f r o m the Seleucid sphere. Nevertheless, a l t h o u g h
several examples o f s i m i l a r calyxes are k n o w n f r o m Seleucid-influenced
t e r r i t o r i e s , n o precise p a r a l l e l f o r o u r c a l y x c o m p o s i t i o n can be c i t e d .
I f w e study the decorative l a y o u t o f the pieces i n the F a i y u m Canosa g r o u p , however, the basic o u t l i n e o f the leaf decorations is a l ­
m o s t i d e n t i c a l t h r o u g h o u t the g r o u p (fig. 2 1 ) .
6 3
V a r i a t i o n s are l i m i t e d t o
the differing flower types. D e p i c t i o n s have become standardized, a fea­
t u r e t h a t h a d always been t y p i c a l o f E g y p t i a n craftsmanship.
I n s u m m a r y , w e are d e a l i n g w i t h a r e m a r k a b l e c o m p l e x i t y o f
influences a n d tendencies i n Ptolemaic ateliers. First, there is a decisive
achaemenizing tendency, at least i n the earlier decades. Second, there is
a s t r o n g affiliation w i t h early H e l l e n i s t i c - M a c e d o n i a n tastes a n d t r a d i ­
FIG.
2 1
t i o n s . T h i r d , there is the slow, a l m o s t tentative emergence o f an au­
Leaf-calyx composition from
t h e n t i c Ptolemaic r e p e r t o i r e . A n d f o u r t h , there is a c e r t a i n desire f o r
t w o sandwich-glass bowls, from
clear-cut standards. T h a t this tendency t o w a r d s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n is, h o w ­
Canosa. L o n d o n , The British
M u s e u m 71.5-18.1/2. D r a w i n g
by the author.
ever, i n n o way c o m b i n e d w i t h a decline i n q u a l i t y is borne o u t n o t least
by the F a i y u m - C a n o s a g r o u p , w h i c h reveals glimpses o f the excellence
w e connect w i t h Ptolemaic E g y p t .
University of Trier
T R I E R ,
G E R M A N Y
185
186
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Notes
1
A faience p l a q u e b e a r i n g t h e n a m e o f P h i l i p A r -
T a r a n t o ( P f r o m m e r , Studien,
rhidaios was acquired d u r i n g the
K T 52, p l . 32).
E . N a v i l l e , Mound
i n Egypt
Onias,
Extra
Volume
excavations:
of the Jew and the City
Exploration
Fund,
Memoir,
2 9 , 5 5 , p i s . 8 B , 1 7 . 8 . M . P f r o m m e r , Studien
alexandt'inischer
und großgriechischer
frühhellenistischer
Zeit,
Studien),
10
F i g u r e 3 a h e r e , f r o m Susa: R . de
Mecquenem,
L . L e B r e t o n , a n d M . R u t t o n , Mémoire
zu
mission
Toreutik
archéologique
de la
30 (1947): 79,
en Iran
fig. 4 8 . F i g u r e 3c here is t a k e n f r o m a n A c h a e -
Archäologische For-
s c h u n g e n 16 ( B e r l i n 1 9 8 7 ) (hereafter
207,
of
jth
(London 1890), pp.
1888/1889
pp. 3 6 - 3 8 ,
menid amphora-rhyton from Kukova Mogila
Pfrommer,
( T h r a c e ) . Sofia, A r c h a e o l o g i c a l M u s e u m 2 :
pp. 1 4 8 - 4 9 . For a new reading of
M . P f r o m m e r , Archäologische
Mitteilungen
aus
t h e d e m o t i c i n s c r i p t i o n s o n t h e vessels, see
Iran
K . - T . Z a u z i c h , Enchoria
d e p i c t s t h e frieze o f a r h y t o n i n t h e N o r b e r t
21 (1994): 101-6.
23 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 1 9 3 - 9 6 , fig. 1 . 1 . F i g u r e 3 d h e r e
S c h i m m e l c o l l e c t i o n ( i b i d . , p . 193 n . 1 8 , fig.
2
F o r t h e c o i n h o a r d , see P f r o m m e r ,
1.2, w i t h refs.).
Studien,
p. 142 n. 925.
II
3
F o r G r e e k friezes w i t h these N e a r E a s t e r n
A d u l i s is l o c a t e d close t o S u a k i n o n t h e R e d
" b a r s , " see m y r e m a r k s i n Istanbuler
Sea. F o r t h e i n s c r i p t i o n , see E . B e v a n ,
gen 3 7 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 1 6 0 , p i s . 4 4 . 1 ; 4 5 . 1 ; 4 6 . 1 .
House
The
2 n d ed. (Chicago 1 9 6 8 ; i s t
of Ptolemy,
e d n . 1 9 2 7 ) , p p . 1 9 2 - 9 3 . P. M . Fraser,
maic
Ptole-
12
v o l . 1 ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) (here-
Alexandria,
For a Hellenized version of this c o m p o s i t i o n ,
see t w o p l a s t e r casts f r o m M e m p h i s / M i t
after Fraser, 1), p p . 2 0 3 , 2 0 8 ; v o l . 2 , p . 3 4 4 n .
Rahine. Hildesheim, Pelizaeusmuseum 1109;
1 0 6 ( w i t h refs.) (hereafter Fraser, 11).
1 1 1 0 : C . R e i n s b e r g , Studien
Toreutik,
4
zur
hellenistischen
Hildesheimer ägyptologische Beiträge
9 ( H i l d e s h e i m 1 9 8 0 ) (hereafter R e i n s b e r g ,
Justinus 27.1.5fr.
dien),
5
Mitteilun-
F o r t h e t r e a s u r e , see P f r o m m e r , Studien,
Stu-
p p . 3 0 6 - 7 , n o s . 2 6 , 2 7 , figs. 3 6 , 3 7 ( w i t h
a d a t i n g a r o u n d 3 4 0 / 3 3 0 , w h i c h is t o o e a r l y ) .
pp.
1 4 2 - 5 9 . F o r t h e j e w e l r y , see M . P f r o m m e r ,
Untersuchungen
zur Chronologie
hochhellenistischen
früh-
und
13
Istanbuler
Goldschmucks,
The type of tendril w i t h small semipalmettes i n
the interstices between the m a i n b o d y o f the
F o r s c h u n g e n 3 7 ( T ü b i n g e n 1 9 9 0 ) (hereafter
s c r o l l a n d t h e helices is o f t e n e n c o u n t e r e d i n
P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck),
r e d - f i g u r e d vase p a i n t i n g o f S o u t h I t a l y . See
p p . 2 0 8 - 9 , pis. 8 . 1 ,
2 ; 1 5 . i , 3; 1 9 . i , 2 ; 2 1 . 3 - 5 ; 2.3-1;
2
>
P. J a c o b s t h a l , Ornamente
8
( w i t h refs.).
griechischer
(Berlin 1 9 2 7 ) , pis. 108.b, m ,
Vasen
144.b ( A p u l i a n
amphora: Karlsruhe, M u s e u m 388; A p u l i a n
6
C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s e u m JE 3 8 0 8 9 / 9 0 : P f r o m -
h y d r i a i : B e r l i n , M u s e u m F. 3 2 9 0 / 3 2 9 1
and
m e r , Studien,
Naples, M u s e u m H . 3244; Campanian
am-
p . 2 6 6 , K T K 2 , p i s . 2 , 3 (here
fig. i a ) . C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s e u m J E 3 8 0 8 8 / 9 1 :
phora: Stoddard coll.). Tendrils w i t h palmettes
P f r o m m e r , Studien,
c a n , o f c o u r s e , n o t be c o n f i n e d t o a single a r t i s -
p . 2 6 6 , K T K 3, p i s . 4 , 5
(here fig. i b ) .
tic province, but i n connection w i t h o u r H e l -
For an A c h a e m e n i d t h y m i a t e r i o n w i t h the t y p i -
p a l m e t t e - t e n d r i l is d e r i v e d f r o m late C l a s s i c a l
cal h o r i z o n t a l cannelures a n d the stepped l i d ,
prototypes.
l e n i s t i c t h y m i a t e r i o n i t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t t h e
7
see a n e x a m p l e i n N e w Y o r k , T h e M e t r o p o l i t a n
M u s e u m of A r t 1980.11.12: D . von Bothmer,
Bulletin
of The Metropolitan
Museum
of
14
F o r T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s , see P f r o m m e r ,
Studien,
p i s . 1 0 , 1 4 , 2 5 . F o r D e v e H ü y ü k , see P. R . S.
Art
4 2 , n o . 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 4 4 , n o . 6 8 , w i t h i l l . For the
M o o r e y , Cemeteries
development o f Classical a n d Hellenistic t h y -
at Deve
m i a t e r i a , see m y r e m a r k s i n P f r o m m e r ,
T. E. Lawrence
Studien,
British
pp. 2 5 - 4 1 .
Hüyük,
of the First
near
and
Millennium
Carchemish,
C. L . Woolley
Archaeological
Reports,
Salvaged
in
B.c.
by
1913,
International
Series 89 ( O x f o r d 1 9 8 0 ) , p . 3 3 , fig. 6.
8
9
E . G a b r i c i , Monumenti
antichi
22 (1913):
6 5 7 - 5 8 , p i . 108.4.
15
See P f r o m m e r , Studien,
See t h e f a m o u s " R o t h s c h i l d " t h y m i a t e r i o n f r o m
16
G . L e f è b v r e , Le tombeau
pp.
152-55.
de Petosiris
I (Cairo
Pfrommer
1 9 2 4 ) , p p . 5 2 - 5 5 , p i . 8. S. N a k a t e n , i n
kon
PP17
Lexi-
25
See n o t e 2 0 a b o v e .
26
See Fraser, 1, p p . 2 0 2 - 3 , 2 1 5 - 1 6 ,
v o l . 4 (Wiesbaden 1982),
der Agyptologie,
995-9$-
F o r t h e A c h a e m e n i d deep b o w l o r A c h a e m e n i d
c u p , see P f r o m m e r , Studien,
27
18
and Roman
Gold
and Silver
(note
20 above), pp. 5 4 - 5 9 , 89, no. 23, p i . 22. For
Plate
( L o n d o n 1966), pp. 9 9 - 1 0 1 was erroneously
the M a c e d o n i a n tendencies i n Ptolemaic E g y p t ,
see m y r e m a r k s : " G o t t l i c h e F i i r s t e n i n B o s c o -
Q u a r l e s v a n U f f o r d , Bulletin
reale: D e r Festsaal i n d e r V i l l a des P. F a n n i u s
antieke
beschaving
66 [ 1 9 9 1 ] : 1 5 9 - 6 3 ) , a p r o b l e m t h a t w i l l be d i s ­
S y n i s t o r , " 1 2 . Trier er
cussed i n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t .
1992
i n A . B u l l o c h et a l . , eds., Images
and
C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s e u m JE 3 8 0 9 3 : P f r o m m e r ,
Self-definition
World
Winckelmannsprogramm
(Mainz 1993): 3 8 - 4 2 , 6 0 - 6 4 ; L- Koenen,
in the Hellenistic
Ideologies:
(Berke­
ley 1 9 9 5 ) , p . 35 (a n a t i v e E g y p t i a n s e r v i n g as a
pp. 1 5 6 - 5 8 , 266, K T K 1, p i . 1 ( w i t h
" M a c e d o n i a n o f the cavalry settlers").
refs.).
P f r o m m e r , Studien,
28
pp. 7 5 - 9 1 , 142.
See P o l y b i u s 5 . 6 5 . F o r t h e rise o f t h e E g y p t i a n
e l e m e n t , M . R o s t o v t z e f f , Die
20
Anti-
q u e s t i o n e d i n a recent a r t i c l e ( L . B y v a n c k -
Studien,
19
Septentrionalis
qua 9 ( 1 9 3 4 ) : 2 2 1 - 3 0 , f i g . 2 . G a g s t e i g e r
A c h a e m e n i d d e r i v a t i o n established by D . E.
S t r o n g , Greek
A m s t e r d a m , A l l a r d Pierson M u s e u m 7 8 7 9 :
W . v o n B i s s i n g , Eurasia
pp. 4 2 - 7 4 . The
224-26.
F o r t h e casts, c o m p a r e R e i n s b e r g ,
F o r t h e h e l m e t s , see G . G a g s t e i g e r , Die
mdischen
Waffenmodelle
Welt: Gesellschaft
Studien.
und
b i n g e n 1 9 5 5 ) , p p . SS9~^ -
ptole-
hellenistische
vol. 2 (Tu­
Wirtschaft,
Fraser, 1, p p . 6 0 - 6 1 .
T
Hildes-
aus Memphis,
heimer agyptologische Beitrage 36 ( H i l d e s h e i m
29
Strabo 17.1.8.
30
Kallixeinos, quoted i n Athenaeus
1 9 9 3 ) . O n pages 2 5 - 4 7 a n d 7 6 G a g s t e i g e r c o n ­
nects t h e d e c o r a t i o n s p r i m a r i l y w i t h t h e M a c e ­
F o r m o d e r n r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s , see F. C a s p a r i ,
m y e a r l i e r s t a t e m e n t s t o see specific I t a l i a n c o n ­
Jabrbuch
n e c t i o n s . See M . P f r o m m e r ,
tuts
"GroEgriechischer
u n d m i t t e l i t a l i s c h e r E i n f l u E i n der
Deutschen
Archaologischen
Instituts
1 1 9 - 9 0 , esp. 184 (hereafter
Klio
des
Archaologischen
des antiken
r t
n
posiums
314,
31
Berlin
Palaste,
P. M . Petsas, Ho taphos
the Hellenized
tions,
East:
J . Paul Getty
Catalogue
Museum
Sym­
(Athens
of
Macedon
( A t h e n s 1 9 8 0 ) , p . 1 5 0 , fig. 8 0 ( c o l o r r e c o n ­
s t r u c t i o n ) . F o r t h e " M a c e d o n i a n l e d g e , " see
from
of the
des
ton Leukadion
L . D . L o u k o p o u l o s , eds., Philip
T h a t is even v a l i d f o r t h e S e l e u c i d sphere o f
i n f l u e n c e . See M . P f r o m m e r , Metalwork
Akten
(forthcoming).
1992
1 9 6 6 ) , p . 8 2 , fig. 2 9 . M . B . H a t z o p o u l o s a n d
n o s . 3, 1 0 , 1 1 - 1 3 , 4 2 , figs. 4 , 1 8 , 2 0 - 2 2 , 6 1 .
22
Seewesens,
p a l a t i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , see
e
m y r e m a r k s i n Antike
p p . 2 9 4 , 197-99,,
Insti­
Stu­
Beiheft 32 ( 1 9 3 4 ; 2 n d ed. A a l e n 1 9 6 3 ) ,
pp. 2 0 - 5 3 . F °
97 (1982):
Pfrommer,
"EinfluE").
See R e i n s b e r g , Studien,
des Deutschen
3 1 ( 1 9 1 6 ) : 1 - 7 4 , fig. 1 0 . A . K o s t e r ,
dien zur Geschichte
Rankenorna-
m e n t i k f r u h h e l l e n i s t i s c h e r Z e i t , " Jabrbuch
21
5.204d-2o6c.
d o n i a n repertoire, an observation that corrects
H . L a u t e r , Die Architektur
Collec­
(Malibu 1993).
des
Hellenismus
( D a r m s t a d t 1 9 8 6 ) , p p . 1 4 1 , 1 5 2 , fig. 4 4 . a ,
T h e s e c o m p l e x e s d o n o t c o n t a i n a single e x ­
p i . 4 8 , based o n V . H e e r m a n n , Studien
ample.
makedonischen
Palastarchitektur
zur
( P h . D . diss.,
University of Erlangen-Niirnberg 1986),
23
H i l d e s h e i m , Pelizaeusmuseum
b e r g , Studien,
1146 a - f : Reins­
pp. 283, 373~75
P l s
5
X I
-
p p . 3 0 1 - 2 , n o . 1 6 , fig. 2 4 .
P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E , " 1 8 5 , f i g . 35 ( w i t h a d i s ­
32
Athenaeus
5.205d.
33
Fraser, 1, p p . 2 3 9 - 4 4 .
34
I n M a c e d o n i a n o i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d ruler c u l t ex­
cussion of M a c e d o n i a n analogies).
24
For I t a l o - M a c e d o n i a n t e n d r i l decorations,
see
P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E . " F o r K a s a n l a k , see P f r o m ­
m e r , " E i n f l u S , " 1 3 5 - 3 6 . O u r d r a w i n g ( f i g . 7) is
i s t e d . I t is s u f f i c i e n t t o r e c a l l h e r e t h e resistance
based o n L . S h i v k o v a , Das Grabmal
t o A l e x a n d e r ' s ideas f o r h i s p e r s o n a l d e i f i c a t i o n .
von
Kasan­
lak ( R e c k l i n g h a u s e n 1 9 7 3 ) , p . 6 5 , p i . 1 9 . F o r
the p r i m a r i l y T h r a c i a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the
figural
zoff, C . H o c k e r , a n d L . Schneider,
scher
35
frieze o f t h e w a l l d e c o r a t i o n , see P. Z a Anzeiger,
1985: 623, 6 4 2 - 4 3 .
F o r references, see P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E , "
175-
87.
Archaologi36
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 10433:
187
188
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
E . B r e c c i a , La necropoli
general
des antiquites
di Sciatbi,
Catalogue
egyptiennes
du
(Cairo 1912), pp. 2 9 - 3 0 , no. 40,
d'Alexandrie
43
B r e c c i a ( n o t e 3 6 a b o v e ) , p i . 8 2 , figs. 2 8 4 , 2 8 5 .
44
T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n is g i v e n a c c o r d i n g t o G r e e n
Musee
p i . 3 7 , fig. 4 6 , m e n t i o n e d i n p a s s i n g i n P f r o m ­
( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) . F o r A d u l i s , see n o t e 3 a b o v e .
mer, "Einfluft," 184 n . 332.
For the extension o f Ptolemaic c o n t r o l i n gen­
See E . D i e h l , Die Hydria
politik
e r a l , see W . H u s s , Untersuchungen
37
( M a i n z 1964), pis. 1 1 ,
B a g n a l l , The Administration
17-
Possessions
38
W i t h s h o r t references: P f r o m m e r ,
"EinfluE,"
1 7 7 - 8 0 . I n detail: M . Pfrommer,
Chronolo-
gische
Uberlegungen
Holzsarkophagen
zu
45
fruhhellenistischen
n a t i o n a l K o l l o q u i u m s i n D e l p h i 1988
(forth­
coming).
39
Aufien-
outside
of the
Ptolemaic
(Leyden 1976).
Egypt
I t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t s o m e t i m e s g o o d s
f r o m P t o l e m a i c Palestine r e a c h e d E g y p t b y w a y
A k t e n des i n t e r ­
aus Agypten.
zur
iv. ( M u n i c h 1 9 7 6 ) . R . S.
Ptolemaios'
o f R h o d e s : M . R o s t o v t z e f f , Die
hellenistische
Welt: Gesellschaft
vol. 1
und
(Tubingen 1955), pp.
F o r G n a t h i a f r a g m e n t s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , see
46
Wirtschaft,
175-76.
F o r I t a n o s u n d e r t h e t h i r d P t o l e m y , see B a g n a l l
Breccia (note 36 above), p p . 1 8 8 - 9 0 , p i . 8 1 ,
(note 44 above), p p . 1 1 7 - 2 3 . For C r e t a n mer­
figs. 2 7 7 - 7 9 , p i . 8 2 . P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E , "
cenaries, see G . T . G r i f f i t h , The
176
n . 2 8 0 ( w i t h f u r t h e r refs.). F o r t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n
of the Hellenistic
of G n a t h i a i n the western M e d i t e r r a n e a n ,
p . 2 4 5 . P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
J. R . G r e e n , i n A . C a m b i t o g l o u , e d . ,
in Honour
of Arthur
Dale
see
Studies
Mercenaries
(Cambridge
1935),
vol.
Alexandria,
3 ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) (hereafter Fraser, m ) , i n d e x ,
(Sydney
Trendall
World
s.v.
Crete.
1 9 7 9 ) , p p . 8 1 - 9 0 , pis. 2 0 - 2 2 .
40
F o r t h e p r o b l e m o f i m i t a t i o n s , see
47
F o r t h e j e w e l r y , see n o t e 5 a b o v e .
48
F r o m T u k h el-Quarmous, Cairo, Egyptian M u ­
Pfrommer,
" E i n f l u E , " 176. For an i m i t a t i o n of a South
Italian a m p h o r a f r o m Shatby (Alexandria,
seum JE 3 8 0 7 8 ( C G 5 2 0 9 4 ) : P f r o m m e r ,
G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m 1 6 0 3 4 ) , see
schmuck,
Pfrommer,
"EinfluE," 181 n. 316. G. G r i m m , in
Gotter
18.3, p i . 21.4 (second q u a r t e r o f t h i r d century;
e x h . cat. ( M a i n z 1 9 7 8 ) , n o . 1 0 8 ,
Pharaonen,
w i t h c o l o r i l l . ( w i t h refs.). F o r f u r t h e r
w i t h refs.).
Gnathia
i m i t a t i o n s , see t h e t o m b g r o u p f r o m C r e t e ( n o t e
49
41 below).
F r o m K r a l e v o : G . G i n e v , Sukrovisteto
Kralevo
E . B i e l e f e l d , Eine
Fundgruppe
Vasen in Deckfarbentechnik,
griechische,
rbmiscbe
132,
fiir
byzantinische
(Frankfurt 1970). T h e b u l k of the
pp. 1 2 9 - 3 0 ,
3 5 1 , SR 4 1 , fig. 1 8 . 4 .
griechischer
Galerie
und
ot
(Sofia 1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 1 1 , 6 1 , figs. 1 7 , 1 8 .
P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck,
41
Gold-
p p . 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 - 3 6 , 3 4 8 , SR 6, fig.
Kunst
50
unpublished
F r o m Thessaly (so-called Carpenisi h o a r d ) ,
A t h e n s , N a t i o n a l M u s e u m : P. A m a n d r y ,
Collec­
m a t e r i a l is i n a G e r m a n p r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n ,
tion Helene
w h o s e o w n e r has g e n e r o u s l y p r o v i d e d t h e p h o ­
v o l . 1 (Strasbourg 1953), p . 117, nos. 256, 257,
Stathatos:
Les bijoux
antiques,
t o g r a p h s . T h e m a j o r piece o f t h e g r o u p is i n
2 6 0 , 2 6 1 , fig. 7 0 , p i s . 4 6 , 4 7 . P f r o m m e r ,
Bloomington, Indiana, University A r t M u s e u m
schmuck,
7 1 . 9 7 : B i e l e f e l d , o p . c i t . , n o . 1 , figs, o n p p . 5, 9 ,
figs. 1 8 . 2 6 , 2 7 .
1 1 . P. C a l l a g h a n , Annual
at Athens
of the British
School
7 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 6 3 - 6 4 , fig. 2 ( C r e t a n ) .
I d e m , i n Alessandria
e il mondo
ellenistico-
Studi i n onore d i Achille A d r i a n i ,
romano,
v o l . 3, Studi
e materiali
Gold­
p p . 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 6 , 3 4 9 , SR 1 7 , 1 9 ,
51
F o r " d o u b l e - s n a k e " bracelets a n d finger r i n g s ,
see P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck,
pp.
135-37,
figs. 1 8 . 9 , 1 0 , 2 1 , 2 5 ; p i . 2 2 . 6 . F o r B a l a m u n ,
6 (Rome 1984), p. 792,
see P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck,
p. 208, F K 4,
p i s . 1 4 . 4 , 5, 2 2 . 7 , 8 ( w i t h refs.). T o be a d d e d
p i . 1 2 4 . 5 , 8.
is a p a i r o f s i l v e r b r a c e l e t s f r o m t h e a r t m a r k e t ,
42
Plate f r o m C r e t e . Paris, L o u v r e : R . Pagenstecher, Die calenische
des Deutschen
Reliefkeramik,
Archdologischen
s o l d w i t h a n " A l e x a n d r i a n a t t r i b u t i o n " (Sothe­
Jahrbuch
b y ' s , L o n d o n , D e c . 14 a n d 1 5 , 1 9 8 1 , p . 6 9 ,
n o . 2 0 3 A , B , w i t h i l l . ) . F o r t h e sole e x c e p t i o n o f
Instituts,
E r g a n z u n g s h e f t 8 ( B e r l i n 1 9 0 9 ) , p . 7, p i . 1 .
t h e d o u b l e - s n a k e c o n c e p t o u t s i d e E g y p t , see a
H a d r a h y d r i a : R . Pagenstecher, Die
t i n y finger r i n g f r o m T a r a n t o i n B e r l i n , A n t i k e n -
dgyptische
dition
Sammlung
E. v. Sieglin,
Ernst
griechisch-
von Sieglin,
v o l . 2, p a r t 3 (Leipzig
1 9 1 3 ) , p . 4 6 , fig. 5 0 .
Expe­
museum 1980.21: Pfrommer,
Goldschmuck,
p p . 1 3 2 - 3 3 , 3 5 0 , SR 3 1 , fig. 1 8 . 1 7 ; p l . 2-2,-3T h e n o n c a n o n i c a l r i n g w i t h its c l o s e d , r i g i d s p i -
Pfrommer
r a l c o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d as a c l u e t o a P t o l e m a i c
57
U n p u b l i s h e d . I n 1992 i n the N e w Y o r k art
c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e T a r a n t o h o a r d . I suggested
m a r k e t . O n e o f t h e t w o b r a c e l e t s is n o w i n
t h i s a l r e a d y i n Goldschmuck.
Trier, c o l l e c t i o n o f the A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Institute
For the snake
b r a c e l e t s i n M a l i b u , see n o t e 53 b e l o w . F o r
( = Collection Simonian). For
m u m m y m a s k s , see G . G r i m m , Die
b r a c e l e t s , see P f r o m m e r ,
Mumienmasken
rbmischen
pp. 1 1 5 - 1 8 .
(Wiesbaden 1974),
aus Agypten
antelope-head
Goldschmuck,
pis. 1 3 . 1 , 14, 15.
58
52
T h e same d e c o r a t i o n s h o w s a s o m e w h a t
N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t
smaller, very p r o v i n c i a l bracelet w i t h h o r n e d ,
2 6 . 7 . 1 4 6 3 : P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck,
s t y l i z e d heads f r o m t h e same h o a r d . T h e
pp. 76,
1 3 6 , 3 0 0 , H K 10. p i . 14.5. For the M a c e d o n i a n
second-century date o f the bracelets corrects
a f f i l i a t i o n a n d the t y p o l o g y o f t h e H e r a k l e s
m y t o t a l l y w r o n g d a t i n g o f a similarly deco­
k n o t , see P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck,
r a t e d s i l v e r b r a c e l e t w i t h g o a t heads f r o m E g y p ­
pp. 4 - 8 0 .
tian M i t Rahine (Cairo, Egyptian M u s e u m
53
S n a k e bracelets: M a l i b u , T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u ­
J E 4 1 0 3 7 , C G 5 2 5 8 7 ) : E . V e r n i e r , Bijoux
seum 9 2 . A M . 8 . 7 . For the o p p o r t u n i t y t o illus­
fevreries,
t r a t e t h i s b r a c e l e t a n d t h e e a r r i n g s (see b e l o w ,
egyptiennes
fig. 18) I a m indebted t o M a r i o n True, w h o
p. 188, C G 52587, p i . 2 1 . Pfrommer,
generously p r o v i d e d me w i t h photographs
schmuck,
and
Catalogue
generale
du Musee
des
du Caire
et or-
antiquites
(Cairo 1927),
Gold­
p p . 1 1 4 , 3 4 5 n . 6 5 0 , T A 155 (late
slides o f t h e w h o l e h o a r d . I n h e r r e c e n t r e v i e w
s i x t h o r fifth c e n t u r y ) . T h e b r a c e l e t s h o u l d l i k e ­
o f m y Goldschmuck,
w i s e be p l a c e d i n t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y . T h e same
Journal
St. G . M i l l e r
{American
is v a l i d p e r h a p s i n t h e case o f a g o a t - h e a d
9 7 [ 1 9 9 3 ] : 58 o f . )
of Archaeology
v i v i d l y q u e s t i o n e d a l m o s t a l l results o f m y s t u d y
bracelet i n Geneva w i t h a very o r n a m e n t a l ren­
w i t h o u t presenting any n e w evidence. T h e n e w
d e r i n g o f the a n i m a l s ' beards (Geneva,
M a l i b u complex renders this u n f o u n d e d c r i t i ­
d ' a r t et h i s t o i r e : P f r o m m e r ,
c i s m c o m p l e t e l y i n v a l i d . T h e set d i s p l a y s a l m o s t
pp. 114, 347 n. 650, T A 173).
Musee
Goldschmuck,
a l l t h e t y p o l o g i c a l features a n d even t h e re­
g i o n a l preferences o f H e l l e n i s t i c j e w e l r y o f t h e
late t h i r d a n d e a r l y s e c o n d c e n t u r i e s
i n m y Goldschmuck.
59
described
F o r these c o m p a r a t i v e l y " h e a v y " d e r i v a t e s o f
the H e l l e n i s t i c a n i m a l - h e a d bracelets,
S h o r t references s h o u l d be
P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck,
see
pp. 1 0 7 - 8 , 112, 114,
given t o the c o l o r e d Herakles k n o t s , t o the type
1 1 8 , 3 3 2 - 3 3 , 3 4 0 , n o s . T A 6, 1 3 , 1 0 9 ,
of snake bracelets w i t h m e a n d e r i n g b u t n o t i n ­
i 6 - 3 3 , 4 7 , 53-
figs.
t e r t w i n e d b o d i e s o f t h e a n i m a l s ( f o r a n o t h e r de­
t a i l see n o t e 5 1 a b o v e ) , t o t h e h e a v y
finger
60
Paris, L o u v r e : H . H o f f m a n n a n d P. F. D a v i d s o n ,
r i n g s , a n d even t o m i n o r d e t a i l s s u c h as t h e leaf-
Greek
Gold:
c a l y x m e d a l l i o n s w i t h o u t stone inlays of the
ander,
e x h . cat. ( B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 6 5 ) ,
erotes' earrings a n d t o the alleged Ptolemaic
p p . 1 4 7 - 5 1 , n o . 5 3 , figs. 5 3 a - f , c o l o r p l a t e i v .
preference f o r a n t e l o p e - h e a d
P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck,
a n d b u l l - h e a d ear­
r i n g s (see n o t e 55 b e l o w ) . E v e n t h e p o s s i b i l i t y
Jewelry
from
the Age of
Alex­
pp. 107, 112, 114,
3 3 2 , T A 6, fig. 1 6 . 4 7 . T h e t y p e is nevertheless
o f a " p r o p a g a n d i s t i c c o n n o t a t i o n " o f s o m e de­
d i f f e r e n t , because t h e piece w a s o r i g i n a l l y c o m ­
t a i l s is c o r r o b o r a t e d b y t h e t e l l i n g features o f
p o s e d o f t w o p a r t s , each w i t h t w o a n i m a l
the M a l i b u h a i r n e t w i t h its A p h r o d i t e m e d a l l i o n
heads.
{The J. Paul Getty
188-89,
n
o
-
I 2
Museum
-> % •
I 2
)>
t
Journal
n
e
21 [1993]:
Dionysiac masks,
61
a n d the Herakles k n o t . A p h r o d i t e was a w e l l -
U n p u b l i s h e d . I n 1992 i n the N e w Y o r k art mar­
ket, whereabouts
unknown.
d o c u m e n t e d di vine equivalent of m a n y o f the
m o s t famous Ptolemaic queens, a n d D i o n y s o s
62
F o r t h e F a i y u m - C a n o s a g r o u p , see D . A h r e n s ,
a n d H e r a k l e s w e r e r e g a r d e d as d i v i n e a n c e s t o r s
Miinchner
of the house o f Ptolemy.
( 1 9 6 8 ) : 2 3 2 - 3 3 , figs. 5, 6. P f r o m m e r ,
Jahrbiicher
der Bildenden
Kunst
19
Studien,
pp. 1 1 1 - 1 6 , 2 6 3 - 6 5 , K B k 117/118, 121/122,
54
M a l i b u , T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 6 .
128, p i . 58a. P f r o m m e r (note 22 above), p . 55,
fig- 4 3 -
55
M a l i b u , T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 3 .
56
F o r t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n , see P f r o m m e r ,
63
schmuck,
Gold­
p p . 1 7 1 - 7 2 , fig. 3 1 . F o r t h e
examples
T h e d r a w i n g is based o n C a n o s a n s a n d w i c h glass b o w l s i n L o n d o n , B r i t i s h M u s e u m 7 1 . 5 1 8 . 1 / 2 : D . B . Harden,
Journal
of Glass
f r o m T u k h el- Q u a r m o u s i n O x f o r d , A s h m o l e a n
1 0 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 2 3 - 2 5 , figs. 1 - 9 . P f r o m m e r ,
M u s e u m 1 9 2 6 . 1 0 5 - 7 , see P f r o m m e r ,
dien,
schmuck,
Gold­
p p . 1 6 8 - 7 2 , O R 9, pis. 2 5 . 2 , 3 0 . 4 0 .
p . 2 6 4 , K B k 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 ( w i t h refs.).
Studies
Stu­
189
This page intentionally left blank
191
Pharaonic Egyptian Elements in the
Decorative Arts of Alexandria during the
Hellenistic and Roman Periods
Robert
Steven
Bianchi
A l t h o u g h there is a r t i n A l e x a n d r i a , I seriously question w h e t h e r t h a t art
is d i s t i n c t l y A l e x a n d r i a n . I a m able t o demonstrate the v a l i d i t y o f t h a t
assertion by s u m m a r i z i n g several o f the conclusions reached i n m y essay
i n the Festschrift f o r D r . D a o u d .
1
I t u r n m y a t t e n t i o n first t o glass because the older l i t e r a t u r e
m a i n t a i n s that A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s h o p s were p r i m a r i l y responsible f o r
the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f b o t h so-called m i l l e f i o r i a n d cameo glass. O n e n o w
2
recognizes that the native Egyptians were already e x p l o i t i n g the uses o f
m i l l e f i o r i glass d u r i n g the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . , as the examples decorat­
i n g the w o o d e n shrine inscribed f o r N e k t a n e b o n i n the B r o o k l y n M u ­
seum clearly reveal. Recent investigations n o w suggest as w e l l t h a t
3
cameo glass, once considered t o be an A l e x a n d r i a n a r t f o r m , was first
m a n u f a c t u r e d instead i n I t a l i a n R o m a n w o r k s h o p s d u r i n g the reigns o f
the J u l i o - C l a u d i a n e m p e r o r s .
4
H a d r a h y d r i a e , t o o , were l o n g considered f o u n d a t i o n stones
i n the edifice o f A l e x a n d r i a n art. T h e i r f l o r a l d e c o r a t i o n eventually gave
rise t o the p u t a t i v e t r a d i t i o n of a ghirlandomania
alessandrina,
which
was suggested t o have been a p a r t i c u l a r l y A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r a l predilec­
t i o n . Alas, we n o w recognize t h a t m a n y o f these vases—and these d o
include the m o r e artistically accomplished examples o f this class—are
k n o w n t o have been m a n u f a c t u r e d i n Crete a n d subsequently i m p o r t e d
i n t o A l e x a n d r i a . L i k e the H a d r a h y d r i a e , the so-called Tanagra terra­
5
cottas, w h i c h h a d l o n g been u n c o n d i t i o n a l l y regarded as p a r a m o u n t ex­
amples o f A l e x a n d r i a n art, are n o w k n o w n t o have been developed first
i n w o r k s h o p s outside E g y p t , o n m a i n l a n d Greece a n d elsewhere. M a n y
were, like the H a d r a h y d r i a e , i m p o r t e d i n t o A l e x a n d r i a as w e l l .
6
There are, o f course, other typologies t h a t I c o u l d pass i n re­
view, once considered t o be exclusively A l e x a n d r i a n a r t f o r m s b u t subse­
quently p r o v e d t o be otherwise. O n e can n o longer b l i n d l y accept o n
f a i t h w h a t earlier scholars h a d t o say a b o u t A l e x a n d r i a n art, f o r an
A l e x a n d r i a n provenance f o r examples of any t y p o l o g y , as we have just
seen, is n o guarantee of an A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s h o p .
T h e role o f A l e x a n d r i a as an artistic center f o r the p r o d u c t i o n
of those m i n o r arts is being successfully a n d successively challenged,
192
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OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
I
Bracelet, from the Nile Delta.
Silver. Roman Imperial period.
N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n
Museum of A r t 2,6.7.1454,
Carnarvon Collection, Gift of
E. S. Harkness, 1926.
w i t h the result t h a t the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a can n o longer be t a k e n f o r
g r a n t e d as a leader i n the c r e a t i o n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f such a r t f o r m s .
T h e n u m b e r o f m i n o r - a r t typologies once a t t r i b u t e d t o
A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s h o p s is d i m i n i s h i n g , f o r there are a c t u a l l y very few
typologies i n t o w h i c h the m i n o r arts p r o d u c e d by the native Egyptians
d u r i n g the Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n periods can be placed. T h e t w o m o s t
u b i q u i t o u s categories o f p h a r a o n i c m i n o r arts d u r i n g these t w o periods
are, o f course, the so-called sculptor's m o d e l s / t r i a l pieces—plaques a n d
statuettes i n limestone t h a t I m a i n t a i n were e m p l o y e d as e x - v o t o s —
7
a n d glass i n l a y s .
8
W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of these t w o statistically n u m e r o u s classes,
there are very few examples indeed o f the m i n o r arts i n p h a r a o n i c Egyp­
t i a n style i n numbers sufficient t o d r a w inferences a b o u t their style a n d
development. T h e excavations o f Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n t o m b s at Thebes
by the M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m o f A r t earlier this c e n t u r y , the early ex­
9
cavations of the E g y p t i a n D e p a r t m e n t of A n t i q u i t i e s at such sites as
Zeitoun,
1 0
a n d even the m o s t recent excavations by the French i n the
cemeteries o f D o u c h
1 1
a n d by the Poles at M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n
1 2
have n o t
p r o d u c e d the k i n d s o f assemblages o f objects t h a t can be used t o define
the nature o f p h a r a o n i c decorative arts d u r i n g these t w o periods. T h e
same generalization appears t o o b t a i n f o r other excavations, such as
those b y the B r i t i s h at Saqqara, w h i c h have yielded large numbers o f
B ia nchi
m e t a l vessels, utensils, a n d the l i k e .
T h e p u b l i s h e d examples are so ba­
1 3
n a l and so artistically u n a c c o m p l i s h e d , however, as t o be of l i t t l e value
for establishing d a t i n g criteria or e x a m i n i n g the exchange o f artistic
influences.
14
I k n o w of almost n o examples f r o m the Ptolemaic and R o ­
m a n periods of any p h a r a o n i c f u r n i t u r e , save items such as t r a d i t i o n a l
funerary beds.
15
M o r e o v e r , there is v i r t u a l l y n o t a single scrap o f any­
t h i n g resembling an excavated piece of p h a r a o n i c j e w e l r y ,
16
w i t h the ex­
c e p t i o n , perhaps, of a h o a r d o f t w e n t y - o n e silver serpent-form bracelets
a n d armlets f o u n d i n a large p o t t e r y jar d u r i n g the course o f an unsuper­
vised excavation i n the D e l t a ; they are n o w i n N e w Y o r k a n d suggested
t o be of R o m a n I m p e r i a l date (fig. i ) .
1 7
So universal is this absence o f assemblages of objects i n large
numbers f r o m archaeological contexts f r o m Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n E g y p t
t h a t one c a n n o t simply ascribe this r e m a r k a b l e circumstance either t o
the hazards of excavation or t o the p r i o r p i l l a g i n g o f the sites. There
seems t o be a deeper c u l t u r a l significance b e h i n d the absence i n great
numbers o f such objects. I s h o u l d , therefore, like t o offer one possible
e x p l a n a t i o n f o r this s t r i k i n g p h e n o m e n o n .
I w i l l begin by reaffirming the general consensus t h a t Ptole­
maic E g y p t was characterized by t w o societies, the i m m i g r a n t Greek a n d
the native E g y p t i a n , w h i c h were separate a n d i n m a n y ways u n e q u a l .
18
T h e c u l t u r a l values a n d t r a d i t i o n s o f the native Egyptians were perpetu­
ated by the priests o f the temples, w h o m o r e often t h a n n o t w o r k e d i n
i s o l a t i o n , developing local t r a d i t i o n s w i t h i n their l i m i t e d geographic
spheres of influence. Evidence f o r the strength o f l o c a l , p h a r a o n i c t r a d i ­
tions derives from, the universally accepted observation t h a t the i n s c r i p ­
tions a n d relief decorations of each m a j o r p h a r a o n i c temple o f the
Ptolemaic p e r i o d are characterized by their o w n i d i o s y n c r a t i c epigraphic
a n d decorative repertoire, t e r m e d i n the literature "la grammaire
temple."
1 9
du
T h e i n d i v i d u a l s responsible f o r these activities belonged t o a
statistically s m a l l , h e r e d i t a r y
20
elite
estimated t o have been less t h a n
21
one percent of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , whose members were simultane­
2 2
ously the secular a n d clerical a u t h o r i t i e s of the local regions i n w h i c h
they lived and w o r k e d .
2 3
M a n y of these i n d i v i d u a l s were w e a l t h y a n d
w o r k e d w i t h i n h i g h l y centralized local a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s t h r o u g h w h i c h
they m i g h t m a x i m i z e their revenues.
24
T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t c u l t u r a l characteristic of this elite was
the literacy of its members; they k n e w and u n d e r s t o o d the h i e r o g l y p h s ,
a n d they were r e l u c t a n t t o share this k n o w l e d g e .
26
25
As a result, one
m i g h t say t h a t the m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e o f Ptolemaic E g y p t was r o o t e d i n the
hieroglyphs.
27
Its members w o u l d , therefore, quite n a t u r a l l y favor the
development o f o n l y those artistic t r a d i t i o n s , such as temples a n d their
c o n c o m i t a n t types of statuary, t h a t can be u n d e r s t o o d solely w i t h i n the
h i e r o g l y p h i c t r a d i t i o n s of ancient E g y p t i a n a r t .
28
W i t h i n such a c u l t u r a l
193
194
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
c o n t e x t , the members o f this elite w o u l d invest large sums o f c a p i t a l for
their o w n funerary establishments,
adorned m u m m i e s ,
30
29
w i t h their a c c o m p a n y i n g stelae a n d
b u t they w o u l d a v o i d quantities o f grave goods,
particularly imported Alexandrian l u x u r y goods.
31
T h e manufacture of
these last-mentioned objects a n d the m o t i f s decorating t h e m are n o t i n
keeping w i t h the scribal, h i e r o g l y p h i c nature o f the t r a d i t i o n s this elite
was perpetuating. T h a t there s h o u l d be this t i g h t c o n n e c t i o n between the
a p p r o a c h t o the temple a n d the t o m b by members o f this elite s h o u l d
come as n o surprise, f o r the same members o f this p r i v i l e g e d class were
serving, i f the m o d e l derived f r o m Edfu can be a p p l i e d t o the w h o l e o f
the chora,
as b o t h temple a n d funerary c l e r i c s .
32
W h a t is m o r e r e m a r k a b l e is t h a t some members o f this native
E g y p t i a n elite, b e l o n g i n g t o p r o m i n e n t families o f E d f u ( A p o l l i n o p o l i s
M a g n a ) a n d later h a v i n g been b u r i e d at el-Hassaia some ten k i l o m e t e r s
t o the s o u t h , are suggested t o have h a d b o t h p u r e l y Greek a n d p u r e l y
E g y p t i a n funerary stelae i n the same necropolis, i f n o t i n the same
tomb.
3 3
I n certain cases, the very same i n d i v i d u a l was h o n o r e d o n sepa­
rate Greek a n d E g y p t i a n tombstones under t w o different n a m e s .
34
This
conscious c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z i n g o f t w o d i s t i n c t t r a d i t i o n s , the Greek a n d
the p h a r a o n i c E g y p t i a n , by members o f the native elite finds its exact
correspondence i n the observation t h a t the Ptolemies themselves, r u l i n g
f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , were able t o c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z e their roles as E g y p t i a n
p h a r a o h s a n d as H e l l e n i s t i c m o n a r c h s a n d were able t o keep these t w o
different roles separate a n d d i s t i n c t . T h e M a c e d o n i a n Ptolemies a n d
35
the native E g y p t i a n priests u n d e r s t o o d the stylistic differences t h a t dis­
t i n g u i s h e d A l e x a n d r i a n , Classical a r t f o r m s f r o m p h a r a o n i c ones. As
these t w o stylistically different art f o r m s a n d the h i s t o r i c a l circumstances
d u r i n g w h i c h b o t h were created clearly reveal, Greeks a n d Egyptians
alike avoided creating w o r k s o f art i n w h a t some earlier scholars have
erroneously defined as a m i x e d s t y l e .
36
T h e c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s o f the elite members o f E g y p t i a n soci­
ety d u r i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d were thus r o o t e d i n the h i e r o g l y p h t r a d i ­
t i o n , w h i c h tended t o find its consummate expression i n temple a n d
funerary i n s c r i p t i o n s a n d scenes rather t h a n i n other f o r m s o f a r t .
37
One
m i g h t define this c u l t u r a l tendency as a scholastic one, r o o t e d i n a l o n g ,
b o o k i s h , scribal t r a d i t i o n , n o t p r i m a r i l y a visual one. F u r t h e r m o r e , b o t h
the members o f this elite a n d also, t o an extent, the Ptolemies under­
s t o o d the differences between their t w o cultures a n d consciously created
m o n u m e n t s i n one o r the other o f these t r a d i t i o n s .
T h e h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d confirms t h a t
r a n k i n g members o f
this E g y p t i a n elite were i n direct personal c o n t a c t w i t h the Ptolemies
themselves. I cite as evidence the personal address b y the E g y p t i a n priest
H o r t o the royals a c c o m p a n y i n g P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r ,
38
the interac­
t i o n between P t o l e m y v Epiphanes a n d the s y n o d o f M e m p h i t e priests i n
B i anc hi
186
B.C.,
3 9
a n d the apparent personal n o m i n a t i o n by P t o l e m y x n Auletes
of a h i g h priest at M e m p h i s .
4 0
H o w e v e r p r a g m a t i c these associations m a y
have been f o r p o l i t i c a l or economic reasons, some evidence also suggests
t h a t the leading intellectuals o f the day, b o t h members o f the native
E g y p t i a n elite a n d those o f the A l e x a n d r i a n c o u r t , engaged i n i n t e l l e c t u a l
dialogues w i t h one another. T h i s is certainly the scenario suggested by at
least one scholar i n his evocative character sketch o f the career a n d inter­
ests o f the a n o n y m o u s , so-called learned priest w h o w r o t e the treatise
c o n t a i n e d i n the Papyrus J u m i l h a c .
41
I n such p u t a t i v e discussions, native
E g y p t i a n prelates were clearly t a k i n g the i n i t i a t i v e i n this transfer of i n ­
f o r m a t i o n , as the i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h i n the archive o f the i n d i v i d u a l n a m e d
M e n k h e s , a village c l e r k ,
42
a n d the recent discussion a b o u t the develop­
m e n t o f the C o p t i c language d e m o n s t r a t e .
43
These dialogues m u s t be
regarded against the b a c k g r o u n d o f the activities o f the C r o w n , whose
financing of the E g y p t i a n temples was a q u i d p r o q u o w i t h the E g y p t i a n
elite t o m a i n t a i n the status q u o of the c o u n t r y . T h e r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f
the syntaxis for a temple i n Elephantine, i n i t i a t e d under P t o l e m y 11
Philadelphos b u t begun under the reign of P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r , is a
case i n p o i n t .
4 4
D u r i n g the course o f these suggested dialogues, members o f
the E g y p t i a n elite c o m m u n i c a t e d t h e i r p h a r a o n i c ideas a n d concepts t o
t h e i r Greek counterparts n o t as objets d'art whose f o r m s a n d m o t i f s
m i g h t be copied b u t rather as i n t e l l e c t u a l ideas b o r n o f the b o o k i s h t r a ­
d i t i o n s t o w h i c h that E g y p t i a n elite was so b o u n d . I t r e m a i n e d f o r the
A l e x a n d r i a n s t o clothe these ideas i n visually understandable terms.
T h e earliest a n d b e s t - k n o w n exemplar o f this p h e n o m e n o n
is, o f course, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the hellenized g o d Serapis by the early
Ptolemies.
45
T h e artificially f o r m u l a t e d tenets of this c u l t ostensibly
m a k e manifest i n t e l l e c t u a l aspects o f E g y p t i a n funerary beliefs, c o m ­
bined w i t h those f r o m Greece, i n an A l e x a n d r i a n visual t r a d i t i o n . T h e
precedent established by the c r e a t i o n o f the c u l t a n d image of Serapis,
despite the failed a t t e m p t t o convince the Egyptians t o embrace its w o r ­
ship, was so p r o f o u n d that i t influenced the ways i n w h i c h m a n y subse­
quent a p p r o p r i a t i o n s of the E g y p t i a n c u l t u r a l r e c o r d by the A l e x a n d r i a n s
were effected.
These visual images o f Serapis, d e v o i d as they are o f a l l refer­
ences t o p h a r a o n i c E g y p t , c a n n o t be fully u n d e r s t o o d by a m o d e r n w h o
relies solely o n f o r m a l , a r t - h i s t o r i c a l analysis. T h e themes associated
w i t h these images of Serapis are comprehensible o n l y w h e n one consid­
ers the religious contexts p r o v i d e d by the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . A f o r m a l i s t i c
a p p r o a c h t o A l e x a n d r i a n art i n a l l o f its manifestations fails because this
m e t h o d o l o g y relies exclusively o n stylistic analysis a n d never considers
the d o c u m e n t a r y evidence so c r u c i a l f o r a fuller u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the
w o r k o f art under i n v e s t i g a t i o n . W i t h o u t the k n o w l e d g e of this evidence,
195
196
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
2
Figurine w i t h images of Isis and
the dog, from Faiyum. Terracotta.
Berlin, Staatliche Museen—
PreufSischer Kulturbesitz,
Agyptisches M u s e u m und
Papyrussammlung, inv. 9 9 5 6 .
one m i g h t h y p o t h e t i c a l l y consider images o f Serapis i n i s o l a t i o n as the
exclusive expressions o f H e l l e n i s t i c Greek concepts.
T h i s p h e n o m e n o n o f c l o a k i n g p h a r a o n i c E g y p t i a n concepts i n
A l e x a n d r i a n Greek v i s u a l g a r b , w h i c h begins i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , is
c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h a related practice, t h a t o f i n s c r i b i n g a p h a r a o n i c
w o r k o f a r t w i t h an e p i t o m e , usually i n Greek, b u t occasionally i n an­
other script as w e l l . Someone n o t conversant w i t h ancient E g y p t i a n v i ­
sual conventions is thus p r o v i d e d w i t h a gloss b y w h i c h the image c o u l d
be rendered c o m p r e h e n s i b l e .
46
T h e m o s t famous example o f this practice
is the stela o f Pasos i n C a i r o , dedicated t o A p o l l o n i o s i n the m i d - t h i r d
century
B.C.
4 7
I k n o w n o other object f r o m E g y p t i n a Classical artistic
i d i o m t h a t is p r o v i d e d w i t h an e p i t o m e i n hieroglyphics f o r the benefit o f
an E g y p t i a n p e r c i p i e n t . T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n is i n keeping w i t h the x e n o ­
p h o b i a o f the native E g y p t i a n elite, w h o were n o t interested i n foreigners
a n d made n o a t t e m p t at achieving an i n t e l l e c t u a l r a p p r o c h e m e n t w i t h
t h e m . T h e n o n - E g y p t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s , o n the other h a n d , i n c l u d i n g the
Greeks, h a b i t u a l l y a t t e m p t e d t o achieve such a r a p p r o c h e m e n t , as the
use o f these epitomes demonstrates. T h i s practice o f p r o v i d i n g epitomes
for w o r k s i n E g y p t i a n style c o n t i n u e d i n t o the R o m a n I m p e r i a l p e r i o d ,
at least u n t i l the late first c e n t u r y A . D . , at w h i c h t i m e , o r so i t w o u l d ap­
pear, the Egyptians ceased creating statues i n p h a r a o n i c s t y l e .
48
T h e penchant f o r t r a n s l a t i n g p h a r a o n i c , E g y p t i a n concepts
i n t o A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s o f art accelerated, however, d u r i n g the R o m a n
B ianchi
FIG.
3
Votive stela w i t h Athena, T u t u ,
and Nemesis as a griffin. Vienna,
Kunsthistorisches M u s e u m , inv.
AOS 5077.
I m p e r i a l p e r i o d . T h i s is n o w h e r e m o r e evident t h a n i n the subjects o f
4 9
some of the F a i y u m i c terracottas of the p e r i o d . A p o p u l a r type depicts a
goddess i n some association w i t h a d o g . O n the basis o f religious tenets
already firmly i n place i n the p h a r a o n i c p e r i o d , this subject can r e a d i l y
be identified as the goddess Isis. She is associated w i t h Sothis. I n the
f o r m of the D o g Star, Sothis appeared i n the A u g u s t sky as the h a r b i n g e r
of the f r u c t i f y i n g N i l e flood, w h i c h was believed t o be c o n t r o l l e d by Isis,
at the b e g i n n i n g o f the N e w Year (fig. 2 ) .
5 0
T h e Isiac associations o f the
d o g a n d H a r p o k r a t e s are also evident i n a bronze g r o u p , w h i c h , together
w i t h the presence o f the t u r t l e , have been i n t e r p r e t e d as symbols o f the
rising N i l e a n d renewed f e r t i l i t y .
51
T h i s a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f p h a r a o n i c religious tenets a n d t h e i r
subsequent t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o A l e x a n d r i a n visual images are sometimes
quite sophisticated, as Quaegebeur demonstrated i n his discussion o f
several stelae t h a t depict A t h e n a , the composite genie T u t u , a n d the
griffin (fig. 3 ) .
5 2
R e v i e w i n g p h a r a o n i c precedents, he demonstrated t h a t
the griffin, l o n g identified i n E g y p t as the i n c a r n a t i o n o f the divine
and/or r o y a l m i g h t , p u n i t i v e l y directed against the forces o f chaos, is
here associated also w i t h E g y p t i a n concepts o f divine r e t r i b u t i o n , over
w h i c h N e i t h , here represented as A t h e n a , a n d her charge, T u t u , pre­
side.
53
There are, o f course, other examples, such as the use o f p h a r a o n i c
c r o w n s a n d headdresses, t h a t are n o t p u r e l y decorative m o t i f s o n the
b a n d o l i e r of this priestess
54
b u t rather represent emblems of funerary
practices, derived f r o m p h a r a o n i c precedents, i n the R o m a n I m p e r i a l
p e r i o d . Similar c r o w n s w i t h s i m i l a r meanings a d o r n the w a l l s o f T o m b 2
at A n f u s h y .
55
197
198
ARTS
O F HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
I n c o n c l u s i o n , the n u m b e r o f typologies i n t o w h i c h one can
place objects classified as m i n o r arts f r o m H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n A l e x a n d r i a
a n d p h a r a o n i c P t o l e m a i c - R o m a n E g y p t are less n u m e r o u s t h a n one
m i g h t expect. O n e o f the reasons c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the d i m i n u t i o n of
p h a r a o n i c m i n o r arts i n Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n E g y p t m a y be ascribed
n o t t o the hazards of excavation a n d the vagaries of pillage b u t rather t o
the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s o f the native E g y p t i a n elite. M o r e often t h a n n o t ,
these t r a d i t i o n s were conveyed i n a scribal rather t h a n a v i s u a l i d i o m .
There was ample o p p o r t u n i t y i n b o t h Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n
periods f o r members o f t h a t elite t o engage i n a dialogue w i t h t h e i r
A l e x a n d r i a n c o u n t e r p a r t s . As a result o f t h a t dialogue, p h a r a o n i c ideas
were made manifest either by the a d d i t i o n o f a w r i t t e n epitome o n a
p h a r a o n i c w o r k of a r t o r b y the v i s u a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of those concepts
u t i l i z i n g A l e x a n d r i a n n o n p h a r a o n i c m o t i f s . T h i s hypothesis explains
w h y the m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e o f p h a r a o n i c R o m a n E g y p t consists a l m o s t
exclusively of temple a n d t o m b d e c o r a t i o n w i t h its a c c o m p a n y i n g cartonnage o r other t w o - d i m e n s i o n a l decorations. A n d these c u l t u r a l ex­
pressions can best be u n d e r s t o o d as b e l o n g i n g t o the scribal i n t e l l e c t u a l
t r a d i t i o n o f the E g y p t i a n elite, w h i c h was always the cornerstone of its
c i v i l i z a t i o n . W i t h i n such a c u l t u r a l b a c k g r o u n d , there does n o t appear
to have been a so-called m i x e d school of art i n w h i c h t w o d i s t i n c t artis­
tic styles reflecting the characteristics of the t w o t r a d i t i o n s were c o n ­
sciously conflated.
N E W
Y O R K
B ianchi
Notes
1
"De Rogato A r t i u m Elegantiorum Alexandrin a r u m , " Bulletin
of Glass
du Service
I I
des Antiquites
Annales
4 (1903):
de I'Egypte
F. D u n a n d et a l . , La necropole
(Oasis
10 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 4 8 - 7 0 ,
Studies
A . Kamal, " U n tombeau a Zeitoun,"
95-96.
A . O l i v e r , Jr., " M i l l e f i o r i Glass i n A n t i q u i t y , "
Journal
10
Archeologique
45 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 3 5 - 4 4 .
d'Alexandrie
2
de la Societe
de
Douch
vol. 1 (Cairo 1992).
de Kharga),
suggests t h a t t h e a d j e c t i v e " m i l l e f i o r i " is t o be
preferred to " m o s a i c " w h e n describing this par­
12
W . B e n t k o w s k i , " T h e Activities of the Polish-
t i c u l a r t y p e o f glass.
E g y p t i a n M i s s i o n at M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n i n
T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 37.258 E: O l i v e r (note
ranean:
1 9 8 8 , " Polish
3
Archaeology
Reports
in the
Mediter­
vol. 2 (1989-
1989-1990,
2 a b o v e ) : 6 8 ; R . S. B i a n c h i , i n R . A . F a z z i n i
1990): 3 8 - 4 3 ; and W . A . Daszewski, " M a r i n a
et a l . , Ancient
e l - A l a m e i n 1 9 9 1 , " Polish
Egyptian
Art in the
Brooklyn
Mediterranean:
(Brooklyn 1988), no. 79.
Museum
Reports
Archaeology
1991,
in
the
vol. 3 (1992):
2 9 - 3 8 . See a l s o t h e c o m m e n t s e l s e w h e r e i n t h i s
4
D . B . H a r d e n , Glass
1 9 8 7 ) , PP.
5
v o l u m e by J u d i t h M c K e n z i e a b o u t some o f the
(Milan
of the Caesars
a r c h i t e c t u r a l f r a g m e n t s r e c o v e r e d f r o m t h i s site.
53-«4-
T h e s u g g e s t i o n w a s first m a d e b y B . C o o k , " A
13
The Brooklyn
Annual
Graeco-Roman
10 ( 1 9 6 8 -
Stelae
from
Kom
Abou
(Ann A r b o r 1961), pp. 1-7; A . Abdalla,
Funerary
Stelae
from
Upper
(Liverpool 1992), pp. 6 - 7 , passim, for
1969): 1 1 5 - 3 8 , and unequivocally confirmed
Egypt
b y P. C a l l a g h a n , " E x c a v a t i o n s at a S h r i n e o f
A b y d o s a n d D e n d e r a . T h e subject matter of the
G l a u k o s , " Bulletin
deceased o n a k l i n e o f f e r i n g a l i b a t i o n , w h i c h is
Archaeology,
of the British
School
of
f r e q u e n t l y e n c o u n t e r e d o n these stelae, is also
33 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 1 0 - 3 0 . F o r a
Athens
s u m m a r y o f the e v i d e n c e l e a d i n g t o t h i s r e v i ­
the p r i n c i p a l m o t i f of the Getty sarcophagus
s i o n i s t assessment f o r t h a t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , see
discussed e l s e w h e r e i n t h i s v o l u m e b y K l a u s
R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's
Parlasca.
Egypt:
Age of
the
e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m
Ptolemies,
1988) , pp.
6
Museum
F. A . H o o p e r , Funerary
Billou
D a t e d H y d r a Vase i n t h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m , "
14
226-27.
R . A . H i g g i n s , Tanagra
and the
Figurines
C . I . G r e e n , The Temple
Furniture
cred Animal
Necropolis
at North
1964-19-76
(London 1987); to w h i c h compare
(Princeton 1986); N . H i m m e l m a n n ,
Alexandria
F. Petrie, The Funeral
und der Realismus
Kunst
don 1937), p i . x x x i x .
in der griechischen
Furniture
from
the
Sa­
Saqqara,
(Lon­
of Egypt
(Tubingen 1983).
15
7
" E x - v o t o s o f D y n a s t y x x v i , " Mitteilungen
Deutschen
Kairo
8
Archaologischen
Instituts,
Scientiarum
Abteilung
B i a n c h i (note 5 above), p . 108, where I s u m m a ­
of Glass
Studies
25 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 2 5 - 3 5 ,
i n Bulletin
of the Egyptological
New
5 (1:983): 9 - 2 9 .
York
Seminar
16
in
Academiae
15 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 1 2 4 ;
Hungaricae
C . A n d r e w s , Ancient
Egyptian
(Lon­
Jewellery
d o n 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 1 9 9 ; so, t o o , U . K a p l o n y - H e c k e l ,
and
of
" N o c h e i n m a l S O L L U N D H A B E N I N PAT H Y R I S . ' W a s Petosiris ausgegeben h a t . ' :
Pheidelberg I n v D e m 763 Recto Z l . 1 0 - 1 9 , "
Agypten
9
Antiqua
D u n a n d et a l . ( n o t e 1 1 a b o v e ) , p i s . 6 0 , 6 1 .
35 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 1 5 - 2 2 .
rize m y earlier a r g u m e n t s a p p e a r i n g b o t h i n
Journal
L . C a s t i g l i o n e , " K u n s t u n d Gesellschaft
r o m i s c h e n A g y p t e n , " Acta
des
und Altes
Testament
20 (1990):
Inter alia, N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u ­
1 7 5 - 8 2 ; a n d J. T a i t , " A D e m o t i c L i s t o f T e m p l e
s e u m o f A r t , D e p a r t m e n t a l Files, T o m b C a r d s
a n d C o u r t O c c u p a t i o n s : P. C a r l s b e r g 2 3 , " i n
4582 and 5270: unpublished. I wish to thank
H . J. T h i s s e n a n d K . - T . Z a u z i c h , eds.,
D o r o t h e a A r n o l d f o r g r a n t i n g m e access t o these
mata
r e c o r d s as I w o r k t o w a r d p r e p a r i n g a m a n u ­
deckens
s c r i p t f o r v o l u m e 3 t o c o m p l e t e t h e series b e g u n
p p . 2 1 1 - 3 3 . I n his l e c t u r e d u r i n g t h e s y m p o ­
b y W . H a y e s , The Scepter
of Egypt,
vol. 1 (New
York 1953), and vol. 2 ( N e w York 1959).
Demotika:
zum
Festschrift
I J . Juni
1983
fur Erich
GramLud-
(Wiirzburg 1984),
s i u m M i c h a e l P f r o m m e r discussed several as­
pects o f H e l l e n i s t i c G r e e k j e w e l r y , f o c u s i n g his
199
200
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
a t t e n t i o n o n a g r o u p n o w i n t h e J. P a u l G e t t y
and Friends
M u s e u m , 92.AM.8.
J. C . G o y o n , " P t o l e m a i c E g y p t : Priests a n d t h e
(Groningen 1986), pp.
254-64;
T r a d i t i o n a l R e l i g i o n , " i n Bianchi (note 5 above),
17
The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t 2 6 . 7 . 1 4 5 4 -
p p . 2 9 - 4 0 . O f t e n t i m e s these same p r i e s t s i n t e r ­
1 4 7 4 , t w e n t y - o n e bracelets a n d armlets, r e p o r t ­
m a r r i e d t o consolidate their a d v a n t a g e d status,
edly f r o m B a l a m u n a n d acquired f r o m the
as a r g u e d b y D . J. C r a w f o r d , " P t o l e m y , P t a h a n d
C a r n a r v o n c o l l e c t i o n : M . R o s t o v t z e f f , The
cial and Economic
History
of the
A p i s i n H e l l e n i s t i c M e m p h i s , " i n D . J. C r a w ­
So­
f o r d , J. Q u a e g e b e u r , a n d W . C l a r y s s e , eds.,
Hellenistic
vol. 1 ( O x f o r d 1941), p. 378, and
World,
Studies
on Ptolemaic
Memphis
( = Studia
Hel-
24) (Leuven 1980), p . 22.
lenistica
p i . X L V . 2 , 3, w h e r e t h e l o t is d a t e d , i n c o r r e c t l y
t o m y m i n d , t o t h e H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d ; see
T . G . H . James, Howard
Carter:
The Path
to
22
( L o n d o n 1992), pp. 1 6 4 - 6 5 , for
Tutankhamun
H . te V e l d e , " S o m e R e m a r k s o n t h e M y s t e r i o u s
L a n g u a g e o f t h e B a b o o n s , " i n J. K . K a m s t r a ,
t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s s u r r o u n d i n g its d i s c o v e r y . I
H . M i l d e , a n d K . W a g t e n d o n k , eds.,
u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e r e m a y be a d d i t i o n a l o b j e c t s
Symbols
b e l o n g i n g t o this g r o u p i n the C a r n a r v o n collec­
fessor
t i o n i n H i g h c l e r e Castle i n the U n i t e d K i n g d o m .
casion
and Religion:
M. S. H. G. Heerma
A . E . S a m u e l , The Shifting
Interpretations
Sands
of Ptolemaic
of
23
" C o m p u l s o r y P u b l i c Service i n R o m a n E g y p t , "
PP19
Treverensia,
of
the
University
129-36.
H . de M e u l e n a e r e , " L e s strateges i n d i g e n e s d u
et a u d e b u t de 1'occupation r o m a i n e , "
degli
A l t h o u g h this p h e n o m e n o n was already recog­
n i z e d b o t h b y H . J u n k e r , Grammatik
der
24
Den-
Studi
J. H . J o h n s o n , " T h e R o l e o f t h e E g y p t i a n P r i e s t ­
Egyptological
Studies
H . W . F a i r m a n , " N o t e s o n t h e A l p h a b e t i c Signs
A. Parker:
E m p l o y e d i n the H i e r o g l y p h i c Inscriptions of
78th
t h e T e m p l e o f E d f u , " Annales
1986), pp. 7 0 - 8 4 .
du Service
Rivista
34 (1959): 18.
Orientali
h o o d i n Ptolemaic E g y p t , " i n L . H . Lesko, ed.,
(Leipzig 1906), pp. 1-3, and by
Antiquites
the Chair
at the
n o m e t e n t y r i t e a la fin de l ' e p o q u e p t o l e m a i q u e
vol. 2 (1983),
35-39-
deratexte
Pro­
Oc­
(Kampen 1988), pp.
of Amsterdam
History:
from
Religions
to
Voss on the
(New York
Egypt
1 9 8 9 ) , p p . 9 , 3 6 , 3 9 , 4 0 , 4 8 ; J. D . T h o m a s ,
Aegyptiaca
of Ancient
Funerary
Dedicated
van
of His Retirement
History
18
Essays
des
Presented
Birthday,
in Honor
of
Richard
on the Occasion
December
of
His
(Hanover
10, 1983
43 ( 1 9 4 3 ) : 1 9 4 , P. D e r -
de VEgypte
c h a i n w a s t h e first c l e a r l y t o a r t i c u l a t e its p r i n ­
25
D e r c h a i n - U r t e i l (note 20 above), p p .
169-86;
c i p l e s : " U n m a n u e l de g e o g r a p h i e l i t u r g i q u e a
F. D a u m a s , " D u p h o n e m e a u s y m b o l e d a n s
E d f o u , " Chronique
l'ecriture hieroglyphique ptolemaique,"
73 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 3 1 -
d'Egypte
6 5 . D e r c h a i n ' s l e a d has b e e n f o l l o w e d b y v i r t u ­
rier du CNRS
Cour-
29 (July 1978): 20.
a l l y a l l s u b s e q u e n t c o m m e n t a t o r s o n these
temple texts, inter alia, E. W i n t e r , "Weitere
26
Egypt,
der griechisch-romischen Z e i t , "
R . S. B i a n c h i , " A n I d e a l I m a g e , " i n The
1989), pp.
Agyptologische
4 6 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 6 1 - 7 6 ; a n d m o r e re­
c e n t l y E . V a s s i l i k a , Ptolemaic
est of Seers: Essays
(Leuven
Philae
M . - T . D e r c h a i n - U r t e i l , Priester
Die
Rezeption
Edfu
und
der Theologie
Dendera
Zeit
im
of Cyril
Great­
Aldred,
i n press.
agyptischen
t i t a t , " i n J. O s i n g a n d E . K . N i e l s e n , eds.,
von
Heritage
Privatdokumenten
(Wiesbaden
J. A s s m a n n , " D e r T e m p e l d e r
S p a t z e i t als K a n o n i s i e r u n g k u l t u r e l l e r I d e n -
Tempel:
der Tempel
in den
aus ptolemaischer
pp. 158,
in Honor
5-17.
27
of Erik
1989),
of Ancient
Iversen
Egypt:
Studies
in
The
Honour
(Copenhagen 1992), p. 23.
169-86.
28
21
of Ancient
trans. A . Morrissett ( N e w York i 9 6 0 ) , p. 118;
Ahhandlungen
20
S. S a u n e r o n , The Priests
Beobachtungen zur 'grammaire d u temple' i n
B i a n c h i (note 5 above), p p . 5 5 - 5 9 , f u r t h e r i n g
J. B a i n e s , " R e s t r i c t e d K n o w l e d g e , H i e r a r c h y ,
the perceptive c o m m e n t s o f H . G . Fischer,
a n d D e c o r u m : M o d e r n Perceptions a n d A n c i e n t
L'ecriture
I n s t i t u t i o n s , " Journal
lecons
Center
in Egypt
of the American
Research
2 7 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 2 1 - 2 3 ; H . te V e l d e ,
et Part de VEgypte
sur la paleographie
pharaoniques
et
ancienne:
Quatre
Vepigraphie
(Paris 1 9 8 6 ) .
"Scribes a n d L i t e r a c y i n A n c i e n t E g y p t , " i n
H . L . J. V a n s t i p h o u t et a l . , eds., Scripta
Signa
Vocis:
Scribes
Studies
and Languages
to ] . H. Hospers
about
Scripts,
in the Near
Scriptures,
East,
by His Pupils,
Presented
Colleagues
29
30
J o h n s o n (note 24 above).
A m s t e r d a m , A l l a r d Pierson M u s e u m 7 0 6 9 :
D . K u r t h , Der Sarg
der Teiiris:
Eine
Studie
B i anc hi
zum
Totenglauben
( = Aegyptiaca
im romerzeitlicben
Agypten
40
C r a w f o r d (note 21 above), p . 39.
41
P. D e r c h a i n , " L ' a u t e u r d u p a p y r u s J u m i l h a c , "
6) ( M a i n z a m
Treverensia
R h e i n 1 9 9 0 ) , f o r w h i c h he d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t
the decorative and t e x t u a l components,
Revue
far
41 (1991): 9 - 3 0 .
d'Egyptologie
f r o m b e i n g a b e r r a n t a n d m i s u n d e r s t o o d as t h e y
are g e n e r a l l y p o r t r a y e d i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e , are i n
42
fact carefully p l a n n e d and derive f r o m a purely
N . L e w i s , Greeks
1986), pp.
in Ptolemaic
(Oxford
Egypt
104-23.
pharaonic t r a d i t i o n , divorced f r o m outside
i n f l u e n c e s . T h i s same c o n c l u s i o n w a s r e a c h e d
43
D . R. M c B r i d e , "The Development of Coptic:
independently by L . C o r c o r a n , " A C u l t Func­
L a t e - P a g a n L a n g u a g e Synthesis i n E g y p t , "
t i o n for the So-Called F a i y u m M u m m y Por­
nal of the Society
t r a i t s ? , " i n J. H . J o h n s o n , e d . , Life
tiquities
cultural
Society:
Constantine
Egypt
and Beyond
from
in a
Multi­
Cambyses
for the Study
An­
19 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 9 0 - 9 1 .
to
(Chicago 1992),
44
U . Kaplony-Heckel, " Z u m
demotischen
pp. 5 7 - 6 2 .
B a u g r u b e n - G r a f f i t o v o m Satis-Tempel a u f
Johnson (note 24 above), p p . 7 0 - 8 4 .
Archdologischen
E l e p h a n t i n e , " Mitteilungen
3I
Jour­
of Egyptian
des
Instituts,
Deutschen
Abteilung
Kairo
43 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 1 6 7 - 6 8 .
32
D e r c h a i n - U r t e i l (note 20 above), p p . 2 4 7 - 5 3 .
33
W . Clarysse, " i v . I n s c r i p t i o n s , 1 - 2 , "
45
D a c k , et a l . , eds., The
ofio^-101
Dossier
Concerning
( = Collectanea
O s i r i s - A p i s i n p l a c e i n A l e x a n d r i a at t h e t i m e
Judean-Syrian-Egyptian
B.C.: A
Conflict
a "War
o f his " f o u n d i n g " o f t h a t c i t y , as a r g u e d b y
Multilinguistic
of
Hellenistica,
T h e r e is a g r o w i n g c o n s e n s u s t h a t A l e x a n d e r
the Great encountered an E g y p t i a n c u l t of
i n E. van't
D . J. T h o m p s o n , Memphis
Scepters"
under
the
Ptolemies
(Princeton 1988), pp. 116 n . 57, 194; A . Swi-
v o l . 1) (Brussels
1 9 8 9 ) , p . 8 5 , c i t i n g t h e classic w o r k o n t h i s
d e r e k , " S a r a p i s et les H e l l e n o m e m p h i t e s , " i n
s u b j e c t b y J. Y o y o t t e , " B a k h t i s — r e l i g i o n e g y p -
J. B i n g e n , G . C a m b i e r , a n d G . N a c h t e r g a e l ,
t i e n n e et c u l t u r e g r e c q u e a E d f o u , " i n i d e m , e d . ,
Le monde
Religions
en Egypte
(Brussels 1 9 7 5 ) , PP- 6 7 0 - 7 5 ; S. K . H e y o b ,
Colloque
de Strasbourg,
hellenistique
16-18
et
mai
romaine:
The
(Paris
1967
Cult
grec: Hommages
of Isis among
World
a Claire
Women
eds.,
Preaux
in the
Graeco-
( L e i d e n 1 9 7 5 ) , PP- 2 - 4 . I t h a n k
1969), pp. 1 2 7 - 4 1 .
Roman
W . Clarysse, "Greeks a n d Egyptians i n the
w i t h me and for p r o v i d i n g the cited
Ptolemaic A r m y and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , "
t i o n . See, t o o , t h e c o m m e n t s o n t h i s p o i n t m a d e
Lorelie C o r c o r a n b o t h for discussing this p o i n t
34
Aegyptus
by L i l l y K a h i l elsewhere i n this v o l u m e .
55 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 5 7 - 6 6 .
35
documenta­
46
I b i d . , 6 4 ; see also n o t e 2 1 a b o v e .
R . S. B i a n c h i , " T h e C u l t u r a l T r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f
E g y p t as Suggested b y a G r o u p o f E n t h r o n e d
36
B i a n c h i ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 5 , 6 3 - 6 9 ; see also
M a l e Figures f r o m the F a i y u m , " i n J o h n s o n
n o t e 53 b e l o w , a n d t h e s u c c i n c t s u r v e y o f t h e
( n o t e 3 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 3 - 2 4 ; see Y o y o t t e ( n o t e
h i s t o r i o g r a p h y o f A l e x a n d r i a n C l a s s i c a l art h i s ­
33 a b o v e ) f o r a n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h i s same
t o r y by A n d r e w Stewart i n this v o l u m e .
p r a c t i c e b y t h e G r e e k s , w h i c h is a g a i n w i t h o u t
a p p a r e n t p a r a l l e l for the Egyptians.
37
L . Z a b k a r , Hymns
to Isis in Her Temple
at
Phi-
lae ( H a n o v e r 1 9 8 8 ) , p p . 1 3 5 - 6 0 , f o r c r e a t i v e ,
47
C a i r o , T h e E g y p t i a n M u s e u m JE 4 4 0 4 8 :
Bianchi (note 4 6 above), pp. 15, 23.
n a t i v e E g y p t i a n h y m n s t o Isis at P h i l a e c o m ­
posed d u r i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , w h i c h i n ­
s p i r e d t h e later Isis a r e t a l o g i e s o f t h e R o m a n
p e r i o d ; a n d S. S a u n e r o n , UEcriture
dans
les textes
d'Esna
48
B i a n c h i (note 46 above), p p . 1 5 - 2 6 .
figurative
( C a i r o 1 9 8 2 ) , f o r t h e ex­
49
C a s t i g l i o n e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) : 3 1 , a l r e a d y p e r c e p ­
tively recognized this trend.
t r a o r d i n a r y , elaborate prayers created d u r i n g
the R o m a n I m p e r i a l p e r i o d by the E g y p t i a n
elite i n h o n o r o f t h e g o d K h n u m at E s n a .
50
B e r l i n 9 9 5 6 : G . C l e r c , " I s i s - S o t h i s d a n s le
m o n d e r o m a i n , " i n M . B . de B o e r a n d T . A .
38
J. D . R a y , The Archive
of Hor
(London 1976),
p. 120.
E d r i d g e , eds., Hommages
a Maarten
maseren:
offert
Recueil
d'etudes
de la Serie Etudes
39
C r a w f o r d (note 21 above), p . 36.
orientates
dans
] . Vermaseren
preliminaires
Vempire
a Voccasion
J.
Ver-
par les
aux
romain
de son
a
auteurs
religions
Maarten
soixantieme
201
202
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
le 7 Avril
anniversaire
1978,
v o l . 1 (Leiden
o r beginning o f the R o m a n p e r i o d , t o w h i c h
1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 2 4 7 - 8 1 . T h i s t h e m e is o f g r e a t a n ­
t i q u i t y i n p h a r a o n i c E g y p t ; see C . D e s r o c h e s -
" O p u s Sectile M o s a i c s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a a n d
N o b l e c o u r t , " Q u a t r e objets
M a r e o t i s , " Jahrbuch
protodynastiques
p r o v e n a n t d ' u n ' t r e s o r ' f u n e r a i r e , " Revue
Louvre
et des Musees
de France
du
tum,
2 (1979):
108-17.
51
M . M a l a i s e , " L e s a n i m a u x et la p o t d ' H a r p o c r a t e : C o n t r i b u t i o n a l ' i c o n o g r a p h i e d u fils
d T s i s , " Bulletin
tologie
52
de la Societe
francaise
d'Egyp-
122 (1991): 1 3 - 3 5 .
V i e n n a 5 0 7 7 : J. Q u a e g e b e u r , " D e l ' o r i g i n e
e g y p t i e n n e d u g r i f f o n N e m e s i s , " i n Visages
Destin
dans
les mythologies:
line Duchemin.
Colloque
Travaux
Melanges
et memoires:
du Chantilly,
1-2
du
Jacque­
Actes
du
(Paris
mai 1980
1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 4 1 - 5 4 ; J. Q u a e g e b e u r , W . C l a r y s s e ,
and B. van Maele, "Athena, Neith, and Thoeris
i n G r e e k D o c u m e n t s , " Zeitschrift
fur
Papyrolo-
60 (1985): 2 1 7 - 3 2 . One
gie und Epigraphik
can profitably compare this typically pharaonic
n a t u r e o f N e m e s i s w i t h its R o m a n n a t u r e , as
defined by K . M . D . D u n b a b i n , " I n b i d e calco
te . . . T r a m p l i n g u p o n t h e E n v i o u s , "
fur Antike
und
Christentum,
Jahrbuch
Erganzungsband
18 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 2 6 - 3 5 .
53
For a temple t o T u t u d a t i n g to the R o m a n
I m p e r i a l p e r i o d , see C . H o p e , " T h e 1 9 9 1 E x ­
cavations o f Ismant el-Kharab i n the D a k h l e h
O a s i s , " Bulletin
of the Australian
Centre
2 (1991): 4 1 - 5 0 ; C. H o p e
for Egyptology
a n d O . E . K a p e r , " E x c a v a t i o n s at I s m a n t e l K h a r a b — 1 9 9 2 , " Bulletin
Centre
for Egyptology
of the
Australian
3 (1992): 4 1 - 4 9 ;
C . H o p e et a l . , " D a k h l e h O a s i s P r o j e c t : I s m a n t
e l - K h a r a b 1 9 9 1 - 1 9 9 2 , " Journal
for the Study
of Egyptian
of the
Antiquities
Society
19 ( 1 9 8 9 ) :
8 - 9 , reinforce the observation that Classical
m o t i f s are k e p t separate a n d d i s t i n c t f r o m
p h a r a o n i c m o t i f s (note 36 above). These t w o
styles w e r e r a r e l y c o m m i n g l e d i n a n t i q u i t y t o
p r o d u c e w h a t some m o d e r n c o m m e n t a t o r s have
termed a " m i x e d school of art."
54
L . Kakosy, " D i e K r o n e n i n spatagyptischen
T o t e n g l a u b e n , " Aegyptiaca
Treverensia
2
(1983): 5 7 - 6 0 .
55
consider the c o m m e n t s b y M . R o d z i e w i c z ,
T h e c r o w n s are also used i n i s o l a t e d squares
i n the checkerboard decoration o f C h a m b e r 1
(j) o f H y p o g e u m 2 at A n f u s h y . J. M a c K e n z i e ,
The Architecture
ofPetra
(Oxford 1990),
p p . 6 7 - 6 8 , considers the checkerboard
decora­
t i o n t o be " o f E g y p t i a n o r i g i n " a n d t h e a p p e a r ­
ance o f t h a t d e c o r a t i v e scheme i n t h i s c h a m b e r
t o be n o e a r l i e r t h a n t h e late H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d
Erganzungsband
fur Antike
und
Christen­
18 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 2 0 4 , p a s s i m .
203
Ptolemaic Portraits: Alexandrian Types,
Egyptian Versions
R. R. R.
Smith
T h i s paper describes some characteristic aspects o f the Ptolemaic
r o y a l image i n the t h i r d c e n t u r y a n d t h e n explores i n m o r e detail the
reception o f A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t types i n E g y p t i a n w o r k s h o p s i n the
second century.
Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t s have been the subject o f m u c h recent
study a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , a n d several distinctive features o f r o y a l style at
1
A l e x a n d r i a can be readily agreed o n . T w o such characteristics are w e l l
exemplified by a p a i r of bronze statuettes i n L o n d o n (fig. i ) : first, the
2
heavy deployment: o f attributes, a n d second, the p r o m i n e n t role a n d dis­
t i n c t i v e representation of the queen.
T h e L o n d o n statuettes p r o v i d e o u r best evidence f o r the ap­
pearance o f f u l l Ptolemaic statues i n the t h i r d century. T h e queen wears
a stephane and carries a d o u b l e c o r n u c o p i a , the personal s y m b o l o f A r sinoe n , w h i l e the k i n g , P t o l e m y n , wears t a l l boots a n d an elephant3
scalp headdress a n d carries a c l u b . T h e boots a n d elephant s k i n refer
t o D i o n y s o s a n d Alexander, w h o c o n q u e r e d I n d i a , a n d the c l u b t o
H e r a k l e s . T h e figure was thus designed t o e m b o d y the official r o y a l
4
m y t h o l o g y i n w h i c h the kings c l a i m e d A r g e a d descent v i a A l e x a n d e r
f r o m D i o n y s o s o n one side a n d Herakles o n the o t h e r . T h e m e a n i n g is
5
t h a t the k i n g has powers like those o f his d i v i n e forebears.
T h e i m p o s i n g bust o f P t o l e m y i n o n his g o l d coinage presents
a classic image of Ptolemaic k i n g s h i p heavily accoutred w i t h d i v i n e sym­
bols (fig. 2 ) . T h e k i n g has ( i ) the rays of H e l i o s attached t o his r o y a l
6
d i a d e m , signifying the idea o f manifest r o y a l d i v i n i t y , basileus
phanes;
theos
epi-
(2) an aegis w o r n like a r o y a l chlamys, the Zeus-like a t t r i b u t e o f
Ptolemy 1 Soter, the dynasty's founder; a n d (3) a r o y a l scepter crafted as
a t r i d e n t o f Poseidon—the k i n g also rules the sea. Each a t t r i b u t e was
carefully adapted t o its nearest r o y a l a n a l o g u e — d i a d e m , c h l a m y s ,
scepter—to create n e w d i v i n e attributes peculiar t o the k i n g a n d differ­
ent f r o m those o f the o l d gods.
These attributes were p a r t of the larger shaping o f a distinc­
tive A l e x a n d r i a n c o u r t style. T h e A n t i g o n i d s a n d Seleucids favored an
energetic a n d d y n a m i c r o y a l image, expressive o f m a r t i a l h e r o i s m i n the
manner o f A l e x a n d e r , an overtly charismatic style t h a t does n o t rely
204
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
I
Statuettes of Arsinoe n and
Ptolemy n ( 2 8 2 - 2 4 6 B . C . ) , from
Egypt. Bronze. H . : 39 cm.
L o n d o n , The British Museum
38443 and 38442.
on e x t e r n a l a t t r i b u t e s . A t A l e x a n d r i a , o n coins f r o m Philadelphos t o
7
Epiphanes, one sees the emergence a n d sharp d e f i n i t i o n o f another r o y a l
style: c a l m a n d impassive i n demeanor, precise a n d rather m a n n e r e d i n
f o r m , c o u r t l y a n d refined i n effect. T h i s was the Ptolemaic alternative t o
8
the heroic v i g o r prescribed f o r the Successors by A l e x a n d e r . T h e differ­
ence i n i d e o l o g y is t h a t t o be f o u n d between the ideal dashing D i a d o c h ,
deinos
a n d drasterios,
p o r t r a y e d i n Plutarch's account o f the r o y a l style
FIG.
2
of D e m e t r i o s Poliorketes, a n d the dazzling e n c o m i u m of the majesty of
Alexandrian octadrachm of
P t o l e m y Philadelphos i n T h e o k r i t o s 1 7 .
Ptolemy i n ( 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B . C . ) . G o l d .
9
Ca. 220 B . C . D i a m . : 2.5 cm. N e w
T h e Ptolemies were unusual i n g i v i n g real p r o m i n e n c e t o t h e i r
q u e e n s — i n r o y a l ceremony, c u l t , a n d p u b l i c documents. A n d the queens
appear m o r e r e g u l a r l y o n coins a n d i n s u r v i v i n g sculpture t h a n i n any
other k i n g d o m , a n d i t was doubtless their images t h a t defined the visual
ideal o f female p o w e r f o r other dynasties a n d m o r e w i d e l y f o r the wives
of the H e l l e n i s t i c c i t y elites. T h e coins o f A r s i n o e 11 present a s t r i k i n g
female e d i t i o n o f Ptolemaic c o u r t style, a h i g h l y m a n n e r e d , angular p o r ­
t r a i t , w i t h t h i n , sharp features a n d w i d e - s t a r i n g eyes c o n t a i n e d i n a t i g h t
controlling contour.
10
T h i s h i g h l y austere ideal was tempered i n the
fuller-faced p o r t r a i t s o f Berenike 11. B o t h were w i d e l y i m i t a t e d .
11
12
I n the second century, there are t w o connected aspects t h a t
perhaps deserve m o r e a t t e n t i o n . T h e first is the use o f official o r c e n t r a l l y
p r o v i d e d types i n the c r e a t i o n a n d dissemination o f r o y a l p o r t r a i t s , a
practice m o r e f a m i l i a r i n the R o m a n p e r i o d . T h e second is the nature o r
q u e s t i o n o f Greek elements i n E g y p t i a n sculpture o f the p e r i o d . I t has
been argued recently t h a t E g y p t i a n sculptors b o r r o w e d l i t t l e o r n o t h i n g
York, The American Numismatic
Society.
Smith
f r o m A l e x a n d r i a . O n this view, m o s t things i n late-period E g y p t i a n
1 3
sculpture are t o be e x p l a i n e d i n terms o n l y of the r i c h pre-Ptolemaic
t r a d i t i o n . H e r e I w o u l d like s i m p l y t o examine a few second-century
A l e x a n d r i a n r o y a l p o r t r a i t types i n r e l a t i o n t o w h i c h the character a n d
extent o f E g y p t i a n reception o f Greek s c u l p t u r a l ideas can be d e m o n ­
strated a n d measured. H e r e w e can, as i t were, f o l l o w a few A l e x a n d r i a n
models i n t o the E g y p t i a n hard-stone w o r k s h o p s . T h i s i n t u r n m a y help
o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f second-century developments i n the Ptolemaic i m ­
age m o r e generally.
T r a d i t i o n a l hard-stone statues a n d reliefs o f the Ptolemaic
rulers were made t h r o u g h o u t the Ptolemaic p e r i o d f o r the native temples
of E g y p t .
14
T h e i r c o n t e x t is w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d by decrees o f the E g y p t i a n
p r i e s t h o o d , such as t h a t preserved o n the Rosetta stone. U n l i k e earlier
invaders, the M a c e d o n i a n Ptolemies came w i t h t h e i r o w n ideas a b o u t
r o y a l representation t h a t were r a d i c a l l y different i n basic p r i n c i p l e s o f
f o r m , i c o n o g r a p h y , a n d style f r o m p h a r a o n i c images. T h e priests a n d
their sculptors were free t o ignore or take notice o f these differences as
they saw fit. T h e i r response, t h o u g h v a r i e d , was always slight i n the c o n ­
t e x t o f the w h o l e statue. A d j u s t m e n t a n d a c c o m m o d a t i o n were confined
t o the head. I n place of a p u r e l y p h a r a o n i c scheme, the head m i g h t a d d
H e l l e n i c h a i r over the b r o w a n d take o n v a r y i n g degrees o f n a t u r a l i s m .
These were o b v i o u s l y intrusive elements designed t o represent the differ­
ent or foreign character o f the k i n g . T h a t is, the head of a statue m i g h t
express merely " t r a d i t i o n a l p h a r a o h , " o r by i m p o r t i n g a few elements
of Greek r o y a l style, i t m i g h t express the ideas o f b o t h " p h a r a o h " a n d
" P t o l e m y . " M y purpose here is t o s h o w h o w E g y p t i a n sculptors c o u l d
sometimes go considerably further.
M a n y A l e x a n d r i a n r o y a l p o r t r a i t s i n m a r b l e were also h i g h l y
generalized, ideal images t h a t expressed forcefully the idea o f
Ptolemaios
w i t h o u t specifying w h i c h o n e .
15
Basileus
O t h e r s , however, reproduce
the p a r t i c u l a r s of a defined p o r t r a i t type t h a t can sometimes also be
f o u n d o n coins a n d seals. A fine head i n A l e x a n d r i a is t y p o l o g i c a l l y re­
lated t o a rare c o i n p o r t r a i t type o f P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r a n d clearly
represents h i m (fig. 3 ) .
1 6
T h e surface is s m o o t h a n d even, w i t h very spar­
i n g p h y s i o g n o m i c d e t a i l , b u t the posture, l o n g face, and p r o m i n e n t c h i n
give the w h o l e a strongly i n d i v i d u a l effect.
We happen also t o have t w o hard-stone heads o f P h i l o m e t o r .
T h e first, a granite head i n Athens w i t h nemes a n d d o u b l e c r o w n , is
identified by the cartouche o n its back p i l l a r .
17
O n the basis o f the
p h y s i o g n o m y alone, one w o u l d n o t have identified i t as the same k i n g .
There is, however, a clear c o n n e c t i o n i n the h a i r arrangement over the
forehead. T h e m a r b l e head has a t h i c k c e n t r a l l o c k , t u r n i n g t o the r i g h t ,
framed by t w o smaller locks c u r l i n g i n w a r d o n b o t h sides. T h i s scheme
is r e p r o d u c e d o n the granite head, o n l y w i t h a flatter, m o r e s y m m e t r i c a l
205
206
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
h a n d l i n g . Such r e p e t i t i o n o f h a i r schemes is, o f course, m o r e fully attested
FIG.
a m o n g the a b u n d a n t copies of, f o r example, J u l i o - C l a u d i a n p o r t r a i t
Head of Ptolemy v i ( 1 8 0 - 1 4 5
3
B . C . ) . M a r b l e . H . : 4 1 cm.
types. T h a t this h a i r scheme was really a defined feature o f Philometor's
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
p o r t r a i t type is s h o w n by the second hard-stone head, a fragment o f a
Museum 24092. Photo courtesy
colossal granite statue f r o m C a n o p u s (fig. 4 ) . '
of the D A I , Cairo, neg.
8
H e r e the h a i r arrangement is almost exactly the same as t h a t
F12679-12680.
of the head i n Athens, o n l y w i t h a m o r e detailed a n d lively " H e l l e n i s t i c "
FIG.
r e n d e r i n g . T h e repeated h a i r scheme w o u l d p r o b a b l y be enough t o c o n ­
Head of Ptolemy v i ( 1 8 0 - 1 4 5
nect the C a n o p u s head w i t h P t o l e m y v i . T h e i d e n t i t y is, however, clearly
demonstrated by the face, w h i c h is a version o f the same p h y s i o g n o m i c a l
type as the m a r b l e h e a d — t a l l n a r r o w face, f u l l m o u t h , deep c h i n . These
are sufficient t o establish the c o n n e c t i o n .
It is i m p o r t a n t t o emphasize t h a t the c o n n e c t i o n is n o t merely
a p o r t r a i t resemblance, t h a t these t w o heads are close enough t o repre­
sent the same person, b u t rather t h a t they have a definable r e l a t i o n s h i p
to the same sculptured type. T h a t is, they c o n t a i n repeated elements
f r o m a n " o f f i c i a l " p o r t r a i t o f P h i l o m e t o r . There is n o reason t o t h i n k the
A l e x a n d r i a head is the " o r i g i n a l " ; indeed i t is u n l i k e l y , given t h a t the
C a n o p u s head has m o r e detailed hair. T h e y are b o t h , t h e n , secondary
versions o r interpretations o f an A l e x a n d r i a n c o u r t p o r t r a i t . T h e m a r b l e
head is s u m m a r y i n the h a n d l i n g o f the h a i r a n d perhaps adds a layer
of d y n a m i c v i g o r . T h e C a n o p u s head is n a t u r a l l y static i n posture a n d
flattens the side o f the l o n g face i n t o b r o a d , u n n a t u r a l planes. I t also
exaggerates the eyes, w h i c h o n the m a r b l e head are u n c o m m o n l y s m a l l ,
o u t l i n e d above by heavy lids. T h e m a r b l e head is a perhaps intensified
4
B . C . ) , from Canopus. Granite.
H . : 61 cm. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 3357. Photo
courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg.
11135-11140.
Smith
FIG.
5
Head of Ptolemy v i n ( 1 4 5 - 1 1 6
B . C . ) . M a r b l e . H . : 23.5 cm. Private
collection, on loan to Yale
University A r t Gallery, N e w
Haven. Photo: Sotheby's, Inc.
FIG.
6
Head of Ptolemy v i n ( 1 4 5 - 1 1 6
B . C . ) . D i o r i t e . H . : 51 c m . Brussels,
Musees Royaux d ' A r t et d'Histoire
E1839.
H e l l e n i s t i c r e n d e r i n g of the type; the granite head is a t h o u g h t f u l transla­
t i o n or a d a p t a t i o n f o r a t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n statue.
P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes P h y s k o n issued rare t e t r a d r a c h m s a n d
d i a d r a c h m s (the latter dated i n 1 3 8 / 1 3 7
B.C.),
o n w h i c h he wears the ra­
diate d i a d e m a n d aegis o f his great t h i r d - c e n t u r y forebear P t o l e m y i n
Euergetes.
19
I t is a p l u m p - f a c e d , wide-eyed image t h a t combines a p r o ­
n o u n c e d p h y s i o g n o m i c a l p r o f i l e — l a r g e nose, s m a l l p o u t i n g m o u t h ,
w e a k c h i n — w i t h an impressive r o y a l bearing. T h i s c o i n gives the key t o
a series of related images, some t y p o l o g i c a l l y , some generically, related.
A s m a l l stucco head i n H i l d e s h e i m is a precise version of the
same p o r t r a i t t y p e ,
20
belongs here (fig. 5 ) .
a n d an i m p o r t a n t m a r b l e head i n N e w H a v e n also
21
T h i s is a lifesize p o r t r a i t w i t h h a i r a n d one ear
added i n stucco. I t has a l o n g face i n the t r a d i t i o n o f P h i l o m e t o r , w i t h
sharply c u t features l a i d over a p l u m p , rather formless, p o l i s h e d facial
structure. T h e r o u g h l y w o r k e d h a i r f o l l o w s precisely the same line a n d
r e l a t i o n t o the b r o w as the stucco head, a n d i t , t o o , is p r o b a b l y a version
of the same t y p e . A g a i n , the N e w H a v e n head is surely n o t the o r i g i n a l
c o u r t p o r t r a i t b u t an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f i t . I t seems t o have enlarged the
w i d e , s t a r i n g eyes a n d accentuated the aggressive p o u t of the l o w e r l i p .
O n e m i g h t note also the closeness of the eyes.
207
208
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
A fine d i o r i t e head i n Brussels is clearly an E g y p t i a n version
of the same p o r t r a i t type of P t o l e m y v i n (fig. 6, a n d B o t h m e r fig. 20 be­
low).
2 2
I t wears a d o u b l e c r o w n , s u p p o r t e d b e h i n d by a t a l l , b r o k e n back
p i l l a r . U n u s u a l l y for this category o f hellenizing p h a r a o n i c r o y a l p o r t r a i t ,
n o h a i r emerges f r o m beneath the c r o w n as an i m m e d i a t e l y i d e n t i f y i n g
" f o r e i g n " element. T h e p o r t r a i t effect is carried b y the face alone, a n d
the E g y p t i a n sculptor has made a very careful c o p y o f its i d e n t i f y i n g
p h y s i o g n o m y : fat cheeks, s m a l l p o u t i n g m o u t h , w e a k c h i n , p r o m i n e n t
nose, a n d large, r o u n d eyes. To capture the essence of the type, the sculp­
t o r seems also t o have intensified certain features, f o r example, the close­
ness o f the eyes a n d the fatness o f the face, w h i c h is rendered w i t h a
degree o f surface p l a s t i c i t y n o t present i n any o f the Greek versions of
the type. T h e shaping o f the eyes is a l i t t l e a s y m m e t r i c a l — o n e is w i d e r
t h a n the o t h e r — w h i c h perhaps indicates a certain u n f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h
the a p p r o p r i a t e f o r m s o f enlarged A l e x a n d r i a n r u l e r eyes. T h a t apart,
i t is a r e m a r k a b l y careful a n d i n s t a n t l y recognizable t r a n s l a t i o n of
Ptolemy
VIII'S
p o r t r a i t type i n t o p h a r a o n i c f o r m a n d m a t e r i a l .
There m u s t t h e n have been models o f the " o f f i c i a l " A l e x a n ­
d r i a n p o r t r a i t s o f Ptolemies v i a n d v i n available i n the native w o r k ­
shops t h a t p r o d u c e d the C a n o p u s a n d Brussels heads, a n d a certain
c o n s t i t u e n c y — s u r e l y some of the E g y p t i a n c l e r g y — w a n t e d t o see those
models e m p l o y e d . T h e face o f the statues denoted the distinctive a n d
special character o f the Ptolemaic pharaohs i n general and o f P h i l o m e t o r
a n d P h y s k o n i n p a r t i c u l a r . T h e statues are s t r i k i n g m o n u m e n t s of
priestly a c c o m m o d a t i o n t o the M a c e d o n i a n rulers.
T h e Brussels P h y s k o n is a near-perfect E g y p t i a n replica o f the
king's A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t type. W e m a y l o o k n o w at the image of a
FIG.
7
Head of Ptolemaic queen. Black
stone. M i d - to late second century
B.C. Lifesize. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 406.
Smith
FIG.
8
Head of Ptolemaic queen, from
Egypt. M a r b l e . M i d - to late
second century B . C . H . : 37 cm.
Paris, Musee du Louvre M A 3546.
c o n t e m p o r a r y queen a n d at a case o f s y n t a c t i c a l l y a w k w a r d t r a n s l a t i o n .
A n i m p o r t a n t head i n V i e n n a (fig. 7 ) ,
2 3
broken f r o m a traditional phar­
aonic statue w i t h back p i l l a r , m a y be v i e w e d as a female c o u n t e r p a r t t o
the Brussels P h y s k o n , o n l y here the s c u l p t o r h a d difficulty i n c a p t u r i n g
the essence o f the A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t he was a t t e m p t i n g t o r e p r o d u c e .
T h e head is a n E g y p t i a n r e n d e r i n g o r r e c e p t i o n o f a novel female r o y a l
style t h a t emerged at A l e x a n d r i a i n the m i d - s e c o n d c e n t u r y B . C . Several
m a j o r sculptures f r o m this c o n t e x t , f o r e x a m p l e , a bronze head i n N a p l e s
a n d a m a r b l e head f r o m A l e x a n d r i a i n the L o u v r e (fig. 8), have a force­
f u l , energetic, a l m o s t " m a s c u l i n e " e x p r e s s i o n .
24
T h i s r o y a l style is a
s t r i k i n g d e p a r t u r e f r o m the passive beauty of A r s i n o e a n d Berenike i n
the t h i r d c e n t u r y a n d was p r o b a b l y designed f o r the series o f p o w e r f u l
queens i n the second century, Cleopatras
I-III,
w h o r u l e d o n behalf o f
o r t h r o u g h b o y kings a n d w e a k k i n g s .
L i k e the A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t s , the V i e n n a head wears d i a ­
d e m a n d Isis l o c k s , b u t i t has so heightened some features—the s t r o n g
d o u b l e c h i n , w i d e m o u t h , a n d masculine n a s o - l a b i a l f o l d s — t h a t the
subtle balance o f the A l e x a n d r i a n type between t r a d i t i o n a l beauty a n d
executive capacity has been a l l b u t destroyed. T h e s c u l p t o r seems b o t h
t o have m i s u n d e r s t o o d a n d t o have m i s m a n a g e d the f o r m s o f a c o m p l e x
a n d u n u s u a l image.
A m o n g the later Ptolemies, i x - x i , whose p o r t r a i t s have been
m u c h studied i n recent years a n d considerably e x p a n d e d by n e w pieces,
25
there are several f u r t h e r examples o f hard-stone heads based o n A l e x a n ­
d r i a n p o r t r a i t types, b u t none w i t h such clear t y p o l o g i c a l connections as
those seen i n the cases o f P h i l o m e t o r a n d P h y s k o n . A granite bust f r o m
A l e x a n d r i a , recently p u b l i s h e d , is perhaps a loose E g y p t i a n v e r s i o n o f
209
210
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
the same late Ptolemaic type preserved i n the p r o v i n c i a l limestone statue
f r o m A p h r o d i t o p o l i s . A n d a lost granite head, f o r m e r l y i n B e r l i n , was
2 6
surely based o n a p o r t r a i t f r o m the same e n v i r o n m e n t as a late Ptolemy
( i x o r x ) at the G e t t y .
27
T h i s demonstrable use o f A l e x a n d r i a n types by the E g y p t i a n
hard-stone w o r k s h o p s comes i n the well-defined c o n t e x t o f the king's
image. Since he was b o t h M a c e d o n i a n basileus
and Egyptian pharaoh,
P t o l e m y was a u n i q u e figure o f c o m m o n p r o p e r t y between the Greek
a n d the indigenous i n h a b i t a n t s o f E g y p t . I t is precisely this statuary c o n ­
t e x t t h a t is so w e l l b r o u g h t t o life by the inscriptions o f the E g y p t i a n
clergy i n the later t h i r d a n d second centuries, such as the Canopus a n d
the Rosetta decrees. These inscriptions are edicts o f the assembled
28
E g y p t i a n priests meeting t o vote c u l t a n d statuary h o n o r s t o the Ptole­
maic kings i n the native temples o f E g y p t . T h e y d o c u m e n t h o w "the na­
tive clergy, t h r o u g h decrees made at synods, i n c o r p o r a t e d an E g y p t i a n
version o f the H e l l e n i s t i c c u l t of the Ptolemies i n t o the priesthoods a n d
r i t u a l s o f the l o c a l t e m p l e s . "
29
I t is against the b a c k g r o u n d o f this larger
p h e n o m e n o n t h a t the hard-stone version o f A l e x a n d r i a n r o y a l types
s h o u l d be set.
R o y a l interest i n the dissemination o f images i n the temples is
p l a i n l y stated i n the Mendes stela, a n d the priests' interest i n the style o r
" m a n n e r " (tropos)
cree.
30
o f the statues is e x p l i c i t l y attested i n the Rosetta de­
T h e clergy's decision t o have Ptolemy's features represented i n a
Hellenistic i d i o m i n some statues i n a d d i t i o n t o the usual statues w i t h
p u r e l y p h a r a o n i c features was analogous t o their decision t o p u b l i s h
their decrees i n the Greek language as w e l l as E g y p t i a n . T h i s measurable
i c o n o g r a p h i c a s s i m i l a t i o n o f the t r a d i t i o n a l image of p h a r a o h t o Ptole­
maic r o y a l style a n d t o p a r t i c u l a r types was meant t o represent t o the
E g y p t i a n temple-goer the distinctive nature a n d i d e n t i t y o f the Ptolemaic
p h a r a o h residing i n his foreign c a p i t a l at A l e x a n d r i a . I n the examples
we have e x a m i n e d the sculptors w e n t b e y o n d the simple i m p o r t a t i o n of
a few Greek elements t h a t indicated " P t o l e m y " t o the r e p r o d u c t i o n o f a
defined p o r t r a i t m o d e l t h a t specified w h i c h Ptolemy. T h e y s h o w t h a t
i n some E g y p t i a n temples, at least i n the second century, the a c q u i r i n g
a n d use o f an " i d e n t i f y i n g " A l e x a n d r i a n m o d e l was considered desirable
for the m a n u f a c t u r e o f some o f the r e i g n i n g Ptolemy's statues. T h e c o n ­
t e x t a n d o r i g i n o f this p h e n o m e n o n , i t m a y be guessed, was M e m p h i s ,
whose c u l t u r e has been so w e l l described by D . J. T h o m p s o n i n her
Memphis
under the Ptolemies**
These images m a y be seen as the visual
c o u n t e r p a r t o f the p o l i c y o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n w i t h the M a c e d o n i a n rulers
pursued by the M e m p h i t e clergy t h r o u g h the m e d i u m o f the r o y a l c u l t .
Lincoln College
O X F O R D ,
E N G L A N D
Smith
Notes
1
H . K y r i e l e i s , Bildnisse
p i s . 8, 1 7 , 3 0 , 4 0 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 1 -
(Berlin
der Ptolemder
1 9 7 5 ) ; E . B r u n e l l e , Die Bildnisse
der
9 2 , pis. 7 5 . 3 - 1 1 .
Ptole-
( P h . D . diss., F r a n k f u r t 1 9 7 6 ) ;
mderinnen
R . R . R . S m i t h , Hellenistic
Royal
(Ox­
Portraits
9
See esp. P l u t a r c h , Dem.
2 - 4 , probably from
f o r d 1988), ch. 9, " T h e Ptolemies and E g y p t . "
the early Hellenistic h i s t o r y of H i e r o n y m o s — s o
M u c h m a t e r i a l also i n H . M a e h l e r a n d
J. H o r n b l o w e r , Hieronymos
V . M . S t r o c k a , eds., Das ptolemaische
( M a i n z 1 9 7 8 ) ; a n d R . S. B i a n c h i ,
Egypt:
Age
(Oxford
i d e o l o g y i n t h i s passage, cf. S m i t h ( n o t e 1
Cleopatra's
a b o v e ) , p . 5 2 . O n T h e o k r i t o s 17 = A u s t i n
e x h . cat. ( T h e
of the Ptolemies,
of Cardia
1 9 8 1 ) , p p . 6 7 - 7 1 . O n the reflection o f r o y a l
Agypten
B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 8 8 ) . Some recent articles:
( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p . 2 1 7 ; cf. Fraser, v o l . 1 ( n o t e 5
A . L i n f e r t , " N e u e P t o l e m a e r : P t o l e m a i o s 11.
above), p p .
u n d A r s i n o e 11.," Mitteilungen
Archaologischen
Instituts,
des
666-67.
Deutschen
Athenische
Abteilung
10
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 7 9 - 8 0 , p i . 70.
II
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 9 4 - 9 6 , p i . 82.
12
T w o w i d e l y separated examples, one r o y a l , one
102 (1987): 2 7 9 - 8 2 ; G. Dontas, " Z u einem
H e r r s c h e r k o p f In M u s e u m v o n K o s , "
lungen
tuts,
des Deutschen
Athenische
Mittei­
Archaologischen
Insti­
104 (1989):
Abteilung
159-63;
M . P r a n g e , " D a s B i l d n i s A r s i n o e s 11. P h i l a d e l ­
p h o s , 2 7 8 - 7 0 v . C h r . , " Mitteilungen
schen
Archaologischen
des
Instituts,
"private."
Deut­
(1) C o i n s o f Q u e e n P h i l i s t i s at Syracuse:
Athenische
C . M . K r a a y a n d M . H i r m e r , Greek
105 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 1 9 7 - 2 1 1 ; H . P. L a u f >
Abteilung
scher, " P t o l e m a i s c h e R e i t e r b i l d e r , "
gen des Deutschen
Athenische
Mitteilun­
Archaologischen
Ancient
Instituts,
106 (1991):
Abteilung
Coins
( L o n d o n 1966), p i . 49; G . K . Jenkins,
Greek
Coins
(New York 1972),
fig. 6 0 3 .
223-38.
(2) L i m e s t o n e f e m a l e h e a d f r o m A r s o s , C y p r u s :
2
K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 0 , 8 2 , B 1 a n d J 2,
J. B . C o n n e l l y , Votive
p i s . 8.5, 6, 9 ; 7 2 . 4 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p .
tic Cyprus
4 4 , 9 1 , app. v m , n o . 9, p i . 70.6; N . H i m r n e l -
p i . 1 2 . T h e e x t e n t o f t h i s p h e n o m e n o n is
Sculpture
of
Hellenis­
( N i c o s i a 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 3 6 , n o . 3,
m a n n , " E i n Ptolemaer m i t Keule u n d K o t h u r n , "
best i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e g r e a t n u m b e r o f " p r i ­
i n Festschrift
vate" H e l l e n i s t i c female heads t h a t archaeo­
v o l . 1 (Istanbul 1989),
fur J . Inan,
p p . 3 9 1 - 9 5 ; Laubscher (note 1 above): 230.
l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e has, at one t i m e o r a n o t h e r ,
A r s i n o e ' s dikeras:
t h i s , cf. S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p .
i d e n t i f i e d as A r s i n o e 11 o r B e r e n i k e 11. O n
3
Athenaeus 1 1 . 4 9 7 B - C .
89-90,
w i t h e x a m p l e s c i t e d at n o t e 2 4 .
4
O n r o y a l e l e p h a n t exuviae,
1 above):
cf. L a u b s c h e r ( n o t e
13
232-35.
B i a n c h i ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 5 - 8 0 , a n d o n cat.
nos. 2, 3 1 , 32, 35, 36, 38, 39, 4 2 - 4 7 , 52, 53.
5
Orientis
Graeci
Inscriptiones
Selectae,
M . M . A u s t i n , The Hellenistic
Alexander
to the Roman
of Ancient
Sources
World
Conquest:
p . 54 =
F o r e x a m p l e , o n t h e Brussels P t o l e m y v m (here
from
f i g . 6 ) : "Because t h e h e a d i n Brussels c o n f o r m s
A
its r e s e m b l a n c e t o i m a g e s o f a n y
Fragmente
6 3 1 , F 1, w i t h
Historiker,
P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic
current i n the t h i r d a n d second centuries B . C . ,
(Cambridge
in Translation
1 9 8 1 ) , p . 2 2 1 ; S a t y r o s , F. J a c o b y , Die
der griechischen
to established pharaonic traditions that were
Selection
v
2
( p . 1 4 9 , cat. 5 3 ) .
(Oxford
Alexandria
1972), v o l . 1, pp. 2 0 2 - 3 ; ° l -
J P-
1
2
0
N
- 4814
6
7
B . V . B o t h m e r , Egyptian
p. 148, pis. 1 7 . 1 - 4 ; S m i t h (note 1 above), p . 4 4 ,
Period
pi. 75.9.
t h e r b e l o w at n o t e 2 8 .
15
O n Seleucid r o y a l p o r t r a i t s , see n o w R . F l e i ­
Herrscherbildnisse
8
T h e r e is n o f u l l s t u d y o f t h i s m a t e r i a l . See
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 2 8 - 2 9 w i t h n . 120,
scher, Studien
zur Seleukidischen
Kunst,
Ptolemaic
r u l e r i n a H e l l e n i s t i c i d i o m m a y be g r a t u i t o u s "
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 18, 29, 4 2 - 4 3 ,
52,
16
Late
1 0 , a n d D 5, 6; w i t h S m i t h ( n o t e
1 a b o v e ) , p p . 88-89
(Mainz 1991).
of the
See, f o r e x a m p l e , K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , B 6,
8, 1 0 , C 1 - 7 ,
v o l . 1,
Sculpture
( B r o o k l y n i 9 6 0 ) . O n the context, fur­
a n d app. v.
M a r b l e head: Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 60,
211
212
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
F 3, p i s . 49.2., 5 0 , 5 1 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) ,
R . R . R. S m i t h , " T h r e e H e l l e n i s t i c Rulers at the
p . 9 3 , cat. 5 5 , p i s . 3 8 . 1 , 2 . C o i n : K y r i e l e i s
G e t t y , " The J . Paul Getty
(note 1 above), p . 59, p i . 46.3; S m i t h (note 1
( 1 9 8 6 ) : 5 9 - 7 8 , at 7 0 - 7 8 .
Museum
14
Journal
above), p . 9 3 , p i . 7 5 . 1 4 . T h i s rare silver
h e m i d r a c h m m a k e s t h e clearest t y p o l o g i c a l
17
26
G r a n i t e b u s t , A l e x a n d r i a P 1 2 0 7 2 : P. E . S t a n -
c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the A l e x a n d r i a n marble head.
w i c k , " A R o y a l Ptolemaic Bust i n A l e x a n d r i a , "
T h e p o r t r a i t o n the b e t t e r - k n o w n Phoenician
Journal
tetradrachms (Kyrieleis [note 1 above], p i . 4 6 . 1 ;
Egypt
of the American
Research
Center
in
2 9 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 3 1 - 4 1 , figs, i a , b . A p h r o -
S m i t h [ n o t e 1 a b o v e ] , p i . 7 5 . 1 3 ) is p r o b a b l y o f
d i t o p o l i s statue: Kyrieleis (note 1 above),
t h e same t y p e . T h e r e w a s also a q u i t e separate,
p p . 7 0 - 7 1 , H 3, p i s . 5 9 . 3 , 4 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1
earlier, m o r e y o u t h f u l P h i l o m e t o r p o r t r a i t type,
a b o v e ) , p . 9 7 , cat. 6 1 , p i s . 4 1 . 1 - 3 . T h e r e seems
attested by the u n i q u e g o l d o c t o d r a c h m i n L o n ­
t o be a d i s t i n c t e c h o o f a c o m m o n i m a g e be­
d o n : S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 93 ( w i t h l i t .
t w e e n these t w o p o r t r a i t s , n o t a b l y i n t h e s i m i l a r
n . 38), pis. 75-!5>
f o r m u l a t i o n s o f t h e eyes a n d c h i n .
l
6
-
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 5 9 - 6 0 , F 1, p i . 4 7 ;
27
S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 9 3 , cat. 7 1 , p i . 4 6 . 2 .
Berlin head: Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 7 2 ,
H 7, pis. 6 3 . 1 - 3 ; S m i t h (note 1 above), p . 9 6 ,
cat. 7 5 , p i s . 4 8 . 3 , 4 . G e t t y h e a d : S m i t h ( n o t e 25
18
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 6 0 , F 2, pis. 4 8 , 4 9 . 1 ;
a b o v e ) : 7 0 - 7 8 , figs. 6 a , d ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) ,
S m i t h (note 1 above), p . 9 3 , cat. 7 2 , pis. 4 6 . 3 , 4 .
p . 9 6 , c a t . 5 9 , p i s . 4 0 . 1 , 2 . T h e s e heads w e r e
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 63, p i . 5 2 . 1 ; S m i t h
Alexandrian type.
b o t h p r o b a b l y simplified versions o f a single
19
(note 1 above), p. 9 4 , p i . 7 5 . 1 7 .
28
C a n o p u s : Orientis
Graeci
Inscriptiones
Selec-
20
K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 6 4 , G 1 , p i . 5 2 . 2 , 3.
tae, p . 5 6 = A u s t i n ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p . 2 2 2 .
21
S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 6 - 9 7 , 1 2 4 , cat.
p . 9 0 = A u s t i n ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p . 2 2 7 . F o r es­
R o s e t t a : Orientis
Graeci
Inscriptiones
Selectae,
5 8 , p i s . 3 9 . 3 , 4 — t h e r e n o t e d as close t o
sential b a c k g r o u n d o n the E g y p t i a n temples
P t o l e m y v n i ( p . 9 6 ) , b u t c a t a l o g u e d as " a late
a n d c l e r g y , see esp. D . J. T h o m p s o n ,
P t o l e m y , p r o b a b l y P t o l e m y i x o r x . " I t seems
under
the Ptolemies
Memphis
(Princeton 1988), ch. 4,
t o me n o w m o r e clearly a version of Physkon's
"Ptolemies and Temples"; and out of m a n y
m a i n A l e x a n d r i a n type. Also illustrated i n
a r t i c l e s b y J. Q u a e g e b e u r , h i s " C l e o p a t r a v i i
R . R . R . S m i t h , Hellenistic
a n d the Cults of the Ptolemaic Queens," i n
(London
Sculpture
Bianchi (note 1 above), p p . 4 1 - 5 4 . Also o n
1991),%. 241.
t h e p r i e s t s : J.-C. G o y o n , " P t o l e m a i c E g y p t :
22
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 6 4 , G 2, pis. 52.4,
Priests a n d t h e T r a d i t i o n a l R e l i g i o n , " i n B i a n c h i
5 3 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 3 - 9 4 , cat. 7 3 ,
(note 1 above), p p . 2 9 - 3 9 .
pis. 4 7 . 1 , 2. Cf. B i a n c h i (note 1 above),
29
p p . 1 4 8 - 4 9 , cat. 53 ( q u o t e d n o t e 13 a b o v e ) .
Quaegebeur (note 28 above), p . 4 2 , f o l l o w i n g
D . J. C r a w f o r d , " P t o l e m y , P t a h a n d A p i s i n
23
24
S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 4 - 9 5 , cat. 7 4 ,
H e l l e n i s t i c M e m p h i s , " i n D . J. C r a w f o r d ,
pis. 4 8 . 1 , 2.
J. Q u a e g e b e u r , a n d W . C l a r y s s e , Studies
on
Ptolemaic
24
Memphis.
Studia
Hellenistica
( L o u v a i n 1 9 8 0 ) : p p . 1 - 4 2 , esp. 2 7 - 3 6 .
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 1 2 0 - 2 1 , M 12,
pis. 1 0 4 . 1 , 2 (Louvre); S m i t h (note 1 above),
p p . 7 5 - 7 6 , 9 4 , cat. 2 4 a n d 5 6 , p i s . 1 9 . 1 , 2 a n d
30
M e n d e s stela: " H i s m a j e s t y o r d e r e d t o erect h e r
[sc A r s i n o e ' s ] statues i n every t e m p l e , t h i s w a s
38.3, 4 (Naples and Louvre).
pleasing t o t h e i r priests . . . her cult-statues
25
w e r e m a d e i n e a c h n o m e . " T r a n s . : J. Q u a e g e ­
K . Parlasca, " E i n verkanntes hellenistisches
H e r r s c h e r b i l d n i s , " Jahrbuch
Archaologischen
Instituts
des
beur, " D o c u m e n t s C o n c e r n i n g a C u l t o f A r s i n o e
Deutschen
82 (1967): 1 6 7 - 9 4 ;
P h i l a d e l p h o s at M e m p h i s , " Journal
of
Near
Eastern
" D i e Bildnisse Ptolemaios i x , x , u n d x i , " i n
n . 1 3 ; also i d e m , i n B i a n c h i ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) ,
H . M a e h l e r a n d V . M . S t r o c k a , eds.,
p. 4 3 . I n the c o n t e x t o f this d o c u m e n t , we can
ptolemdische
Agypten
Das
(Mainz 1978), pp. 9 - 2 2 ;
H . M a e h l e r , " E g y p t under the Last Ptolemies,"
Bulletin
of the Institute
the University
of London
of Classical
Studies
30 (1983): 1-16;
Studies
3 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 2 3 9 - 7 0 , esp. 2 4 2
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 6 4 - 7 5 ; A . K r u g ,
w e l l imagine a request f o r a n d the d i s t r i b u t i o n
of p o r t r a i t models f r o m A l e x a n d r i a .
R o s e t t a s t o n e , Orientis
of
tiones
Selectae,
Graeci
Inscrip­
9 0 , l i n e 3 9 : " t h e statues s h a l l be
Smith
made i n the native (or Egyptian) manner
pos)."
(tro-
T h e w o r d f o r " n a t i v e / E g y p t i a n " is re­
stored i n the Greek t e x t f r o m the h i e r o g l y p h i c
a n d d e m o t i c versions: E. A . W a l l i s Budge,
Rosetta
Stone
The
( L o n d o n 1929), pp. 88, 117. The
s u r v i v i n g p o r t r a i t s s h o w h o w far t h e priests
w e r e w i l l i n g t o see t h i s o r d e r c o m p r o m i s e d .
3I
T h o m p s o n ( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) .
213
This page intentionally left blank
215
Hellenistic Elements in Egyptian Sculpture
of the Ptolemaic Period
Bernard
Norma
Jean
thanks
Paul
Bothmer
for preparing
I n the last t h i r t y years, the study o f Late E g y p t i a n sculpture has made
Stanwick
great progress, m a i n l y as a result o f three l a n d m a r k p u b l i c a t i o n s : Egyp­
t i a n Sculpture o f the Late Period i n i 9 6 0 , Bildnisse der Ptolemaer i n
completing
the
This
is
posthumously.
Bothmer
the
for publication
article
V.
article
and
for
notes.
published
1 9 7 5 , a n d Das ptolemaische A g y p t e n i n 1 9 7 8 . T h e y i n t u r n have gener­
ated numerous studies a n d articles i n the scholarly l i t e r a t u r e , i n c l u d i n g
Cleopatra's E g y p t i n 1 9 8 8 ' — t h e catalog of the e x h i b i t i o n i n B r o o k l y n
o n Ptolemaic E g y p t , w h i c h contains some novel as w e l l as bizarre
ideas. T h u s , accurately dated m a t e r i a l f o r each successive c e n t u r y f r o m
8 0 0 B . C . t o the R o m a n conquest i n 30 B . C . has been w e l l defined, a l ­
t h o u g h such secure a t t r i b u t i o n s are disseminated very slowly, especially
i n the academic w o r l d .
A m o n g the p r o b l e m s r e m a i n i n g is, f o r instance, the difficulty
i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the r o y a l likenesses o f D y n a s t y x x x ( 3 8 0 - 3 4 3 B . C . )
f r o m those o f a h u n d r e d years later. As research o n the last f o u r cen­
2
turies o f ancient E g y p t is n o w being c o n d u c t e d i n the great E g y p t o l o g i c a l
centers o f the West, we n o w k n o w t h a t m a n y elements o f E g y p t i a n statu­
ary o f the Ptolemaic Period (305 = 30
B.C.),
once considered t o be o f for­
eign o r i g i n , have been f o u n d t o stem f r o m native sources, f o r e x a m p l e ,
the r i c h drapery o f the male costume (figs. 1, 2 ) . O n the other h a n d ,
3
n e w features have come t o l i g h t t h a t were o v e r l o o k e d u n t i l recently a n d
are n o w recognized as n o n - E g y p t i a n . T h i s was due t o the presence a n d ,
after Alexander's death, t o the p r e d o m i n a n c e o f the Greeks i n the N i l e
Valley. A m o n g these n e w features are matters o f substance a n d o f style,
b u t i n the m o s t p r o m i n e n t E g y p t i a n art f o r m — s c u l p t u r e i n the r o u n d —
Hellenistic influence does n o t become evident u n t i l w e l l past the begin­
n i n g of the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . O n e can see the emergence o f this influence
especially i n the naturalistic r e n d e r i n g o f the real h a i r (fig. 3 ) . T h i s shift
4
i n style persists u n t i l the m i d d l e o f the first c e n t u r y B . C . , as is evident i n
the B r o o k l y n " B l a c k H e a d " (fig. 4 ) ; a l t h o u g h the h a i r is h i g h l y pat­
5
terned, i t still shows n a t u r a l locks. R o y a l t y , t o o , is thus p o r t r a y e d , even
under the t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n headdress (figs. 5a, b ) .
6
A m o r e s u m m a r y e x e c u t i o n of the coiffure m a y n o t have de­
veloped u n t i l the second century B . C . , as can be seen i n t w o heads w i t h
s h o r t - c r o p p e d hair, one i n S t o c k h o l m (fig. 6 ) a n d another i n Cleveland
7
(fig. 7 ) . T h e n e w t r e a t m e n t o f the h a i r is accompanied by the represen8
216
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
I
K i n g Sety ι ( 1 3 0 6 - 1 2 9 0 B.C.),
from Abydos. Schist. H . : 21 cm.
Cairo, The Egyptian Museum
CG 7 5 1 . Photo courtesy of the
Institute of Fine Arts, N e w York
University.
FIG.
2
Draped male torso, f r o m Tell elT i m a i (Thmuis). Basalt. Ptolemaic
Period. H . : 96.5 cm. Alexandria,
Graeco-Roman Museum 20949
( = G. 214). Photo courtesy of the
Institute of Fine Arts, N e w York
University.
2
I
FIG.
3
M a l e head, provenance u n k n o w n .
Basalt. Second century B.C. H . :
20.2 cm. M u n i c h , Staatliche
Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst
GI.WAF 328.
FIG.
4
The Brooklyn "Black H e a d , "
provenance u n k n o w n ; reportedly
from M i t r a h i n e h . Diorite. A b o u t
8 0 - 5 0 B.C. H . : 41.4 cm. The
Brooklyn Museum 58.30, Charles
E d w i n W i l b o u r Fund.
3
4
FIGS.
5a, b
Ptolemy v i Philometor
( 1 8 0 - 1 6 4 / 1 6 3 - 1 4 5 B.C.), from
the sea at Aegina. Granite.
H . : 62.5 cm. Athens, N a t i o n a l
Archaeological Museum ANE 108.
5
5b
B o t h m e r
7
6
FIG.
6
Head of male statue, provenance
u n k n o w n . Granite. Second century
B.C. H . (of head): 12.2 cm.
Stockholm, Medelhavsmuseet
NME 73.
FIG.
7
Head of bearded male statue, from
Cyrenaica. Basalt. Second century
B.C. H . (of head): 7.9 cm. The
Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t 91.2b.
FIG.
8
M a l e head w i t h diadem,
provenance u n k n o w n , said to be
f r o m Dime. Granite. First century
B.C. H . : 34.5 cm. M u n i c h , Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst
G l . 30.
FIG.
9
M a l e head, from Tanis. Basalt.
A b o u t 8 0 - 5 0 B.C. H . : 34 cm.
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
M u s e u m 3204.
8
9
217
218
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
10
Bust of a king, provenance un­
k n o w n . Diorite. A b o u t 2 2 0 180 B.C. H . : 44.5 cm. N e w Haven,
Yale University A r t Gallery
1.1.195 3 (on loan from the
Peabody Museum of N a t u r a l
History, Yale University).
FIG.
II
Royal head w i t h diadem, prove­
nance u n k n o w n . Granite. A b o u t
6 0 - 3 0 B.C. H . : 10.5 cm. Bologna,
Museo Civico Archeologico
KS1803.
t a t i o n o f w h i s k e r s , sideburns (fig. 8 ) , a t h i c k mustache, o r a s t u b b l y
9
(fig. 9 )
1 0
o r f u l l beard (see fig. 7 ) .
W h i l e m o s t Ptolemaic p h a r a o h s are represented i n the t r a d i ­
t i o n a l nemes headdress (fig. i o ) ,
1 1
some o f t h e m , a l t h o u g h sculptured
w i t h a back p i l l a r , wear the t y p i c a l l y H e l l e n i s t i c tie o r b a n d a r o u n d the
head (fig. 1 1 ) ;
1 2
queens, t o o , are thus s h o w n (fig. 1 2 ) .
13
N o t a l l of those
a d o r n e d w i t h r i b b o n s o r bands o n their h a i r are r o y a l figures, since these
insignia, as w e l l as the l a u r e l w r e a t h , also distinguished certain members
of the p r i e s t h o o d (fig. 1 3 ) .
1 4
15
For example, the statue o f Pamenkhes, a p r o v i n c i a l governor i n the t i m e
B.C.),
12
Queen's head, provenance
A b a n d o f rosettes, however, p r i m a r i l y identified a n o m a r c h .
of C l e o p a t r a v n ( 5 1 - 3 0
FIG.
wears such a d i a d e m (fig. 1 4 ) ,
1 6
as d o
u n k n o w n . Limestone. Ptolemaic
Period. H . : 13.7 cm. The B r o o k l y n
Museum 71.12, Charles E d w i n
W i l b o u r Fund.
Bothmer
FIG.
13
Head w i t h laurel wreath, from
Tell U m m el-Briegat (Tebtunis).
Limestone. Late Ptolemaic Period.
H . : 8.5 cm. Cairo, The Egyptian
Museum JE 65424 A .
FIG.
14
Statue head of Pamenkhes w i t h
rosette wreath, from Dendera.
Granite. A b o u t 5 0 - 3 0 B.C.
H . (total statue): 130 cm. Cairo,
The Egyptian Museum JE 46320
(statue base is CG 50047).
13
FIGS.
14
I 5a, b
Statue head of H o r , son of T u t u ,
provenance u n k n o w n , said to be
from Sais. Granite. End of fourth
century B.C. H . (total statue):
113 cm. Berlin, Agyptisches
Museum 2271.
I 5b
I 5a
other officials i n positions of p o l i t i c a l p o w e r . We also k n o w o f at least
one instance where the rosettes were r e m o v e d for reasons n o t k n o w n
a n d replaced by n a t u r a l hair (figs. 15a, b ) ,
1 7
perhaps because the o w n e r
lost his exalted p o s i t i o n before he d i e d .
A t y p i c a l l y M a c e d o n i a n headdress, the kausia,
makes its ap­
pearance i n the terracottas o f private persons after Ptolemaic rule was
established i n the N i l e Valley, as s h o w n by a fine example i n a private
FIG.
16
Head w i t h kausia, provenance
u n k n o w n . Terracotta. Ptolemaic
c o l l e c t i o n (fig. i 6 ) .
1 8
T h a t this k i n d of cap o r hat was also w o r n by
Ptolemaic p h a r a o h s has been k n o w n f r o m seal impressions for some
Period. H . : 9.5 cm. Amsterdam,
t i m e . T h e seals were f o u n d at E d f u , Delos, K a l l i p o l i s , a n d N e a P a p h o s .
private collection.
O n l y recently d i d a Ptolemaic ruler's head w e a r i n g the kausia
appear i n
19
219
220
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
17
Royal head w i t h kausia, prove­
nance u n k n o w n , said to be from
the Faiyum. Limestone. Mid-first
century B . C . H . : 23 cm. H a r m o n
Fine Arts/Leonard Stern. Illus­
trated by permission of Leonard
Stern, N e w York.
FIG.
18
Ptolemy i v Philopator ( 2 2 2 205 B . C . ) , from Canopus. Granite.
H . : 150 cm. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 3364.
FIG.
19
Ptolemy v Epiphanes ( 2 0 5 180 B . C . ) , provenance u n k n o w n .
Alabaster. H . : 7.6 cm. Berlin,
Agyptisches Museum 13457.
FIG.
20
Ptolemy v i n Euergetes 11 ( 1 7 0 1 6 3 / 1 4 5 - 1 1 6 B . C . ) , provenance
u n k n o w n . Diorite. H . : 51 cm.
Brussels, Musees Royaux d A r t et
d'Histoire E . 1839.
a private c o l l e c t i o n i n N e w Y o r k (fig. 1 7 ) .
2 0
I t represents a r o y a l y o u t h
a d o r n e d w i t h uraeus, H e l l e n i s t i c hairstyle, a n d a full-sized u n i n s c r i b e d
back p i l l a r . T h e eyes a n d eyebrows were once i n l a i d . Stylistic considera­
tions suggest t h a t the head s h o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d t o the m i d d l e o f the first
c e n t u r y B . C . T h e delicate, i d e a l i z i n g features are paralleled i n a firstc e n t u r y limestone s p h i n x i n N e w Y o r k ;
2 1
the style o f the locks, w i t h
s h o r t curls over the forehead, can be c o m p a r e d t o a s i m i l a r treatment i n
the B r o o k l y n " B l a c k H e a d " (see fig. 4 ) . L i t e r a r y evidence is likewise sup­
p o r t i v e o f a m i d - f i r s t - c e n t u r y a t t r i b u t i o n ; a passage i n Plutarch's Life
Antony
of
(54.5) relates t h a t a son o f M a r k A n t o n y a n d Cleopatra V H was
dressed u p i n a kausia a n d d i a d e m .
22
T h e question o f true p o r t r a i t u r e i n ancient E g y p t is still m u c h
debated, m a i n l y because w e d o n o t have c o r r o b o r a t i v e sources t o i n d i ­
cate h o w the people thus represented l o o k e d i n real l i f e .
23
I n Ptolemaic
B o t h m e r
FIG.
2 1
Ptolemy x Alexander I ( 1 0 7 88 B . C . ) , f r o m M e m p h i s . Plaster.
H . : 16.5 cm. Geneva, Musee d'art
et d'histoire 20240. © Musee d'art
et d'histoire.
FIG.
22
Head w i t h realistic features,
provenance u n k n o w n . D a r k stone.
Ptolemaic Period. H . : 18.5 cm.
Aix-en-Provence, Musee Granet 17.
FIG.
23
Head w i t h realistic features, from
the Temple of M u t , Karnak.
Granite. M i d d l e K i n g d o m .
H . : 18.5 cm. Petrie Museum of
Egyptian Archaeology, University
College L o n d o n , uc. 1 6 4 5 1 .
statuary, however, some of the rulers have been identified by name f r o m
sculptures a n d c o i n p o r t r a i t s . A m o n g t h e m are P t o l e m y i v P h i l o p a t o r
(222-205 - - 5
B
c
z
8),
2 4
P t o l e m y v Epiphanes ( 2 0 5 - 1 8 0 B . C . ; fig. 1 9 ) ,
25
a n d P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r ( 1 8 0 - 1 6 4 / 1 6 3 = 145 B . C . ; see fig. 5). P t o l e m y
VIII
Euergetes 11 ( 1 7 0 - 1 6 3 / 1 4 5 = 116
B.C.)
has also been recognized
by his f u l l face a n d w i d e - o p e n eyes i n a u n i q u e head, n o w i n Brussels
(fig. 20 a n d S m i t h fig. 6 above), t h a t reproduces precisely this king's p o r ­
t r a i t type as k n o w n f r o m c o i n s .
26
T h e likeness o f Ptolemy x A l e x a n d e r 1
( 1 0 7 - 8 8 B . C . ) is p r o b a b l y reflected i n a plaster profile, n o w i n Geneva
(fig. 2 1 ) ,
2 7
a n d i n a stucco mask i n M u n i c h t h a t was first p u b l i s h e d as a
likeness o f N e k t a n e b o 1 ( 3 8 0 = 3 6 2
i n a small basalt head i n P a r i s .
29
B.C.).
2 8
I t is p r o b a b l y also t o be f o u n d
Few such identifications exist f o r the
n u m e r o u s private E g y p t i a n sculptures whose realistic features (fig. 2 2 )
are w e l l k n o w n f r o m the p u b l i c a t i o n i n i 9 6 0 of Egyptian
the Late Period,
Sculpture
3 0
of
yoo B . C . to A . D . 100 a n d f r o m t w o studies o f the o r i g i n s
of R o m a n R e p u b l i c a n v e r i s m .
31
T h e a t t e m p t t o decide t o w h a t extent such realistic features
are true likenesses, r e n d e r i n g the very essence o f a definite person eter­
nally i n stone, is p r o b a b l y futile. H a r s h realism i n the image o f m a t u r e
Egyptians w i t h f u r r o w e d features goes back t o the M i d d l e K i n g d o m
(fig. 2 3 )
3 2
a n d was revived as an archaism i n the e i g h t h a n d seventh cen-
221
222
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
24
ALEXANDRIA
25
26
FIG.
24
Head w i t h realistic features,
provenance u n k n o w n , said
to be from Memphis. Schist.
Dynasty x x v n ( 5 2 5 - 4 0 4 B.C.).
H . : 25.1 cm. Paris, Musee du
Louvre N. 2454.
FIG.
25
Head w i t h realistic features, from
Dime. Granite. Ptolemaic Period.
H . : 19.5 cm. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 3194.
FIG.
26
Head w i t h realistic features and
shaven pate, provenance u n k n o w n .
Granite. Second century B.C.
H . : 13.9 cm. Paris, Musee du
Louvre E. 8060.
FIG.
27
27
Head w i t h rosette diadem, from
Aquileia. Basalt. Second century
B.C. H . : 18.5 cm. Trieste, Civici
Musei d i Storia ed Arte 2187.
FIG.
28
Statue of man i n pensive m o o d ,
provenance u n k n o w n . Basalt.
Second century B.C. H . : 49 cm.
L o n d o n , The British Museum
34270.
28
B o t h m e r
29
FIG.
31
30
29
Cocked statue head w i t h realistic
features, provenance u n k n o w n .
Steatite. Second century B.C.
turies B . C . Skin folds, w r i n k l e s , a n d crow's-feet at the outer corners o f
the eyes were for so l o n g p a r t o f the E g y p t i a n sculptor's r e p e r t o r y t h a t i t
is h a r d t o tell w h a t i n the Ptolemaic age is E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n a n d w h a t
H . (of head): 7.2 cm. Berlin,
is Hellenistic influence. C o m p a r e , for example, a head w i t h realistic fea­
Agyptisches Museum r o 9 7 2 .
tures (fig. 2 4 )
FIG.
30
3 3
o f D y n a s t y x x v n ( 5 2 5 - 4 0 4 B . C . ) w i t h t w o Ptolemaic
sculptures, one i n A l e x a n d r i a (fig. 2 5 )
3 4
a n d another i n Paris (fig. 2 6 ) .
3 5
Head w i t h gloomy features, prove­
I t is also difficult t o establish h o w m u c h o f the realism of a Greek p o r ­
nance u n k n o w n . Basalt. Second
t r a i t is rendered i n the features of an a n o n y m o u s E g y p t i a n n o m a r c h
century B.C. H . : 28 cm. Venice,
Museo Archeologico d i Venezia,
(fig. 2 7 ) .
no. 34.
pensive m o o d (fig. 2 8 ) ,
FIG.
3 1
3 6
W h a t is novel i n this stark realism, however, is first o f a l l the
3 7
occasionally i n d i c a t e d by the i n c l i n a t i o n o f the
head t o one side (fig. 2 9 ) .
3 8
G l o o m a n d m e l a n c h o l y also emanate f r o m
Head w i t h parted lips, provenance
these i n t e l l i g e n t faces (fig. 3 0 ) ,
u n k n o w n . Black marble? Ptole­
(fig. 3 1 ) .
maic Period. H . : 15.2 cm. N e w
realistic representations t h a t t o the u n i n i t i a t e d m a y resemble those o f an
York, A n t i q u a r i u m , L t d .
40
3 9
sometimes w i t h the lips slightly p a r t e d
I t is very difficult t o see this n e w s p i r i t t h r o u g h the facade o f
earlier age. I t is the " m o o d " t h a t makes the likenesses of the Ptolemaic
Period differ f r o m those of the preceding periods, surely as a result o f
the Hellenistic presence.
W h a t is n e w i n E g y p t i a n sculpture o f the Ptolemaic age is
the b l e n d i n g o f the art o f b o t h nations, E g y p t i a n and Greek (fig. 3 2 ) ,
41
achieved i n a series of likenesses t h a t c o m b i n e , i n E g y p t i a n materials a n d
techniques, Hellenistic concepts a n d features. T h e finest examples o f the
m i x t u r e o f t w o w o r l d s , one aged, one y o u t h f u l , are the H a r r i s head f r o m
A l e x a n d r i a i n the B r i t i s h M u s e u m (fig. 3 3 )
personage, possibly Caesarion ( 4 1 / 3 6 - 3 0
seum (fig. 3 4 ) .
4 3
4 2
a n d the statue o f a r o y a l
B.C.),
in The Brooklyn M u ­
B o t h s h o w the stylized treatment o f n a t u r a l hair, w h i l e
the latter also has the b a n d o f the Hellenistic r u l e r w i t h uraeus, his eyes
w i d e open, like those of A l e x a n d e r the Great, the m o u t h d i s d a i n f u l , the
w h o l e expressing the thoughtfulness a n d m e l a n c h o l y of the h u m a n face
t h a t came t o E g y p t w i t h the Greeks.
223
224
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
32
Ptolemy in? ( 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B.C.),
provenance u n k n o w n . Schist.
H . : 37 cm. N e w Haven, Yale
University A r t Gallery 4.1.1953
(on loan from the Peabody
Museum of N a t u r a l History,
Yale University).
32
FIG.
33
Head w i t h curly hair, provenance
u n k n o w n , said to come from
Alexandria. Schist. First century
B.C. H . : 24.5 cm. L o n d o n , The
British Museum 55253.
FIG.
34
Head of a royal statue, provenance
u n k n o w n . Basalt. First century
B.C. H . (total statue): 30.5 cm.
The B r o o k l y n Museum 54.117.
34
33
Bothmer
225
I n c l o s i n g , i t m a y be useful t o m e n t i o n c e r t a i n features o f
E g y p t i a n statuary o f the Ptolemaic Period t h a t u n t i l f a i r l y recently were
often a n d w r o n g l y c i t e d as s h o w i n g Greek influence. A m o n g t h e m are:
1.
the d r a p e d g a r m e n t o f the male figure w i t h n u m e r o u s folds
and pleats;
44
2.
the serrated scarf w i t h fringed b o r d e r s ;
3.
the pleated female c o s t u m e ;
4.
d e v i a t i o n f r o m the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e o f arms by the s i d e ;
5.
representation o f a p o t h e o s i s ;
6.
emphasis o n the shapely female f i g u r e ;
7.
the receding h a i r l i n e above the t e m p l e s ;
8.
exuberant torso m o d e l i n g .
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
There are, however, t w o features o f the sculptor's craft fre­
FIG.
35
Head of a kore, from Memphis.
q u e n t l y f o u n d i n statuary o f the Ptolemaic Period whose o r i g i n s are
Limestone. Late sixth century B . C .
c o m p l e x : i n l a i d eyes a n d c o r k s c r e w l o c k s . W h i l e i n l a i d eyes appear f a i r l y
H . (total statue): 7 2 cm. Cairo,
often i n E g y p t i a n sculpture f r o m the O l d K i n g d o m t o the N e w K i n g ­
The Egyptian M u s e u m C G 2 7 4 3 1 .
d o m , after the P^amesside p e r i o d (ended 1 0 7 0
B.C.),
they can be f o u n d
o n l y i n a few examples: o n a gray granite head o f K i n g O s o r k o n 11
( 8 8 3 - 8 5 5 B . C . ) from around 870 B . C . , n o w i n Philadelphia;
52
o n a schist
head o f K i n g Shabako ( 7 1 2 - 6 9 8 B . C . ) o f a b o u t 705 B . C . , n o w i n B r o o k ­
lyn;
5 3
a n d o n a g i l d e d figure of Isis w i t h H o r u s , dated b y the cartouches
of Psamtik 1 ( 6 6 4 - 6 1 0
B.C.),
now in London.
5 4
A l i t t l e later, f r o m E g y p t ,
a l t h o u g h n o t s t r i c t l y E g y p t i a n , is a limestone k o r e f r o m M e m p h i s t h a t
has been a t t r i b u t e d t o the last q u a r t e r of the s i x t h c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 3 5 ) .
5 5
Finally, a male d i o r i t e head, w h i c h m a y date t o D y n a s t y x x x ( 3 8 0 342
B.C.),
has b o t h i n l a i d eyes a n d e y e b r o w s .
56
A f t e r this rather sparse
use o f i n l a i d eyes, they appear q u i t e often i n the Ptolemaic P e r i o d , i n
stone sculpture f o r p r i v a t e persons as w e l l as f o r r o y a l t y (figs. 34, 3 6 ) .
5 7
T h e r e f o r e t h e i r frequent use i n E g y p t after A l e x a n d e r the Great m a y w e l l
be due t o the presence o f the Greeks whose o w n statuary often shows
this element i n sculpture i n the r o u n d .
T h e second feature, namely, c o r k s c r e w locks o n sculptures o f
w o m e n i n the Ptolemaic P e r i o d , has thus far been considered t o be o f
Egyptian o r i g i n .
FIG.
36
Queen's bust w i t h corkscrew locks,
provenance u n k n o w n . Basalt. Late
Ptolemaic Period. H . : 4 1 cm.
Rome, Museo Barracco 4 2 . Photo
courtesy of H . W. M u l l e r - A r c h i v e ,
Universitatsbibliothek Heidelberg,
neg.
no.
11/794.
5 8
I t m u s t be n o t e d , however, t h a t the c o r k s c r e w locks
h a d appeared i n Greek a r t l o n g before they were seen i n E g y p t ,
5 9
and it
is a q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r the hairstyle was n o t a d o p t e d by Greek w o m e n
before i t appeared i n E g y p t i a n statuary (fig. 3 6 ) . T h e use o f c o r k s c r e w
locks was thus perhaps i n s p i r e d by a Greek p r o t o t y p e , b u t i t was the
E g y p t i a n a d a p t a t i o n o f the hairstyle t h a t eventually pervaded the H e l ­
lenistic w o r l d .
226
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
W h i l e E g y p t i a n statues o f the Ptolemaic Period h o l d closely t o
long-established native canons, Greek influence sometimes is betrayed i n
the t r e a t m e n t o f facial features, coiffure, a n d costume. T h e r e is a n i n ­
creased emphasis o n the n a t u r a l i s t i c m o d e l i n g o f the h u m a n head, espe­
c i a l l y i n the e x e c u t i o n o f the h a i r , beard, a n d m o u t h . T h e t i l t o f the head
a n d the t u r n o f the t o r s o i n r e l a t i o n t o a s t r i c t l y f r o n t a l p o s i t i o n o f the
figure are also new. A n o t h e r change is the w e a r i n g o f Greek headdresses,
n o t a b l y the M a c e d o n i a n kausia.
E g y p t i a n Ptolemaic sculpture exem­
plifies a successful b l e n d i n g o f t w o separate t r a d i t i o n s , a native one,
nearly ended, a n d a y o u n g e r one, v i t a l i z e d by the spread o f Greek ideas
t h r o u g h the legacy o f A l e x a n d e r the Great.
New York University
N E W
Y O R K
B ot hm er
Notes
T h e f o r m e r figure: L . B o r c h a r d t , Statuen
und
t h o u g h t f u l discussion o n Ptolemaic E g y p t i a n sculp­
3
Statuetten
im
ture that c o n t r i b u t e d t o this paper. T h e editors w i s h
Museum
t o t h a n k R i c h a r d A . Fazzini, D o n a l d Spanel, Bojana
General
Mojsov, and Asmarina A r o m i n o of The Brooklyn
du Caire
T h e a u t h o r is g r a t e f u l t o J a c k A . J o s e p h s o n f o r
von Konigen
und
Privatleuten
vol. 3 of
von Kairo,
des Antiquites
Catalogue
Egyptiennes
du
Musee
(Berlin 1930), p. 74, p i . 139; V . Solia,
M u s e u m a n d C a r l a M a r c h i n i of the B r i t i s h M u s e u m
" A G r o u p o f R o y a l Sculptures f r o m A b y d o s , "
f o r t h e i r g e n e r o u s assistance i n s e c u r i n g
Journal
permissions
Research
Center
in
T h e l a t t e r figure: H . D e M e u l e n a r e a n d
erts a n d J e n n i R o d d a o f t h e I n s t i t u t e o f F i n e A r t s at
New
of the American
29 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 2 1 - 2 2 n . 3 0 , fig. 2 6 .
Egypt
for sculptures illustrated w i t h this article. N i t a R o b ­
P. M a c K a y , Mendes,
Y o r k University were helpful i n securing photos.
vol. 2 (Warminster 1976),
p . 2 0 0 , n o . 7 4 , p i . 2 7 d . R . S. B i a n c h i , " T h e
W a r m e s t t h a n k s are d u e t o t h e c o l l e c t o r s a n d
Striding Draped M a l e Figure of Ptolemaic
curators w h o graciously a l l o w e d the sculptures i n
t h e i r care t o be i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h i s p a p e r . T h e y are
E g y p t , " i n H . M a e h l e r a n d V . M . S t r o c k a , eds.,
Denis Coutagne (Musee Granet, Aix-en-Provence),
Das
D o r e y a Said ( G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m , A l e x a n d r i a ) ,
p p . 9 5 - 1 0 2 , discusses t h e d r a p e d m a l e
Olga Tzahou-Alexandri (National Archaeological
of the Ptolemaic p e r i o d .
ptolemdische
(Mainz 1978),
Agypten
figure
M u s e u m , Athens), D i e t r i c h W i l d u n g (Agyptisches
M u s e u m , Berlin), Christiana M o r i g i Govi (Museo
4
S. S c h o s k e a n d D . W i l d u n g , Agyptische
Kunst
C i v i c o A r c h e o l o g i c o , Bologna), Luc L i m m e (Musees
Munch
R o y a u x d ' A r t et d ' H i s t o i r e , Brussels), M o h a m m e d
Sammlung
Saleh ( T h e E g y p t i a n M u s e u m , C a i r o ) , A r i e l l e K o z l o f f
n i c h 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 5 4 , cat. 8 6 , i l l . ;
en.
(The Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t ) , Richard A . Fazzini
Cleopatra's
(The B r o o k l y n M u s e u m ) , Jean-Luc Chappaz (Musee
cat. 3 8 , i l l .
Katalog
— Handbuch
Agyptischer
Kunst
zur
Staatlichen
Munchen
(Mu­
(note 1 above), p p .
Egypt
133-34,
d ' a r t et d ' h i s t o i r e , G e n e v a ) , W . V . D a v i e s ( T h e B r i t i s h
M u s e u m , L o n d o n ) , R o s a l i n d H . Janssen (Petrie M u ­
5
ESLP
(note 1 above), p p . x x x i x , 128, 138,
seum of E g y p t i a n Archaeology, University College
1 4 3 , 1 5 6 , 1 7 2 - 7 3 , 1 7 6 , cat. 1 3 2 , p i s . 1 2 3 - 2 4 ,
L o n d o n ) , Sylvia Schoske (Staatliche S a m m l u n g A g y p -
figs. 3 2 9 - 3 1 ; R . F a z z i n i et a l . , Ancient
t i s c h e r K u n s t , M u n i c h ) , Susan B . M a t h e s o n (Yale
tian Art in the Brooklyn
University A r t Gallery, N e w Haven), R o b i n Bening-
1 9 8 8 ) , cat. 9 2 , i l l .
Egyp­
(Brooklyn
Museum
son ( A n t i q u a r i u m , L t d . , N e w Y o r k ) , L e o n a r d Stern
(New
York), Christiane Ziegler (Musee du Louvre,
6
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 37, 5 9 - 6 2 , 174,
Paris), M a r e s i t a N o t a ( M u s e o Barracco, R o m e ) ,
cat. F 1 , p i . 4 7 . 1 - 3 ; R . R . R . S m i t h ,
Bengt Peterson (Medelhavsmuseet,
Royal
Stockholm),
G r a z i a B r a v a r ( C i v i c i M u s e i d i S t o r i a ed A r t e , T r i ­
Portraits
Hellenistic
( O x f o r d 1988), pp. 87, 93, 170,
cat. 7 1 , p i . 4 6 . 2 .
este), M a r i s a R i g o n i ( M u s e o A r c h e o l o g i c o , V e n i c e ) .
7
1
B . V . B o t h m e r et a l . , Egyptian
Late
Period,
yoo
Sculpture
H . K y r i e l e i s , Bildnisse
En
(hereafter
der
(note 1 above), p . 156; B. George a n d
Medelhavsmuseet:
(Stockholm 1982), pp. 1 0 0 - 1 ,
Introduktion
ill.
Ptolemaer
(Berlin 1 9 7 5 ) . K . Parlasca, " P r o b l e m e
der
8
G . Pesce, I I "Palazzo
delle colonne"
in
Tole-
spaten Ptolemaerbildnisse," i n H . M a e h t e r
maide
a n d V . M . S t r o c k a , eds., Das
figs. 9 7 - 9 9 ; R . S. B i a n c h i , " C o l l e c t i n g a n d
Agypten
ptolemdische
( M a i n z 1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 2 5 - 3 0 , figs. 3 6 - 5 1 .
R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's
Ptolemies,
Egypt:
Age of
di Cirenaica
(Rome 1950), p. 80,
C o l l e c t o r s , E g y p t i a n S t y l e , " The Bulletin
the
the Cleveland
e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m
144-51, ill.
1 9 8 8 ) (hereafter Cleopatra's
Museum
of Art
Schoske a n d W i l d u n g (note 4 above), p p . 1 2 0 ,
J. J o s e p h s o n s f o r t h c o m i n g s t u d y o n f o u r t h -
1 2 2 , 1 5 4 , cat. 8 5 , i l l . ; Cleopatra's
c e n t u r y - B . c . r o y a l p o r t r a i t u r e , Egyptian
a b o v e ) , p p . 8 4 - 8 5 , cat. 2, i l l .
Sculpture
of the Late
Period:
400-246
Royal
Egypt
(note 1
B.C.,
w i l l discuss h o w D y n a s t y x x x styles c a n be d i s ­
tinguished f r o m those o f the t h i r d - c e n t u r y
Ptolemies.
of
79 ( M a y 1 9 9 2 ) :
Egypt).
9
2
ESLP
B. Peterson, " E g y p t e n , " i n
the
B.C. to A.D. IOO, e x h . cat.
(The B r o o k l y n M u s e u m i 9 6 0 )
ESLP).
of
10
ESLP
( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 7 0 - 7 2 , 1 7 3 , cat.
1 3 1 , p i . 1 2 2 , figs. 3 2 7 - 2 8 ; D . W i l d u n g a n d
G . G r i m m , Gotter,
Pharaonen,
e x h . cat. (Essen,
V i l l a H i i g e l 1 9 7 8 ) , cat. 1 2 9 , i l l . ; B . V . B o t h m e r ,
227
228
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
A L E X A N D R I A
" E g y p t i a n Antecedents of R o m a n Republican
V e r i s m , " Quaderni
di "La Ricerca
the clay sealing p o r t r a i t s appear i n S m i t h (note
Scientifica"
6 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 4 , 9 5 - 9 6 ; P. E . S t a n w i c k , " A
1 1 6 ( R o m e 1 9 8 8 ) : 4 7 - 6 5 , figs. 1 - 2 0 , esp. 6 3 .
R o y a l Ptolemaic Bust i n A l e x a n d r i a , "
of the American
I I
( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 2 , 1 4 1 - 4 2 , cat.
ESLP
Research
Center
Journal
29
in Egypt
( 1 9 9 2 ) : 135 n . 16.
1 0 9 , p i . 1 0 1 , figs. 2 7 0 - 7 1 ; G . D . S c o t t i n , An­
cient
Art at Yale ( N e w H a v e n 1 9 8 6 ) ,
Egyptian
20
p p . 1 6 5 - 6 7 , cat. 9 4 , i l l .
12
R . S. B i a n c h i , " A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t as a K a u s i a
D i a d e m a t o p h o r o s f r o m E g y p t , " i n The
Intellec­
tual Heritage
to
K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 5 , 1 7 7 , cat. H 1 9 ;
Ldszlo
C . G o v i et a l . , I I senso
the Occasion
dell'arte
nell'Antico
Kdkosy
Studies
by Friends
Presented
and Colleagues
of His 60th
Birthday
on
(Budapest
1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 6 9 - 7 5 , pis- n - 1 1 1 . A l t h o u g h B i a n c h i
e x h . cat. ( B o l o g n a , M u s e o C i v i c o 1 9 9 0 ) ,
Egitto,
of Egypt:
p . 1 9 9 , cat. 1 5 2 , i l l . F o r a discussion o f the
attempts t o a t t r i b u t e the head t o the f o u r t h cen­
H e l l e n i s t i c d i a d e m , see S m i t h ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) ,
t u r y B . C . , t h e r e is v e r y s t r o n g e v i d e n c e t o p l a c e
i t i n t h e first c e n t u r y B . C . , as m y a r g u m e n t s i n
pp. 3 4 - 3 8 .
this article demonstrate.
13
" A d d i t i o n s t o the M u s e u m Collections, D e p a r t ­
m e n t o f A n c i e n t A r t , " The Brooklyn
Museum
21
N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t
3 0 . 8 . 7 1 ; p r o v e n a n c e u n k n o w n . ESLP
12 ( 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 7 1 ) : 2 0 - 2 1 , i l l .
Annual
(note 1
a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 2 , 1 7 9 , cat. 1 2 5 , p i . 1 1 6 ,
14
A . Adriani, "Ritratti dell'Egitto greco-romano,"
Mitteilungen
Instituts,
des Deutschen
Romische
figs.
313-14.
Archaologischen
77 (1970): 7 2 -
Abteilung
22
T h e a u t h o r t h a n k s Jack A . Josephson for p o i n t ­
1 0 9 , p i s . 3 2 - 5 1 , esp. p . 9 1 n . 8 5 , p i . 4 6 . 1 ;
i n g o u t t h i s passage. T h e w e a r i n g o f t h e
G . G r i m m , Die romischen
i n t h e first c e n t u r y B . C . m a y h a v e been p a r t o f a
Mumienmasken
p i . 2 7 . 2 ; E . R u s s m a n n , Egyptian
Cairo
deliberate a t t e m p t b y the Ptolemies t o legitimize
(Wiesbaden 1974), pp. 48, 75,
aus Agypten
and Luxor
their rule i n politically unstable times by i n v o k ­
Sculpture:
i n g A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d his M a c e d o n i a n
(Austin 1989), pp. 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 ,
a n c e s t r y ; see C . B o h m , Imitatio
no. 9 1 , ill.
See ESLP
16
E . D r i o r t o n , Encyclopedie
Le Musee
du Caire
Photo graph ique
T h e r e is e x t e n s i v e l i t e r a t u r e o n t h e s u b j e c t
o f p o r t r a i t u r e . See, w i t h p r i o r b i b l i o g r a p h y ,
de
J. A s s m a n n , " D i e H i e r o g l y p h e M e n s c h : A g y p ­
(Cairo 1949), pp. 32,
4 7 , fig. 2 0 9 ; A . F a r i d , " G e n e r a l H a t h o r , D a u g h ­
t i s c h e P o r t r a t k u n s t , " Frankfurter
t e r o f S t r a t e g o s H j a r g s - P a k o m , " Revue
Zeitung,
tologie
im
(note 1 above), p p . 1 5 6 - 5 7 .
23
I'Art,
Alexandri
(Munich 1989), pp. 1 3 0 - 5 2 .
Hellenismus
15
kausia
d'Egyp-
Ancient
4 1 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 57 n . 1 , 5 8 , 6 3 .
Allgemeine
28 M a r c h 1 9 8 7 ; D . Spanel,
Eyes:
Egyptian
Portraiture,
Through
e x h . cat.
( B i r m i n g h a m M u s e u m of A r t 1988), and the
17
B o t h m e r (note 10 above): 4 8 , 6 1 ;
Egypt
Orientalis
(note 1 above), p p . 1 2 5 - 2 7 , cat. 3 1 , i l l . ;
K . - H . Priese, e d . , Das Agyptische
Berlin
review of this b o o k by R. Tefnin i n
Cleopatra's
" D a s B i l d n i s i n d e r a g y p t i s c h e n K u n s t : Stile
Museum
(Mainz 1991), pp. 183, 1 9 4 - 9 5 ,
c
a
t
u n d F u n k t i o n e n bildlicher Selbstdarstellung,"
-
c h a p . 6 i n i d e m , Stein
116, ill.
Gesellschaft
18
Bibliotheca
48 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : cols. 1 1 7 - 1 9 ; ] . A s s m a n n ,
U n p u b l i s h e d . F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e kausia,
im alten
und Zeit:
Agypten
Mensch
und
( M u n i c h 1991),
pp. 1 3 8 - 6 8 .
see
C. Saatsoglu-Paliadeli, "Aspects o f A n c i e n t
M a c e d o n i a n C o s t u m e , " Journal
Studies
113 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 1 2 2 - 4 7 ,
of
figs.
Hellenic
24
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 37, 4 4 - 4 6 , 1 7 1 ,
cat. D 2 , p i . 3 3 . 1 , 2 ; S m i t h , p p . 8 7 , 9 7 , 1 7 1 ,
1-5,
cat. 8 0 , p i . 4 9 . 6 .
pis. 1 - i v , w i t h earlier b i b l i o g r a p h y . R o b e r t L u n s i n g h Scheuleer p o i n t e d o u t t h i s s c u l p t u r e t o m e .
25
19
F o r s o m e e x a m p l e s w i t h kausia,
t o s , Ta Sphragismata
tes Aitolikes
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 54, 1 3 4 - 3 6 , 172,
c a t . E 2 , p i . 4 2 . 1 , 2; Cleopatra's
see P. A . P a n ­
Egypt
(note 1
above), p p . 1 5 2 - 5 3 , cat. 56, i l l .
Kallipoleos
(Athens 1985), pis. 35.258, 37.263, a n d H .
K y r i e l e i s , " B i l d n i s s e des K a i s a r i o n z u Siegela b d r u c k e n aus N e a P a p h o s , " Akten
internationalen
Archaologie
Kongresses
fur
des
XIIL
Klassische
( M a i n z 1 9 9 0 ) , p i . 67c.
Previous discussion and b i b l i o g r a p h y o n
26
H . Kyrieleis a n d R . R. R. S m i t h also a t t r i b u t e
the head t o Ptolemy v n i : Kyrieleis (note 1
a b o v e ) , p p . 6 4 , 1 7 4 , c a t . G 2, p i s . 5 2 . 4 , 5 3 . 1 , 2;
S m i t h (note 6 above), p p . 87, 9 3 - 9 4 , 170,
cat. 7 3 , p i . 4 7 . 1 , 2 . R . S. B i a n c h i prefers t o see
Bothmer
t h e h e a d as a n i d e a l physkon
figs.
type that belongs
1 6 0 - 6 3 ; B o t h m e r (note 10 above), p p . 53,
5 8 , fig. 6.
s o m e w h e r e i n the t h i r d t o second c e n t u r y B.C.;
Cleopatra's
229
(note i above), p p . 1 4 8 - 4 9 ,
Egypt
34
cat. 53, i l l . H o w e v e r , g i v e n the s t r o n g resem­
H . S. K . B a k r y , 5000
ans d'art
egyptien,
exh.
blance t o c o i n portraits (Kyrieleis [note 1
c a t . (Brussels, Palais des B e a u x - A r t s i 9 6 0 ) ,
above], p i . 5 2 . 1 ; Smith [note 6 above],
p. 3 2 , cat. 8 6 .
p i . 7 5 . 1 7 ) , t h e v i e w t h a t t h e Brussels h e a d r e p r e ­
27
sents P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes 11 m u s t be c o r r e c t .
35
P a r l a s c a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 , fig. 3 9 .
36
B o t h m e r ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 9 , 6 2 , fig. 1 7 .
S. C u r t o , L'Egitto
e x h . cat. ( B o l o g n a ,
antico,
M u s e o C i v i c o 1 9 6 1 ) , p . 9 1 , cat. 7 7 , p i . 4 2 ,
28
M u n i c h , Staatliche S a m m l u n g A g y p t i s c h e r
fig. 7 7 . A d r i a n i ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 4 - 7 5
Kunst AS 5339; provenance u n k n o w n . H . W .
n . 7, p i s . 3 3 . 1 , 3 4 . 2 .
M i i l l e r attributed this sculpture to Nectanebo I;
see H . W . M i i l l e r , Die Agyptische
des
Bayerischen
Staates
37
Sammlung
i d e m , " B i l d n i s s e K o n i g N e k t a n e b o s 1. ( 3 8 0 3 6 2 v . C h r . ) , " Pantheon
figs.
W . Seipel, Gott,
Mensch,
Pharao,
e x h . cat.
(Vienna, Kunsthistorisches M u s e u m 1992),
( M u n i c h 1 9 6 6 ) , cat. 6 6 ;
p. 4 4 6 , cat. 1 8 3 , i l l .
28 ( 1 9 7 0 ) : 8 9 - 9 9 ,
5 - 7 . Parlasca ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 , fig. 3 6 ,
38
B o t h m e r ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 0 , 5 9 , 6 2 , fig. 1 8 .
r e - a t t r i b u t e d the w o r k t o P t o l e m y x .
39
29
G . T r a v e r s a r i , Museo
Archeologico
di Venezia:
ritratti
u n k n o w n . Originally attributed to Nectanebo 1
p l a t e is e r r o n e o u s l y m a r k e d " 1 0 5 " ) ; A d r i a n i
i n ESLP
( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p . 7 6 , p i . 3 6 . 3 , 4 ; G o v i ( n o t e
(note 1 above), p p . 9 0 - 9 2 , 134, 177,
12 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 , 2 0 2 , n o . 1 5 3 , i l l .
cat. 7 3 , p i . 6 9 , figs. 1 7 7 - 8 0 . C . A l d r e d , i n h i s
r e v i e w o f ESLP
(American
Journal
of
I
( R o m e 1 9 6 8 ) , p p . 1 1 3 - 1 4 , n o . 1 0 4 (the
Paris, M u s e e d u L o u v r e E. 8 0 6 1 ; provenance
Archaeol­
ogy 66 [ 1 9 6 2 ] : 2 0 7 - 9 ) , a r g u e d t h a t t h e h e a d
40
U n p u b l i s h e d . ESLP
(note 1 above), p p . 1 8 0 - 8 1 ,
s h o u l d be p l a c e d i n t h e P t o l e m a i c P e r i o d a n d
discusses t h e use o f p a r t e d l i p s i n E g y p t i a n
suggested P t o l e m y v E p i p h a n e s . A l t h o u g h Par­
sculpture of the Ptolemaic p e r i o d .
lasca ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 , successfully re­
a t t r i b u t e d the w o r k t o P t o l e m y x ,
Cleopatra's
41
( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 3 , cat. 4 8 , i l l . ,
Egypt
Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 3 7 - 4 2 , 4 4 , 136,
170,
c o n t i n u e d t o h o l d the incorrect v i e w that the
cat. C 16, p i . 2 8 . 1 - 3 ; S m i t h (note 6
a b o v e ) , p p . 8 7 , 9 3 , 1 6 9 , cat. 7 0 , p i . 4 6 . 1 ;
L o u v r e h e a d r e p r e s e n t e d N e c t a n e b o 1.
Cleopatra's
Egypt
(note 1 above), p p . 1 4 7 - 4 8 ,
cat. 52, i l l .
30
T . D e v e r i a , " C a t a l o g u e des m o n u m e n t s e g y p t i e n s a u M u s e e d ' A i x , " Bibliotheque
egyptolo-
42
A d r i a n i ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 6 - 8 7
103,
v o l . 4 (Paris 1 8 9 6 ) , p . 2 3 8 .
gique,
W . V . D a v i e s , Egyptian
31
A d r i a n i ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) ; B o t h m e r ( n o t e 1 0
n
- ^4>
p i s . 4 3 . 1 , 4 4 . 4 ; T . G . H . James a n d
Sculpture
(Cambridge,
M a s s . , 1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 5 ^ - 5 7 , fig- 6 3 .
above), pp. 4 7 - 6 5 .
43
32
A . Page, Egyptian
from
the Petrie
Sculpture,
Collection
Archaic
to
ESLP
(note 1 above), p p . 133, 1 7 6 - 7 7 , 179,
c a t . 1 3 5 , p i . 1 2 7 , figs. 3 3 8 - 3 9 ; K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1
Saite,
above), p p . 7 5 , 1 7 7 , cat. H 18.
(Warminster 1976),
p . 9 4 , cat. 1 0 5 , i l l . Page m i s t a k e n l y a t t r i b u t e s
t h e s c u l p t u r e :o D y n a s t i e s x x v / x x v i ; see
44
Bianchi (note 3 above), p p . 9 8 - 9 9 .
45
B i a n c h i (note 3 above), p p . 9 7 - 9 8 .
46
R . S. B i a n c h i , " N o t t h e Isis K n o t , " Bulletin
B. V . B o t h m e r , " E g y p t i a n A n t i q u i t i e s , " i n
Antiquities
from
33
the Collection
of
Christos
(Mainz 1987), p. 94.
G. Bastis
the Egyptological
S. B . S h u b e r t , " R e a l i s t i c C u r r e n t s i n P o r t r a i t
figs.
S c u l p t u r e o f t h e Saite a n d P e r s i a n P e r i o d s i n
E g y p t , " Journal
of the Society
for the Study
Seminar
of
2 (1980): 9 - 3 1 ,
1-13.
of
J. V a n d i e r , Manuel
d'archeologie
utes t h e L o u v r e b u s t t o t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y B.C.
v o l . 3, Les grandes
epoques:
I , however, w o u l d still h o l d to a Dynasty x x v n
1 9 5 8 ) , p p . 2 2 8 - 2 9 . v n , 2 3 1 . X I I I , pis. L X X V I . 2 ,
d a t e based o n t h e s t y l i s t i c a n d e p i g r a p h i c e v i ­
3, L x x v i i . 3 .
Egyptian
Antiquities
19 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 3 7 - 3 8 , a t t r i b ­
d e n c e discussed i n ESLP
81-83,
i o
5>
I X
(note 1 above), p p . 7 1 ,
8 , 134? 1 4 0 , c a t . 6 7 , p i s . 6 4 , 6 5 ,
47
egyptienne,
La statuaire
(Paris
230
ARTS
OF
48
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
B. V . Bothmer, "Apotheosis i n Late Egypt i a n S c u l p t u r e , " Kemi
pis.
59
20 (1970): 3 7 - 4 8 ,
See, f o r e x a m p l e , t w o late s i x t h - c e n t u r y - B . c .
k o r a i i l l u s t r a t e d i n R i c h t e r ( n o t e 55 a b o v e ) ,
VI-XIII.
figs. 3 5 8 - 6 7 ( A t h e n s , A c r o p o l i s M u s e u m 5 9 8
a n d 6 8 2 , respectively); a n d the goddess Eirene
49
J. V a n d i e r , " T r o i s statues e g y p t i e n n e s a u M u s e e
a n d Ploutos o f the second quarter o f the f o u r t h
d u L o u v r e , " La Revue
century B . C . ( M u n i c h , Glyptothek 219, a Ro­
du Louvre
11 (1961): 2 4 7 - 5 4 ,
de France
et des
figs.
musees
5-9.
m a n copy), illustrated i n A . Stewart,
Sculpture:
50
51
B i a n c h i (note 3 above), p . 9 9 .
Cleopatra's
Egypt
1 9 9 0 ) , figs. 4 8 5 - 8 7 -
(note 1 above), pp. 6 7 - 7 0 .
C o n t r a r y t o the discussion there, however, I still
m a i n t a i n t h a t classic t r i p a r t i t i o n w a s i n t r o d u c e d
i n m i d - D y n a s t y x x v i , a r o u n d 6 0 0 B . C . ; see
(note 1 above), p p . x x x v , 54.
ESLP
52
Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania,
The
University M u s e u m E 16199, f r o m Tanis. The
head joins t o a k n e e l i n g statue, C a i r o , Egyp­
tian M u s e u m C G 1040. B. V. Bothmer, "The
P h i l a d e l p h i a - C a i r o Statue o f O s o r k o n 11
( M e m b r a D i s p e r s a i n ) , " Journal
of
Egyptian
4 6 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 3 - 1 1 , pis. i - v i ;
Archaeology
H . K . Jacquet-Gordon,
"The Inscriptions of
t h e P h i l a d e l p h i a - C a i r o Statue o f O s o r k o n 11,"
Journal
of Egyptian
46 (i960):
Archaeology
1 2 - 2 3 , pis. V I I - V I I I ; K . M y s l i e w i e c ,
Portraiture
Royal
x x i - x x x (Mainz
of the Dynasties
1988), p p . 16, 24, 115, p i . x x i a - d .
53
The B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 60.74, provenance u n ­
k n o w n . S. W e n i g , Africa
of Ancient
Nubia
in Antiquity:
and the Sudan,
The
Arts
v o l . 2, exh.
cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 7 8 ) , p . 1 7 0 ,
cat. 8 0 , i l l .
54
L o n d o n , British M u s e u m E A 23050. H . De
M e u l e n a e r e , Le surnom
55
egyptien
a la
Basse
(Istanbul 1966), p . 5 n . 13.
Epoque
G . M . A . R i c h t e r , Korai
(London 1968), p. 94,
fig. 5 4 0 , n o . 1 7 0 .
56
Private collection, provenance u n k n o w n .
ESLP
( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 6 5 , 1 0 5 - 7 , cat. 8 4 , p i . 8 0 ,
figs.
57
107-9.
F o r t h e l a t t e r figure, see ESLP
(note 1 above),
p p . 1 5 8 , 1 7 0 ( e r r o n e o u s l y l i s t e d as R o m e ,
M u s e o B a r r a c c o 2 9 ) ; G . C a r e d d u , Museo
racco
di Scultura
Antica:
La collezione
Baregizia
( R o m e 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 3 8 - 3 9 , cat. 4 3 , fig. 4 3 a - c .
58
W . Needier, "Some Ptolemaic Sculptures i n the
Yale U n i v e r s i t y A r t G a l l e r y , " Berytus
9 (1949):
1 3 8 - 4 1 ; E . J. W a l t e r s , " A t t i c G r a v e Reliefs
T h a t Represent W o m e n i n the Dress o f Isis,"
Hesperia,
Supplement 22 (Princeton 1988),
p . 1 2 ; Cleopatra's
Egypt
An Exploration,
(note 1 above), p . 170.
Greek
vol. 2 (New Haven
231
The Alexandrian Style- A Mirage?
Andrew
Stewart
M y o r i g i n a l charge was t o tackle the question " A n A l e x a n d r i a n Style:
Does I t E x i s t ? " Since this is one o f the m a i n themes o f this meeting a n d
has already been addressed by several speakers, I w o u l d like t o d o t w o
things. First, t o p u t i t i n c o n t e x t , b o t h t o situate o u r enterprise h i s t o r i ­
cally a n d t o use past scholarship t o i l l u m i n a t e a n d occasionally t o c r i ­
tique o u r present concerns. For as Santayana has w a r n e d us, those w h o
ignore h i s t o r y are d o o m e d t o repeat i t . A n d , second, I w a n t t o offer some
brief remarks o n three test cases, each very different i n character, as a
positive c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the debate.
T h e concept o f a specifically A l e x a n d r i a n c o n t r i b u t i o n t o
Hellenistic art is just over one h u n d r e d years o l d . I t was the c r e a t i o n o f
one m a n , T h e o d o r Schreiber. For m o s t of the nineteenth c e n t u r y i t was
c o m m o n l y accepted t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n art was t r i v i a l t o nonexistent. T h e
o r t h o d o x v i e w was neatly s u m m e d u p by H e i n r i c h B r u n n w h e n he de­
clared t h a t A l e x a n d r i a p r o d u c e d n o t h i n g t o m a t c h the achievements o f
the Pergamene a n d R h o d i a n schools, p r e s u m a b l y because the strength
of the native E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n i n h i b i t e d c r e a t i v i t y there. As B r u n n re­
m a r k e d o n another occasion, since A l e x a n d r i a h a d n o g o o d stone w i t h i n
reach a n d n o incentive t o carve i t , one m i g h t as w e l l expect t o find a
school o f skating there as a school of sculpture. Johannes Overbeck a n d
L u c y M i t c h e l l accepted this j u d g m e n t w i t h o u t d e m u r i n their h a n d b o o k s
of Greek sculpture, first p u b l i s h e d i n 1 8 8 1 a n d 1 8 8 3 , respectively.
1
I n the last fifteen years o f the century, however, the climate of
o p i n i o n changed a b r u p t l y , at least i n some quarters. T h e catalyst was an
article by T h e o d o r Schreiber i n the Athenische
Mitteilungen
of 1 8 8 5 ,
p u b l i s h i n g f o u r bronzes i n the D e m e t r i o c o l l e c t i o n . A grotesque, an
2
A t l a s , a n d t w o caricatures o f blacks (figs. 1, 2 ) , they h a d recently been
transferred t o Athens f r o m A l e x a n d r i a a n d were t h e n o n display w i t h
other items o f the c o l l e c t i o n i n the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m .
I n his article, Schreiber a n n o u n c e d w h a t was t o be his m i s s i o n
for the n e x t t h i r t y years, namely, t o s h o w t h a t far f r o m being negligible
o r derivative, A l e x a n d r i a n a r t h a d t a k e n a n u m b e r o f paths t h a t were
s t r i k i n g l y n e w a n d o r i g i n a l . I n suggesting this, he p o i n t e d t o the huge
3
discrepancy between the archaeological r e c o r d a n d A l e x a n d r i a ' s i n c o m -
232
ARTS
OF
HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
I
Grotesque, from Alexandria.
Ex-Demetrio collection. Athens,
N a t i o n a l Museum. F r o m
T. Schreiber, Mitteilungen
Deutschen
Instituts,
des
Archaologischen
Athenische
Abteilung
10
(1885), p i . 10.
FIG.
2
Black boy, from Alexandria.
Ex-Demetrio collection. Athens,
N a t i o n a l Museum. From
T. Schreiber, Mitteilungen
Deutschen
Instituts,
Athenische
(1885), p i . 12.
parable achievements i n literature a n d l e a r n i n g , n o t t o m e n t i o n the
ancient descriptions o f Ptolemaic m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , such as Athenaios's
accounts o f P t o l e m y Philadelphos's great procession a n d s y m p o s i u m tent
a n d o f Philopator's fabulous r i v e r b o a t (see Pfrommer, figs. 9, 10 above).
As N i k o l a u s H i m m e l m a n n has r e m a r k e d , b e h i n d Schreiber's w h o l e p r o j ­
ect was the c o n v i c t i o n t h a t even i n the Hellenistic p e r i o d , r e g i o n a l styles
were still alive a n d p o t e n t .
4
H e r e , Schreiber was s w i m m i n g i n the m a i n ­
stream o f late nineteenth-century art history, w h i c h was fascinated w i t h
r e g i o n a l i s m a n d its artistic manifestations. B u t there is m o r e : o n l y five
years before, i n 1 8 8 0 , the first slabs of the Great A l t a r o f Pergamon h a d
gone o n display i n B e r l i n , causing a sensation. Hellenistic art, h i t h e r t o
5
restricted t o i n d i v i d u a l masterpieces such as the N i k e o f Samothrace a n d
a mass o f copies, was n o w very definitely o n the m a p . Schreiber's p r o m o ­
t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a ' s c l a i m t o fame was surely his w a y of responding and
perhaps o f securing f o r h i m s e l f a n e w piece o f the a c t i o n .
des
Archaologischen
Abteilung
10
Stewart
I n a b r i l l i a n t l y evocative t e n pages, Schreiber sketched a v i v i d
p i c t u r e o f a " f l o u r i s h i n g , n e w Greek l o c a l s c h o o l , " a m a j o r center o f
H e l l e n i s t i c art. Its p r o d u c t s , he asserted, were p a t r o n i z e d by the A l e x a n ­
d r i a n p o p u l a c e o n the one h a n d a n d the c o u r t o n the other; were charac­
terized b y specific l o c a l techniques, subjects, a n d styles; a n d p r o f o u n d l y
influenced the a r t o f o t h e r H e l l e n i s t i c centers a n d o f R o m a n I t a l y .
6
Basing his a p p r o a c h o n the o p i n i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y G e r m a n
h i s t o r i o g r a p h y t h a t the essence o f A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r e was c o s m o p o l i ­
t a n i s m , Schreiber argued t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n a r t was essentially c o s m o p o l i ­
t a n , t o o . I t often made use o f c e r t a i n E g y p t i a n techniques, such as stucco
a n d p i e c i n g , a n d tended t o use E g y p t i a n m o t i f s i n decorative c o n t e x t s .
T h e small-scale genre figures (and t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s , the m a r b l e peas­
ants, fishermen, a n d derelicts) were made f o r the A l e x a n d r i a n p o p u l a c e .
Stressing t h e i r extreme r e a l i s m t h a t often shaded i n t o c y n i c i s m , he saw
t h e m as either uncensored vignettes o f street a n d c o u n t r y life o r parodies
o n the dissolute orgies o f the C a n o p u s . A t this level, he observed, the
A l e x a n d r i a n aesthetic p r i v i l e g e d t r u t h over b e a u t y — i n stark c o n t r a s t t o
the A t t i c s c h o o l . T h e c o u r t , o n the other h a n d , e m p l o y e d i m m i g r a n t
artists t o create r o y a l p o r t r a i t s a n d ideal w o r k s i n an a t t i c i z i n g (by w h i c h
he m e a n t P r a x i t e l e a n ) style characterized by soft, f l u i d m o d e l i n g a n d a
7
suppression o r s l u r r i n g o f secondary d e t a i l . I f a l l this sounds r e m a r k a b l y
f a m i l i a r , i t is because i t has been repeated i n a h u n d r e d h a n d b o o k s over
the years, often w i t h l i t t l e o r n o change b u t usually w i t h o u t a c k n o w l ­
e d g m e n t — o r perhaps even r e c o g n i t i o n — o f its o r i g i n a l source. A n d
i n a final
flourish,
Schreiber listed a series o f " A l e x a n d r i a n " m o t i f s i n
R o m a n o - C a m p a n i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e , sculpture, a n d p a i n t i n g a n d even
characterized the H o u s e o f the F a u n i n P o m p e i i as t h o r o u g h l y A l e x a n ­
d r i a n i n style a n d d e c o r a t i o n — i n c l u d i n g , o f course, the A l e x a n d e r M o ­
saic a n d the N i l o t i c landscape t h a t f r o n t e d i t .
Excessive t h o u g h some o f this was, i t s h o u l d n o t lead us t o
o v e r l o o k Schreiber's e x t r a o r d i n a r y o r i g i n a l i t y . I f anyone were t o ask me
t o c o m p i l e an a n t h o l o g y o f the t w e n t y m o s t i n f l u e n t i a l articles i n the
field, this article w o u l d definitely be a m o n g t h e m . W r i t t e n at a t i m e w h e n
m o s t w o r k o n ancient a r t was p o s i t i v i s t i n the extreme, i t has m u c h t o
teach us. O n the one h a n d , its evocative i n t e g r a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l a n d social
h i s t o r y , l i t e r a t u r e , a n d a r t is b o t h p o w e r f u l a n d s t r i k i n g l y m o d e r n , b u t ,
o n the other, its n a r r o w f a c t u a l basis made its w h o l e thesis dangerously
unstable a n d p r o n e t o s p i n o u t o f c o n t r o l .
O v e r the n e x t q u a r t e r century, i t proceeded t o d o just t h a t , as
Schreiber proceeded t o pile m o r e a n d m o r e u p o n i t . Soon he h a d added
the H e l l e n i s t i c a n d R o m a n landscape reliefs, w a l l e n c r u s t a t i o n i n c o l o r e d
m a r b l e a n d its plaster i m i t a t i o n s , m o s t i f n o t a l l G r a e c o - R o m a n em­
bossed m e t a l w o r k , a n d even m a n y p o r t r a i t s o f A l e x a n d e r the Great t o
the achievements o f the A l e x a n d r i a n s c h o o l . M a n y o f the w o r k s he i n 8
233
234
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
eluded were w i t h o u t provenance o r came f r o m outside E g y p t — a n o m i ­
nous development.
Schreiber's v i s i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a as the r a d i a n t center of H e l ­
lenistic a n d early R o m a n art, i l l u m i n a t i n g a l l w h o came i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h
i t , a t t r a c t e d m a n y f o l l o w e r s . T h i s was, after a l l , the h i g h summer o f E u ­
r o p e a n e x p a n s i o n i s m , G e r m a n as w e l l as French a n d B r i t i s h , a n d c u l t u r a l
i m p e r i a l i s m was very m u c h i n vogue. T w o o f t h e m deserve m e n t i o n here
for the r e m a r k a b l e l o n g e v i t y o f t h e i r ideas: E d m o n d C o u r b a u d , w h o re­
duced Schreiber's r i c h a n d variegated c o n s t r u c t i o n t o a simple contrast
between Pergamene " r e a l i s m " a n d the A l e x a n d r i a n " p i c t u r e s q u e , " a n d
W e r n e r Weisbach, w h o located the o r i g i n s o f i m p r e s s i o n i s m i n A l e x a n ­
drian tomb painting.
9
Needless t o say, Schreiber's s h i n i n g edifice o f hypothesis d i d
n o t go unchallenged. C r i t i c s s w i f t l y spotted its weaknesses a n d p o l i t e l y
b u t relentlessly set a b o u t exposing t h e m . I n 1895 Franz W i c k h o f f dis­
p u t e d the A l e x a n d r i a n o r i g i n s o f the landscape reliefs, c l a i m i n g t h e m f o r
R o m a n a r t o n the g r o u n d s t h a t they h a d m o s t l y been f o u n d i n I t a l y b u t
never i n A l e x a n d r i a , were usually o f I t a l i a n m a r b l e , a n d were best p a r a l ­
leled i n R o m a n o - C a m p a n i a n p a i n t i n g a n d o n the A r a Pacis.
10
I n 1897,
Ernest G a r d n e r p o i n t e d o u t yet again t h a t the ancient sources tell o f n o
great A l e x a n d r i a n sculptors a n d t h a t archaeology h a d so far revealed n o
great m o n u m e n t o f A l e x a n d r i a n art. H e was, however, prepared t o c o n ­
cede at least a share i n the c r e a t i o n of the landscape reliefs t o the A l e x ­
a n d r i a n elite's desire t o escape "the dreary level o f the D e l t a " f o r "the
trees a n d m o u n t a i n s a n d breezes o f Cos a n d Sicily."
11
B u t w i t h this par­
t i a l e x c e p t i o n , he clearly t h o u g h t t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n a r t was neither par­
t i c u l a r l y o r i g i n a l n o r p a r t i c u l a r l y creative. I n 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 0 4 , A . J. B . Wace
n o t e d t h a t the small-scale grotesques were f o u n d as m u c h i n Asia M i n o r
as i n E g y p t , a n d he argued t h a t the " r e v o l t i n g b r u t a l i t y " o f the m a r b l e
peasants, fishermen, a n d derelicts was u n - H e l l e n i c and therefore R o m a n .
As he d r i l y r e m a r k e d , "Such art goes b e y o n d nature i n its search f o r
subjects t o give a fillip t o the jaded tastes o f its p a t r o n s . " H e also m a r ­
shaled m o r e arguments against the supposed A l e x a n d r i a n o r i g i n s o f the
landscape r e l i e f s . A n d i n 1 9 1 0 , M . A . Ruffer traced the h i s t o r y o f the
12
grotesque i n E g y p t back t o the early t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m , thereby r e c l a i m ­
i n g the genre f o r E g y p t i a n a r t .
13
So b y the o u t b r e a k o f W o r l d W a r 1,
w h a t its critics n o w derisively t e r m e d " p a n - A l e x a n d r i a n i s m " was under
heavy attack f r o m a l l sides.
Yet just w h e n i t seemed t h a t Schreiber's p o s i t i o n was n o
longer tenable, s a l v a t i o n o f a sort came i n the f o r m o f n e w finds o f m a r ­
bles, plaster casts, silverware, p a i n t i n g s , a n d terracottas i n a n d a r o u n d
A l e x a n d r i a , i n the D e l t a , a n d elsewhere. These gave w e l c o m e s u p p o r t
t o some o f his ideas, t h o u g h they c o m p l i c a t e d the p i c t u r e q u i t e c o n ­
siderably o n other f r o n t s .
14
These developments p r o m p t e d the y o u n g
Stewart
FIG.
3
Ptolemaic k i n g , probably Ptolemy
i v Philopator, from the Serapeion
at Alexandria. Ca. 2 1 7 - 2 0 5 B . C .
Paris, Musee du Louvre M a 3168.
Photo: Documentation photographique de la Reunion des musees
nationaux.
A . W . Lawrence t o issue w h a t was clearly i n t e n d e d t o be the c o u p de
grace t o p a n - A l e x a n d r i a n i s m i n 1 9 2 5 J
5
I n a magisterial a n d devastating first f o o t n o t e , Lawrence
dismissed the landscape reliefs once m o r e , reassigned m o s t o f the
terracotta grotesques a n d plaster m o l d s t o the R o m a n p e r i o d , l i m i t e d
A l e x a n d r i a n p r i o r i t y t o the First Style o f P o m p e i a n m u r a l d e c o r a t i o n ,
c o m m e n d e d the city's " g o o d r e c o r d " i n ceramics a n d silverware, l a m ­
basted the p o o r q u a l i t y of its jewelry, a n d n o t e d the p a i n t e d gravestones
w i t h o u t c o m m e n t . H i s m a i n target, however, was A l e x a n d r i a n sculpture,
a n d he characteristically made his o p i n i o n s a b o u t i t clear f r o m the very
start. " I t has been said t h a t an A l e x a n d r i a n School existed w i t h ideals
m a r k e d l y different f r o m those o f the rest o f the H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d . T h i s
question m u s t be settled i f the development o f H e l l e n i s t i c sculpture is t o
be traced; I have therefore collected w h a t remains o f G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n
w o r k i n the r o u n d , a n d I w i s h people t o l o o k at the c o l l e c t i o n a n d see
t h a t i t is b a d . "
1 6
R e l y i n g u p o n w o r k s a c t u a l l y f o u n d i n E g y p t , Lawrence n o t e d
t h a t the t e r m " A l e x a n d r i a n " was overly n a r r o w , f o r t a k e n l i t e r a l l y i t ex­
c l u d e d m a t e r i a l f r o m the chora.
17
H e t h e n traced f o u r m a i n phases i n
w h a t he called G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n sculpture. First, under P t o l e m y 1, came
a p e r i o d o f eclecticism, w i t h Praxiteles the m a i n source o f i n s p i r a t i o n , as
i n the other H e l l e n i s t i c centers. N e x t , under the second a n d t h i r d Ptole­
mies, sculptors t u r n e d t o passionate extravagance, exaggerating a n d dis­
t o r t i n g t h e i r w o r k f o r expressive effect. ( E x c o r i a t i n g the head i l l u s t r a t e d
i n figure 3 here, he singled o u t t h a t of a Ptolemaic queen [see D a s z e w s k i
235
236
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
fig. i above], n o w dated almost a century later, as the finest w o r k i n this
otherwise lamentable s t y l e . ) Yet a naturalistic r e a c t i o n was already
18
u n d e r w a y by a b o u t 2 5 0 , a n d by the end o f the century i t d o m i n a t e d the
s c u l p t u r a l scene. T h e n , after the native revolts o f the late t h i r d a n d early
second centuries a n d the depraved rule o f P h i l o p a t o r , the art w e n t r a p i d l y
d o w n h i l l , as exemplified by the sculptures o f the Serapeion at M e m p h i s
a n d the Copenhagen Soter. Finally, at the end, "later artistic movements
i n the c o u n t r y are semi-oriental: thus a r e v i v a l i n native sculpture oc­
c u r r e d i n the first c e n t u r y B . C . , w h e n some curious p o r t r a i t s were t u r n e d
o u t under G r a e c o - R o m a n influence."
1 9
Lawrence thus saw the h i s t o r y o f Ptolemaic sculpture as a
classic c o l o n i a l progression o f s u b j u g a t i o n , d o m i n a t i o n , retrenchment,
decadence, a n d finally collapse. So a u t h o r i t a t i v e , n o t t o say a u t h o r i t a r ­
i a n , was his survey t h a t B e r n a r d A s h m o l e felt able t o echo its dismissive
tone i n his a n d J o h n Beazley's h a n d b o o k o f 1 9 3 2 . I b r a h i m N o s h y , t o o ,
b o r r o w e d its c h r o n o l o g i c a l f r a m e w o r k ( t h o u g h n o t its negative tone)
w h e n under Ashmole's t u t o r s h i p he w r o t e his b o o k - l e n g t h survey o f
Ptolemaic art i n 1 9 3 7 .
20
N o s h y also c o n c l u d e d t h a t each c o m m u n i t y
k e p t t o itself a n d t h a t cross-fertilization was m i n i m a l ; he believed t h a t
the grotesques, f o r example, were " p u r e l y G r e e k . "
21
Yet t h o u g h Noshy's
b o o k is derivative a n d l i t t l e read today, i t is interesting t h a t he d i d n o t
entirely b u y i n t o his m e n t o r s ' c o l o n i a l i s t line: I n his view, E g y p t i a n char­
acteristics p r e d o m i n a t e d i n the so-called Graeco-Egyptian w o r k i n h a r d
stone, because w h e n the t w o races d i d i n t e r m a r r y , the E g y p t i a n "cast o f
mind" won out.
2 2
I n 1 9 3 9 , Frederik Poulsen posed the question anew i n an
article e n t i t l e d " G a b es eine alexandrinische Kunst? "
2 3
H e accepted the
all-pervasive influence o f Praxiteles u p o n Ptolemaic sculpture b u t c o n ­
structed a n e w c h r o n o l o g y for i t based u p o n a p a r t i a l separation o f
genres—a n e w a n d significant step. A f t e r an i n i t i a l p e r i o d of eclecticism,
the p o r t r a i t s o f the kings become m a s k l i k e , w o m e n m o r e naturalistic,
a n d gods f r a n k l y b a r o q u e — a t least f r o m the second century. L i k e N o s h y ,
Poulsen also accepted A l e x a n d r i a n p r i m a c y i n the grotesque a n d i n c a r i ­
catures, a n d A l e x a n d r i a n influence u p o n Pompeian p a i n t i n g . H e also
t o o k u p a t h o u g h t o f F r i e d r i c h W i l h e l m v o n Bissing t h a t the so-called
G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n p o r t r a i t s m i g h t have i n s p i r e d R o m a n r e p u b l i c a n verism.
H e was, i n c i d e n t a l l y , the first H e l l e n i s t t h a t I k n o w of t o treat t h e m
sympathetically.
M e a n w h i l e , p u b l i c a t i o n o f finds i n the A l e x a n d r i a m u s e u m
h a d been proceeding apace, directed first by Evaristo Breccia a n d t h e n
by A c h i l l e A d r i a n i , w h o succeeded Breccia i n 1 9 3 2 . I n 1 9 5 8 , after he
h a d r e t i r e d t o Palermo, A d r i a n i p u b l i s h e d a s u m m a r y o f his o p i n i o n s for
the Enciclopedia
delVarte
antica,
classica
e orientate.
24
I n i t , he refined
Poulsen's c h r o n o l o g y for the sculpture, a r g u i n g t h a t Praxitelean sfumato,
Stewart
FIG.
4
Bronze cup w i t h landscape scene.
Early(?) t h i r d century B . C . Alex­
andria, Graeco-Roman Museum
25263. From A . A d r i a n i ,
Diva-
gazioni intorno ad una coppa
paesistica
del Museo di Alessan­
dria (Rome 1959), p i . A .
so far f r o m w a n i n g as the years progressed, eventually came t o d o m i n a t e
the A l e x a n d r i a n style t o the e x c l u s i o n o f a l l else, e m p t y i n g its p r o d u c t s
of s p i r i t u a l c o n t e n t . Reasserting A l e x a n d r i a ' s c l a i m t o have h a d a m a j o r
i m p a c t u p o n H e l l e n i s t i c a n d R o m a n landscape, A d r i a n i a n n o u n c e d his
f o r t h c o m i n g p u b l i c a t i o n o f a bronze cup i n A l e x a n d r i a w i t h a landscape
scene (fig. 4) i n s u p p o r t .
25
H e t o o k A l e x a n d r i a n p r i m a c y i n the grotesque
a n d i n caricatures as a foregone c o n c l u s i o n a n d cautiously accepted
A l e x a n d r i a n i m p r e s s i o n i s m i n p a i n t i n g . H e also says n o t a w o r d a b o u t
possible E g y p t i a n influence u p o n A l e x a n d r i a n art. I n this he c o n f o r m e d
completely t o c o n t e m p o r a r y o r t h o d o x y , w h i c h , as we have seen, r i g h t l y
o r w r o n g l y i n c l i n e d t o a k i n d of c u l t u r a l a p a r t h e i d .
Yet i t is A d r i a n i ' s s u m m a r y of A l e x a n d r i a n achievements i n
the arts t h a t is o f greatest interest, f o r i t puts o u r present p r o b l e m i n the
strongest perspective.
Alexandria was indeed a fervid and fecund center of Hellenistic
art. I n its long history, its art manifests a singular p l u r a l i t y of
aspects. I t was an art b o t h of pure Greek traditions and eclectically Graeco-Egyptian; it loved the most dreamy idealization
237
238
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
and the crudest realism; i n sculpture i t had a taste for sfumato,
for sketchy pictorialism, but just as much for the minutest de­
tail; like none other, i t was an art for a refined, decadent elite,
but also a popular one too; unequal i n the quality of its
production.
26
A l t h o u g h A d r i a n i p r o c l a i m e d h i m s e l f a moderate a n d ex­
p l i c i t l y disclaimed any t h o u g h t s o f reverting t o turn-of-the-century p a n A l e x a n d r i a n i s m , his sympathies are clear. T h o u g h he o b v i o u s l y believed,
l i k e Schreiber, t h a t c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m was the essence o f A l e x a n d r i a n art,
just as i t was the essence o f A l e x a n d r i a n society, the incoherence o f his
s u m m a t i o n is t e l l i n g , for i t p o i n t s t o a peculiar d i l e m m a . Those w h o be­
lieve i n a " f e r v i d a n d f e c u n d " A l e x a n d r i a , t o use A d r i a n i ' s o w n w o r d s ,
f i n d themselves o v e r w h e l m e d by the chaotic diversity o f the far-flung
m a t e r i a l c o n f r o n t i n g t h e m , w h i l e the m i n i m a l i s t s have far less t r o u b l e i n
characterizing an A l e x a n d r i a n style b u t can o n l y disparage i t once they
have done so. Together, they suggest t h a t t o l o o k for an overarching, i m ­
p o r t a n t , a n d a u t h e n t i c a l l y Ptolemaic style is t o pursue a mirage a n d t h a t
the answer lies elsewhere.
I n his article, A d r i a n i called f o r renewed investigation of i n d i ­
v i d u a l genres a n d groups o f m o n u m e n t s , a process t h a t he h i m s e l f d i d
m u c h t o f u r t h e r w i t h his Repertorio
delVArte
delVEgitto
greco-romano.
I n recent years m a n y scholars have answered the call. I single o u t five:
Blanche R. Brown's m o n o g r a p h o n the paintings a n d mosaics, H e l m u t
Kyrieleis's o n the ruler p o r t r a i t s , N i k o l a u s H i m m e l m a n n ' s o n the g r o ­
tesques, W i k t o r Daszewski's o n the mosaics alone, a n d M i c h a e l P f r o m ­
mer's o n the m e t a l w o r k a n d j e w e l r y . T h e y i m p l i c i t l y base themselves
27
o n the suspicion t h a t genre style may be m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n p e r i o d
style i n the H e l l e n i s t i c age, b u t they are also receptive t o the o l d idea
t h a t the H e l l e n i s t i c k o i n e does n o t e x p l a i n or account for e v e r y t h i n g —
t h a t i n the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d l o c a l styles m i g h t still be a p o t e n t f o r c e .
28
Indeed, some o f these scholars have gone further, r e v i v i n g an­
other o l d n o t i o n , t h a t the l o c a l m i l i e u eventually h a d a p r o f o u n d a n d
lasting effect u p o n the genres they have studied; they discern, i n other
w o r d s , a g r a d u a l e g y p t i a n i z i n g o f certain genres as t i m e progresses. Sug­
gested by Kyrieleis as an e x p l a n a t i o n for the stereometric character o f
m a n y o f his ruler p o r t r a i t s , this idea was recently t a k e n u p o n a g r a n d
scale by G i i n t e r G r i m m i n a brief b u t w i d e - r a n g i n g survey o f Ptolemaic
arts i n a v o l u m e expressly dedicated t o c u l t u r a l interchange i n E g y p t .
29
So by the 1980s the climate h a d clearly changed: w i t h i m p e r i a l i s m n o w
discredited, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m was again i n the air. M e a n w h i l e , a m o n g
some Egyptologists, a k i n d o f feisty n a t i o n a l i s m h a d t a k e n h o l d , r e c l a i m ­
i n g the so-called G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n p o r t r a i t s i n h a r d stone for E g y p t ,
re-evaluating t h e i r artistic a n d social w o r t h , a n d soon d e n y i n g t h a t the
Stewart
genre l o o k e d t o Greek a r t at a l l .
3 0
So as the c o l o n i z i n g West g r a d u a l l y
capitulates t o the l o c a l m i l i e u , the c o l o n i z e d East gets its revenge: here,
as so often i n the h u m a n i t i e s , c o n t e m p o r a r y p o l i t i c s a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y
c u l t u r a l values shape o u r d i s c i p l i n e , often m o r e t h a n its p r a c t i t i o n e r s
recognize o r perhaps care t o a d m i t .
I hope t h a t this extended preamble has helped t o p u t the arth i s t o r i c a l issues before us i n c o n t e x t . I t s h o u l d also have s h o w n t h a t
w h a t goes a r o u n d , comes a r o u n d : Fashions m a y change, b u t the same
questions often persist l o n g after t h e i r usefulness is over, a n d the same
stale answers have a h a b i t o f r e s u r r e c t i n g themselves. N o w i t is t i m e t o
come clean w i t h m y o w n o p i n i o n s .
First, i t is indeed t i m e t o take stock; I w o u l d l i k e t o t h i n k t h a t
this was the p o i n t o f m y o r i g i n a l charge, t o address the q u e s t i o n " A n
A l e x a n d r i a n Style: Does I t E x i s t ? " A s has appeared, scholars have at­
t e m p t e d t o chase the mirage o f an a u t h e n t i c a l l y A l e x a n d r i a n a r t style
over a n d over again i n the past c e n t u r y w i t h conspicuous lack o f success.
G i v e n the city's c o m p l e x h i s t o r y , i n t r i c a t e c u l t u r e , a n d m a n g l e d archae­
ology, o n the one side, a n d the range o f genres a n d m e d i a i t p r o d u c e d ,
o n the other, their f a i l u r e is h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g . For even i n the m o s t fa­
v o r a b l e circumstances, any generally acceptable d e f i n i t i o n w o u l d be at
best c r u d e l y reductive, at w o r s t as i n c o h e r e n t as A d r i a n i ' s .
So s h o u l d the q u e s t i o n be r e f o r m u l a t e d ; s h o u l d A l e x a n d r i a n
styles,
i n the p l u r a l , be the focus o f i n q u i r y ? Even this seems t o o f o r m a l ­
ist a n d c o u n t e r t o the d r i f t o f c u r r e n t scholarship. For i n recent years,
several cherished icons o f A l e x a n d r i a n a r t have fallen l i k e n i n e p i n s ,
f r o m H a d r a vases, t o " r o u g h " bronzes, t o p i c t o r i a l i m p r e s s i o n i s m . Late
f o u r t h - c e n t u r y V e r g i n a has p r o d u c e d a p a i n t e d landscape t h a t casts any­
t h i n g f r o m E g y p t i n t o the shade.
31
Perhaps i t is t i m e t o a d d Praxitelean-
style sfumato t o the list, f o r hundreds o f D e l i a n sculptures a n d dozens
of statuettes i n the magazines o f the A t h e n i a n A g o r a display the same
characteristic surface m o d e l i n g — u n l e s s one s h o u l d revert t o t u r n - o f - t h e c e n t u r y practice a n d label t h e m A l e x a n d r i a n t o o !
Instead, we s h o u l d ask h o w m u c h the c i t y c o n t r i b u t e d t o the
v a r i o u s genres of H e l l e n i s t i c a r t a n d w h a t the nature o f t h a t c o n t r i b u t i o n
was, genre by genre. A d r i a n i , B r o w n , K y r i e l e i s , D a s z e w s k i , a n d P f r o m ­
mer have blazed the t r a i l , a n d others are n o w f o l l o w i n g t h e i r lead. F u l l
a n d up-to-date p u b l i c a t i o n o f the a r c h i t e c t u r e , bronzes, terracottas,
plaster m o l d s , decorative m e t a l w o r k , coins, a n d so o n , are desperately
needed t o keep the debate f r o m g e t t i n g o u t o f c o n t r o l a n d t o quash the
t e m p t a t i o n t o b u i l d castles i n the air. P a n - A l e x a n d r i a n i s m is b y n o means
dead, a n d eternal vigilance is r e q u i r e d t o keep i t i n check. A n d second,
as m u c h assistance as possible m u s t be given t o the E g y p t i a n a u t h o r i t i e s
t o stop the p l u n d e r i n g o f sites a n d t o l i m i t the trade i n illegal a n t i q u i t i e s .
239
240
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
For n o t o n l y are thieves a n d smugglers destroying contexts at a cata­
s t r o p h i c rate, b u t dealers' provenances c a n n o t be relied o n a n d so m a k e
the objects they sell a l l b u t useless f o r o u r i n q u i r y .
To r e t u r n t o genres a n d the eternal question of the " A l e x a n ­
d r i a n c o n t r i b u t i o n " : H e r e , by w a y o f example, are three test cases, each
manifesting p r o b l e m s o f a quite different k i n d . T h e first concerns a genre
t h a t a p p a r e n t l y h a r d l y existed i n A l e x a n d r i a ; the second addresses a c o n ­
troversy over h o w a distinctive characteristic o f another genre is t o be
i n t e r p r e t e d ; a n d the t h i r d focuses o n a feature o f several genres t h a t
c l a m o r s f o r m o r e a t t e n t i o n t h a n i t has yet received.
First, the missing genre: p r i v a t e , n o n r o y a l p o r t r a i t u r e i n m a r ­
ble o r bronze. H o n o r a r y a n d v o t i v e p o r t r a i t s o f private persons a b o u n d
i n the H e l l e n i s t i c cities o f Greece a n d Asia M i n o r , attested n o t o n l y by
s u r v i v i n g p o r t r a i t s o f this i l k b u t also by thousands o f inscribed statue
bases. Yet there are n o t o n l y very few A l e x a n d r i a n candidates f o r private
p o r t r a i t s t o set against the dozens of r o y a l ones t h a t have survived, b u t a
q u i c k l o o k t h r o u g h W i l h e l m Dittenberger's Orientis
selectae,
the Supplementum
Prosopographia
Ptolemaica
epigraphicum
Graecum,
Graeci
ins crip
tiones
a n d p a r t o f the
has t u r n e d u p h a r d l y any inscribed statue
bases o f this k i n d . T h i s is very o d d i n d e e d — u n t i l one realizes t h a t ex­
actly the same s i t u a t i o n seems t o have prevailed at t w o other r o y a l capi­
tals, Pergamon a n d A n t i o c h .
3 2
O n e e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t a l t h o u g h P t o l e m y Soter gave A l e x a n ­
d r i a a t i t u l a r independence i n the f o r m of a c o u n c i l a n d an assembly, i n
reality the c i t y was his o w n possession. Perhaps, t h e n , the mechanisms
of social exchange t h a t generated m u c h H e l l e n i s t i c private p o r t r a i t u r e
i n the independent o r quasi-independent poleis—private
benefactions
t o the m u n i c i p a l i t y , a n d so o n — s i m p l y d i d n o t f u n c t i o n there. I n this
c o n n e c t i o n , i t is interesting t h a t i n Ptolemaic E g y p t , private citizens of­
ten made t h e i r dedications t o the gods on behalf
of the k i n g .
3 3
Clearly,
they felt it.necessary t o include h i m i n the t r a n s a c t i o n . Since the i n s c r i p ­
tions also prove t h a t they often c o m m i s s i o n e d r o y a l p o r t r a i t s t o o ,
3 4
it
is possible t h a t these a c t u a l l y substituted f o r their o w n o n numerous
occasions.
Second, the debate a b o u t w h e t h e r the stereometric character
of m a n y t h i r d - c e n t u r y r o y a l p o r t r a i t s i n m a r b l e (cf. D a s z e w s k i f i g . i
above) is due t o the sculptors' s l o w a d o p t i o n o f E g y p t i a n style o r t o
a desire t o classicize. T h e e g y p t i a n i z i n g t h e o r y was first p r o p o s e d by
L a w r e n c e a n d seductively argued by Kyrieleis, w h i l e a classicizing t r e n d
is c h a m p i o n e d by M a r t i n R o b e r t s o n a n d R. R. R. S m i t h . T h e latter is
3 5
perhaps m o r e plausible, f o r three m a i n reasons. To begin w i t h , exactly
the same development is t o be seen i n the A l e x a n d e r coins that Soter
m i n t e d f r o m a r o u n d 3 2 1 u n t i l his a s s u m p t i o n o f the d i a d e m i n 3 0 5 . A g ­
gressive a n d craggy at first, Alexander's face soon becomes r o u n d e r a n d
Stewart
fuller. T h e m o d e l i n g is smoother a n d blander, the features m o r e stylized,
the expression m o r e composed; a h a l o o f h a i r n o w frames the face, eas­
ing the t r a n s i t i o n t o the semidivine a n d d i v i n e attributes t h a t encase i t
(figs. 5a, b ) . Alexander's d r i v i n g energy a n d irresistible charisma give
way
t o the stately repose of the universal m o n a r c h . T h i s is n o t egyptian-
i z i n g b u t classicizing, the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a g o d o n earth.
N e x t , like the coins, the m a r b l e p o r t r a i t s were a i m e d at an
audience t h a t was largely Greek. N o w , Greeks w o u l d n o t o n l y n a t u r a l l y
i n t e r p r e t this k i n d o f simple structure as classicizing b u t they w o u l d also
FIG.
5a
Tetradrachm minted by Ptolemy I
Soter of Egypt, obverse. Silver.
judge any m a j o r a t t e m p t at e g y p t i a n i z i n g pejoratively, as a c a p i t u l a t i o n
to the conquered. F r o m the late t h i r d c e n t u r y i n p a r t i c u l a r , w i t h the
Ca. 3 1 5 - 3 0 5 B . C . Hess/Leu sale,
regime increasingly under threat, any h i n t of such weakness w o u l d surely
15 A p r i l 1957, lot 313. Photo:
be studiously avoided by k i n g a n d sculptor alike. Echoes o f the classical,
H i r m e r Fotoarchiv no. 15.0797 v.
on the other h a n d , w o u l d have h a d decidedly positive c o n n o t a t i o n s , sug­
gesting ( a m o n g other things) social a n d p o l i t i c a l stability, adherence t o
t r a d i t i o n , close ties t o the Greek m o t h e r l a n d , perhaps even the resurrec­
t i o n of a past g o l d e n age. A n d finally, the p o r t r a i t of t h a t m o s t ecumeni­
cal o f the Ptolemies, Cleopatra v n , the o n l y one a m o n g t h e m t o learn
Egyptian,
36
e x h i b i t s n o t a trace o f E g y p t i a n style. Instead, she models
herself firmly a n d decisively o n the greatest of the Ptolemaic queens,
A r s i n o e . A f o r t i o r i , t h e n , we s h o u l d n o t expect her predecessors t o have
t r o d w h e r e she so conspicuously refrained.
FIG.
5b
T h i r d , there is a characteristic of A l e x a n d r i a n art t h a t , w h i l e
Reverse of tetradrachm, fig. 5a.
certainly n o t exclusive t o A l e x a n d r i a , seems t o have been p a r t i c u l a r l y at
Athena, legend A L E X A N D R O U .
h o m e a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l developed at the Ptolemaic c o u r t : a dedica­
Photo: H i r m e r Fotoarchiv no.
15.0797 R.
t i o n t o allegory, s y m b o l , a n d m e t a p h o r . A m o n g the m o s t recent of a l o n g
line of scholars t o identify an interest i n allegory, a l l u s i o n , a n d signs as
p a r t i c u l a r l y characteristic of the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d is J o h n O n i a n s . I n his
provocative b o o k Art and Thought
in the Hellenistic
Age, he p o i n t s t o
such w e l l - k n o w n m o n u m e n t s as the Tyche of A n t i o c h a n d the C a l u m n y
of A p e l l e s . T h o u g h n o t the first t o observe this p h e n o m e n o n , he does,
37
however, pursue i t considerably further t h a n m a n y o f his predecessors
a n d integrates i t m o r e firmly i n t o the H e l l e n i s t i c social c o n t e x t . Yet w h i l e
he, t o o , c o r r e c t l y treats i t as a panhellenic p r e o c c u p a t i o n , i t is w o r t h re­
m a r k i n g t h a t the largest and richest b o d y o f h a r d evidence for i t comes
precisely f r o m H e l l e n i s t i c A l e x a n d r i a , leading one t o suspect t h a t the
taste f o r i t was p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l developed there a n d arose at a p a r t i c u ­
l a r l y early d a t e .
38
Examples are numerous a n d begin at the very start of
the Ptolemaic regime.
F r o m 3 2 1 , Ptolemy's A l e x a n d e r coins showed h i m w i t h ele­
p h a n t scalp and ram's h o r n , a n d f r o m a r o u n d 314 these attributes are
j o i n e d by a forehead b a n d , o r mitra, a n d scaly aegis (see fig. 5a). T h e
elephant scalp is presumably Alexander's o w n answer t o the l i o n scalp of
H e r a k l e s , a n d the others are attributes of A m m o n , D i o n y s o s , and Zeus.
241
242
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Together, they f u n c t i o n as i n t e r l o c k i n g v i s u a l m e t a p h o r s , i n v i t i n g us t o
c o m p a r e Alexander's powers w i t h those o f Herakles a n d the gods, t o
speculate u p o n Alexander's u n i q u e p o s i t i o n i n the cosmos. T h e i m p e t u s ,
as Kyrieleis has seen, m a y come f r o m the E g y p t i a n practice o f investing
kings w i t h m u l t i p l e a t t r i b u t e s .
39
I f so, i t is a p a r t i c u l a r l y early example o f
w h a t B i a n c h i has a p t l y called the Ptolemaic tendency t o c l o a k E g y p t i a n
concepts i n Greek g a r b . Yet Kyrieleis does n o t m e n t i o n t h a t a m o n u m e n t
p a i d f o r b y A l e x a n d e r himself a n d erected b y his governor, Kleomenes,
offers a perfect precedent: the Shrine o f the B a r k at L u x o r .
T h e r e , i n the early 3 20s, A l e x a n d e r appears n o less t h a n
f o r t y - t w o times i n the presence o f A m m o n a n d various other gods.
H e often carries the a n k h , s y m b o l o f longevity, a n d wears a variety o f
c r o w n s , sometimes t w o o r m o r e together: w h i t e , blue, red, d o u b l e ,
Nemes, Atef, h o r n e d , double-feather, a n d g o l d - r i b b o n . H i s titles are v o ­
l u m i n o u s a n d v a r i e d , i n the ancient E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n .
4 0
Soter also i n t r o d u c e d this practice o f w h a t one m i g h t call syncretistic s y m b o l i s m i n t o sculpture i n the r o u n d . A series o f replicas s h o w
A l e x a n d e r d i a d e m e d a n d w e a r i n g a l o n g chlamys-shaped aegis, w h i c h
n o t o n l y again recalls his father, Zeus, b u t also clearly alludes t o the c i t y
of A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h was shaped like a chlamys. I n his r i g h t h a n d he
h e l d a scepter, i n his left, p r o b a b l y the P a l l a d i o n .
41
I n m y view, this statue
was p r o b a b l y the c u l t image o f the c u l t o f A l e x a n d e r , w h i c h Soter estab­
lished at the Sema between 3 1 1 a n d 2 8 5 : this, t h e n , is A l e x a n d e r the
d i v i n e p r o t e c t o r o f c i t y a n d dynasty alike.
T h e later Ptolemies b o t h c o n t i n u e d this t r a d i t i o n a n d i n t r o ­
duced i t i n t o n a r r a t i v e contexts. P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos a n d A r s i n o e 11
appear i n t w o w e l l - k n o w n bronze statuettes i n the B r i t i s h M u s e u m (see
S m i t h fig. 1 above): he w i t h elephant scalp a n d c l u b , she w i t h stephane
a n d d o u b l e c o r n u c o p i a . N e x t , P t o l e m y 111 Euergetes dons the d i a d e m ,
solar c r o w n , t r i d e n t , a n d scaly aegis a n d also, i t seems, commissions a
g r o u p o f h i m s e l f as a diademed H e r m e s - T h o t h s u b d u i n g a Syrian o p p o ­
nent i n the so-called L a o d i k e a n W a r o f the 2 4 0 s .
42
Soter also i n a u g u r a t e d another l o n g - l i v e d Ptolemaic practice:
t h a t o f s h o w i n g the r u l e r s u r r o u n d e d by personalities a n d personifica­
t i o n s t h a t together made u p a k i n d o f allegorical n a r r a t i v e . I n the T y c h a i o n at A l e x a n d r i a , n e x t d o o r t o the M o u s e i o n , he placed A l e x a n d e r
i n the center o f the r o o m ; the personified E a r t h , Ge, was c r o w n i n g h i m ,
w h i l e she, i n t u r n , was being c r o w n e d b y Tyche. Statues o f N i k e s t o o d
o n either side o f Tyche, m a k i n g the c o m p o s i t i o n r o u g h l y T-shaped i n
plan.
4 3
S i m i l a r a l l e g o r i c a l t a b l e a u x appeared i n the g r a n d procession o f
P t o l e m y Philadelphos i n 2 7 5 . T h e m o s t elaborate o f these showed A l e x ­
ander a n d Philadelphos ( b o t h w r e a t h e d w i t h g o l d e n i v y c r o w n s ) , A r e t e ,
Priapos, a n d C o r i n t h i n a c h a r i o t , f o l l o w e d by w o m e n representing the
Greek cities o f I o n i a liberated b y A l e x a n d e r .
44
T h e s y m b o l i s m is c o m p l e x
Stewart
a n d by n o means t o t a l l y t r a n s p a r e n t b u t c e r t a i n l y alludes t o the excel­
lence a n d p o t e n c y of the regime, its l e g i t i m i z a t i o n b y A l e x a n d e r a n d the
League of C o r i n t h , a n d its pretensions t o assuming the great conqueror's
m a n t l e i n the A e g e a n .
45
T h e m o s t spectacular essay i n this genre t o sur­
vive is, o f course, the Tazza Farnese (see K o z l o f f fig. 9 b e l o w ) , t h o u g h
at this p o i n t i t is best t o r e f r a i n f r o m speculating w h i c h , i f any, P t o l e m y
i t celebrates.
46
I t seems t o me t h a t w e w o u l d d o w e l l t o spend m o r e t i m e o n
these p e c u l i a r l y A l e x a n d r i a n p r o d u c t s , f o r t h e i r v a r i e t y a n d inventive­
ness are t r u l y astonishing. Questions t h a t beg t o be addressed include
the f o l l o w i n g : W h a t k i n d s of allegory a n d s y m b o l i s m are we l o o k i n g at,
a n d w h a t is the r e l a t i o n between them? W h a t f u n c t i o n s d i d they serve?
H o w d o r e a l i t y a n d fantasy i n t e r a c t a n d t o w h a t effect? W h a t overlap, i f
any, is there between genres? W h a t l i n k s , i f any, exist w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n
literature? W h a t degree o f engagement, i f any, is there w i t h native E g y p ­
t i a n c u l t u r e a n d its t h o u g h t patterns? W h a t i m p a c t , i f any, d i d these
p r o d u c t s have o n the w i d e r w o r l d o r u p o n the art of Rome?
O f course, I have m e n t i o n e d o n l y a few selected examples of
the genre. O t h e r A l e x a n d r i a n allegories i n c l u d e at least t w o m o r e by
Apelles, the sculptures o f the Serapeion at M e m p h i s , a n d a p a r t i c u l a r l y
tasteless p i c t u r e described by A e l i a n . " P t o l e m y P h i l o p a t o r , " he says,
" f o u n d e d a temple t o H o m e r a n d set u p a fine c u l t image o f h i m there.
I n a circle a r o u n d the image he placed the cities w h o l a i d c l a i m t o the
poet. G a l a t o n the p a i n t e r t h e n p a i n t e d a p i c t u r e of H o m e r t h r o w i n g u p ,
a n d a l l the other poets g u l p i n g d o w n his v o m i t . "
4 7
University of California
B E R K E L E Y ,
C A L I F O R N I A
243
244
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
Notes
I w o u l d like t o t h a n k those colleagues a n d students
lenistische
w h o a t t e n d e d a p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h i s p a p e r at B e r k e l e y
idem, "Alexandrinische Toreutik,"
o n 14 M a r c h 1 9 9 3 f o r t h e i r h e l p f u l c o m m e n t s , p a r ­
gen der kbniglichen
ticularly Gale Boetius, K a r a Olsen, Rainer M a c k ,
der Wissenschaften
R i c h a r d N e e r , Teresa P e y t o n , a n d H a r v e y S t a h l ; f u r ­
Der
t h e r assistance o n p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t s w a s k i n d l y p r o ­
(Leipzig 1 8 9 6 ) ; i d e m , " D i e hellenistische Relief­
(Leipzig 1 8 8 9 - 1 8 9 4 ) ;
Reliefbilder
Abhandlun-
Sdchsischen
Gesellschaft
14.5 ( L e i p z i g 1 8 9 4 ) ; i d e m ,
Gallierkopf
des Museums
in Gize
v i d e d by Stanley Burstein a n d D i a n a D e l i a . A l l errors
b i l d e r u n d die a u g u s t e i s c h e K u n s t , "
o f f a c t a n d o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n are, o f c o u r s e , m y o w n .
des Deutschen
Archdologischen
H . B r u n n , Geschichte
der griechischen
nis Alexanders
Kunstler,
Kairo
Jahrbuch
11
Instituts
( 1 8 9 6 ) : 7 8 - 1 0 1 ; i d e m , Studien
1
bei
des Grossen:
uber
das
Bild-
Ein Beitrag
zur
(Leipzig 1903);
v o l . 1 (1st e d . , S t u t t g a r t 1 8 5 2 ; 2 n d ed., S t u t t g a r t
alexandrinischen
1 8 8 9 ) , p . 5 9 5 ; J. O v e r b e c k , Geschichte
i d e m , " U b e r d e n C h a r a k t e r der
alexandrinische
K u n s t , " Actes
archeologique
chischen
der
grie­
v o l . 2 ( 3 r d ed., L e i p z i g 1 8 8 2 ) ,
Plastik,
p . 1 9 9 ; L . M . M i t c h e l l , A History
of
du lie Congres
( C a i r o 1 9 0 9 ) . F o r a n u p d a t e o n Schreiber's
Ancient
reliefs, see J. S a m p s o n , " N o t e s o n T h e o d o r
(London and N e w York 1883), p. 606.
Sculpture
Hellenismus
T h e pages t h a t f o l l o w d o n o t p r e t e n d t o give a
Schreiber's Hellenistische
complete account of the
of the British
"pan-Alexandrian"
School
Reliefbilder"
Papers
42 (1974): 2 7 - 4 5 .
at Rome
d e b a t e , s t i l l less o f t h e s c h o l a r s h i p o n A l e x a n ­
d r i a n a r t per se; e x t e n s i v e b i b s , w i l l be f o u n d i n
A . A d r i a n i , Enciclopedia
delVarte
antica,
9
clas-
v o l . 1 ( R o m e 1 9 5 8 ) , s.v. A l e s -
sica e orientale,
E . C o u r b a u d , Le Bas-relief
tions
romain
a
9aises d ' A t h e n e s et de R o m e 8 1 (Paris 1 8 9 9 ) ,
sandrina, arte, p p . 2 3 2 - 3 5 ; G . G r i m m , " O r i e n t
p . 2 5 1 ; W . W e i s s b a c h , Impressionismus:
u n d O k z i d e n t i n der K u n s t A l e x a n d r i e n s , " i n
Problem
G. G r i m m , H . Heinen, and E. W i n t e r ,
zeit ( B e r l i n 1 9 1 0 ) , p p .
drien:
Kulturbegegnungen
im Schmelztiegel
dreier
einer
Alexan-
in the Hellenistic
pp. 3 0 0 - 3 0 1 ,
Age
der Malerei
in der Antike
Ein
und der
Neu-
9-15.
Jahrtausende
mediterranen
Groszstadt
10
( M a i n z 1 9 8 1 ) , p p . 2 2 - 2 5 ; a n d J. J. P o l l i t t ,
Art
representa­
B i b l i o t h e q u e des Ecoles f r a n -
historiques,
(Cambridge
F. W i c k h o f f , i n t r o d u c t i o n t o Die Wiener
sis ( V i e n n a 1 8 9 5 ) , p p .
Gene­
17-20.
1986),
316-17.
11
E . A . G a r d n e r , A Handbook
of Greek
Sculpture
(1st e d . , L o n d o n 1 8 9 6 - 1 8 9 7 ; 2 n d e d . , L o n d o n
2
T . S c h r e i b e r , i n Mitteilungen
Archdologischen
10 ( 1 8 8 5 ) :
des
Instituts,
1 9 1 5 ) , p p . 4 7 5 - 7 6 . O n p . 4 7 9 , f o r e x a m p l e , he
Deutschen
Athenische
accepted W i c k h o f f ' s c o n t e n t i o n that m a n y o f
Abteilung
t h e l a n d s c a p e reliefs w e r e R o m a n b u t w e a k l y
380-400.
ascribed "the influence under w h i c h they were
3
4
made" partly to Egypt, partly to Asia M i n o r .
Ibid.: 386.
N . H i m m e l m a n n , Alexandria
mus
in der griechischen
und der
Kunst
Realis-
12
" A p o l l o Seated o n t h e O m p h a l o s , " Annual
the British
(Tubingen 1983),
p. 2 1 .
School
See esp. M . K u n z e , e d . , " Wir haben
Kunstepoche
gefundenV
Forschungen
zum
Ein
Pergamonaltar
eine
of the British
School
c e n t w o r k o n t h e l a t t e r , see Β . H . F o w l e r ,
Jahrhundert
Hellenistic
(Berlin 1986),
Aesthetic
kotten
aus Agypten:
und Schreiber
391-99.
The
( M a d i s o n 1989), p . 66 n . 1.
See also J. Fischer, Griechisch-romische
Schreiber (note 2 above):
Terra-
Die Sammlungen
Sieglin
(Tubingen 1994), pp. 7 0 - 7 3 ;
a n d R . G a r l a n d , The Eye of the Beholder:
7
Praxiteles himself entered the e q u a t i o n shortly
formity
afterward: W . A m e l u n g , "Sull'arte Alessan-
World
d r i n a , " Bullettino
logica
esp.
comunale
della
di Roma
Commissione
25 ( 1 8 9 7 ) :
and Disability
110-42,
(Ithaca, N . Y . , 1995), pp.
T . S c h r e i b e r , Die
Wiener
Palazzo
( L e i p z i g 1 8 8 8 ) ; i d e m , Die
Brunnenreliefs
De­
Graeco-Roman
105-22.
13
M . A . Ruffer, " O n Dwarves and O t h e r De­
f o r m e d Persons i n A n c i e n t E g y p t , "
138-40.
Grimani
in the
archeo-
de la Societe
8
10
at Athens
( 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 0 4 ) : 1 0 3 - 1 4 . F o r a b i b . o f m o r e re­
ganze
p. 60.
6
of
(1902-1903):
2 1 1 - 4 2 , esp. 2 2 8 - 2 9 ; " G r o t e s q u e s a n d t h e E v i l
E y e , " Annual
5
9
at Athens
archeologique
Bulletin
d'Alexandrie
13
( 1 9 1 0 ) : 1 6 2 - 7 5 ; see m o s t r e c e n t l y A . B a d a w y ,
aus
hel-
"Le Grotesque: Invention egyptienne,"
Gazette
Stewart
24
set. 3 . 6 6 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 1 8 9 - 9 8 ; V .
des beaux-arts
D a s e n , Dwarves
in Ancient
Egypt
and
A d r i a n i (note 1 above), w i t h exhaustive b i b . ,
pp. 2 3 2 - 3 5 .
Greece
( O x f o r d 1 9 9 3 ) ; a n d Fischer ( n o t e 12 a b o v e ) .
25
14
See, e.g., O . R u b e n s o h n , Hellenistisches
gerdt
in antiken
del Museo
intorno
ad una
coppa
(Rome
di Alessandria
1 9 5 9 ) ; o n t h e d a t e o f t h e c u p , see C . R o l l e y ,
Pelizausmuseum,
Gipsabgussen,
A . A d r i a n i , Divagazioni
paesistica
Silber-
Greek
H i l d e s h e i m , Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichung
( L o n d o n 1986), p. 214.
Bronzes
1 ( 1 9 1 1 ) ; R . Pagenstecher, " A l e x a n d r i n i s c h e
S t u d i e n , " a n d i d e m , " U b e r das
landschaftliche
R e l i e f b e i d e n G r i e c h e n , " Sitzungsbericbte
Heidelberger
Phil.-Hist.
Akademie
der
26
Wissenschaften,
27
1917, no. 12, and 1919,
Klasse,
A d r i a n i (note 1 above), pp. 2 3 1 - 3 2 .
der
B . R . B r o w n , Ptolemaic
and the Alexandrian
1 9 5 7 ) ; H . K y r i e l e i s , Die Bildnisse
p u s o f P t o l e m a i c c o i n s also a p p e a r e d d u r i n g
maier
kratous
saics
der
from
Roman
Period,
andrinischer
zur Chronologie
hochhellenistischen
alex-
Toreutik
(Berlin 1987); idem,
Zeit
Untersuchungen
179-80.
zur
und grossgriechischer
friih hellenistischer
(1925): 1 7 9 - 9 0 .
Early
Aegyptiaca Treverensia 3
E g y p t , " Journal
11
Mo­
and
( M a i n z 1 9 8 5 ) ; M . P f r o m m e r , Studien
Archaeology
Ptole-
of Ancient
v o l . 1 , Hellenistic
Egypt,
A . W . Lawrence, "Greek Sculpture i n Ptolemaic
of Egyptian
Mosaics
(Berlin 1975); H i m m e l m a n n (note 4
a b o v e ) ; W . D a s z e w s k i , Corpus
tou
3 vols. (Athens 1904).
ton Ptoiemaion,
and
(Cambridge, Mass.,
n o . 1. T h e f i r s t , a n d so far o n l y , p u b l i s h e d c o r ­
these years: J. N . S v o r o n o s , Ta nomismata
15
Paintings
Style
friih-
und
Istanbuler
Goldschmucks,
16
Ibid.:
17
A p o i n t recently and independently restated by
leis, H i m m e l m a n n , a n d P f r o m m e r a l l base t h e i r
G i i n t e r G r i m m : G r i m m ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 18
arguments partly on material w i t h no prove­
(offering some c h r o n o l o g i c a l distinctions to
n a n c e . O n t h e t o m b p a i n t i n g s as a n c e s t o r s o f
nuance Lawrence's
t h e P o m p e i a n S e c o n d Style, see A . R o u v e r e t ,
Forschungen 37 (Berlin 1 9 9 0 ) — t h o u g h K y r i e ­
observation).
Histoire
18
et imaginaire
de la peinture
ancienne,
R e c e n t l y , K y r i e l e i s has a r g u e d t h a t these t w o
B i b l i o t h e q u e des ecoles franchises d ' A t h e n e s et
h e a d s , b o t h f r o m t h e S e r a p e i o n , p r o b a b l y be­
de R o m e , 2 7 4 ( R o m e 1 9 8 9 ) , p p . 1 9 0 - 2 0 1 .
l o n g o v e r h a l f a c e n t u r y later. T h e y a p p a r e n t l y
f o r m e d a g r o u p w i t h a Serapis a n d so are l i k e l y
28
C f . t h e p r e s e n t w r i t e r ' s r e m a r k s i n Attika:
t o be P t o l e m y i:v P h i l o p a t o r a n d A r s i n o e i n ,
ies in Athenian
i n c o r p o r a t e d w i t h h i m after R a p h i a i n 2 1 7 :
(London 1979), pp. 1 7 - 2 1 , 1 4 6 - 4 8 .
" E i n hellenistischer G o t t e r k o p f , " i n
Tomos
eis Mnemen
Nikolaou
Sculpture:
1990), %s.
An Exploration
Stud­
of the Hellenistic
Age
Stele:
Kontoleontos
29
( A t h e n s 1 9 8 0 ) , p p . 3 8 3 - 8 7 ; cf. A . S t e w a r t ,
Greek
Sculpture
E.g., K y r i e l e i s (note 27 above), p p .
126-28;
G r i m m (note 1 above), passim.
(New Haven
756-58.
30
B . V . B o t h m e r , Egyptian
Late
Period:
yoo
Sculpture
B.C. to A.D. 100,
of
the
e x h . cat.
19
L a w r e n c e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 1 9 0 .
( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m i 9 6 0 ) ; R . S. B i a n c h i ,
20
B . A s h m o l e , i n J. D . Beazley a n d B . A s h m o l e ,
R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's
"The Pharaonic A r t of Ptolemaic Egypt," in
Greek
Sculpture
and Painting
p . 7 0 ; I . N o s h y , The Arts
Ptolemies,
( O x f o r d 1932),
in Ptolemaic
Egypt:
Age of
the
e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m
1988), pp. 5 5 - 8 0 .
Egypt
(Oxford 1937), pp. 8 3 - 9 7 .
3I
21
H a d r a vases: r e a t t r i b u t e d t o C r e t e b y P. J.
I b i d . , p . 1 0 1 , r e g a r d i n g t h e m as r a c i s t c a r i ­
Callaghan, "Knossian Artists and
catures.
A l e x a n d r i a , " i n Alessandria
I b i d . , p . 1 4 6 , m a k i n g i t clear t h a t he f o u n d s u c h
Adriani,
w o r k h i g h l y distasteful.
R o u g h b r o n z e s : see t h e c r i t i q u e s b y R o l l e y
V . P o u l s e n , " G a b es eine A l e x a n d r i n i s c h e
A . K o z l o f f a n d D . G . M i t t e n , eds., The
K u n s t ? " From
Delight:
ellenistico-romano:
22
Studi
e il
in onore
Ptolemaic
mondo
di
Achille
vol. 3 (Rome 1984), pp. 7 8 9 - 9 4 .
( n o t e 25 a b o v e ) , p . 2 1 7 , a n d M . T r u e , i n
23
Carlsberg
pp.
1-52.
the Collections
Glyptotek
of the
Ny
2 (Copenhagen 1939),
The Human
Figure
Gods
in Classical
Bronze,
e x h . cat. ( T h e C l e v e l a n d M u s e u m 1 9 8 8 ) ,
pp. 126, 1 3 1 , 1 3 5 - 3 6 . Impressionism: demol­
ished by B r o w n (note 27 above), p p . 9 0 - 9 2 ;
245
246
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
J. J. P o l l i t t , The Ancient
View
40
Art
See M . A b d e l - R a z i q , Die Darstellungen
Texte
( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 0 4 a n d 2 2 5 argues t h a t
Tempel
f o u r t h - c e n t u r y skiagraphia
32
of Greek
( N e w Haven 1974), pp. 3 2 8 - 3 1 ; Rouveret
is t h e t r u e a n c e s t o r
des Sanktuars
von Luxor,
Alexanders
und
des Grossen
im
Deutsches Archaologisches
Institut Kairo, Archaologische Veroffentlichun-
of impressionism. Vergina landscape: M . A n -
g e n 1 6 ( C a i r o 1 9 8 4 ) ; S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) ,
d r o n i k o s , Vergina
p p . 1 7 3 - 7 8 , figs. 5 3 - 5 4 .
( A t h e n s 1 9 8 4 ) , figs. 5 7 - 7 1 .
T h e n u m e r o u s p o r t r a i t s o f D i o d o r o s Pasparos
41
O n t h e t y p e , see S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) ,
at P e r g a m o n are t h e e x c e p t i o n s t h a t p r o v e t h e
p p . 2 4 6 - 5 1 , figs. 8 2 , 8 3 ; o n t h e c i t y ' s shape,
r u l e , f o r these w e r e e r e c t e d d u r i n g t h e M i t h r a -
see D i o d . 1 7 . 5 2 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 7 9 2 ; P l i n . NH
d a t i c W a r s , a g e n e r a t i o n after A t t a l o s i n w i l l e d
P l u t . Alex.
5.62;
26.8.
h i s k i n g d o m t o R o m e : cf. S t e w a r t ( n o t e 18
a b o v e ) , p p . 5 1 - 5 2 , fig. 8 7 2 .
42
H . Kyrieleis,
Antike
33
Orientis
Graeci
inscriptiones
Plastik
43
Pseudo-Libanios (Nikolaos Rhetor),
nasmata
Orientis
Graeci
inscriptiones
EPMHX KAIOP02,"
12 (Berlin 1 9 7 3 ) : 1 3 3 - 6 0 .
nos. 1 6 -
selectae,
1 8 , 2 1 , 2 8 , 2 9 , etc.
34
"KA0AIIEP
ster); c o m m e n t s , S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) ,
nos. 19,
selectae,
Progym-
25 ( L i b a n i u s v o l . 7, p p . 5 3 0 - 3 1 Foer-
pp. 2 4 3 - 4 6 .
3 0 , 3 2 , etc.; cf. K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) ,
PP- I 4 3 - 5 0 44
35
K a l l i x e i n o s o f R h o d e s , Peri Alexandreias
frag.
L a w r e n c e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 1 8 7 ; K y r i e l e i s
2 . 1 9 8 - 2 1 4 ( A t h e n . 5 . 2 o i d - e = F. J a c o b y ,
(note 27 above), p p . 1 3 4 - 3 5 , 163; C. M . R o b ­
Fragmente
e r t s o n , A History
of Greek
Art
1975), p p . 5 2 2 - 2 4 ; R. R. R. Smith,
Royal
Hellenistic
Hellenistic
45
( O x f o r d 1986), p. 88; idem,
Portraits
Sculpture
Philadelphos
46
P l u t . Ant.
37
J. O n i a n s , Art and Thought
627 F2).
Historiker,
27.
S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 5 2 - 6 0 ; cf.
E . E . R i c e , The Grand
(London 1991), p. 208.
36
der griechischen
(Cambridge
Procession
of
Ptolemy
(Oxford 1983), pp. 1 0 2 - 1 0 .
F o r t h e t w o m o s t r e c e n t suggestions a n d ex­
h a u s t i v e b i b . , see E . J. D w y e r , " T h e T e m p o r a l
in the
A l l e g o r y o f t h e Tazza F a r n e s e , " a n d J. P o l l i n i ,
Hellenistic
Age ( L o n d o n 1 9 7 9 ) , c h . 3; o n t h e C a l u m n y , see
" T h e Tazza Farnese: 'Augusto
m o s t r e c e n t l y J . - M . M a s s i n g , Du texte
deunt
La Calumnie
d'Apelle
et son
a
Vintage:
Archaeology
iconographie
Ancient
and Allegory
Art ( L o n d o n 1 9 3 9 ) w i t h , m o s t r e c e n t l y ,
art, " N a r r a t i o n a n d A l l u s i o n i n the Hellenistic
B a r o q u e , " i n P. H o l l i d a y , e d . , Narrative
in Ancient
and
Art ( C a m b r i d g e 1 9 9 5 ) ,
pp. 1 3 0 - 7 4 .
38
See R o u v e r e t ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 4 5 a n d 3 5 3
f o r t h e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t A p e l l e s m a y have been
the p r i m e m o v e r here.
39
Kyrieleis (note 27 above), p p . 1 4 8 - 4 9 ; o n the
c h r o n o l o g y o f P t o l e m y ' s c o i n s , see A . S t e w a r t ,
Faces
lenistic
of Power:
Politics
Alexander's
Image
and
Hel­
(Berkeley 1993), p p . 2 3 1 - 3 3 .
One should note i n this context, t h o u g h , that
m o d e r n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t h e o r y recognizes t h a t
a n increase i n i n f o r m a t i o n a c t u a l l y i n h i b i t s
c o m m u n i c a t i o n : T . E a g l e t o n , Literary
An Introduction
Imperatore
American
Re-
Journal
of
96 (1993): 2 5 5 - 8 2 , 2 8 3 - 3 0 0 ,
in
R o u v e r e t (note 27 above), p p . 3 4 2 - 5 4 ; A . Stew­
Event
Regnal'"
respectively.
( S t r a s b o u r g 1 9 9 0 ) . O n G r e e k a l l e g o r y i n gen­
e r a l , see esp. R . H i n k s , Myth
Saturnia
Theory:
(Minneapolis 1983), p. 101.
47
A e l . VH 1 3 . 2 1 ; also s c h o l . L u c . Charon
7; cf.
R o u v e r e t (note 27 above), p p . 3 4 5 , 353 n . 1 4 4 .
247
Is There an Alexandrian Style
What Is Egyptian about It?
P.
Arielle
Kozloff
To m a n y Egyptologists, Ptolemaic art a n d its b y - p r o d u c t A l e x a n d r i a n
style l o o k foreign,. N o t o n l y is the style itself strange b u t some of the m a ­
1
terials are also n e w t o us. There is a decline i n the q u a l i t y of native stone
sculpture a n d a rise i n the q u a l i t y of, for example, terracotta, w h i c h was
never a t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n favorite. N o t k n o w i n g w h a t t o m a k e o f
A l e x a n d r i a n art, m a n y Egyptologists ignore i t , t a k i n g safe refuge i n the
i n s c r i p t i o n s of the p e r i o d o r those f o u n d nearby, such as the Rosetta
stone. A l e x a n d r i a ' s art has also been confusing t o m o d e r n w r i t e r s such
as Forster, w h o said t h a t G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n art is " n o t as interesting as
one m i g h t expect. N o l i v i n g art was b o r n f r o m the u n i o n . "
2
I f that is true, h o w d o we e x p l a i n the b r i l l i a n t w o r k s of art
a t t r i b u t e d t o A l e x a n d r i a that are n o w i n museums a n d private collec­
tions a r o u n d the w o r l d ? Take, f o r example, Cleveland's bronze statuette
of an A f r i c a n beggar (fig. i ) , identified by J o h n D . C o o n e y as A l e x a n ­
d r i a n o n the basis o f three p o i n t s : its exotic subject matter, a t r a d i t i o n a l
theme i n E g y p t i a n art; the silver and copper inlays, an E g y p t i a n practice
since her beginnings i n bronze casting; a n d , finally, its b r i l l i a n t aesthetic
q u a l i t y , the h a l l m a r k of E g y p t i a n art t h r o u g h o u t m i l l e n n i a o f p r o d u c ­
t i o n . I n 1988 M a r i o n True reconsidered the bronze as p r o b a b l y A l e x a n ­
d r i a n , p a r t l y o n the basis o f the perfection of its surface finish, w i t h its
silky black sheen.
3
U l t i m a t e l y , b o t h the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a n d the a p p r e c i a t i o n of
A l e x a n d r i a n style m a y lie i n w h a t is a n d is n o t E g y p t i a n a b o u t i t . We
m i g h t begin w i t h the style o f the c i t y itself, w h i c h was f o u n d e d by A l e x ­
ander the Great after his c o r o n a t i o n as Egypt's p h a r a o h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l
c a p i t a l , M e m p h i s , s o u t h o f A l e x a n d r i a . I n t h a t ceremony, A l e x a n d e r
was e n d o w e d w i t h a l l the a p p r o p r i a t e a n d t r a d i t i o n a l N i l o t i c titles a n d
n o m e n c l a t u r e — K i n g o f U p p e r a n d L o w e r E g y p t , M e r y a m e n Setepenra,
Son of the Sun G o d , A r k s a n d r e s . A l e x a n d r i a ' s design has been described
4
by O w e n s as " r o o t e d i n Classical p l a n n i n g t r a d i t i o n s [ w h i l e ] at the
same t i m e i t l o o k s f o r w a r d t o the great achievements o f the H e l l e n i s t i c
w o r l d . " A n d b o t h A l e x a n d e r a n d his Greek c i t y planner have been
5
credited w i t h the o r i g i n a l i t y of A l e x a n d r i a ' s design.
6
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OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
T h e elements t h a t were n e w t o the Greek w o r l d — m o n u m e n ­
t a l l y far exceeding the A t h e n i a n A c r o p o l i s , " b u i l d i n g s arranged i n t o
i n t e r c o n n e c t i n g complexes a n d ensembles," the canals, even the sugges­
7
t i o n o f c a r v i n g the king's image i n t o the face o f a m o u n t a i n s i d e — w e r e ,
however, far f r o m o r i g i n a l . T h e y were l o n g - s t a n d i n g t r a d i t i o n s i n E g y p t .
T h e grandeur o f M e m p h i s , w h i c h A l e x a n d e r revisited w h i l e his n e w c i t y
was being b u i l t , m u s t have eclipsed any t h a t even the w e l l - t r a v e l e d M a c e ­
d o n i a n h a d ever seen. M e m p h i s ' s cemeteries alone stretched t h i r t y k m
8
a l o n g the desert escarpment, a n d the city, t o tell f r o m the l i t t l e t h a t is
visible t o d a y a n d f r o m i n s c r i p t i o n s n a m i n g temples yet t o be f o u n d , was
indeed a vast site o f b u i l d i n g s arranged i n t o i n t e r c o n n e c t i n g complexes
a n d ensembles. For e x a m p l e , the great Temple o f Ptah " H i k u p t a h , "
9
w h i c h p r o b a b l y gave rise t o the Greek name f o r E g y p t , Aigyptos,
was
connected t o another sacred p r e c i n c t by a b r o a d processional w a y .
10
These features have been perhaps better preserved, at least better re­
c o r d e d , at e l - A m a r n a , w h e r e A k h e n a t e n h a d a b r o a d avenue b u i l t f o r the
express purpose o f r u n n i n g his c h a r i o t , a n d at L u x o r (ancient Thebes),
w h i c h A m e n h o t e p i n organized i n t o a series o f temples a n d ensembles
connected b y b r o a d processional routes, a n d w h e r e A l e x a n d e r added a
shrine t o himself as sun g o d .
T h u s , the o n e - h u n d r e d - f o o t - w i d e , east-west avenue bisecting
A l e x a n d r i a , f r o m the p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s near the H e p t a s t a d i o n past t e m ­
ples a n d p a r k s t o the palace area,
11
was i n g o o d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n a n d
w o u l d have made a perfect venue f o r the famous Ptolemaic processions,
12
those, t o o , being a distant m i r r o r o f l o n g - s t a n d i n g E g y p t i a n practice.
Even A l e x a n d r i a ' s H e p t a s t a d i o n causeway, w h i c h connected
FIG.
I
Statuette of a beggar, probably
Alexandrian. Bronze w i t h copper
and silver inlays. Hellenistic,
the m a i n l a n d t o the i s l a n d of Pharos, thus f o r m i n g the h a r b o r , was n o t a
ca. 1 0 0 - 5 0 B.C. H : 18.5 cm.
n e w idea b u t an e a r t h w o r k i n g o o d , ancient E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n . Pharaohs
The Cleveland Museum of A r t ,
t h r o u g h o u t the m i l l e n n i a h a d created artificial h a r b o r s , i r r i g a t i o n sys­
tems, a n d jetties b y m o v i n g a n d reshaping vast a m o u n t s o f earth at
Thebes, a l o n g the R e d Sea, a n d at the F a i y u m , the latter h a v i n g been
witnessed a n d described t o the Greeks by H e r o d o t o s a n d c e r t a i n l y read
about by Alexander.
life a n d the a f t e r l i f e .
13
14
Egyptians regarded such labors as a fact of b o t h
Even the servant figures they c a r r i e d w i t h t h e m t o
t h e i r t o m b s were t r a d i t i o n a l l y inscribed w i t h the prayer, " O shabti, . . .
i f I be s u m m o n e d . . . t o d o any w o r k . . . o f flooding the banks o r c o n ­
veying sand f r o m east t o west; ' H e r e a m I , ' y o u shall say."
1 5
A n d so,
A l e x a n d r i a itself m u s t be recognized n o t as an entirely n e w i n v e n t i o n o f
Greek c i t y p l a n n i n g b u t as an overlay o f classical f o r m a t o n a f u n d a m e n ­
t a l l y E g y p t i a n f o u n d a t i o n . I f each P t o l e m y changed or added b u i l d i n g s
o r left some unfinished a l o n g the way, so h a d his predecessors at M e m ­
phis a n d Thebes.
A r e d granite p o r t r a i t o f A l e x a n d e r i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n
M u s e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a shows a similar overlay of f o r m a t over substance
Leonard C. Hanna, Jr., Fund,
63.507.
Kozloff
(see K a m i fig. 2 above). T h e t i l t of Alexander's head slightly t o the left
a n d his m e l t i n g glance, apparent despite the loss of the inlays, recalls
Plutarch's d e s c r i p t i o n o f Lysippos's r e n d e r i n g of A l e x a n d e r . Yet the h a i r
is f o r m e d like a h e a d c l o t h o r w i g , rather u n l i k e the massive, c u r l y h a i r of
true Greek p o r t r a i t s ; just above the c o w l i c k o n his b r o w is the trace of a
t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n uraeus c o i l e d i n a figure eight, n o t the d i a d e m even­
t u a l l y w o r n by Ptolemaic r o y a l t y . T h e face is h i g h l y p o l i s h e d , a n d the
finish
of the h a i r is matte, a type of surface t e x t u r i n g o n hard-stone
sculpture t h a t occurred repeatedly t h r o u g h o u t the h i s t o r y of E g y p t i a n
art. I n l a i d eyes were also an ancient t r a d i t i o n i n E g y p t i a n stone sculp­
t u r e , w h i l e i t seems t o have become p o p u l a r i n Greek stone sculpture
first d u r i n g H e l l e n i s t i c times.
Red granite f r o m the quarries at A s w a n i n southern E g y p t is
extremely difficult t o carve because of its hardness a n d s t r u c t u r a l coarse­
ness. T h e technical s k i l l represented by the A l e x a n d r i a head r e q u i r e d a
p r a c t i c e d h a n d , perhaps that of an E g y p t i a n carver w o r k i n g f r o m a
Greek m o d e l a n d w i t h Greek v o c a b u l a r y b u t w i t h an u n a v o i d a b l y Egyp­
t i a n accent. Some of the same observations a p p l y t o a statuette o f a
k o u r o s f r o m the second quarter o f the s i x t h c e n t u r y B . C . , said t o have
been f o u n d at N a u k r a t i s a n d n o w i n the P u s h k i n M u s e u m i n M o s c o w ,
1 6
its t w i n being i n C a i r o . W h i l e the Greek type is o b v i o u s , the s m o o t h ren­
d e r i n g o f a n a t o m i c a l f o r m s a n d the o r i e n t a l appearance of the facial fea­
tures a n d hairstyle suggest n o n - G r e e k w o r k . T h e y are carved i n E g y p t i a n
alabaster, suggesting l o c a l p r o d u c t i o n .
Sculptured p o r t r a i t s o f Alexander's eventual successors (see
S m i t h fig. 4 above) are rather rare c o m p a r e d t o those o f previous Egyp­
t i a n p h a r a o h s o f s i m i l a r w e a l t h . Those carved i n i m p o r t e d m a r b l e usually
t e n d t o be H e l l e n i s t i c i n style rather t h a n E g y p t i a n a n d are i n d i v i d u a l ­
ized e n o u g h t o be g o o d likenesses o f t h e i r subjects. Few, however, can be
called b r i l l i a n t i n q u a l i t y , perhaps because, like E g y p t i a n limestone p o r ­
t r a i t s , they were finished w i t h gesso a n d p a i n t , w h i c h have since disap­
peared, a n d they are n o w v i e w e d i n a rather r o u g h state.
M o s t p o r t r a i t s of the Ptolemies i n native E g y p t i a n stone nev­
ertheless depict t h e m i n E g y p t i a n haberdashery, a n d the p o r t r a i t s were
p r o b a b l y meant f o r E g y p t i a n temples. T h e kings are s h o w n s t r i d i n g for­
w a r d i n a h i e r o g l y p h i c pose a n d w i t h a l l the accoutrements that w o u l d
a l l o w the E g y p t i a n people t o " r e a d " these sculptures as t h e i r kings even
t h o u g h neither the people n o r the M a c e d o n i a n kings c o u l d read the
inscriptions.
A t odds w i t h E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n , however, is the degree t o
w h i c h these E g y p t i a n stone p o r t r a i t s are h o m o g e n i z e d . T h e y were n o t
p a i n t e d , a n d technically they are w e l l carved, and yet i t is very difficult
t o t e l l one P t o l e m y f r o m another n o t o n l y i n sculpture i n the r o u n d b u t
also o n temple w a l l reliefs, such as at Dendera, Esna, E d f u , a n d Philae.
249
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OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
I f the cartouche is missing, as i t often is, i t is difficult t o divine w h i c h
P t o l e m y is represented.
T h i s is n o t true o f t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n p h a r a o n i c p o r t r a i t u r e
w h e r e i n the "perfected likeness" o r " l i v i n g i m a g e , " the tut ankh,
o f an
i n d i v i d u a l p h a r a o h was o f p a r a m o u n t i m p o r t a n c e . A p o r t r a i t o f p h a r a o h
was a receptacle o f the divine essence, a n d i t needed t o be recognizable
t o f u n c t i o n c o r r e c t l y . T h e p o r t r a i t , w h i c h I define as the discernible
17
likeness o f a specific i n d i v i d u a l , h a d been an essential element o f Egyp­
t i a n a r t as early as the b e g i n n i n g o f the t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m B . C . a n d c o n t i n ­
ued unceasingly f o r the t w o - a n d - a - h a l f m i l l e n n i a preceding M a c e d o n i a n
r u l e . C e r t a i n l y , E g y p t is the b i r t h p l a c e o f p o r t r a i t u r e , a n d the Greeks h a d
m a n y centuries o f c o n t a c t d u r i n g w h i c h t o absorb this t r a d i t i o n g r a d u ­
ally i n t o t h e i r o w n .
1 8
O n e can o n l y guess w h y the tut ankh, the perfected likeness,
was n o t achieved i n a consistent m a n n e r i n h a r d stone under the M a c e ­
donians. Perhaps the Ptolemies, c o m i n g f r o m a b a c k g r o u n d t h a t h a d re­
peatedly n o t e d the darkness o f E g y p t i a n s k i n i n b o t h a r t a n d l i t e r a t u r e ,
f o u n d i t i r o n i c a n d possibly even unpleasant t o have t h e i r true images
carved o u t o f d a r k E g y p t i a n s t o n e .
19
T h e i n d i v i d u a l , recognizable images o f the first Ptolemies
are clearly recorded o n the coins m i n t e d i n A l e x a n d r i a , t h o u g h even i n
t h a t m e d i u m t h e i r likenesses suffered some c l o n i n g after a t i m e .
2 0
I n the
early years, however, w e find the energetic face o f M e r y a m e n Setepenra
Ptolemiis, a.k.a. P t o l e m y i Soter, w i t h his j u t t i n g c h i n , l o n g , d r o o p i n g
nose, heavy eyebrows, a n d deep-set eyes, a n d there, t o o , Userkaenra
M e r y a m e n P t o l e m i i s , a.k.a. P t o l e m y n Philadelphos, w i t h his d o u b l e
c h i n (see K a h i l fig. 3 above).
A b r i l l i a n t a n d creative m a n , P t o l e m y 11 is w e l l remembered
f o r his legendary b u i l d i n g s a n d f o r c o m m i s s i o n i n g the t r a n s l a t i o n o f
the Pentateuch a n d M a n e t h o ' s history. B u t his m o s t i m p o r t a n t accom­
p l i s h m e n t w h i l e o n Egypt's t h r o n e was the c r e a t i o n o f an e c o n o m y
w i t h i n E g y p t t h a t was c o m p l e t e l y independent o f the w o r l d w i d e econ­
omy.
21
I t was an e c o n o m y t h a t m u s t have affected the artistic p r o d u c ­
t i o n o f the t i m e .
F o l l o w i n g a p a t h begun b y his father, P t o l e m y 11 achieved a
r o y a l m o n o p o l y i n E g y p t i a n currency b y r e d u c i n g the weights o f g o l d
a n d silver coins s t r u c k i n E g y p t f o r use i n A l e x a n d r i a , b y e x c l u d i n g for­
eign coins f r o m the E g y p t i a n m a r k e t ,
22
a n d eventually by m i n t i n g f o r use
i n the E g y p t i a n c o u n t r y s i d e large bronze coins t h a t were attractive t o the
l o c a l populace b u t were difficult t o place i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y a n d are rarely
f o u n d a b r o a d . F r o m this t i m e f o r w a r d , silver a n d g o l d were restricted t o
r o y a l hands, silver coinage eventually d i m i n i s h i n g , since the ore came
f r o m lands n o t i n Ptolemaic c o n t r o l , u n l i k e N u b i a n g o l d a n d C y p r i o t
copper.
23
Therefore, the Ptolemaic coinage m o n o p o l y m u s t also have
Kozloff
FIG.
2
Portrait of a man, f r o m Egypt.
Green schist. First century B . C .
H : 21.5 cm. Berlin, Agyptisches
Museum inv. 12500.
been a m o n o p o l y i n metals, a n d I shall r e t u r n t o this p o i n t later.
T w o p o r t r a i t s o f private i n d i v i d u a l s i n i d e n t i c a l , h a r d , green­
ish stone, one i n B o s t o n
2 4
a n d one i n B e r l i n (fig. 2), are a m o n g the few
supremely fine p o r t r a i t heads o f private persons t o have been carved i n
Egypt d u r i n g the entire Ptolemaic p e r i o d . Certainly, one master carved
b o t h , since the a p p r o a c h t o the masses a n d the t o o l - w o r k i n g o f surface
details are i d e n t i c a l o n the t w o heads. T h e i r crispness a n d severity, their
very q u a l i t y , speak o f an E g y p t i a n sculptor, as does the stone itself.
T h e i r facial features are true tut ankhs,
d o w n t o the m o l e o n the left
cheek o f the one. As B i a n c h i quite fairly p o i n t e d o u t i n the catalogue f o r
the e x h i b i t i o n Cleopatra's
Egypt,
the nature of these p o r t r a i t s is w i t h i n
the m i l l e n n i a - o l d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n of private p o r t r a i t u r e .
25
I n general,
however, m o s t Ptolemaic r e n d i t i o n s of private persons are far m o r e gen­
eralized a n d less satisfying as p o r t r a i t u r e t h a n the B e r l i n a n d B o s t o n
heads. Even so, they often have strength a n d m u s t have c o m m u n i c a t e d
t o their audience as the t r a d i t i o n a l h i e r o g l y p h i c f o r m of the h u m a n
figure i n a c t i o n .
Statues o f w o m e n present another set o f issues. A limestone
statue i n A l e x a n d r i a belongs t o the l o n g E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n o f stepping,
251
252
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
d r a p e d female figures (fig. 3). A g a i n the structure is h i e r o g l y p h i c . T h e
figure has an u n u s u a l l y v o l u p t u o u s a n d rather m a t u r e l o o k , however,
even f o r E g y p t i a n a r t . Perhaps i t is a c o m m e n t o n the actual appearance
of a Berenike o r an A r s i n o e , b u t t h e i r representations o n the faience
o i n o c h o a i , o r "queen's b o t t l e s , " made i n Ptolemaic E g y p t v a r y between
flat-chested
a n d f u l l (fig. 4 ) .
2 6
Voluptuousness is depicted s p o r a d i c a l l y i n E g y p t i a n art, f o r
instance i n late D y n a s t y x v i n a n d again i n the Sake p e r i o d . M u c h closer
c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y , however, was the influence o f western A s i a , w h i c h c o n ­
t i n u o u s l y f r o m the b e g i n n i n g o f the second m i l l e n n i u m B . C . t h r o u g h
the late first m i l l e n n i u m p r o d u c e d statues a n d figurines o f full-figured
w o m e n , a n d d u r i n g the t i m e E g y p t was, i n fact, r u l e d by Asiatics.
Such was the figure style o f statues made f o r native E g y p t i a n
c o n s u m p t i o n b u t n o t f o r the Greek p a t r o n s o f A l e x a n d r i a . N i c o , a m i d t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c A l e x a n d r i a n priestess, is s h o w n o n her limestone
grave stela, n o w i n C a i r o , d e m u r e l y c l o t h e d i n b o d y - o b s c u r i n g drapery,
a n d her pose is t h a t o f w o m e n o n stelae i n Classical Athens (fig. 5). T h e
subject matter, however, is a c t u a l l y m o r e E g y p t i a n t h a n i t first appears,
since N i c o receives a h a r p , a n d Greek w o m e n were always s h o w n receiv­
i n g a j e w e l r y b o x o r a m i r r o r f r o m t h e i r servants.
27
A t first b l u s h the c a r v i n g appears Greek i n style, t h o u g h u n ­
sophisticated i n e x e c u t i o n , b u t a second l o o k t u r n s up at least t w o de­
tails t r a d i t i o n a l t o E g y p t i a n art. First, the carver has splayed o u t N i c o ' s
f o o t s t o o l so t h a t b o t h the f r o n t a n d the side can be seen. S h o w i n g t w o
dimensions o f an object, either side b y side o r one above the other, was
a n accepted aesthetic device i n E g y p t i a n a r t f r o m the O l d K i n g d o m
t h r o u g h the Ptolemaic p e r i o d .
2 8
T h e other d e t a i l is the a w k w a r d p o s i t i o n
of N i c o ' s a r m . I n g o o d E g y p t i a n artistic t r a d i t i o n i t , l i k e the f o o t s t o o l , is
presented as a h i e r o g l y p h i n the p o s i t i o n t h a t makes i t m o s t legible, i f
FIG.
s o m e w h a t a w k w a r d t o a post-Renaissance eye.
Headless statue of a w o m a n ,
T h o u g h the q u a l i t y o f Ptolemaic stone c a r v i n g often leaves
s o m e t h i n g t o be desired, the smaller arts are w i t h o u t equal. I n t h e m w e
see a taste f o r h i g h q u a l i t y a n d c o l o r i n an a s t o u n d i n g v a r i e t y o f m a t e r i ­
als, just as one finds i n the smaller arts o f ancient E g y p t .
Dozens o f b e a u t i f u l p a i n t e d t e r r a c o t t a statuettes o f w o m e n ,
often called Tanagra figures after the b i r t h p l a c e o f the t y p e ,
29
are the
h i g h p o i n t o f the A l e x a n d r i a m u s e u m f o r m a n y visitors (see R i a d figs. 4
a n d 5 above). These c o l o r f u l ladies w i t h t h e i r Classical m e l o n coiffures
are a l m o s t always extremely demure. T h e y are swathed i n d r a p e r y t h a t
conceals t h e i r sexual attributes, i f occasionally n o t t h e i r bellies. T h e i r
m e d i u m — m o l d e d t e r r a c o t t a ( I u n d e r s t a n d t h a t some pieces have been
analyzed a n d s h o w n t o be made o f E g y p t i a n c l a y ) — w a s n o t a favorite
i n E g y p t , as i t h a d been i n Greece, a n d the statuettes' general style a n d
m o d e s t y seem t o speak i n favor o f m a n u f a c t u r e b y i m p o r t e d Greek
3
from Shatby. Limestone. T h i r d
century B.C. H : 50.2 cm.
Alexandria, Graeco-Roman
M u s e u m 1332.
Kozloff
FIG.
4
"Queen vase" w i t h p o r t r a i t
of Berenike n , probably from
Alexandria. Faience. 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B.C.
H : 22.2 cm. N e w York, Barbara
and Lawrence Fleischman
collection.
FIG. 5
Grave stela for N i c o . Limestone.
M i d - t h i r d century B.C. Cairo, The
Egyptian M u s e u m .
253
254
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
6
Griffin r h y t o n , from T u k h elQuarmous. Silver. Ca. 270 B . C .
H : 17 cm. Cairo, The Egyptian
Museum J E 38093.
craftsmen, t h o u g h some o f m y later arguments m a y t i p the balance i n
favor o f native artisans.
Traces o f l o c a l influence have crept i n . As i n N i c o ' s stela,
m a n y o f the figures h o l d o r p l a y m u s i c a l instruments rather t h a n p a r t i c i ­
pate i n t r a d i t i o n a l Greek feminine pursuits. T h e drapery o n one figure is
s c u l p t u r e d l o w t o reveal a w e l l - r o u n d e d breast, a b i t of peekaboo m o r e
suited t o the n e w A l e x a n d r i a n taste t h a n t o the t r a d i t i o n a l Greek one.
M a n y o f the figures w e a r earrings, necklaces, a n d snake bracelets i n
a m o u n t s standard f o r E g y p t i a n w o m e n b u t n o t t y p i c a l o f Greek w o m e n
before the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d . I f precious-metal currency was restricted
t o r o y a l hands, g o l d j e w e l r y m u s t also have been a perquisite o f the
Ptolemaic n o b i l i t y , u n d o u b t e d l y given as gifts by the palace, m u c h as i t
h a d been i n dynasties p a s t .
30
O n e o f the m o s t spectacular Ptolemaic hoards ever recorded
includes pieces o f g o l d j e w e l r y f o u n d i n 1905 near Bubastis i n the D e l t a ,
w i t h early t h i r d - c e n t u r y B . C . coins p r o v i d i n g the t e r m i n u s post quern
(fig. 6).
31
T h e b r i l l i a n t objects f r o m this treasure m i x Persian, Greek, a n d
Egyptian motifs,
32
leaving t h e i r place (or places) o f m a n u f a c t u r e an open
q u e s t i o n . O n e piece i n p a r t i c u l a r , a silver r h y t o n w i t h a griffin p r o t o m e ,
is c o n v i n c i n g l y A s i a t i c i n style, yet reliefs o n the w a l l s o f the t o m b o f
Petosiris at T u n a el-Gebel near H e r m o p o l i s i n U p p e r E g y p t leave n o
d o u b t t h a t w o r k s o f a r t i n this foreign style were being made i n E g y p t
d u r i n g the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 7 ) .
M o r e t y p i c a l o f the shape a n d d e c o r a t i o n o f H e l l e n i s t i c sil­
ver f o u n d i n E g y p t are several b o w l s i n the C a i r o m u s e u m a n d one i n
Kozloff
FIG.
7
Detail of relief sculpture from the
t o m b of Petosiris at Tuna el-Gebel
(Hermopolis Magna). Limestone.
M i d - f o u r t h century B.C.
B r o o k l y n , w h i c h was r e p o r t e d t o have been f o u n d i n E g y p t w i t h coins o f
the late t h i r d c e n t u r y
B.C.
3 3
A n d , indeed, i t is difficult t o date any Ptole­
maic silver after the t h i r d century. C o i n c i d e n t a l l y this is the p o i n t at
w h i c h the Ptolemaic issues o f silver coinage became rarer because o f the
expense o f i m p o r t i n g the ore f r o m a b r o a d .
O n the other h a n d , few Ptolemaic bronze statuettes can be
a t t r i b u t e d before the t h i r d century B . C . , despite the huge numbers o f
bronze cats, ibises, i c h n e u m o n s , a n d a l l m a n n e r o f sacred animals t h a t
were made p r e v i o u s l y d u r i n g the Late p e r i o d . Few i f any H e l l e n i s t i c stat­
uettes f r o m E g y p t can be dated early, a c c o r d i n g t o archaeological evi­
dence, a n d the circle o f bronze statuettes once dated by style t o the
f o u r t h o r t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . is g r a d u a l l y s h r i n k i n g because the statuettes
i n m u s e u m collections, l i k e the ones studied b y M a r i o n True i n The
Gods
Delight,
34
are being redated t o the late H e l l e n i s t i c o r early I m p e r i a l
p e r i o d . A rare e x c e p t i o n is the M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m ' s Dancer (exc o l l e c t i o n W a l t e r B a k e r ) , w h i c h True attributes t o A l e x a n d r i a , a n d
3 5
whose sensuous, curvaceous line is one beloved i n ancient E g y p t i a n a r t .
36
255
256
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
T h e Ptolemies first gained c o n t r o l o f C y p r u s a n d its copper
mines i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . , a n d f r o m t h a t t i m e o n they g r a d u ­
ally began r e p l a c i n g silver coinage w i t h bronze. By 2 1 0 B . C . , o n l y the
large bronze slugs c o u l d be used w i t h i n E g y p t . Is i t possible t h a t the
Ptolemies restricted use o f t h e i r C y p r i o t copper t o the p r o d u c t i o n o f
cheap l o c a l currency a n d l i m i t e d the f a b r i c a t i o n of bronze statuettes i n
E g y p t i n those early years? T h e m e t h o d o f m a n u f a c t u r e o f the t e r r a c o t t a
figurines
i n the A l e x a n d r i a m u s e u m t h a t date t o the t h i r d a n d second
centuries B . C . was s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f bronze statuettes, w h i c h is t o say,
piecemeal casting a n d t h e n assemblage o f the p a r t s .
figurine
37
D i d the t e r r a c o t t a -
i n d u s t r y s u p p l a n t bronze casting i n E g y p t , at least d u r i n g the
t h i r d a n d second centuries B . C . ?
Clearly, the Ptolemaic e c o n o m y was based o n e x p o r t i n g as
m u c h as possible a n d o n i m p o r t i n g as l i t t l e as possible. I f the manufac­
t u r e o f silver vessels a n d bronze statuettes can be t i e d t o the economic
p o l i c y o f the Ptolemies, t h e n very possibly the issue raised earlier a b o u t
the p o o r q u a l i t y o f stone sculpture i n the r o u n d a n d i n relief stems f r o m
this p o l i c y as w e l l . T h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f fine m a r b l e sculpture o r even r a w ,
u n c a r v e d m a r b l e w o u l d n o t have served the Ptolemaic e c o n o m y w e l l .
Bryaxis's m o n u m e n t a l Serapis, i m p o r t e d perhaps before the p o l i c y was
i n place, w o u l d have been one o f the rare exceptions t o the r u l e .
T h i s p o l i c y w o u l d also e x p l a i n w h y corrections were made i n
gesso a n d plaster t o the m a r b l e sculpture t h a t does exist. I t was s i m p l y
t o o expensive t o t h r o w o u t mistakes a n d t o start over w i t h a n e w b l o c k .
I t also explains w h y so m u c h E g y p t i a n limestone was used i n A l e x a n d r i a ,
even t h o u g h the E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n was t o use limestone o n l y i n funerary
contexts. L o c a l E g y p t i a n stone was cheap, since i t w o u l d have been
b o u g h t w i t h g r a i n o r Ptolemaic bronze. M o r e o v e r , one c o u l d imagine
t h a t the c o l o r e d stones d i d n o t appeal t o the Greeks, even t h o u g h they
d i d eventually capture the R o m a n fancy.
T h e p r o t e c t i o n i s t economic p o l i c y of the Ptolemies was n o t
new. I t was perhaps invented by, a n d c e r t a i n l y h a d been p r a c t i c e d f o r
m i l l e n n i a by, p h a r a o h s o f the past, even the wealthiest ones such as
A m e n h o t e p i n . H e i m p o r t e d very l i t t l e f r o m a b r o a d , even silver, a l ­
t h o u g h he h a d m o r e t h a n one r o y a l f a t h e r - i n - l a w i n the East, w h e r e sil­
ver was f o u n d . For the m o s t p a r t , A m e n h o t e p i n a n d other pharaohs
used the materials t o w h i c h they h a d e c o n o m i c a l access a n d w h i c h they
p r o b a b l y preferred aesthetically—electrum a n d g o l d , f o r e x a m p l e — a n d
o n w h i c h they m a i n t a i n e d a r o y a l m o n o p o l y .
T h e bronze-statuette i n d u s t r y d i d seem t o blossom i n E g y p t
again late i n the second c e n t u r y B . C . W e start seeing figures o f dwarves,
Hellenistic-style H o r u s boys w e a r i n g d o u b l e c r o w n s a n d c a r r y i n g c o r n u ­
copia,
38
Isis figures, a n d Serapises c o p y i n g Bryaxis's lost o r i g i n a l . T h e
M a h d i a a n d A n t i k y t h e r a shipwrecks testify t o the degree t o w h i c h H e l -
Kozloff
lenistic bronzes traveled, a n d , thus, A l e x a n d r i a n bronze statuettes c o u l d
have traveled t h r o u g h o u t the late H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d . Just because stat­
uettes w i t h e x o t i c subject matter, inlays, a n d E g y p t i a n attributes can be
f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t the late H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d does n o t m e a n , however,
t h a t they a l l came there f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , as True p o i n t e d o u t i n 1 9 8 8 .
3 9
By n o w , E u r o p e , western A s i a , a n d N o r t h A f r i c a were b e c o m i n g parts o f
the R o m a n E m p i r e , a n d bronze w o r k s h o p s were being f o u n d e d every­
w h e r e i n t h a t r e a l m , a l l t u r n i n g o u t s i m i l a r sorts o f statuettes.
A n o t h e r m e d i u m also f l o u r i s h e d : glass. C o r e - f o r m e d glass
vessels a n d t h e i r offshoots, m i l l e f i o r i glass, a n d so o n , began t o be m a n u ­
factured i n large numbers i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 8). Because the
vessels o f this date are entirely classical i n shape a n d have been f o u n d i n
large numbers a r o u n d the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , scholars have suggested t h a t
they were n o t m a n u f a c t u r e d i n E g y p t .
40
I f faience "queen b o t t l e s " i n
o i n o c h o e shape were made i n E g y p t , however, a n d i f a l l m a n n e r o f o b ­
jects were being made i n Classical style i n E g y p t , there is n o reason w h y
glass bottles c o u l d n o t have been made i n A l e x a n d r i a o n the palace
g r o u n d s — t h e t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a t i o n f o r glass w o r k s h o p s — i n shapes t h a t
w o u l d have pleased the Ptolemies.
Remember t h a t at the height o f the i n d u s t r y d u r i n g the
Bronze A g e , m a n y o f A m e n h o t e p i l l ' s M a l k a t a Palace glass vessel shapes
FIG.
8
Alabastron, from the Mediter­
ranean area. Core-formed glass.
Late f o u r t h - e a r l y t h i r d century
B . C . H : 16.5 cm. The Cleveland
Museum of A r t , Purchase from
the J. H . Wade Fund 94.9.
bore l i t t l e resemblance t o the shapes o f native E g y p t i a n p o t t e r y . I n fact,
one o f the favorite N e w K i n g d o m shapes was the l e n t o i d flask, a shape
i m p o r t e d f r o m C y p r u s . T h e E g y p t i a n glass versions were t h e n t r a d e d
a b r o a d a n d have been f o u n d as far away as C y p r u s a n d Greece.
Every student a n d lover o f A l e x a n d r i a bemoans the fact t h a t
l i t t l e o f the c i t y has been excavated o r at this late date even retains very
m u c h w o r t h finding. B u t there is one i m p o r t a n t source o n A l e x a n d r i a n
a r t t h a t is often o v e r l o o k e d : the lovers o f a r t a n d archaeology w h o g r e w
u p there, people w h o saw objects washed u p o n the subsiding beach or
d u g u p i n the f o u n d a t i o n pits o f n e w b u i l d i n g s or i n the p l o w f u r r o w s o f
D e l t a fields. A s k t h e m i f there is such a t h i n g as A l e x a n d r i a n style, a n d
they answer i n the affirmative. A s k t h e m w h a t makes A l e x a n d r i a n style,
a n d they answer, each one echoing the other, " Q u a l i t y . " W h e n pressed
t o be m o r e specific o n the subject o f bronzes, one A l e x a n d r i a n said t o me,
"It's the q u a l i t y o f the craftsmanship o f d e t a i l s — l o o k at t h e i r h a n d s . "
I a p p l i e d t h a t premise t o objects i n other m e d i a , f o r e x a m p l e ,
t o the Tazza Farnese (fig. 9 ) , w h i c h is f r o m a g r o u p o f objects—agate
vessels—that c o u l d have been made i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e hands, indeed,
are b r i l l i a n t l y achieved, a n d they r e m i n d me o f hands i n m a n y E g y p t i a n
b a n q u e t i n g scenes, one o f the m o s t famous versions h a v i n g been pre­
served i n the t o m b o f T u t a n k h a m e n , o n the back o f the king's t h r o n e .
I n the end, A l e x a n d r i a n style is p r o b a b l y just w h a t w e
t h o u g h t i t was a l l a l o n g : a basically E g y p t i a n f o u n d a t i o n , f o r m a t t e d i n
257
258
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
FIG.
9
Cameo b o w l , the so-called Tazza
Farnese, possibly from Alexandria.
Banded Indian sardoynx. Ca. 100
B.C. D i a m . : zo cm. Naples, Museo
Nazionale Archeologico.
H e l l e n i s t i c style, w i t h a n overlay o f E g y p t i a n touches i n the f o r m of at­
t r i b u t e s , figural details, a n d surface enhancement. B u t exactly w h i c h
m e d i u m was being developed at any given t i m e changed f r o m one cen­
t u r y t o the n e x t , a c c o r d i n g t o the materials available w i t h i n Ptolemaic
e c o n o m i c restraints. T h r o u g h i t a l l there is one c o n s t a n t o f A l e x a n d r i a n
style, at least i n the smaller arts, a n d i t is t h a t constant t h a t separates
A l e x a n d r i a n a r t f r o m its copyists: q u a l i t y o f craftsmanship. I t was i n
perfectly g o o d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n .
The Cleveland Museum of Art
C L E V E L A N D ,
O H I O
Kozloff
Notes
1
I w o u l d l i k e t o t h a n k B i r i Fay, Betsy M . B r y a n ,
I I
See D i o d o r u s Siculus 1 7 . 5 2 ; S t r a b o
17.1.6-10
( 7 9 1 - 9 5 ) for descriptions of A l e x a n d r i a .
L a w r e n c e M . B e r m a n , a n d J o h n Ross f o r p r o ­
v i d i n g photographs or for helping me o b t a i n
12
them.
See J. J. P o l l i t t , Art in the Hellenistic
(Cam­
Age
bridge 1986), p. 280, for a translation of
2
E . M . F o r s t e r , Alexandria:
A History
K a l l i x e i n o s ' s a c c o u n t o f P t o l e m y n's f e s t i v a l
and a
p a v i l i o n and procession.
i n t r o d u c t i o n by L . D u r r e l l ( N e w York
Guide,
1 9 8 2 ) , p . 1 2 5 ; see also p . 3 9 : " G r e e k a n d E g y p ­
t i a n m o t i v e s d i d n o t b l e n d i n A r t as t h e y d i d i n
13
Herodotos
2.149-50.
14
J u s t b e f o r e c o m i n g t o E g y p t , A l e x a n d e r suffered
R e l i g i o n ; a t t e m p t s o c c u r , b u t t h e y are n o t n o ­
table a n d o n the w h o l e the c i t y f o l l o w s the gen­
eral Hellenistic tendencies o f the t i m e . "
l o c a l r i d i c u l e at T y r e f o r t h e m a s s i v e efforts
i n v o l v e d i n his c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a n e a r t h - m o l e
3
The Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t 63.507. M . True,
m i l i t a r y s t r u c t u r e . See G r e e n ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) ,
i n A . R K o z l o f f a n d D . G . M i t t e n , eds.,
pp. 2 5 2 - 5 4 .
Gods
Delight:
Figure
in
Classical
e x h . cat. ( T h e C l e v e l a n d M u s e u m o f
Bronze,
4
The Human
The
15
R . O . F a u l k n e r , i n C . A n d r e w s , e d . , The
A r t 1 9 8 8 ) , n o . 2 0 , p p . 1 2 8 - 3 1 . See e n t r y f o r
cient
previous bib.
1 9 9 0 ) , p . 36-
For a discussion o f the history and o r g a n i z a t i o n
o f p h a r a o n i c n a m e s , see S. Q u i r k e , Who
the Pharaohs?
16
Were
Book
of the Dead
I n v . n o . 1, i a 3 0 0 0 . See Aus
mern
( L o n d o n 1 9 9 0 ) , esp. p p . 4 0 - 4 1
Egyptian
Eurasiens:
Meisterwerke
An­
(Austin
den
Schatzkam-
antiker
Kunst,
e x h . cat. ( K u n s t h a u s Z u r i c h 1 9 9 3 ) , p p . 1 9 0 - 9 1 .
a n d 7 4 - 7 7 for A l e x a n d e r a n d the Ptolemies.
17
5
E . J. O w e n s , The
World
City in the Greek
and
See B r y a n ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p . 1 2 7 .
Roman
(London 1992), pp. 6 8 - 6 9 .
18
G i s e l a R i c h t e r ' s assessment o f E g y p t i a n p o r t r a i ­
t u r e as s p o r a d i c c r e a t i o n s , c o m p l e t e l y f o r m u l a i c ,
6
R G r e e n , Alexander
A Historical
of Macedon,
Biography
B.C.:
356-323
a n d i n d i f f e r e n t t o t h e features o f a specific p e r ­
(Berkeley 1991), p . 275.
s o n , as s t a t e d i n G . M . A . R i c h t e r , The
of the Greeks,
7
Owens (note 5 above), p. 69.
Portraits
a b r . a n d rev. b y R . R . R . S m i t h
( I t h a c a , N . Y . , 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 3 5 , m u s t be p u t aside.
T h e a u t h o r refers t h e r e a d e r t o B r y a n ( n o t e 10
8
9
Green (note 6 above), p. 276.
above).
A m o d e r n village a n d f a r m l a n d n o w cover the
19
ancient ruins, preventing m u c h excavation, yet
T h e l i g h t e s t s t o n e used w o u l d h a v e been t h e
s a n d s t o n e o f t e m p l e w a l l r e l i e f s . E v e n t h i s is
p a r t i a l e x p l o r a t i o n has r e v e a l e d t h e e n c l o s u r e o f
a g o l d e n b r o w n , several shades d a r k e r t h a n
t h e vast T e m p l e o f P t a h a n d a n avenue l e a d i n g
the island m a r b l e a p p a r e n t l y preferred by the
f r o m i t past a n o r t h e r n sacred enclosure w i t h
Ptolemies. Relief sculptures were generally
finds o f D y n a s t y x x v i a n d D y n a s t y x x x , t h e l a t ­
p a i n t e d , t h e male's s k i n r e d , a n d t h e female's
ter d a t i n g t o the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C .
s k i n y e l l o w . T h i s a l s o c o u l d have d i s p l e a s e d
the
G r e e k s , w h o left t h e m a r b l e s k i n o f t h e i r o w n
10
W e p r o b a b l y k n o w less a b o u t M e m p h i s ' s d e s i g n
p a i n t e d statues u n p a i n t e d .
than we do about Alexandria's, but ancient
T h e b e s , f o r e x a m p l e , w i t h its ensembles o f
20
O . M o r k h o l m , i n P. G r i e r s o n a n d U . W e s t e r -
t e m p l e s a n d l o n g p r o c e s s i o n a l w a y s , is c o m p a r ­
m a r k , eds., Early
atively w e l l K n o w n , a n d there one can w a l k
the Accession
t h r o u g h the ancient b u i l d i n g s a n d a l o n g the
Apamea
p r o c e s s i o n a l w a y s even t o d a y . See B . M . B r y a n ,
pp. 102, 104.
i n A . P. K o z l o f f a n d B . M . B r y a n , eds.,
Dazzling
Sun: Amenhotep
HI and His
Memphis,
vol. 1 (London 1985).
(336-188
Coinage
to the Peace
from
of
B.C.) ( C a m b r i d g e 1 9 9 1 ) ,
Egypt's
World,
21
e x h . cat. ( T h e C l e v e l a n d M u s e u m o f A r t 1 9 9 2 ) ,
p p . 7 3 - 1 1 5 ; D . G . Jeffreys, The Survey
Hellenistic
of Alexander
I a m indebted t o Leo M i l d e n b e r g for advice a n d
suggestions.
of
22
M o r k h o l m (note 20 above), p. 66.
259
260
ARTS
OF HELLENISTIC
ALEXANDRIA
23
M o r k h o l m (note 20 above), pp. 1 0 5 - 6 .
24
R . S. B i a n c h i , i n R . A . F a z z i n i et a l . ,
silver f r o m Tell e l - M a s k h u t a ( P i t h o m ) , n o w i n
Brooklyn.
Egypt:
Cleopatra's
e x h . cat. ( T h e
Age of the Ptolemies,
34
True (note 3 above).
35
True (note 3 above), p p . 4 4 - 4 5 .
36
For example, a Dynasty x v n i t o m b painting;
B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 1 4 0 , cat. n o . 4 5 .
25
B i a n c h i (note 24 above).
26
See D . B . T h o m p s o n , Ptolemaic
Portraits
in Faience:
Aspects
Oinochoai
of the
and
see A . P. K o z l o f f , i n K o z l o f f a n d B r y a n ( n o t e 1 0
Ruler-Cult
above), p p . 267, 347, 350.
( O x f o r d 1 9 7 3 ) . As for the recognizability of the
p o r t r a i t s t h e m s e l v e s , T h o m p s o n seems t o a d m i t
37
True (note 3 above), p . 4 5 .
t h a t o n l y t h r e e o f h e r g r o u p are r e c o g n i z a b l e as
i n d i v i d u a l i z e d p o r t r a i t s ; see i b i d . , p . 8 1 .
38
The Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t 72.6 H a r p o k r a t e s . See T r u e ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 1 ,
27
See S, B.. P o m e r o y , Women
from
Alexander
in Hellenistic
to Cleopatra
p . 16,5. B . S. R i d g w a y , Hellenistic
v o l . 1 , The Styles
Egypt
pp. 132--36.
(New York 1984),
39
Sculpture,
B.C. ( M a d i s o n
of ca. 331-200
True (note 3 above), p p . 4 3 - 4 5 ; n o . 14,
p p . 1 0 2 - 6 ; no. 19, pp. 1 2 4 - 2 7 ; n o . 20,
1990), p. 364.
pp. 1 2 8 - 3 1 ; no. 2 1 , pp. 1 3 2 - 3 6 ; no. 22,
p p . I 3 7 - 4 ; n o - M , PP- 1 4 7 - 5 ° ;
1
28
H . Schafer, i n E . B r u n n e r - T r a u t , e d . ,
ciples
figs.
of Egyptian
Art
Prin­
40
F o r f u l l d i s c u s s i o n o f t y p e a n d b i b . , see B i a n c h i
(note 24 above), nos. 1 1 2 - 1 4 , p p . 2 2 0 - 2 2 ;
a n d m o r e recently, D . Said, "Tanagra Ladies:
T h e Tanagra C o l l e c t i o n (of the A l e x a n d r i a
M u s e u m ) , " Franco
Maria
Ricci
57 ( A u g u s t
1992): 1 3 1 - 4 4 .
30
P o m e r o y ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p . 4 2 , discusses t h e
H e l l e n i s t i c idea t h a t h o n o r i n g wives h o n o r s
t h e i r h u s b a n d s as w e l l .
3I
See H . H o f f m a n n a n d P. F. D a v i d s o n ,
Gold:
Jewelry
from
Greek
the Age of Alexander,
exh.
cat. ( M u s e u m o f Fine A r t s , B o s t o n , 1 9 6 6 ) ,
n o . 6 4 ( b r a c e l e t w i t h Isis b u s t ) , p p . 1 7 3 - 7 4 , f o r
h i s t o r y a n d b i b . ; a l s o , S. C u r t o a n d A . R o c c a t i ,
Tesori
dei Faraoni,
e x h . cat. (Palazzo D u c a l e ,
V e n i c e , 1 9 8 4 ) , n o s . 6 2 - 6 7 ( c o l o r i l l s , o f pec­
t o r a l , t w o bracelets, three statuettes), p p . 1 8 5 89; also P o l l i t t (note 12 above), p . 255 ( r h y t o n
and bowl).
32
V e r y s i m i l a r i n s t y l e t o t h i s find are s m a l l c l o i ­
sonne animals i n the Walters A r t Gallery, Balti­
m o r e , a n d i n the M u s e u m o f Fine A r t s , B o s t o n .
See A . P. K o z l o f f , " A N e w Species o f A n i m a l
F i g u r e s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , " American
Archaeology
33
Greek
Journal
of
80 (1976): 1 8 3 - 8 5 .
See A . O l i v e r , Silver
and Roman
o
- 5>
2
( O x f o r d 1974), p. 139,
1 1 9 , 1 2 0 a , 1 2 1 ; p . 1 4 0 , figs. 1 2 2 , 1 2 3 .
D . F. G r o s e , The Toledo
Ancient
29
n
pp. 151-53-
for the Gods:
Silver,
800 Years
e x h . cat. ( T o l e d o
M u s e u m o f A r t 1 9 7 7 ) , n o . 1 1 , p . 4 1 ; see a l s o
n o s . 7 , 8, p p . 3 2 - 3 4 , f o r f o u r t h - c e n t u r y - B . c .
of
Glass
Museum
of Art:
Early
( N e w Y o r k 1 9 8 9 ) , p . 1 1 0 . See
further discussion below.
The Continuing Influence
of Alexandria
This page intentionally left blank
263
Late Antique Alexandria
G . W.
Bowersock
A few years ago some lines f r o m an unfinished p o e m by one o f the great­
est of a l l the A l e x a n d r i a n poets, Constantine Cavafy, were p u b l i s h e d f o r
the first t i m e i n an I t a l i a n j o u r n a l o f Byzantine studies. T h e lines were
1
w r i t t e n i n 1 9 1 6 as the b e g i n n i n g o f a n e w p o e m , a n d they go as f o l l o w s :
M y imagination takes me n o w
not to Alexandria of the Ptolemies,
but of the fifth and sixth century
— I love its every f o r m and moment.
N i n e years later, i n revising his p o e m , Cavafy changed the c h r o n o l o g i c a l
frame t o the s i x t h a n d the seventh centuries, d o w n t o w h a t he called the
a r r i v a l of "the p o w e r f u l A r a b i s m "
(0 Kparaidg
'Apafiicr/uLOs).
Cavafy was
one o f the few m o d e r n admirers o f ancient A l e x a n d r i a t o prefer the late
antique p e r i o d t o the H e l l e n i s t i c one. T h e city's c u l t i v a t i o n o f Greek c u l ­
ture a n d its lively conflict between p o l y t h e i s m a n d C h r i s t i a n i t y o n the
eve o f the A r a b conquest were m o r e congenial t o a Greek of the late
nineteenth a n d early t w e n t i e t h centuries t h a n the p r o u d a n d confident
H e l l e n i s m o f the c a p i t a l o f the Ptolemies. Late antique A l e x a n d r i a was a
t o t a l l y different place f r o m the c i t y t h a t fell t o O c t a v i a n i n 30 B . C .
To understand just h o w different, we have t o l o o k briefly at
the m o r e t h a n three centuries i n t e r v e n i n g between the collapse of the
Ptolemies a n d the emergence i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y o f the c i t y t h a t
Cavafy a d m i r e d so m u c h . U p o n the establishment o f the R o m a n E m p i r e ,
A l e x a n d r i a was n o longer a r o y a l c a p i t a l . B u t i t was a c i t y t h a t retained
its physical splendor. Its economic i m p o r t a n c e was u n d i m i n i s h e d as the
g u a r d i a n o f t w o o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t h a r b o r s i n E g y p t . T h e geographer
Strabo, r e l y i n g o n his o w n experience i n E g y p t i n the c o m p a n y o f his
f r i e n d , the prefect A e l i u s Gallus, described a c i t y f u l l o f magnificent
b u i l d i n g s (especially i n the o l d r o y a l q u a r t e r ) , crossed by w i d e streets
t h a t c o u l d accommodate the m o s t l u x u r i o u s vehicles. T h e m i x e d p o p u ­
2
l a t i o n o f Egyptians, Jews, a n d Greeks made c i v i l disturbances inevitable.
A l e x a n d r i a became n o t o r i o u s f o r its u n r u l y citizenry. W i t h a d i m i n i s h e d
p o l i t i c a l role i n the w o r l d at large, A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d devote itself t o its
o w n i n t e r n a l enthusiasms a n d animosities.
264
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
I n an address t o the A l e x a n d r i a n s , delivered either under Ves­
pasian o r under T r a j a n (for o u r purposes the date is i m m a t e r i a l ) , the
r h e t o r a n d p h i l o s o p h e r D i o o f Prusa chastised the people o f the c i t y f o r
their f r i v o l i t y a n d unruliness. H e began his speech w i t h a question:
3
" G e n t l e m e n , w o n ' t y o u be serious for just a m o m e n t a n d give me y o u r
a t t e n t i o n ? " H e signaled f o r p a r t i c u l a r c o m m e n t their enthusiasm f o r
c h a r i o t races a n d for performances o n the k i t h a r a . T h e latter predilec­
t i o n was n o d o u b t w h y the emperor N e r o was so f o n d o f A l e x a n d r i a ,
a n d the f o r m e r represents an early stage i n a passion t h a t was t o become
a conspicuous feature of late antique A l e x a n d r i a . E t h n i c tensions, par­
t i c u l a r l y between Greeks a n d Jews, are w e l l d o c u m e n t e d i n the p a p y r i
of the J u l i o - C l a u d i a n p e r i o d a n d above a l l i n the w r i t i n g s o f the Jewish
p h i l o s o p h e r P h i l o . H i s in Flaccum
shows t h a t r a c i a l tensions c o u l d easily
be exacerbated by the A l e x a n d r i a n s ' fondness for p u b l i c entertainments.
Public spectacles i n c l u d e d Jews being scourged, hanged, t u r n e d o n the
w h e e l , maltreated, a n d led t h r o u g h the m i d s t o f the theater o n their w a y
t o death. A f t e r this, a c c o r d i n g t o P h i l o , came performances by dancers,
m i m e s , a n d flute players.
4
Just as the p o l i t i c a l influence o f A l e x a n d r i a declined sharply
d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the R o m a n E m p i r e , so, t o o , d i d its c u l t u r a l i n f l u ­
ence. T h e c i t y played almost n o role i n the m o v e m e n t k n o w n as the
Second Sophistic. N o n e o f the Sophists registered by Philostratos came
5
f r o m the city, a n d few i n s c r i p t i o n s o f Sophists of the p e r i o d show any
A l e x a n d r i a n c o n n e c t i o n . O b v i o u s l y , there were teachers a n d schools, b u t
the hegemony o f A l e x a n d r i a n intellectuals i n the Hellenistic p e r i o d h a d
come t o an end. Yet by the t h i r d century, A l e x a n d r i a h a d acquired a n e w
k i n d o f i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n . T h e c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r was Platon i s m , whose p h i l o s o p h y was mastered a n d interpreted by N e o p l a t o n i s t s
a n d Christians a l i k e . C l e m e n t a n d O r i g e n , the t w o greatest fathers of the
early C h u r c h under the influence o f Platonic t h o u g h t , b o t h w o r k e d i n
A l e x a n d r i a . S i m i l a r l y A m m o n i u s Saccas, the teacher o f Plotinus, h e l d his
school there. T h e r i v a l r y between the p o l y t h e i s t N e o p l a t o n i s t s a n d the
6
C h r i s t i a n Platonists effectively set the stage for the struggles t h a t charac­
terized A l e x a n d r i a i n the centuries ahead.
Yet even w i t h such distinguished figures as Clement, O r i g e n ,
a n d A m m o n i u s Saccas i n the t h i r d century, A l e x a n d r i a c o n t i n u e d t o be a
m a r g i n a l c i t y w i t h i n the R o m a n E m p i r e . T h e emperor Caracalla, w h o
d i s l i k e d philosophers, felt free t o c a r r y o u t a massacre there i n 2 1 5 , a n d
he abolished f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t for the M o u s e i o n . T h e i n v a s i o n o f the
7
Palmyrenes i n A . D . 2 7 2 b r o u g h t substantial damage t o the m o n u m e n t s
of the c i t y a n d m a y even have led t o the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the M o u s e i o n
c o m p l e x itself. T h e c i t y was o v e r w h e l m e d a t h i r d t i m e i n A . D . 295.* T h e
8
p r o m i s e o f A l e x a n d r i a for the future was certainly n o t b r i g h t .
I t was a l l the m o r e r e m a r k a b l e t h a t A l e x a n d r i a managed t o
Bowersock
rise f r o m the r u b b l e so successfully i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y t h a t i t n o t o n l y
recovered b u t even surpassed its earlier r e n o w n as an i n t e l l e c t u a l center
i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y so as t o challenge C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , A n t i o c h ,
Beirut, a n d Athens f o r leadership i n the Greek w o r l d of late a n t i q u i t y .
Cavafy, g o o d A l e x a n d r i a n t h a t he was, u n d e r s t o o d a l l this very w e l l . I n a
p o e m concerned w i t h the t h i r d - c e n t u r y city, he evokes a student of A m m o n i u s Saccas w h o g r e w b o r e d w i t h his studies.
He stayed as a student of A m m o n i u s Saccas for t w o years,
but he grew tired b o t h of philosophy and of Saccas.
A n d so he turned to politics.
But he gave that up too. The prefect was such a fool.
N e x t the y o u n g m a n t r i e d the C h u r c h a n d t h o u g h t of b e c o m i n g baptized
as a C h r i s t i a n ; b u t , r e a l i z i n g t h a t his parents w o u l d disapprove a n d cut
off his allowance, he gave u p t h a t o p t i o n as w e l l a n d t u r n e d t o selling his
body.
10
Cavafy has r i g h t l y discerned i n this p o e m that the m o s t p r o f i t ­
able careers i n A l e x a n d r i a at t h a t t i m e lay, w i t h i n the confines of de­
cency, i n p h i l o s o p h y , p o l i t i c s , a n d the C h u r c h . I n subsequent centuries
the s i t u a t i o n was n o t m u c h different, except t h a t p h i l o s o p h y , p o l i t i c s ,
a n d the C h u r c h c o u l d sometimes be fused i n t o a single c a l l i n g .
Perhaps the m o s t eloquent ancient t e s t i m o n y f o r late antique
A l e x a n d r i a comes near the b e g i n n i n g o f the age i n the pages o f A m m i a nus M a r c e l l i n u s . H e declared A l e x a n d r i a t o be the pinnacle o f a l l cities
(vertex
omnium
civitatum)
i n its n o b i l i t y a n d magnificence." There, says
A m m i a n u s , salubrious breezes blew, a n d the air was gentle. There was
h a r d l y a day o n w h i c h the citizens d i d n o t see the sun. A m o n g the p r i n ­
c i p a l sites were the celebrated lighthouse a n d the c o n n e c t i n g H e p t a s t a d i o n a n d m o r e t h a n one large l i b r a r y housed i n the great Serapeion, a
temple that i n its magnificence c o u l d be equaled o n l y by the c a p i t a l at
R o m e . For A m m i a n u s these libraries d i d n o t constitute the H e l l e n i s t i c
A l e x a n d r i a n l i b r a r y , w h i c h he believed c o n t a i n e d 7 0 0 , 0 0 0 volumes t h a t
were b u r n t u p i n the t i m e o f Julius Caesar. B u t as D i a n a D e l i a has re­
cently argued, the damage f r o m a c o n f l a g r a t i o n under Caesar seems t o
have been greatly exaggerated i n some sources.
12
A m m i a n u s ' s praise o f c u l t u r a l life o f A l e x a n d r i a has a some­
w h a t elegiac t o n e .
13
T h i s was perhaps inevitable because the greatest
days o f the late antique c i t y were t o come l o n g after A m m i a n u s h a d
w r i t t e n . I n his t i m e the best he c o u l d say was t h a t " n o t even n o w " (ne
nunc quidem)
were various fields o f l e a r n i n g unrepresented i n the city.
T h e teachers of disciplines were still alive " i n a certain w a y "
modo
spirant),
(quodam
a n d geometry was still studied. N o t yet, says A m m i a n u s ,
h a d music altogether d r i e d o u t (exaruit)
i n A l e x a n d r i a , n o r was h a r m o n y
silent. A n d there was study of the m o t i o n s o f the earth a n d the stars a n d
of mathematics. M e d i c i n e comes i n f o r p a r t i c u l a r praise. A d o c t o r w h o
265
266
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
p r o c l a i m e d t h a t he was t r a i n e d i n A l e x a n d r i a was e n t i t l e d t o special
appreciation.
A m m i a n u s d i d n o t k n o w t h a t s h o r t l y after he w r o t e his lines
a b o u t A l e x a n d r i a the c i t y w o u l d be convulsed i n a c i v i l u p r i s i n g led
by the p a t r i a r c h t h a t w o u l d destroy the great Serapeion a n d b r i n g the
C h r i s t i a n a n d p o l y t h e i s t segments o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n t o o p e n a n d v i o ­
lent conflict. T h i s happened i n 3 9 1 .
1 4
T h e libraries o f the Serapeion m u s t
have been e l i m i n a t e d a l o n g w i t h the temple. T h e date m a r k s the begin­
n i n g o f the era t h a t Cavafy m u s t have h a d i n m i n d w h e n he t h o u g h t o f
A l e x a n d r i a i n the fifth, s i x t h , a n d early seventh centuries. I t h a d already
become evident i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y t h a t C h r i s t i a n A l e x a n d r i a n s saw i n
the patriarchate o f t h e i r c i t y an o p p o r t u n i t y , t h r o u g h the structure o f the
C h u r c h , t o restore A l e x a n d r i a t o a grandeur c o m p a r a b l e t o t h a t o f the
Hellenistic p e r i o d . T h e repeated returns o f Athanasius t o the c i t y sym­
b o l i z e d its i m p o r t a n c e i n the e v o l v i n g struggle over the nature o f C h r i s t .
By the m i d - f i f t h c e n t u r y the A l e x a n d r i a n p a t r i a r c h was a c k n o w l e d g e d as
the leader o f M o n o p h y s i t e C h r i s t i a n i t y .
Together w i t h the g r o w i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f the p a t r i a r c h came
a s t r o n g r e v i v a l i n pagan l e a r n i n g , e x e m p l i f i e d i n the early fifth c e n t u r y
by the eloquent teacher H y p a t i a , whose lectures even eminent C h r i s ­
tians, such as Synesius, praised. T h e m u r d e r a n d d i s m e m b e r m e n t o f
H y p a t i a i n w h a t is perhaps the m o s t n o t o r i o u s o f a l l A l e x a n d r i a n r i o t s
t u r n e d this p h i l o s o p h e r a n d teacher i n t o a m a r t y r o f the pagan cause
a n d a heroine o f f e m i n i s t movements o f m o d e r n t i m e s .
15
B u t her death
by n o means e x t i n g u i s h e d p o l y t h e i s t l e a r n i n g i n the city. T h e younger
H o r a p o l l o n , f r o m a distinguished pagan f a m i l y i n A l e x a n d r i a , c o n t i n u e d
t o teach a n d c o n d u c t his research o n E g y p t i a n antiquities w e l l i n t o
the last years o f the fifth c e n t u r y .
16
H i s s u r v i v i n g treatise o n the inter­
p r e t a t i o n o f the h i e r o g l y p h i c symbols was a v a l i a n t a t t e m p t t o e x p l a i n
the ancient inheritance o f E g y p t i n the l i n g u a franca t h a t Greek h a d
n o w become.
I n a c o m p a n y t h a t is b o t h h i g h l y k n o w l e d g e a b l e a n d cre­
atively diverse I m i g h t venture at this p o i n t t o m e n t i o n an o p i n i o n o f
m i n e t h a t I c a n n o t prove b u t t h a t seems w i t h every passing year t o have
m o r e a n d m o r e t o be said f o r i t . T h e example o f H o r a p o l l o n a n d his
b r e t h r e n suggests t h a t the l i v i n g p o l y t h e i s m o f late antique E g y p t was
r o o t e d i n the o l d E g y p t i a n cults. By contrast, wherever p u r e l y classical
Greek p a g a n i s m t u r n s u p i n literature o r a r t ( A p o l l o , D i o n y s o s , H e r a kles, Zeus, a n d so o n ) , i t appears t o be an elegant or erudite pleasure of
C h r i s t i a n s . I t h i n k o f the marvelous f o u r t h - c e n t u r y D i o n y s o s t e x t i l e at
the A b e g g Stiftung f r o m a C h r i s t i a n b u r i a l ,
of N o n n o s i n the fifth c e n t u r y ,
18
1 7
p r o b a b l y the
Dionysiaca
a n d above a l l the Greek poems o f
D i o s k o r o s o f A p h r o d i t o i n the s i x t h c e n t u r y .
19
Genuine p o l y t h e i s m i n
Bowersock
late antique E g y p t , as opposed t o aesthetic p o l y t h e i s m , was f u n d a m e n ­
tally Egyptian.
A l e x a n d r i a ' s aspirations i n the h i e r a r c h y of the C h u r c h were
dealt a severe, i f n o t t e r m i n a l , b l o w by the C o u n c i l of C h a l c e d o n i n 4 5 1 ,
w h e n the A l e x a n d r i a n p a t r i a r c h D i o s k o r o s was defeated i n his a t t e m p t
t o ensure the a u t h o r i t y of M o n o p h y s i t e d o c t r i n e . U n t i l t h a t m o m e n t the
A l e x a n d r i a n s h a d dared t o hope t h a t , at least i n the c o m m u n i t y o f the
C h u r c h , A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d be a r i v a l c a p i t a l t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ; b u t , w i t h
the v i c t o r y of the C o n s t a n t i n o p o l i t a n d o c t r i n e at C h a l c e d o n i n 4 5 1 ,
A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d n o longer hope f o r preeminence. H o s t i l i t y t o C o n s t a n ­
t i n o p l e g r e w over the years t h a t f o l l o w e d . T h e r i v a l r y o f the t w o cities
as centers o f overseas Greek c u l t u r e never altogether d i e d , a n d this, t o
a substantial degree, explains Cavafy's fascination w i t h late antique
Alexandria.
20
T h e m o s t valuable descriptions of A l e x a n d r i a i n the postC h a l c e d o n i a n p e r i o d are the Syriac Life
Scholasticus a n d the Greek Life
of Isidore
of Severus by Zacharias
by Damascius. I n b o t h o f
these precious biographies we can see a c i t y t h a t is still i n t e l l e c t u a l l y ex­
c i t i n g i n the pagan a n d C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s alike. I t is a c i t y f u l l of
churches a n d even u r b a n monasteries. A c c o r d i n g t o the Life
of
Severus,
Greek a n d L a t i n were b o t h t a u g h t i n A l e x a n d r i a , a n d m a n y of the great
polytheist teachers lectured, l i k e H y p a t i a , t o Christians as w e l l as pa­
gans. H o r a p o l l o n is m e n t i o n e d by name, as is Isidore. O t h e r s , such as
H e r a i s k o s a n d A s k l e p i o d o t o s , w h o are also k n o w n f r o m other sources
( i n c l u d i n g e p i g r a p h i c a l ones), are n a m e d a m o n g the leading teachers of
the late fifth c e n t u r y .
21
D u r i n g his student days i n A l e x a n d r i a , Severus
w e n t o n an e x p e d i t i o n t o the o u t s k i r t s o f the c i t y t o i n t i m i d a t e a n d
f o r c i b l y d i s r u p t a pagan c o m m u n i t y . Zacharias described this ungener­
ous m i s s i o n i n d e t a i l . We hear o f the h i e r o g l y p h i c i n s c r i p t i o n s o n the
w a l l s o f the house o f the pagans a n d o f the i n t e r i o r w a l l t h a t was b u i l t
u p t o conceal the idols. T h e C h r i s t i a n m i l i t a n t s b r o k e i n t o the h i d i n g
place o f the pagan gods a n d discovered b o t h the idols themselves—im­
ages of E g y p t i a n deities, n o t Greek ones—and an altar covered w i t h
b l o o d . I n an excess o f pious zeal, Severus a n d his friends destroyed v i r ­
t u a l l y a l l these objects a n d d i d their best t o convert the pagans o f the
village as w e l l as t o p r o p u p the w a v e r i n g sentiments o f those C h r i s ­
tians w h o h a d some l i n g e r i n g belief i n the p o w e r o f idols. O n Easter
Sunday m o r n i n g
all the people of Alexandria at the time of mass were made to
hear thousands of imprecations against H o r a p o l l o n . A n d they
cried out that he should no longer be called H o r a p o l l o n but
Psychapollon—"he w h o destroys souls" . . . the patriarch of
G o d made k n o w n to everybody i n his sermon the description of
267
268
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
the idols that we had taken out, w h a t they were made of, and
their number. As a result the people were inflamed and brought
together all the idols of pagan gods, wherever they could be
f o u n d — i n the baths or i n the houses—and they put them on a
pile and set fire to them.
B u t the Christians o f A l e x a n d r i a were n o t a l l destructive b u l ­
lies. Indeed i t is n o t altogether clear w h e t h e r raids o f the k i n d described
i n the Life
of Severus were m u c h m o r e t h a n student h i g h j i n k s . T h e c i t y
i n the late antique p e r i o d is p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l k n o w n f o r its C h r i s t i a n
c h u r c h w o r k e r s (perhaps social w o r k e r s ) called philoponoi.
T h e y appear
several times i n Syriac t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n i n the Life of Severus.
22
T h e y are
perhaps best k n o w n t h r o u g h the name attached t o one o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s
m o s t distinguished late antique philosophers, J o h n P h i l o p o n o s , whose
extensive commentaries o n Plato a n d A r i s t o t l e have o n l y recently begun
t o receive the detailed a t t e n t i o n they deserve. T h e u n i o n o f service a n d
h i g h i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n i n J o h n P h i l o p o n o s may w e l l reflect a recog­
n i t i o n o n the p a r t o f the patriarchate o f A l e x a n d r i a t h a t M o n o p h y s i t e s
m i g h t as w e l l give u p aspirations t o universal a u t h o r i t y a n d concentrate
o n w o r k at h o m e .
I n any case, the future o f E g y p t i a n C h r i s t i a n i t y n o longer lay
i n A l e x a n d r i a b u t i n the countryside a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y farther s o u t h i n
the y o u n g c h u r c h o f the C o p t s , f o u n d e d by the great Shenoute t w o cen­
turies before. M o n o p h y s i t e h o s t i l i t y t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e also meant t h a t
Christians o f this persuasion were m o r e i n c l i n e d t o s u p p o r t the enemies
of the Byzantine emperors. I n A l e x a n d r i a t h a t meant the A r a b s . T h e
best c h r o n i c l e t h a t we possess o n the final century o f Greek A l e x a n d r i a ,
the era o f P h i l o p o n o s , is the account o f J o h n o f N i k i o u , k n o w n t o us
o n l y t h r o u g h an E t h i o p i c t r a n s l a t i o n of an A r a b i c t r a n s l a t i o n of his
o r i g i n a l t e x t . B u t even at such a distance his narrative gives us a v i v i d
glimpse i n t o the still r i c h Greek c u l t u r e o f A l e x a n d r i a o n the eve o f the
A r a b conquest.
W h e n the t e x t o f J o h n o f N i k i o u was first p u b l i s h e d , i n 1 8 8 3 ,
its greatest r e v e l a t i o n was the p r i m a r y role t h a t the A l e x a n d r i a n s played
i n the o v e r t h r o w o f Phokas a n d the elevation of H e r a k l i o s i n the years
609 a n d 6 1 0 .
2 3
N o one w o u l d have credited o r h a d credited A l e x a n d r i a
w i t h so i m p o r t a n t a r o l e , a n d the circus factions i n s u p p o r t o f the c h a r i ­
oteers—the so-called Greens a n d Blues—are e x p l i c i t l y associated w i t h
the o v e r t h r o w o f Phokas. As A l a n C a m e r o n recognized i n his study o f
the factions i n the early Byzantine p e r i o d ,
2 4
the A l e x a n d r i a n Greens a n d
Blues were m a j o r players, b u t together a n d n o t i n o p p o s i t i o n t o one an­
other. B o t h s u p p o r t e d Nicetas, the l o c a l sponsor o f H e r a k l i o s . T h a t
factions i n the eastern cities occasionally played a p o l i t i c a l role was i n ­
evitable: they were organized, r o w d y , a n d experienced i n r i o t s . B u t they
Bowersock
h a d n o p l a t f o r m a n d n o fixed p o l i t i c a l positions. T h e case o f A l e x a n d r i a
as s h o w n by J o h n of N i k i o u p r o v e d t o be one of the m o s t instructive
examples for the w h o l e o f late a n t i q u i t y .
T h i s has t o be said because the excellent p u b l i c a t i o n of
graffiti f r o m the theater at A l e x a n d r i a by the Polish scholar Z b i g n i e w
B o r k o w s k i i n c l u d e d a v a l i a n t t h o u g h u l t i m a t e l y unsuccessful a t t e m p t t o
i n t e r p r e t inscriptions o f the Greens a n d the Blues i n terms of p o l i t i c a l d i ­
visions w i t h i n the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a .
25
O v e r a l l , of course, we have rea­
son t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y grateful for the Polish excavations at A l e x a n d r i a
n o t o n l y for the theater texts o f the Greens a n d the Blues b u t for the
o n l y physical evidence t h a t we have o f the late antique c i t y : the theater
itself, some baths, p a r t of the necropolis, a n d some residential quarters.
For the years f o l l o w i n g the accession of H e r a k l i o s , the Life
Almoner,
of John
the
w h o was p a t r i a r c h at the t i m e , affords precious glimpses i n t o
the c i t y precisely where even the t e x t o f J o h n o f N i k i o u fails us because
of a lacuna. T h e already m i x e d p o p u l a t i o n was substantially enlarged by
the a r r i v a l o f refugees f r o m Syria a n d Palestine fleeing the Persian i n ­
vaders.
26
T h e safe haven they f o u n d lasted o n l y a short t i m e .
U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o circus factions or r i o t i n g students c o u l d
stem the tide w h e n the A r a b s came i n 6 4 2 . T h e e x t a n t t e x t of J o h n o f
N i k i o u gives the w h o l e story a n d blames the fall o f A l e x a n d r i a o n the
failure o f the C h u r c h t o espouse the M o n o p h y s i t e cause. A c c o r d i n g t o
J o h n , " a l l these things fell o u t because they d i v i d e d C h r i s t i n t o t w o na­
tures." For the c h r o n i c l e r the supporters o f C h a l c e d o n i a n i s m were n a t u ­
r a l l y w e a k o f s p i r i t , a n d i t was n o surprise t o h i m t h a t m a n y p r o m p t l y
converted t o I s l a m :
N o w many of the Egyptians w h o had been false Christians de­
nied the holy o r t h o d o x faith and life-giving baptism and em­
braced the religion of the M o s l e m , the enemies of G o d , and
accepted the detestable doctrine of the beast. . . . One of them,
named John the Chalcedonian of the Convent of Sinai, embraced
the faith of Islam, and, quitting his monk's habit, he t o o k up the
sword and persecuted the Christians w h o were faithful to O u r
L o r d Jesus C h r i s t .
27
F r o m a C h a l c e d o n i a n a n d C o n s t a n t i n o p o l i t a n perspective the
c o n t i n u i n g a n i m o s i t y of M o n o p h y s i t e A l e x a n d r i a t o the central govern­
m e n t h a d played i n t o the conqueror's hands. I n any case, the A r a b c o n ­
q u e s t — w h a t Cavafy called "the p o w e r f u l A r a b i s m " — a b r u p t l y h a l t e d
t h a t c o m p l e x c u l t u r e , e m b r a c i n g b o t h Greek a n d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n s ,
t h a t h a d been the g l o r y of A l e x a n d r i a even i n its darkest days at the end
of the t h i r d century. Cavafy h i m s e l f is the best p r o o f t h a t i t never dis­
appeared altogether. Late a n t i q u i t y h a d seen a n e w v i t a l i t y at A l e x a n d r i a
t h r o u g h its patriarchs, its N e o p l a t o n i s t a n d C h r i s t i a n philosophers, its
269
270
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
o l d E g y p t i a n p o l y t h e i s t cults t h a t refused t o die, a n d its t w o great circus
factions. A l e x a n d r i a n life reached a k i n d o f fever p i t c h t h a t made the
c i t y u n i q u e i n the Byzantine w o r l d . Its p r o u d independence a n d fierce
r i v a l r y w i t h the g o v e r n m e n t i n C o n s t a n t i n o p l e were p a r a d o x i c a l l y t o
be its u n d o i n g .
I n another p o e m , Cavafy described the i m p a c t o f the A r a b
conquest f r o m a Greek perspective i n a m o v i n g p o e m n a m e d f o r a fic­
t i o n a l character called A e m i l i a n u s M o n a i .
2 8
I n the t i t l e Cavafy e q u i p p e d
his " A e m i l i a n u s M o n a i , an A l e x a n d r i a n , " w i t h dates f o r b i r t h a n d death,
" A . D . 6 2 8 - 6 5 5 . " I n other w o r d s , M o n a i was b o r n i n the final years o f
the Greek c i t y a n d died a l i t t l e over a decade after the A r a b s a r r i v e d .
T h i s y o u n g Greek is the speaker as the p o e m begins. H e says t h a t he w i l l
c o n s t r u c t a s p l e n d i d suit o f a r m o r f o r himself, a suit of a r m o r composed
of " w o r d s , appearance, a n d m a n n e r s " (jme Xoyca, /ne ^vaioyviOfiCa,
rpoirovs).
/ue
W i t h these he w i l l be able t o h o l d o u t against evil m e n . These
were the c o m p o n e n t s o f Greek c u l t u r e , as Cavafy u n d e r s t o o d i t . B u t
they h a r d l y sufficed against an e x t e r n a l invader. T h e p o e m ends w i t h
the y o u n g A e m i l i a n u s M o n a i d y i n g i n Sicily at the age of twenty-seven.
H e left his city, p r e s u m a b l y i n 6 4 2 w h e n the A r a b s came. T h e poet
asks himself,
I wonder i f he ever used this suit of armor;
in any case, he didn't wear i t for l o n g .
29
Institute for Advanced Study
P R I N C E T O N ,
N E W
J E R S E Y
Bowersock
Notes
1
mance t o Rhetoric: T h e Alexandrian L i b r a r y i n
R . L a v a g n i n i , " S e i t e n u o v e poesie b i z a n t i n e d i
C o s t a n t i n o K a v a f l s , " Rivista
di studi
Classical a n d Islamic T r a d i t i o n s , "
e
Historical
25 (1988): 2 1 7 - 8 1 , f o r t h e p r e s e n t
neoellenici
t e x t 2 7 6 - 7 7 : Ή φαντασία
I οχι στην
τώρα
bizantini
μον με
Αλεξάνδρεια
I άλλα
τον πέμπτον
μορφή
της καϊ καθ' εποχή
των
πιαίνει
D e l i a ( t h i s n o t e ) : 1458 n o t e 38, says t h a t A m -
ΥΙτολεμαίων,
m i a n u s , at 22.16.13, " c o n f u s e d m a i n a n d Sera-
ή τον ε"κτον αίώνος.
της
p e u m l i b r a r i e s . " N o t necessarily: t h e t e x t is
I Κάθε
t r o u b l e d here, b u t the p l u r a l
αγαπώ.
Strabo 17.1. 6 - ι ο , 7 9
3
D i o P r u s . Orat.
I -
bybliothecae
is n o t i n d o u b t , n o r t h a t these l i b r a r i e s
fuerunt
2
American
97 (1992): 1 4 4 9 - 1 4 6 7 .
Review
w e r e in t h e S e r a p e i o n (in quo). T h e n u m e r a l
5 C
duo i s , h o w e v e r , i n d o u b t .
The Roman
32, o n w h i c h see C . P. Jones,
World
of Dio Chrysostom
13
(Cam­
A m m . M a r c . 22.16.17-18.
b r i d g e , M a s s . 1978), p p . 3 6 - 4 4 . See m o s t r e ­
14
cently H . Sidebottom, " T h e Date o f D i o o f
Historia
F o r t h e d a t e , see n o w t h e f u l l d i s c u s s i o n b y
T . D . B a r n e s i n h i s r e v i e w o f J. F. M a t t h e w s ' s
Prusa's R h o d i a n a n d A l e x a n d r i a n O r a t i o n s , "
41 (1992): 4 0 7 - 1 9 ( f o r a T r a j a n i c
w o r k o n A m m i a n u s , Classical
(1993): 6 1 - 6 2 . A s a r e s u l t o f Barnes's a r g u ­
and the ' M o b ' : D i o Chrysostom a n d the W o r l d
m e n t s , I w i t h d r a w m y e a r l i e r s u p p o r t f o r 392.
o f t h e A l e x a n d r i a n s , " Historia
42 (1993): 8 2 -
103 ( f o r a V e s p a s i a n i c d a t e a n d d e p r e c i a t i n g t h e
15
value o f Dio's testimony).
F o r a recent account, pending the f o r t h c o m i n g
b o o k o n H y p a t i a b y M a r i a D z i e l s k a , see
P. C h u v i n , A Chronicle
4
5
88
Philology
date), a n d W . D . Barry, "Aristocrats, O r a t o r s ,
P h i l o in Flaccurn
8 5.
A s n o t e d i n G . W . B o w e r s o c k , Greek
ists in the Roman
of the Last
Pagans
( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . 1990), p p . 8 5 - 9 0 .
Soph­
16
( O x f o r d 1969),
Empire
C f . G . W . B o w e r s o c k , Hellenism
in Late
An­
( A n n A r b o r a n d C a m b r i d g e 1990),
tiquity
pp. 20-21.
p p . 6 0 - 6 1 . S t i l l i m p o r t a n t is J. M a s p e r o ,
O n t h e P l a t o n i s m o f C l e m e n t a n d O r i g e n , see
Bulletin
H . C h a d w i c k , Early
orientale
" H o r a p o l l o n et l a f i n d u p a g a n i s m e e g y p t i e n , "
6
Classical
Christian
Thought
and the
de Caire
frangais
d'archeologie
11 (1914): 1 6 4 - 9 5 .
( O x f o r d 1966), p p . 3 1 - 9 4 .
Tradition
F o r A m m o n i u s Saccas, see J. M . D i l l o n , The
Middle
de ITnstitut
17
( L o n d o n 1977), p p . 3 8 0 - 8 3 .
Platonists
D . Willers, "Dionysos u n d Christus—ein
archaologisches Zeugnis zur 'Konfessionsangeh o r i g k e i t ' des N o n n o s , " Museum
7
Cassius D i o 7 8 . 2 2 - 2 3 ; H e r o d i a n 4 . 9 . 4 - 8 ;
Historia
Chron.
Augusta,
1
6.2-3; Malalas
Carac.
4.590.
18
P. C h u v i n , " N o n n o s de P a n o p o l i s e n t r e p a g a ­
n i s m e et c h r i s t i a n i s m e , " Bulletin
8
A m m . M a r c . 2.2.16.15. C f . Scriptores
Augustae,
9
Quadriga
M a l a l a s Chron.
Historiae
tion
3.1.
4.601; J o h n o f N i k i o u 77.1-6
19
Bude
L . M a c C o u l l , Dioscorus
Work
K . P. K a v a f i s , ΙΙοιήματα
Guillaume
de
VAssocia­
45 (1986): 3 8 7 - 9 6 , a n d
also W i l l e r s ( n o t e 17 a b o v e ) .
(Charles).
10
Helveticum
49 (1992.): Ι 4 Ι - 5 ·
(1919-1933),
ed.
20
G . P. Savidis ( A t h e n s 1991), p p . 3 4 - 3 5 . T h e
and His World
of Aphrodito:
His
( B e r k e l e y 1988).
A t t h e age o f n i n e t e e n , o n 23 J u n e 1882, C a v a f y
w e n t t o Constantinople w i t h his mother twelve
lines q u o t e d c o m e f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e
days after t h e s o - c a l l e d " m a s s a c r e o f t h e C h r i s ­
p o e m : "Εμεινε
t i a n s " at A l e x a n d r i a . C a v a f y b e g a n a n E n g l i s h -
Svd χρόνυακαϊ
μαθητής
I άλλα
τον Σακκά.
βαρέθηκε
I Κατόπι
Μ ά τα παραίτησεν.
τον *Κμμωνίον
καϊ τήν
μπήκε
*ΐίταν
Ί,ακκά
φιλοσοφία
στα πολιτικά.
δ "Επαρχος
l a n g u a g e d i a r y e n t i t l e d Constantinopoliad
I
Epic,
μωρός.
an
w h i c h w i l l be e d i t e d a n d p u b l i s h e d b y
Diana Haas.
I I
A m m . M a r c . 22.16.7.
21
Z a c h . Vit. Seven,
12
I b i d . , 22.16.7 —12. C f . D . D e l i a , " F r o m R o -
22
E . g . , Z a c h . Vit. Seven,
p p . 1 6 a n d 22 ( K u g e n e r ) .
p . 12 ( K u g e n e r ) , pyl-
271
272
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
pwnw.
A l s o n o t e p . 2 6 : tgm'
pwnw
[sic] (the rdy/na
hw dmtqr'
dpylw-
c a l l e d [ray/ma]
o f the
<f)L\6irovoL).
23
See R . H . C h a r l e s , The
690 A.D.),
Coptic
Chronicle
Bishop
of John
(c.
(London
ofNikiu
1916), p. iv.
24
A . C a m e r o n , Circus
at Rome
25
and
Factions:
Z . B o r k o w s k i , Alexandrie,
des factions
Blues
(Oxford
Byzantium
and
Greens
1976).
v o l . 2,
Inscriptions
(Warsaw 1981), pp.
a Alexandrie
5 9 - 7 0 . B o r k o w s k i ' s case d e p e n d s l a r g e l y o n his
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f his t e x t n o . 39 ( s h o w i n g t o t a l
v i c t o r y o f the Greens over the Blues). T h e w o r d
[sic] is a p p l i e d t o t h e G r e e n s , a n d
yevvecoraTcov
B o r k o w s k i believes t h a t t h e use o f
f o r fortissimus
yevvaLOTaros
i n p a p y r i proves that a m i l i t a r y
a c t i o n is r e c o r d e d h e r e .
26
L e o n t i u s o f N e a p o l i s , Life
of John
the
Almoner
de
Chypre,
6 . 1 - 2 ( A . J. F e s t u g i e r e , Vie de Jean
'E7ri
dit I'Aumdnier):
61 Wepaai
awv,
TTJV
TrXr/Bovs
TCOV
^kXegavSpeiav
Tpocjycbv
COLS
TCOV
Uep-
KaTaXa/jL^avovroq
Kal aTevcocrecos
TOV TToraphv
KOI
Tov
e/c
(frevyovrcov
cbs TJSTJ TrpoXiXeKrai,
rod JULT) dveXBelv
rod iv ay
alx/JMXdiTevcrav
with 11.8-12,
iTrpeSevaavXvpCav,
d/wBr/Tov
TOVTOV
dveXOopreg
TTOXXT)<;
Kara
€K
avvr/Beiav
yevopevrjg.
27
John of N i k i o u 1 2 1 . 1 0 - 1 1 (Charles).
28
K . P. K a v a f i s , T\oi7)i±ona
(1897-1918),
G . P. S a v i d i s , e d . ( A t h e n s 1 9 9 1 ) , p . 8 4 .
29
L o c . c i t . , lines 1 1 - 1 2 : 'Ev Traajj
8ev <f)6p€cre
XtKcXCa
TTOXV.
ireBave.
I
WLKOCTL
kirra
irepiirrcjo-eL,
xpovtb,
arr/v
273
Medieval Alexandria: Some Evidence from the
Cairo Genizah Documents
Abraham
L.
Udovitch
A m o n g historians of a generation ago, the r e p u t a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a
i n the early Islamic p e r i o d h a d fallen o n h a r d times. By c o m p a r i s o n t o
its dazzling brilliance d u r i n g the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n periods, t o
its t u r m o i l a n d v i t a l i t y i n the early Byzantine era, a n d t o its c o m m e r ­
c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l resurgence i n the nineteenth a n d early t w e n t i e t h cen­
turies, A l e x a n d r i a i n the h i g h M i d d l e Ages seemed l i k e a sleepy t o w n
indeed. A number o f E g y p t i a n historians w r i t i n g d u r i n g the past t w e n t y
years or so—one m i g h t call t h e m A l e x a n d r i a n " p a t r i o t s " — h a v e v a l ­
i a n t l y t r i e d t o restore t o medieval Islamic A l e x a n d r i a a m o d i c u m o f its
f o r m e r (departed?) glory. I a m t h i n k i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r of such estimable
historians o f medieval Islamic Egypt as A b d a l - A z i z Salim a n d Jamal
c
a l - D i n al-Shayyal.
c
1
I n the i n t r o d u c t i o n t o his 1967 b o o k entitled (in A r a b i c ) The
History
of the City of Alexandria
during
the Islamic
Era, Shayyal p r o ­
tests against those scholars w h o p o i n t t o A l e x a n d r i a ' s Islamic p e r i o d
o n l y t o "demean its i m p o r t a n c e a n d unjustly characterize i t as an era o f
decline, backwardness, a n d evanescence," a n d he asserts quite e x p l i c i t l y
a n d w i t h o u t apologies that the purpose of his study is t o re-establish
the city's r e p u t a t i o n d u r i n g these medieval Islamic centuries. Yet even
Shayyal is perplexed by certain a n o m a l o u s features concerning A l e x a n ­
dria's medieval past. H o w is i t , he asks, that "the A r a b s d i d n o t compose
any special h i s t o r y for this i m p o r t a n t border o u t p o s t [thaghr]
d u r i n g the
Islamic period? . . . w h i l e [at the same t i m e ] they d i d n o t leave any of
their cities, large or s m a l l , w i t h o u t its o w n c h r o n i c l e . "
2
For a variety of c u l t u r a l a n d religious reasons, l o c a l histories
celebrating the m o n u m e n t s , climate, scholars, h o l y m e n , a n d other n o ­
tables of a t o w n , city, or r e g i o n p r o l i f e r a t e d i n the medieval Islamic c o n ­
t e x t . I d e n t i f y i n g w i t h the accomplishments of l o c a l scholars a n d saints
was one o f the ways the very l o c a l , i n d i v i d u a l believer c o u l d bridge the
gap between himself a n d G o d . N o t o n l y were such m a j o r centers as
Baghdad, Damascus, A l e p p o , a n d Q a y r a w a n the subject o f one or sev­
eral local histories, b u t the same was true for d i s t i n c t l y m i n o r t o w n s
such as Qus or T i n n i s . Consequently, i t is surprising indeed that no l o ­
3
cal h i s t o r y o f medieval A l e x a n d r i a , n o r any significant b i o g r a p h i c a l c o m -
274
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
pilation of its scholars and notables, has come down to us. ShayyaTs ex­
tensive search in medieval Arab bibliographic sources (for example, Ibn
Nadim's Fibrist
and Hajji Khalifa's Kashf
al-zunun)
yielded only a single
reference to a fourteenth-century local history, now apparently lost, and
mention of a few short treatises of the fada'il
category, praising the city's
merits and virtues.
While it may have had no exclusive local history of its own,
Alexandria was by no means neglected or forgotten by medieval writers.
Considerable information about the city is to be found in chronicles,
geographic literature, and other contemporary literary and, as we shall
see, documentary sources. We have no extant local histories, however,
nor any of the usual collections of biographies of local scholars, notables,
and holy men. Is it possible that medieval Alexandrians and their Egyp­
tian contemporaries viewed the city somewhat differently from other
urban agglomerations?
In what follows, I do not pretend to offer any definitive an­
swers or explanations to this enigma. I do believe, however, that focus­
ing on medieval Alexandria's incontestable status as Egypt's second
city,
subsidiary to Cairo i n almost every significant respect, may help us un­
derstand some apparent anomalies concerning its history during the Is­
lamic period. I propose, therefore, first, to explore some of the structural
changes brought about by the advent of a new Islamic political and cul­
tural system that placed Alexandria in a strategically subordinate posi­
tion vis-a-vis its inland rival; and, second, to examine some new evidence
for the eleventh and twelfth centuries garnered from the documents of
the genizah i n Cairo concerning Alexandria's very distinctly subsidiary
role in economic and commercial matters.
In its transition from the late antique and Byzantine spheres
to that of Islam, Alexandria's geographic position did not change in any
way. Its natural advantages in terms of its harbor, its location, and its
relationship to other important Mediterranean ports remained as favor­
able as they were when the city was first established at its site in 3 3 2 B . C .
What did change radically was Alexandria's relationship to the center of
political and military power in Egypt and in the region. Since its incep­
tion, Alexandria served, in one manner or another, as a capital city, ei­
ther of an empire or of a region, or, at the very least of a country and/or
major province, that is, Egypt. W i t h the advent of the Arab conquests,
Alexandria's situation changed in almost every respect. It was displaced
as a political and military focal point, and its importance as a regional
center of religious power and administration declined considerably.
A similar statement can be made about its role in Mediterranean com­
merce, which, even i f it did not completely disappear as claimed by Henri
Pirenne in his famous thesis, certainly entered a phase of contraction
during the seventh and eighth centuries.
4
U dovitch
Alexandria's changed and relatively diminished position fol­
lowing the Arab conquests was not peculiar to that city alone but was
a fate shared w i t h most pre-Islamic coastal towns of the eastern and
southern Mediterranean. A n examination of the distribution of urban
centers in the Middle East during the Middle Ages reveals a rather strik­
ing fact: no major political or administrative center was located on the
seacoast. Furthermore, even though there were numerous Islamic coastal
towns of some economic and commercial importance, the major entre­
pots of trade and economic life were invariably located some distance
inland. On the Mediterranean coastline that came under Islamic domi­
nation in the seventh and eighth centuries, Antioch and Caesarea gave
way to Damascus and Ramleh; Alexandria yielded to Fustat-Cairo, and
Carthage to Qayirawan.
5
A n ambivalence and wariness w i t h regard to the sea and other
maritime matters characterized the pre-Ottoman Muslim polities of the
Mediterranean basin. The sea was a menacing frontier to the early Mus­
lim rulers of the Middle East. This view of the sea and the cautious and
defensive policies that it engendered are a motif of Islamic political and
military thinking from the earliest years of the Islamic hegemony until
the advent of the Ottomans in the early sixteenth century. The few in­
stances in which Islamic rulers adopted a relatively sustained, confident,
and aggressive naval policy in the Mediterranean are only the exceptions
that prove the rule. Uneasiness and anxiety about the sea derived not
from the unpredictable dangers of its winds, storms, and waves. These,
after all, were risks shared by all people, of all creeds, who went down
to the sea in ships. The threat, or perceived threat, of the sea to the me­
dieval Islamic world of the Mediterranean was a "strategic" one. The sea
was the one vulnerable frontier from which Islamic control of the lands
bordering on the Mediterranean could be seriously threatened.
c
In the early years of Islam, during the reign of the caliph
Umar ( A . D . 6 3 4 - 6 4 4 ) , he reportedly recommended
that the Muslims be kept away from seafaring. [And, indeed,] no
Arab travelled by sea except those who did so without Umar's
knowledge or they were punished by him for it. Umar thus pun­
ished 'Afrajah ibn Harthamah al-Azdi, the chief of the Bajilah
[tribe]. He sent him on a raid against Oman, and he learned
[later] that he had raided it by sea. He disapproved of his having
made the raid by sea, and told him so in no uncertain terms.
c
c
6
Urnar refused repeated requests by the future caliph M u a w i yah, at that time his military commander in Syria, for permission to raid
the island of Cyprus. In his futile attempt to persuade the caliph Umar,
Mu awiyah maintained that the Byzantine-held outposts on Cyprus were
so close to the Muslim-held Syrian coast that the Muslims could hear
c
c
c
c
275
276
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
"the barking of the dogs of the Christians." Our sources abound w i t h
many other instances of the caliph Umar's displeasure and distress at
c
any attempt of Arab tribal warriors to traverse large bodies of water in
pursuit of their conquests. Ibn Khaldun attributes Umar's policy to his
c
recognition of the fact that "the Arabs were not skilled in navigation and
seafaring," skills that their adversaries at that time—the Byzantines and
7
European Christians—possessed to a high degree.
In subsequent centuries, the Muslims of the southern and
eastern coasts of the Mediterranean did indeed acquire many of the
maritime skills of their predecessors and adversaries and ventured forth,
w i t h intermittent boldness and success, onto the waters of the great
middle sea. This is exemplified by the stunning victory of the Umayyad
fleet over the Byzantine defenders of Constantinople in the Battle of the
Masts in A . D . 6 5 5 . Nevertheless, ambivalence toward the sea and naval
activity persisted. Throughout the Middle Ages, the coastal towns of
Syria, Palestine, and Egypt were regarded as frontier outposts. Tyre,
Sidon, Ascalon, Damietta, and Alexandria were invariably designated by
the Arabic term thaghr (frontier fortress), the identical term used to des­
ignate the march areas of raids and counterraids on the shifting borders
separating Islam from Christendom. Crete, Cyprus, Sicily, and other
Mediterranean islands held by the Muslims were similarly called althughur
al-jazariyya
(island frontier fortresses). Even at such points as
Alexandria and Damietta, where the Mediterranean coastline for hun­
dreds of miles in either direction had been firmly under Muslim control
for many centuries, the hostile and threatening area was perceived as
beginning at land's end.
The naval efforts of successive Muslim states bordering on the
Mediterranean were sporadic in character. For long periods there was no
permanent navy or fleet. Throughout the medieval period, the coasts of
8
Syria, Egypt, and N o r t h Africa not only were vulnerable but were actu­
ally attacked frequently by Christian raiding parties. Muslim policy was
reactive. Flurries of naval activity, as occurred in Egypt, for example,
during the reign of the Abbasid caliph Al-Mutawakkil ( 8 4 7 - 8 6 1 ) or
c
under the early Fatimids ( 9 6 9 - 1 1 8 7 ) , alternated w i t h long periods of
quiescence. The successful role of naval power in bolstering the Cru­
9
sader presence in the Levant for approximately two centuries not only
reinforced Muslim wariness of the sea but gave rise in the eastern Medi­
terranean to a distinct aversion on the part of Muslim powers to naval
confrontations. Beginning w i t h Saladin in the late twelfth century and
culminating in the period of Mamluk rule (ca. 1 2 5 0 - 1 5 1 7 ) , the attitude
of indifference toward the sea turned into one that David Ayalon has
aptly characterized as "decidedly negative." Indeed, the Mamluks em­
barked upon a systematic policy of destroying the fortifications of the
cities and towns of the Syro-Palestinian coast, thereby denying to any
Udovitch
potential enemy a coastal foothold from which he might then penetrate
inland and threaten the very foundations of their power. Ports and
coastal towns of Egypt were not as severely affected by this policy as
those on the Syrian coast.
10
In a section of his Muqaddima
devoted to the requirements
for town planning, Ibn Khaldun offers the following advice and analysis:
In connection with coastal towns situated on the sea, one must
see to it that they are situated on a mountain or amidst a people
sufficiently numerous to come to the support of the town when
an enemy attacks it. The reason for this is that a town that is
near the sea but does not have within its area tribes who share
its group feeling, or is not situated in rugged mountain territory,
is in danger of being attacked at night by surprise. Its enemies
can easily attack it with a fleet and do harm to it. They can be
sure that the city has no one to call to its support and that the
urban population, accustomed to tranquility, has become depen­
dent on others for its protection and does not know how to
fight. Among cities of this type, for instance, are Alexandria
in the East, and Tripoli, Bone, and Sale in the West. . . . Alexan­
dria was designated a "border city" (tbaghr) by the Abbasids,
c
although the Abbasid sway extended beyond Alexandria to
c
Barqah (in Libya) and Ifriqiyya (Tunisia). The designation of
Alexandria as a "border city" expressed Abbasid fears that at­
c
tacks against Alexandria could be made from the sea. Such fears
were justified in the case of Alexandria because of its exposed sit­
uation. This situation was probably the reason why Alexandria
and Tripoli were attacked by the enemy in Islamic times on nu­
merous occasions.
11
In this passage Ibn Khaldun expresses an insight distilled from the me­
dieval Islamic experience, to w i t , that the sea and its coastline were to­
tally dependent on the hinterland for their safety and protection. This
strategic reality had profound military, naval, and political implications;
it also affected the pattern and organization of trade, especially in the
eleventh and later centuries, when international commerce across the
Mediterranean was in a period of full expansion. Militarily it meant that
in Fatimid Egypt, for example, Cairo rather than Alexandria would serve
as the primary naval base for warships. Similarly, in the commercial
sphere, it was Fustat-Cairo rather than Alexandria that served as the
focal point of an extensive network of Mediterranean exchange, even
though Alexandria was the port through which most of the merchandise
constituting this trade was carried.
12
H o w did Alexandria's peripheral political and commercial
status affect the city's life and institutions? For the eleventh through
277
278
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
thirteenth century the documents of the genizah in Cairo offer us some
original and unmediated insights into this question. These documents
were found i n an abandoned storage room of an ancient synagogue in
Old Cairo (Fustat), stored there together w i t h tens of thousands of nolonger-usable fragments of religious and ritual texts. According to Jew­
ish custom, these were intended for interment in the hallowed ground of
an adjacent cemetery. For reasons unknown, the discarded papers were
left to accumulate above ground for a period of over eight centuries. The
bulk of the documentary material, such as letters, contracts, and court
records, dates from the eleventh through thirteenth century. Most were
written i n Judaeo-Arabic, that is, the Arabic language expressed in He­
brew characters. In addition to specifically religious material, this trove
contains voluminous and uniquely valuable material bearing on social,
economic, and other aspects of what we might term "secular" life. A l ­
though the letters derive from a Jewish milieu, the practices and reality
they mirror were those of the general society in which these Jewish mer­
chants lived and worked. Numerically, the largest component of this
latter category of documentary material consists of business letters
exchanged between merchants and others involved in the expanding
Mediterranean trade of the times as well as the commerce between the
Mediterranean world and the lands bordering the Indian Ocean. Their
geographic provenance includes numerous ports and inland towns ex­
tending all the way from Spain to India. A n inordinately large propor­
tion of these letters, perhaps as much as twenty percent, passed between
Alexandria and Fustat.
In discussing Egyptian urban life in the high Middle Ages,
S. D . Goitein has written that "the unmistakable testimony of hundreds
of Geniza letters proves that Fustat, the inland city, was also the com­
mercial and financial capital of the country on which Alexandria, the
originally Greek maritime town, was economically dependent in every
respect." W i t h the exception of its important port facilities, the image
of Alexandria emerging from this voluminous correspondence is that of
a very provincial town. In administrative and technical matters relating
to trade and exchange, Alexandria depended on Fustat.
13
Fustat was Egypt's money market and banking center. For­
eign currency, even from regions w i t h which Alexandria had maritime
ties, was available primarily i n Fustat. When they were i n need of such
currencies, Alexandrians had to look to Fustat for their supplies, and
when they had such currencies in their possession, they were obliged to
send them to Fustat to exchange them for coins that were accepted and
legal tender in Egypt. Typical in this respect is a passage from a letter
sent from Alexandria to Fustat in or around 1050: " I sent you two
purses containing 205 Nizariyya dinars, coined i n al-Mahdiyya. Kindly
Udovitch
work to exchange them into local tender and hold the money thus ob­
tained until my arrival."
14
In another letter from about the same time, an Alexandrian
trader addresses his associate in Fustat as follows:
I sent you a purse with fifty dinars, which are no longer current
here in Alexandria but are excellent and first-class in Fustat.
Please exchange them for Syrian dinars, whose legends are ar­
ranged in lines. These should be coins of good quality of the type
you usually procure. . . . Your commission shall be one dinar for
every hundred changed. I shall send you another purse by the
end of the holidays. Please execute the order immediately, for I
need these coins urgently.
15
Some banking and exchange activity must certainly have oc­
curred in medieval Alexandria's marketplace, yet these passages and the
many others like them found in business letters sent from Alexandria
make it abundantly clear that most serious banking and financial trans­
actions relating to international commerce took place in Fustat rather
than in Alexandria.
What: was true for money and finance was also true for the
major commodities on which international trade was based. Fustat was
the emporium, the entrepot of the entire region. Merchandise from all
corners of the globe was amassed and stored there and subsequently re­
distributed from Fustat. Its markets were rich, well supplied, and cos­
mopolitan. This was in contrast to the markets of Alexandria, which in
terms of variety were much less well furnished. Even commodities from
Mediterranean countries that were imported via Alexandria often had to
be obtained from Fustat when they became scarce in Alexandria.
In a late eleventh-century letter written from Alexandria to
Fustat, the writer tells his associate in Fustat:
Please take note that neither pepper, cinnamon, nor ginger are
available in Alexandria. If you have any of these commodities
then keep them, for the Byzantine merchants are keen solely on
them. All the Byzantine merchants are about to leave for Fustat.
They are only waiting for the arrival of two additional ships
from Constantinople.
16
This excerpt clearly illustrates that the important transactions
of international commerce took place in Fustat rather than in Alexandria.
Alexandria was a point of entry and departure for goods and people in­
volved in Mediterranean commerce, but it was much less a center of dis­
tribution and exchange. Also, its markets were much less well stocked
than those of Fustat in the major commodities of long-distance maritime
279
280
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
trade. I n another letter from Alexandria written somewhat earlier in the
century, the addressee in Fustat is instructed to hold his date-palm fiber
until the arrival of the foreign merchants, thus confirming the relative
poverty of medieval Alexandrine markets.
17
One should definitely not infer from these examples that large
and significant commercial transactions w i t h European and other foreign
merchants never took place in Alexandria. They did, and the genizah
texts testify to many such occurrences. I n the latter half of the eleventh
century and during the twelfth century the demand emanating from Eu­
rope was quite powerful, and foreign merchants coming to Egypt were
voracious in their eagerness to acquire merchandise for their home mar­
kets wherever they could find goods. The commercial correspondence of
the genizah, however, leaves no doubt that, w i t h the possible exception
of raw silk, Alexandria was distinctly a secondary supply market—one
might even say, a distant second—when compared to Fustat-Cairo.
Prices for such staples of the trans-Mediterranean trade as
pepper, silk, and sal ammoniac were apparently higher in Alexandria
than in Fustat.
18
This would tend to confirm our contention that it was
in Fustat, to the exclusion of Alexandria, that the "wholesale," largevolume market for these goods was located.
The narrower choice of goods and their limited availability
on the Alexandrian markets extended beyond the major commodities of
Mediterranean trade. Ordinary commodities for daily life such as shoes,
certain kinds of clothing, parchment, ink, and implements of different
sorts were regularly acquired by Alexandrians in the bazaars of Fustat.
Apparently they were not available in such variety and quality in Alex­
andria. A refrain in many genizah letters from Alexandria, referring to
their markets, is "Nothing is worthwhile buying here."
19
This phrase
often prefaces requests to friends in Fustat to send various supplies to
Alexandria. I n a letter from about 1060, Ibrahim b. Farah, the represen­
tative of the merchants (waktl al-tujjar)
in Alexandria, ordered two
ounces of ink to be bought in Fustat "from the Persian at the gate of the
mosque."
20
Although a resident of Alexandria, Ibrahim b. Farah was a
frequent commuter between that city and Fustat and was, as this passage
indicates, intimately familiar w i t h the markets of the capital city. For
merchants like Ibrahim, Alexandria was functionally very much akin to
a suburb of Cairo.
The supply of goods Alexandrian merchants kept in stock
does not seem to have been very large. One genizah letter reports that
during a Muslim festival, no decent item of clothing was available in the
town since everything had been sold out.
21
Throughout the eleventh and for most of the twelfth cen­
turies, flax was probably the single most important commodity exported
from Egypt to the West. Acquiring sufficient supplies of this commodity
Udovitch
in the Egyptian countryside where it was produced was a major pursuit
of the genizah merchants during the winter months. From October
through February they fanned out into the towns and villages of the
Delta and the Faiyum to buy raw flax in anticipation of the trading sea­
son beginning in the early spring. In the context of eleventh-century
Mediterranean trade this was a crucial activity. Quite a number of letters
concerning these flax-gathering expeditions have been preserved in the
genizah, including many to and from traders who were from Alexandria.
Virtually all the flax acquired during this period of feverish activity was
destined for markets in Europe and N o r t h Africa, and many of the bales
would be shipped by sea via Alexandria. Yet, the entire endeavor was
coordinated, administered, and financed not from Alexandria but from
Fustat, and the hundreds of bales of flax purchased in the countryside
were sent first to depots in the Egyptian capital to be stored until they
were sold or reshipped via Alexandria. In the export of flax as w i t h so
many other trade commodities Fustat was the entrepot and distribution
center, and Alexandria was basically a port and transit point.
22
A somewhat similar tendency toward transience is discernible
among the Mediterranean merchants who hailed from Alexandria. We
can compile an impressive list of eleventh- and twelfth-century traders
who settled or made their permanent base in Alexandria. Yet by compar­
ison to those whose base was in Fustat, the Alexandrian merchants
tended to travel and move around much more. They were what Goitein
has called "peregrinators." The center of sedentary trade and sedentary
traders was Fustat-Cairo.
For foreigners as well, Alexandria was a more transitory place
than Fustat. People from abroad stayed for shorter periods, just to do
their business and then leave. In Fustat, foreign merchants would fre­
quently spend a large part of the trading season and occasionally stay
over the entire winter. The very temporary and transitory nature of the
foreign presence in eleventh- and twelfth-century Alexandria may have
contributed to the rowdiness, drinking, and similar behavior to which the
genizah documents occasionally attest. Unruliness and unrest among the
ordinary people within the Jewish community of Alexandria and among
the general Alexandrine population seem to have been characteristic.
23
One could translate Alexandria's medieval condition into
Braudellian terms by stating that during this period there was a disjunc­
tion between its long-term structural ( = geographical) position and its
middle- and short-term distance from the center of political and eco­
nomic power. This disjunction was bridged, at least in commerce, by a
"community of information" between the two cities. During the eleventh
and twelfth centuries the genizah documents attest to an intense ex­
change of people and information.
281
282
CONTINUING
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OF
ALEXANDRIA
The commercial mail service between Alexandria and Cairo
in the latter half of the eleventh century was regular and prompt. Several
mail couriers—both Muslims and Jews—operated on fixed schedules be­
tween the two cities, thus providing an active and frequent service. Let­
ters carried by the regular mail service took from four to six days to
travel from one city to a destination in the other; there was, as well, a
fay] tayyar, a "flying courier," who provided an express service, and one
special messenger is recorded as having made the round-trip between
Cairo and Alexandria within seven days.
24
In addition to the commercial
mail service, merchants availed themselves of the services of colleagues,
friends, and travelers who regularly journeyed between Cairo and Alex­
andria to carry letters, news, and goods from one place to the other.
It was not only letters that were exchanged frequently. There
seems to have been an unending stream of merchants traveling back and
forth between Alexandria and Fustat. Plans for travel from one city to
the other are mentioned in almost every business letter.
The frequency of personal and epistolary communication cre­
ated a community of information on a wide range of economic, commer­
cial, and financial matters. This community of information, so clearly
reflected i n the genizah letters, was largely responsible for making the
commercial distance between Alexandria and Fustat significantly smaller
than the geographical distance between the two cities.
M u c h of the discussion at the conference that gave rise to the
present volume was framed by the notion of Alexandria
ad
Aegyptum:
Alexandria by Egypt. In the fields of art, culture, ideology, and religion,
we were exposed to a variety of perspectives concerning the extent to
which Hellenistic and Roman Alexandria was either by or of Egypt or,
more plausibly in my view, both by and of Egypt. W i t h the coming of
Islam in the seventh century, the notion of Alexandria
ad Aegyptum
was
radically transformed. Alexandria was designated by the Arabic term
thaghr: border or march city. This transformation entailed the slight
northward shift of Alexandria's imaginary boundary from the southern
edge of its city limits—a boundary that though porous was thought
somehow to separate and distinguish Alexandria from Egypt while still
leaving it connected to other parts of the Mediterranean world—to the
very edge of the sea. While the geographical distance covered by this
shift i n boundaries was almost negligible, the cultural and historical
distance this border shift entailed was enormous, since it reversed the
Hellenistic and Roman cultural and political topography of the city. It
erased forever the imaginary line that separated Alexandria from Egypt
while complicating its relationship to the rest of the Mediterranean. The
language of Alexandria and the language of Egypt were no longer dis­
tinct but became one and the same. W i t h i n a century of the conquest of
Alexandria by the Muslims, Arabic became the dominant language of
Udovitch
the city and of the region. While in some instances Greek and Coptic
bilingualism lingered for some time, Arabic quickly achieved the status
of the common medium of exchange. W i t h a new common language
came a new shared social and intellectual culture. The religious transfor­
mation progressed more slowly. It appears that it was not until sometime
in the eleventh century that a majority of Egyptians adopted Islam.
As far as we know, Alexandria was no different from the rest
of Egypt in this respect. In its diversity, in its slow movement toward islamization, it conformed to the general trends discernible in the rest of
Egypt. Thus, with the coming of Islam, Alexandria moved definitively
from being by Egypt to becoming permanently in and of Egypt. It re­
mained so throughout the Middle Ages, throughout the pre-modern
period, and even throughout its fascinating cosmopolitan phase in the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I believe that it is safe to con­
clude that the change the city experienced in the seventh century was
irrevocable and that Alexandria forevermore w i l l be in and o f Egypt.
Princeton University
P R I N C E T O N ,
N E W
J E R S E Y
283
284
C O N T I N U I N G
I N F L U E N C E
OF
A L E X A N D R I A
Notes
1
Jamal al-Din al-Shayyδl, Ta'rikh madinat aliskandariyya fVasr al-islam (Alexandria 1 9 6 7 ) ;
Al-Sayyid Abd al- Aziz Sδlim, Ta'rikh madinat
al-iskandariyya wa-hadaratiha ft al- asr alislarni, 2 n d ed. (Cairo 1 9 6 9 ) . The books cited
here are comprehensive surveys of Alexandria's
history during the Middle Ages. Both Shayyδl
and Sδlim have contributed many other articles
and book-length studies on the history of the
city during the early Islamic period.
c
c
c
2
Both quotations are from Shayyδl (note 1
above), introduction, p. iii.
3
For a concise but highly informative survey
of local histories in the medieval period, see
F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiogra­
phy, 2 n d rev. ed. (Leiden 1 9 6 8 ) , pp. 1 5 0 - 7 2 .
4
5
H . Pirenne, Mohammed and Charlemagne
(London 1 9 5 8 ) .
See S. D. Goitein, "Cairo: An Islamic City,"
in I . M . Lapidus, ed., Middle Eastern Cities
(Berkeley 1 9 6 9 ) , p. 8 2 ; idem, A Mediterranean
Society, vol. 4 (Berkeley 1 9 8 4 ) , pp. 6 - 1 0 ;
A. L. Udovitch, "A Tale of Two Cities," in
D. Herlihy, H . A. Miskimin, and A. L. Udovitch,
eds., The Medieval City (New Haven 1 9 7 7 ) ,
pp. 1 4 4 - 4 8 ; also Al-Sayyid Abd al- Aziz Sδlim,
Takhtit madinat al-iskδndariyya wa-'umrδnihδ
bil- asr al-islδmi (Dar al-ma δrif, Lubnδn 1 9 6 4 ) ,
c
Ibn Khald٧n (note 6 above), pp. 2 4 8 - 4 9 . 1 have
slightly altered Rosenthal's translation in some
instances.
12
A. M . Fahmy, Muslim Naval Organization
in the Eastern Mediterranean (Cairo 1966),
pp. 4 8 - 5 0 ; S. D . Goitein, A Mediterranean So­
ciety, vol. 1 (Berkeley 1 9 6 7 ) , p. 2 9 6 ; Al-Maqrizi
(note 8 above), p. 1 9 3 .
13
Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (note 5
above), p. 7 .
14
Oxford University, Bodleian Library, MS. Heb.
fol. 1 0 8 , 1 . 1 1 ; Goitein (note 1 2 above),
p. 2 3 4 .
d68,
15
Cambridge University Library, T.S. 8 J 1 8 ,
fol. 27,11. 5 - 1 0 ; Goitein (note 1 2 above),
p. 2 3 8 .
16
Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 4 4 ; ref. is to Cam­
bridge University Library, T.S. 1 2 , fol. 3 6 9 V ,
11. 9 - 1 6 .
17
Palm fiber reference is to Cambridge University
Library, T.S. 1 0 J 1 6 , fol. 2 , 1 . 1 8 .
18
For pepper, see Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 2 2 1 ;
silk: ibid., p. 2 2 3 ; sal ammoniac: ibid., p. 2 2 9 .
19
Jewish Theological Seminary Library (New
York), ENA 1 8 2 2 , fol. 4 7 , 1 . 2 3 . This letter, dat­
ing from the latter half of the eleventh century,
was sent from Alexandria to Fustat in midwin­
ter by the well-known Alexandrian merchant
Isaac Nisδb٧ri; concerning him, see S. D. Goi­
tein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders (Prince­
ton 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 2 4 4 . Earlier in the same letter, the
writer complains of the sluggishness of the
Alexandrian markets.
20
Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (note 5
above), p. 3 4 9 n. 2 2 , referring to Cambridge
University Library, T.S. 13 J 1 7 , fol. 1 5 V , 11. 8 - 9 .
21
Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 1 9 5 .
22
Goitein (note
23
Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 1 7 .
24
Goitein (note
50-55-
pp.
6
I I
c
c
c
1 2 5 0 and 1 5 0 0 , many of his ideas are relevant
to earlier periods as well.
Ibn Khald٧n, The Muqaddima: An Introduction
to History, vol. 2 , trans. F. Rosenthal (Princeton
1 9 7 0 ) , p.
39-
7
Ibid.
8
See, for example, the Egyptian chronicler AlMaqrizi's compact and perceptive summary of
the naval history of the Islamic world up to his
time (fifteenth century) in his Al-mawa iz walitihδr bi-dhikr al-khitat wal-athδr, vol. 2 (Buc
laq
9
10
A . H . 1 2 7 0 ) , pp.
189-97.
Ibid., p. 1 9 .
See D . Ayalon, "The Mamluks and Naval
Power—A Phase of the Struggle between Islam
and Christian Europe," in Proceedings of the
Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities,
vol. 1 , no. 8 ( 1 9 6 5 ) . This brief, lucid paper is a
seminal contribution to our understanding of
medieval Islamic attitudes toward naval mat­
ters. Although Ayalon focuses on Egypt between
12
12
above), pp.
above), pp.
224-28.
285-90.
285
Alexandrian Culture in Modern Times:
Egyptian Identity and Cosmopolitan Aspects
Mohamed
Ghoneim
The arrival of Mohammed A l i in Alexandria in 1805 set in motion a
chain of events that would see a small, desolate town—victim of cen­
turies of Ottoman neglect—develop into a major trading city. This town,
aided and abetted by its ancient foundation and associations, was, a
century and a half later, to develop an almost mythical status as the epit­
ome of Levantine cosmopolitanism. Alexandria, the ultimate polyglot,
a mixture of languages, races, and religions, has become one of the most
potent of metaphors, a symbol of cross-cultural dialogue, the focus of
nostalgia for something that, i f it ever did exist, existed in too small a
measure ever to be quantified.
This paper explores the realities behind the mythical city. I
shall examine the metropolitan development of the city from the arrival
of Mohammed A l i until the early years of the present century. I n so
doing, I hope to demonstrate both the emergence of a clear Egyptian
identity w i t h i n this most promiscuous of cities and the importance of the
dialectical relationship between the Egyptian residents of the city and
their foreign counterparts in establishing the ambience that has allowed
Alexandria to be so lionized.
Mohammed A l i , Viceroy of Egypt, intended "the gradual
modernization of (Egyptian) society along Western lines" to go hand in
hand w i t h "the Egyptianization of the life of the nation." I t was a policy
that saw Alexandria thrust into the limelight, since Alexandria was
Egypt's Mediterranean port, and no modern nation-state could emerge
in the nineteenth century without establishing trading credentials.
1
September 19, 1807, saw the evacuation of British troops
from Egypt. The first phase of superpower rivalry over Egypt was com­
pleted. Napoleon's ill-fated Egyptian expedition had come to an inglori­
ous end—militarily at least—and the British had begun the process that
eventually was to establish Egypt as their province. But in the meantime,
the house of Mohammed A l i was to come into its own. He arrived in
Alexandria the day after the British evacuation, ushering in a period that
was to see the gradual erosion of Alexandria's position as a direct depen­
dency of Istanbul. For centuries the Ottomans had viewed the city as
2
286
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
little more than an extension of their own capital, much as in an earlier
period the Greeks had considered Alexandria "ad Aegyptum"
an exten­
sion of their own homeland. It was the beginning of the long process of
integration whereby Alexandria, historically isolated from the rest of
Egypt, was to become the nation's second city.
The most potent symbol of that integration was perhaps the
cutting of the Mahmoudiya Canal. Alexandria was at last to be linked
w i t h its Egyptian hinterland. A n d the canal, providing a channel for
trade, an improved water supply, and the potential to increase the area
of arable land through increased irrigation, was to provide the founda­
tion for the modern development of the city.
3
Between 1 8 1 0 and 1839 Mohammed A l i saw the fruition of
many of his plans. Alexandria's harbor was widened and deepened, the
famous shipyard established, the lighthouse constructed, and w i t h the
completion of the arsenal, the city emerged as both a military and a
naval base. As Mohammed A l i pursued his policy of establishing Egypt
as a preeminent trading nation, so the city began to attract foreign mer­
chants and entrepreneurs.
When Mohammed A l i first came to Alexandria, it was a town
of seven or eight thousand inhabitants. When the viceroy died i n 1 8 4 8 ,
4
it was a city whose population exceeded a hundred thousand. This de­
5
velopment was ad hoc but not an outgrowth of economic shantytowns.
Indeed, in 1845 James Augustus St. John was able to write in Nubia
Egypt
and
that Alexandria, after such hasty development, was "a residential
place without any doubt preferable to all other cities in Egypt. I n some
respects . . . it could even hold up in comparison w i t h the ports of Italy
and France."
6
Foreign C o m m u n i t i e s and t h e Beginnings of t h e
I M l a n i f f e s t a t i o n s off t h e C o s m o p o D i t a n S p i r i t
At the start of the French expedition to Egypt (1798 - 1 8 0 1 ) , the number
of foreigners living in Alexandria did not exceed one hundred. But by
1833, due to the favorable circumstances created by the viceroy, Alexan­
dria had almost five thousand foreign inhabitants. They were attracted
7
by the preferential treatment they were accorded by the viceroy, includ­
ing concessionary taxes for foreign merchants that saw them paying less
than the rates imposed on Egyptian traders.
8
Foreigners were encouraged to invest in the city's markets,
which became major trading venues for a vast array of commodities, and
a number of foreign consulates began to spring up in the city. By the late
18 20s Britain, Russia, Austria, Sardinia, Holland, Spain, Sweden, Tus­
cany, Sicily, Denmark, Prussia, Greece, the United States of America, and
France had all established consular relations in Alexandria.
9
From the beginning in 1 8 0 7 to the end of his reign in 1 8 4 8 ,
G honeim
Mohammed Ali's policies toward Alexandria were geared toward the es­
tablishment of an international trading center. He was careful to secure
an environment that would be hospitable to Europeans. Accordingly, all
restrictions on the freedoms of Christians were removed. Church bells
were allowed to ring out over the city, and many religious foundations
were established. As the city expanded, a commercial zone was estab­
lished to the southeast of the old town containing consulates, offices,
hotels, restaurants, coffeehouses, foreign churches, and hospitals. These
ambitious urban developments more often than not were planned by
foreigners commissioned by the viceroy to oversee the development of
his modern, "European" city. Along the north-south axis of the M a h moudiya Canal foreigners were granted plots of land on which to build,
and a residential suburb was established consisting of large houses set in
spacious gardens."
10
But foreign influence was not to be restricted to the physical
appearance of the city. The influx of foreigners was to affect every sphere
of civic life: not least, the foreign communities, particularly the French,
were to leave their imprint on the education system. In addition to the
founding of elementary and secondary schools, a medical school was es­
tablished, together with naval and maritime academies.
12
Alexandria's second great period of urban development oc­
curred during the reign of Ismail Pasha ( 1 8 6 3 - 1 8 7 8 ) . It was the khedive
Ismail who was to announce that Egypt no longer belonged to Africa
but was a part of Europe. And certainly, to all appearances, Alexandria
was the quintessential northern Mediterranean port.
Ismail was, i f anything, more anxious to modernize than his
grandfather, Mohammed A l i . But his plans needed capital investment.
Banks began to spring up all over Alexandria, investing capital in the
city that by 1873
processing ninety-four percent of Egypt's exports.
Foreigners continued to flock into the city, and a further expansion was
necessary. The Rami suburb developed, as villas and mansions were built
in an eclectic mixture of European styles, from Baroque and Venetian
Gothic to the most austere Classicism.
w
a
s
13
As a European city, Alexandria centered on Mohammed A l i
Square (previously La Place des Consuls), officially inaugurated in i 8 6 0 ,
three years before the ascension of Ismail. To the southeast were the Ex­
change Market building (destroyed by fire in 1977) and the Banco di
Roma, imposing architectural monuments to a period of mercantilist op­
timism. In 1 8 7 2 a bronze statue of Mohammed A l i was erected in the
square named after him, a fitting monument to the founder of modern
Egypt, lying at the heart of the europeanized city he did so much to cre­
ate. It seems somehow appropriate that the statue should be by a French
sculptor, Jacquemont.
14
Ismail, too, left his monuments, not least among them the
287
288
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
Nouzha Public Gardens. It was during Ismail's reign that "the Europeans
became not only part of Alexandrian society but also partners in the mu­
nicipal administration. The police force included 50 foreigners, the ma­
jority of them Swiss." But it is important to remember that the real
nature of the bilateral relations between European governments and
Egypt during Ismail's reign was less geared toward mutual cooperation
than toward European economic domination. Van Bemlen, a Dutch
judge sitting on the Mixed Court of Alexandria, realized this when he
characterized such relations as being aimed solely at the implementation
of a European policy whose objective was to protect the interests of
European governments and their citizens resident in Egypt. The policy
was, he concluded, utterly selfish, since it barely took Egyptian interests
into account.
15
16
But times were changing. The emergence of the revolutionary
nationalist movement led by Orabi in 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 2 was aimed as much
against foreign hegemony as against the despotism of the khedive Tawfik.
Orabi's movement constituted the first real threat to the foreign commu­
nities in Egypt, a threat that was fully realized by the European govern­
ments. In 1 8 8 2 the British and French fleets arrived at Alexandria, and
tensions finally reached the surface on June 11 when thirty-eight foreign­
ers and eleven Egyptians were killed in the Alexandrian Massacre.
W i t h i n a week, thirty-two thousand foreigners had evacuated the city.
By July 1 1 , when the British began to bombard Alexandria, over sixty
thousand foreigners had left—practically the entire foreign population.
17
The foreign communities only returned after the British occu­
pation of the city. By 1 8 9 7 foreigners constituted some fifteen percent
of the city's total population, according to the census of that year. The
Greek community alone consisted of over fifteen thousand people. There
were also sizable communities of Italians (over eleven thousand), Brit­
ish (eight thousand), and French (five thousand). By 1927, just thirty
years later, the total foreign population had expanded to almost a hun­
dred thousand.
18
As Alexandria entered the twentieth century, it was a unique
melting pot, a city that consisted of numerous autonomous but inte­
grated communities that preserved their ethnic traditions and were
allowed to practice their religious rites. These communities enjoyed a
sense of solidarity that was founded on a flourishing economy and that
was underwritten by the "Capitulations," treaties that exempted foreign­
ers from Egyptian law and placed them under the jurisdiction of their
own courts.
19
What image of Alexandria did these foreign communities
produce? Certainly in the literary outpourings that the city inspired one
finds very little acknowledgment of the social realities that underwrote
the existence of the foreign literati. Rather, Alexandria becomes a reposi-
G honeim
tory of feelings, of responses that are not necessarily directed toward the
city as it was: rather they encompass a place that had, to some extent,
become the victim of its own mythology.
In assessing the cultural impact of Alexandria's foreign com­
munities, it is perhaps most convenient to look at the practical ramifica­
tions of the foreign presence first and then to move on to the various
Active accounts of the city.
From its earliest days Alexandria had been linked, both prac­
tically and imaginatively, w i t h Greece (the city was, after all, founded by
Alexander the Great). It was therefore hardly surprising that the Greek
community should be among the largest and most influential of the for­
eign groups inhabiting the city. Their influence had been noticeable in a
number of spheres, not least in the field of education. In addition to es­
tablishing primary and secondary schools, they also founded an evening
school specializing in the study of foreign languages. Serving the Greek
community was an active publishing industry. Daily and weekly news­
papers were produced in Greek, together w i t h less frequent periodicals.
20
Publishing houses consolidated their activities, producing an extensive
list of titles, including a Greek-Arabic dictionary that appeared in 1 8 9 8 ,
and three translations of the Holy Quran. Between 1 8 6 2 and 1 9 7 2 some
five thousand titles appeared. The Greek reading public was well
21
served, both in the dissemination of news and in their access to cultural
and literary periodicals. Further enriching the cultural life of the commu­
nity were the numerous associations that organized a wide variety of
events, ranging from conferences and exhibitions to amateur dramatic
productions.
22
If there existed a historical precedent for Greek influence in
the city, there was a similar precedent for Italian influence. Alexander
may well have founded the city, bequeathing it to his general, Ptolemy,
but the Ptolemaic dynasty ended when Cleopatra and her lover, M a r k
Antony, were defeated by Octavian.
By the end of World War 1 the number of Italians in Egypt ex­
ceeded fifty thousand, half of w h o m resided in Alexandria. Their com­
munity was well organized within the civic structures of the city, and,
largely because they arrived early in the nineteenth century, the Italians
had become extraordinarily well integrated in the city's social and eco­
nomic fabric. They retained long-established links w i t h the Egyptian
community, which facilitated their economic life. The Italians in Alexan­
dria were chiefly tradespeople, some wealthy, some not so wealthy. They
comprised, so to speak, the trading middle classes, technicians and craft
workers, as well as the more usual professionals and entrepreneurs.
They established a number of schools, the most famous being
the Don Bosco Institute; they published the Italian-language newspaper
17 Messaggero
Egiziano;
and they founded the Italian Hospital.
23
289
290
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
Along w i t h the Greeks and Italians, the French, too, played
an important role in the development of the Mediterranean character of
Alexandria. Their influence was felt most strongly in the field of educa­
tion. Some thirty educational institutions, including La Mission Laique,
which governed Le Lycee d'Alexandrie, and the Frere des Ecoles Chretiennes, which controlled both the Saint Marc and Saint Catherine col­
leges, contributed to a thriving francophone community.
24
Although far less well integrated socially, the British, too, left
an overwhelming impact on the city. They displayed a tendency to "keep
themselves to themselves," a characteristic that marked the experience
of British colonialism for many countries. Nevertheless, they did estab­
25
lish a number of schools; hospitals; and social, literary, and sporting
clubs, whose influence on the tone of the city's cultural life was immense.
The vast majority of these institutions continued to operate until the ab­
dication of King Farouk i n 1 9 5 2 and the subsequent establishment of the
republic, which effectively brought an end to British control of Egypt.
Among the most significant British institutions established in Alexan­
dria were Victoria College (which was open to pupils of all nationali­
ties), Saint Andrew's School, the Scottish School for Girls, the British
Boys' School, the British Book Club, the Society for Amateurs of Drama
and Music, the Sporting Club, the Union Club (whose first president
was Lord Cromer), the British Boat Club, and scout troops for boys
and girls.
26
The foreign communities already mentioned enjoyed a ho­
mogenous identity based on national origin. The same cannot be said
about the Jewish community in the city, whose identity was based on re­
ligion, though this does not mean that we can disregard their impact and
influence on the cultural and socioeconomic life of the city. The number
of Jews i n Alexandria began to increase during the reign of Mohammed
A l i . By 1 8 5 0 the community was sufficiently strong to warrant a new
synagogue, and the Eliahou Hannabi Synagogue was established. A
newspaper published in French but financed and controlled by Jewish in­
terests, La Liberte,
was initially established in support of the Egyptian
Nationalist Movement led by Saad Zaghloul against British occupation.
This newspaper is perhaps the most eloquent testimony to the degree of
integration achieved by the Jewish community in the centuries in which
they played an active part in the civic life of Alexandria.
27
A l l the communities contributed, on a day-to-day level, to the
cosmopolitanism that had characterized the city since its initial expan­
sion under Mohammed A l i . But it is to writers that we must turn i f we
want to understand just how that image came to be fixed in the imagina­
tion, particularly i n the imagination of non-Egyptians.
Let us first examine the work of Constantine Peter Cavafy,
since he provides the paradigm for many later literary outpourings that
Ghoneim
base themselves ostensibly on a contemporaneous response to the au­
thor's experience of Alexandria.
Cavafy was born in Alexandria in 1863. Two years after the
death of his father in 1 8 7 0 , Cavafy left w i t h his family for England, only
to return to the city in 1879. What distinguishes the poetry of Cavafy is
its complex intermingling of the Alexandria he knew w i t h its ancient
past. The city operates, metaphorically at least, as the location of the
meeting between past and present.
"Cavafy gave," according to Jane Lagoudis Pinchin, "the city
a new mythology and Alexandria gave the poet a history and a setting in
which he could ground his poems and hear his voice."
28
The past remains eternally present, time enters into a flux
which, exploited in the description of psychological moods, precludes
any clear definition between what has been and what is.
Cavafy's characters are, more or less, linked w i t h Alexandria.
He is much praised by critics for
his realistic descriptions of everyday life in Cosmopolitan
Alexandria of his time, as well as his ambiguous impressions
concerning the Egyptian landscape ("Morning Sea"). From the
beginning of the twentieth century, there is also a poem by him
which constitutes protest at bloody actions undertaken by the
British colonial rule against the Arab population ("27 June,
1906, 2 p.m.").
29
In his historical poems, Cavafy remains always a Hellenist.
Strange then that he should have chosen M a r k Antony to represent the
defeated Greek hero who "no longer deserting oriental Hellenism in dis­
gust, no longer deserting his city, is now a true Greek, w i t h the courage
to watch Alexandria abandon him, and the knowledge that nothing that
beautiful would ever appear again." In the poem "The God Abandons
Antony" Cavafy reaches a final synthesis between past and present,
between myth and reality, between history and actuality, and, most
significantly, between poet and hero. M a r k Antony is, after all, none
other than Cavafy.
30
When at the hour of midnight
an invisible choir is suddenly heard passing
with exquisite music, with voices—
Do not lament your fortune that at last subsides,
your life's work that has failed, your schemes that
have proved illusions.
Bui: like a man prepared, like a brave man,
bid farewell to her, to Alexandria who is departing.
Above all, do not delude yourself, do not say that
291
292
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
it is a dream,
that your ear was mistaken.
D o not condescend to such empty hopes,
like a man for long prepared, like a brave man,
like to the man w h o was w o r t h y of such a city,
go to the w i n d o w firmly,
and listen w i t h emotion,
but not w i t h the prayers and complaints of the coward
(Ah! supreme rapture!)
Listen to the notes, to the exquisite instruments
of the mystic choir,
and b i d farewell to her, to Alexandria w h o m y o u are losing.
31
I f we take Cavafy as the p a r a d i g m , i t is precisely because o f
this c o n f u s i o n between an i n v i o l a t e past i n f o r m i n g the present i n such a
w a y t h a t the nostalgia prevents any t a r n i s h i n g of the surface. A l e x a n d r i a
is, t o Cavafy, e v e r y t h i n g . T h i s is n o t t o say t h a t a c t u a l i t y plays n o p a r t at
a l l i n Cavafy's art. B u t w e have t o v i e w Cavafy's c i t y n o t just f r o m the
perspective o f the poet, i n itself deliberately confused, b u t f r o m a per­
spective t h a t contains its o w n nostalgias, propagated t h r o u g h the w r i t ­
ings o f others.
N o t everyone was quite as noble as Cavafy w h e n i t came t o
b i d d i n g a fictional farewell t o the city, least o f a l l Lawrence D u r r e l l ,
whose f o u r novels, Justine
( 1 9 5 7 ) , Balthazar
a n d Clea ( i 9 6 0 ) together f o r m the Alexandria
( 1 9 5 8 ) , Mountolive
Quartet.
(1958),
T h e massive
success o f these novels, p u b l i s h e d i n r a p i d sequence after the Suez crisis,
c o u l d w e l l be a t t r i b u t e d t o the functions they served i n e x p l a i n i n g t o an
entire generation the reasons w h y the sun h a d set over the empire o n
w h i c h i t was supposed t o shine eternally.
B u t before e x a m i n i n g the role o f D u r r e l l i n fixing the image
of the c i t y f o r a vast English-reading p u b l i c , we s h o u l d examine the
w o r k o f Ε . M . Forster. I n m a n y ways Forster is m u c h closer t o Cavafy
t h a n he is t o D u r r e l l , a n d i t is n o coincidence t h a t i n Pharos
and
Pharil-
lon, Forster's second b o o k o n A l e x a n d r i a (published i n 1 9 2 3 ) , there
s h o u l d appear an essay o n the Greek poet.
Forster a r r i v e d i n E g y p t i n 1 9 1 5 , at the height o f W o r l d W a r 1.
As a R e d Cross volunteer, he was stationed i n A l e x a n d r i a . H i s fascina­
t i o n w i t h the c i t y resulted i n Alexandria:
A History
and a Guide,
which
is often l a u d e d as the finest g u i d e b o o k ever w r i t t e n . I n c o m p i l i n g his
guide, Forster was m u c h influenced by Cavafy's p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the
city's past. B u t u n l i k e Cavafy, Forster does n o t restrict h i m s e l f t o A l e x a n ­
dria's classical heritage. H e does n o t s h i r k the Islamic p e r i o d , a n d he
refutes the classical predilections o f so m a n y o f his contemporaries w h e n
he w r i t e s : " T h e A r a b s were a n y t h i n g b u t barbarians; their o w n great
c i t y o f C a i r o is sufficient answer t o t h a t c h a r g e . "
32
Ghoneim
Despite the emphasis on establishing a historical perspective,
the content of Forster's first book on Alexandria does not belie its title.
Amid the undeniably literary impressions of the city are comprehensive
maps and plans of the most important sites, together w i t h meticulous
descriptions of the squares and streets, the palaces and gardens, mosques
and churches, monuments and museums, banks and casinos, baths and
bathing places that formed the physical environment in which Forster
lived. Even after seven decades, Forster's guide retains a startling imme­
diacy for anyone who knows the city.
Pharos
the second of Forster's literary excava­
and Pharillon,
tions, in fact consists of pieces that first appeared in the Egyptian
Mail.
Again the book is organized around the Cavafian conceit that Alexandria
now is merely an amalgam of its past. The first part of the book,
Pharos,
deals exclusively w i t h times past. Personal impressions and contempo­
rary history are allowed to impinge only in the second part of the book.
Forster's empathy w i t h Egyptians was unusual within the
British community. In fact, upon his return to England, he wrote a pam­
phlet whose opposition to the British occupation of Egypt almost cer­
tainly contributed to the pressure that would enable Viscount Allenby,
the high commissioner for Egypt, to force British recognition of Egyptian
sovereignty in 1 9 2 2 .
33
Durrell also arrived in Egypt during a time of war. He entered
the country in 1 9 4 1 , fleeing before the Nazi invasion of Greece. For
three years he lived in Cairo, working at the British Embassy, before be­
ing transferred to Alexandria. It was Durrell's knowledge of Greek that
persuaded his superiors to send him there. From the start his attitude to
the city that was to provide the setting for his best-known works was
ambivalent. In the poem "Conon in Alexandria," he describes the city as
an "ashheap of four cultures."
34
For Durrell they were already cultures
in decay. Alexandria was for him always a poor replacement for the
Greece he loved.
Capitally, what is this city of ours? What is resumed in the
word Alexandria? In a flash my mind's eye shows me a thousand
dust-tormented streets. Flies and beggars own it today—and
those who enjoy an intermediate existence between either.
So opens Justine,
35
the first novel in the quartet. If, throughout
the novel sequence, Alexandria remains present, Durrell's major pre­
occupation was, as G. S. Fraser explains, always "centered on his am­
bivalent characters, for w h o m the city, being a genius loci, played havoc
w i t h their lives and relations."
36
Throughout the Suez crisis—an event that saw the whole­
hearted realization of Egyptian nationalism—as the government sought
to acquire control of Egyptian assets, Gamal Abdel Nasser was systemati-
293
294
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
cally demonized in the British press. Hardly surprising then that Durrell's
Alexandria
Quartet
should find such an appreciative public. For what,
after all, does Durrell do but demonize the city? I f in the past Alexandria
had been culturally promiscuous, she was now little better than a whore.
It is the image of the prostitute that dominates Durrell's depiction of the
city in which he was forced to live. It is a place imagined, and it is i m ­
portant to remember that the first volume of the quartet appeared a full
decade after Durrell had abandoned the city. In her study of Durrell's
Quartet,
Mona Anis hits on a key point when she writes that any ac­
count of the novels should "take into consideration, besides the artistic
value of the Quartet,
the necessity of that work and its mythology—like
Egypt as a means of defying the reality of the end of the British Empire
and the Suez w a r . "
37
Unlike both Forster and Cavafy, Durrell clearly had an axe to
grind. The imprecision that Cavafy had exploited in using the city as his
confessional, as the means to articulate personal states of being, takes on
an ideologically loaded direction in Durrell.
In the work of Giuseppe Ungaretti, we find an eloquent testi­
mony to the lingering inspiration provided by the polyglottal city. Un­
garetti was born in Alexandria of Italian descent in 1 8 8 8 . His father ran
a bakery in the Moharram Bey district. Typically in this multilingual
city, Ungaretti first began writing poetry in French. He soon moved on
to translating Edgar Allan Poe. I n 1 9 1 2 , he abandoned Alexandria for
Paris, where he was to become involved w i t h many leading exponents of
Modernism, among them Henri Bergson, Guillaume Apollinaire, Pablo
Picasso, Georges Braque, Fernan Leger, Giorgio De Chirico, Amedeo
Modigliani, and Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. Marinetti is himself an ex­
ample of the fact that cultural traffic was not entirely one way. The
leader of the Italian Futurists was himself born in Alexandria.
38
It is to be expected that Alexandrian cosmopolitanism should
have its casualties. Ungaretti was shocked by the suicide in Paris in 1913
of his closest Egyptian friend, Mohammed Shehab. H o w did Ungaretti
rationalize the death of his friend? The formula was concise: he said
quite simply that his friend "no longer had a home-land."
39
Though distance intervened, Ungaretti himself was never to
face this dilemma. His emotional ties to the city of his birth sustained
both the man and his poetry until his death in 1 9 7 0 . The tone of Ungaretti's work is explicit in its nostalgia. This is perhaps clearest in the
poem Vase:
Walk walk
I've rediscovered
the well of love
In its thousand-and-
Ghoneim
one-nights eye
I've rested
Upon the abandoned gardens
she alit
like a dove
Inside the air
of a noontide
that was a single swoon
I picked her
oranges and jasmine.
40
Despite Alexandria's constant reappearance in his poetry,
Ungaretti was to revisit the city only twice between 1 9 1 2 and 1 9 7 0 .
41
Such is the potency of this dream city.
T h e A s s e r t i o n off E g y p t i a n (Identity as
Manifested in A l e x a n d r i a n C u l t u r e
Whatever the position of Alexandria as a literary metaphor, whatever its
status as a dream city, a city remembered more for what it might once
have been than for what it was, Alexandria the place could not escape
the exigencies of realpolitik.
It had never, in fact, been anything other than an Egyptian
city, inasmuch as it was located in Egypt, even though its complexion
might at times have seemed more Levantine than purely Egyptian. This
might seem a mundane comment to make, but behind its outward ba­
nality lies the fact that Alexandria was always inhabited by a majority
of Egyptians.
Like their compatriots all over Egypt, the Egyptians in
Alexandria, throughout the reign of Mohammed A l i and his successors,
adopted, more or less, "those traditional patterns which were common
among Egyptians prior to the introduction of European manners and
customs." A "true" Egyptian is the natural offspring of his richly di­
versified ancient past. Yet he has proved to be, from a historical perspec­
tive, the legitimate son of closely connected Islamic and Arab cultures.
To a "true" Egyptian the monotheistic faith of Islam and its noble hu­
mane principles of peace, love, justice, dignity, and tolerance are the
main achievements to strive for, and these principles are therefore inte­
grated into the Egyptian self as sound behavioral patterns and beliefs. In
effect, many devout Egyptians "identify with the great figures of the
Arab past. The clemency of A b u Bakr, the noble self-effacement of Umar,
the intrepitude of Khalid Ibn Al-Walid, the glitter of Harun Al-Rashid,
the chivalry of Saladin—these are not simply historical personalities, but
ideal types."
42
43
More important still is the indisputable role that the Holy
295
296
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
Quran has played in spreading, preserving, and reviving the Arabic lan­
guage and culture. Other Egyptian qualities assimilated from the trea­
sures of Arab heritage are epitomized in the glorification of manliness,
w i t h its significant characteristic—courage—and its sharp sense of hu­
mor. A l l these attributes have been absorbed and reshaped in an Egyp­
tian mold unique in itself.
44
From the earliest days, the political w i l l of "Egyptian"
Alexandria accorded neatly w i t h that of the rest of Egypt. Alexandrians
were as supportive of Mohammed A l i in his struggles w i t h both the
Mamelukes and the Turks as any other Egyptian faction, in spite of the
fact that such support ran counter to the w i l l of the Porte in Istanbul. By
supporting Mohammed A l i in his struggles against his nominal overlord,
the Ottoman sultan, the people of Egypt—not least among them the
Egyptian inhabitants of Alexandria—laid the cornerstone for the grad­
ual movement that by 1919 exploded into a full-scale nationalist revolt.
Of course, Alexandria's position would seem ambivalent at
times, and just as her support of Mohammed A l i was to mark the first
push toward Egyptian independence, so many of Mohammed Ali's ac­
tions after he assumed control of Egypt were to result in the foreign
domination of Alexandria despite which the Egyptian population of the
city never quite lost sight of that ultimate goal, independence.
Egypt had, for centuries, been colonized. It had suffered in­
numerable invasions, by the Hyksos, the Persians, Greeks, Romans,
Turks, French, and British. Yet throughout this, Egyptians, in a very real
sense, maintained an idea of their own identity as Egyptians, as a people
having a profound realization of their own distinct cultural and national
identity. Egyptians have always been proud of their contributions to
human history and have been fully aware of their Arab and Islamic heri­
tages. They developed, one might argue, an uprooted sense of possessing
a proverbial cultural entity as well as an extreme ability to absorb and
assimilate foreign cultural influence without losing their cultural or na­
tional character. National character is the key phrase. For in examining
the gradual emergence of Alexandria's Egyptian identity, one is in fact
plotting the emergence of the nationalist movement that exploded onto
Egypt's streets on 23 July 1 9 5 2 .
45
Alexandria was to play an important part in the emergent na­
tionalism. During the rule of Tawfik ( 1 8 7 9 - 1 8 9 2 ) , Egyptian determina­
tion to shake off the yoke of foreign oppression finally gelled into action
w i t h the nationalist revolution led by Orabi in 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 2 . Ismail had
been deposed, a victim of the financial machinations of the great powers.
During Orabi's revolution, Alexandria backed the nationalists to the hilt
against first the khedive and later the British.
The struggle against British occupation was, to a great extent,
conducted in Alexandria. The city was the scene of Mustafa Kamel's
Ghoneim
most important speeches directed against British imperialism. On 22 Oc­
tober 1907 he delivered in the Zizinia Theatre his celebrated speech that
included the much-quoted nationalist slogan, " I f I had not been born
Egyptian, I would have longed to be Egyptian."
46
Under Khedive Abbas Helmi 11 ( 1 8 9 2 - 1 9 1 4 ) , the Egyptian
political arena opened up to a degree of political pluralism. Amongst
the several emergent parties were the Umma and the National Party.
The former produced a manifesto based on the assertion of national
independence:
Egypt could not be liberated except by the Egyptians themselves
and through reform. The Khedive's power . . . should be as­
sumed by the representatives of the people. (Turkey was regarded
as helpless and actual Turkish rule was out of the question.) For­
eigners in the service of the government should be gradually re­
placed by native Egyptians.
47
When the British deposed the khedive Abbas Helmi 11 in
1914, declaring Egypt a protectorate, they must have hoped that their
action would bring an end to nationalist agitation. It did, however,
rather predictably, have the opposite result. It contributed to the resent­
ments that were to culminate in Saad Zaghloul's revolution in 1 9 1 9 , the
seminal event of Egypt's early modern history. The British were not tardy
in realizing the threat posed by Zaghloul. Almost immediately he was
exiled to Malta w i t h three of his followers. Yet the movement of which
he was spokesman had gained its own momentum. In reaction to
Zaghloul's deportation, the nationalists organized a "systematic sabo­
tage of communications, followed by a general strike and political boy­
c o t t . " Alexandria was in the forefront of this resistance.
48
By 1 9 2 2 , when Britain recognized limited Egyptian sover­
eignty, a large number of Alexandrians had been killed in the battle for
independence. Yet, amid the politicking, day-to-day life continued. The
period leading up to 1 9 2 2 saw the emergence of a specifically Egyptian
cultural movement in fields as diverse as painting and operetta. Given
Alexandria's traditional dominance of Egyptian cultural life, it is not
surprising that the major figures in the cultural renaissance should be
Alexandrian.
If the ambitions of the great Egyptian reformers of the nine­
teenth century, exemplified in the works of Rifa'a El-Tahtawi ( 1 8 0 1 1873), were simply one aspect of a wider project whose main target was
the assertion of national identity, we see these ambitions reaching frui­
tion in the early years of this century in Alexandria.
In colonized countries, nationalism goes hand in hand w i t h
modernization. The nascent Egyptian nationalist movement maintained
its hold on its traditional supporters while at the same time propagating
297
298
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
social and cultural projects whose informing elements were anything but
traditional. M e n such as Imam Mohammed Abdu were promoting lib­
eral religious reforms, and the Alexandrian Qassim Amin was initiating
the call for the emancipation of women.
The press was instrumental in articulating this new sense of a
cohesive national culture. Alexandria was particularly well served in this
respect. Between 1873
published.
49
a n
d 9 9
x
2
o
v
e
r
I
3 ° journals and periodicals were
Early publications had been controlled largely by Syrian
and Lebanese immigrants, people such as the Takla brothers, Selim and
Bishara, who founded Al-Ahram
Daily in Alexandria in 1 8 7 5 . N o less
important is the figure of Abdallah El-Nadim ( 1 8 4 5 - 1 8 9 6 ) , the popular
satirist born in Alexandria, who later became the spokesman during
Orabi's revolution.
El-Nadim was perhaps the first Egyptian to realize the power
of the popular press. He used journalism as the vehicle to attack the
British occupiers and to criticize the Egyptian government. His magazine
Al-Tankeet
wal Tabkeet
was one of the most articulate opponents of
British rule. It was followed by his weekly newspaper
Al-Taif.
so
Alexandria's thriving press doubtlessly spent a good deal of
space covering the city's diverse cultural activities. Alexandria was, after
all, the birthplace of Egyptian theater. Before Selim Naqqash formed his
company in Alexandria, theater had been viewed as little more than
staged prostitution. It became a respectable art form, not in Cairo, until
today home of the National Theater, but in Alexandria.
51
Alexandria also profoundly influenced the course of modern
Egyptian music. Though he died at the age of thirty-one, Sayed Darwish
(1892-192.3) revolutionized not just the form but also the content of
Arabic music. He established a tradition that has been a source of inspi­
ration to several generations of Egyptian musicians. In examining his
works, it is impossible to ignore the nationalist overtones. Darwish was
the first musician to use popular, folkloric themes. He applied harmony
and counterpoint to traditional melodies, and in so doing opened up the
horizons of Arabic music. He admired both Verdi and Wagner, whose
influences can be seen in many of the twenty-two operettas he com­
posed. It is quite appropriate that Egypt's current national anthem
52
("Beladi Beladi") should have been composed by this fervent nationalist.
There is no doubt that Darwish deserves the title bestowed upon him by
everybody in the country: "The Musical Composer of the People."
53
In his librettos, Darwish elegantly combined Egyptian collo­
quial and classical Arabic. The movement toward a vernacular literature
was further advanced by Mahmoud Bairam Al-Tunsy. Born in Alexan­
dria in 1 8 9 3 , Al-Tunsy died in Cairo in 19 6 1 . Throughout his lifetime,
Al-Tunsy often found himself in opposition, both to the British and to
Egypt's ruling family. His parody of King Fouad resulted in his exile to
G honeim
France in 1 9 2 0 . Perhaps the most important of his poems are those in­
formed by the nationalist rebellion against the British, and the group
that celebrates the daily life of ordinary Egyptians. Ironically, his bestknown poem, "El-Maglis El-Baladi," is written in classical Arabic, a bit­
ing repudiation of Alexandria's civic authorities and their decision to
impose yet heavier taxes on the city's Egyptian population. In fact,
Al-Tunsy wrote poetry not only as an artistic means of expression but
also as an effective political tool that paves the way for justice and na­
tional liberation.
54
55
If Alexandria was to dominate the musical and literary repre­
sentation of an emergent Egypt, it was equally to dominate the visual
representation of this new land, this Egypt for Egyptians. Among the
proto-Modernists who did so much to revitalize the plastic arts in Egypt,
the names of Mohamed Nagui and Mahmoud Said are preeminent.
These two artists used Alexandria, that most promiscuous of cities, as a
vehicle for their articulation of what constitutes Egyptianness:
The world represents mysterious unknown forces that govern
human fates. States of nature form a part of the eternal and sem­
piternal laws. In order to survive, all that man can do is to reach
for a common formula of the psychological balance with nature.
Thus, he reflects the traditional culture which formed an impor­
tant part of the Egyptian temperament through generations. It is
a culture which his social status helped to deepen. It became one
of the basic elements of "the Egyptian character."
56
The above was written about Mahmoud Said and his view of
the organic relationship between culture and the people. In many ways,
it may serve as a paradigm for both Said and Nagui since what is being
articulated in both artists' work (by Nagui in paintings such as "The
School of Alexandria" and "The Procession of Isis," and by Said in
"The Alexandrian Women," "Girls from Bahari," "The Family," "The
Town," and "Bathing Girls") is less the development of the image of a
specific place than the delineation of an Egyptian character.
Foreign Cultural Relations
C A I R O
299
300
CONTINUING
INFLUENCE
OF
ALEXANDRIA
Notes
1
L . S. E l - H a m a m s y , " T h e A s s e r t i o n o f E g y p t i a n
19
R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 119.
Identity," i n G. De Vos and L . Romanucci-Ross,
eds., Ethnic
Identity:
Cultural
Continuities
and
20
K . T r i m i a n d E. Y a n n a k a k i s , "Les Grecs: ' L a
parikia' d ' A l e x a n d r i e , " i n R. Ilbert and E. Yan­
(Palo A l t o , Calif., 1 9 7 5 ) , p . 2 8 3 .
Change
n a k a k i s , eds., Alexandrie
2
A . A . Ramadan, "Alexandria: French Expedi­
dele ephemere
t i o n t o t h e M o d e r n A g e , " i n G . L . Steen, e d . ,
identite
Alexandria:
The Site and the History
1860-1960,
de convivialite:
Un
mo­
Communautes
et
(Paris 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 8 4 - 8 5 .
cosmopolite
(Milan
1992), p. 115.
21
R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p . 122.
3
Ibid.
22
T r i m i a n d Yannakakis (note 20 above),
4
R. Ilbert, "Le symbole d'une Mediterranee ou-
pp. 8 4 - 8 5 .
verte a u m o n d e , " i n R. Ilbert a n d E. Yannakak i s , eds., Alexandrie
ephemere
identite
1860-1960,
de convivialite:
Un
23
Communautes
1860-1960,
et
(Paris 1 9 9 2 ) , p . 1 2 .
cosmopolite
A . L a z a r e v , " I t a l i e n , i t a l i a n i t e et f a s c i s m e , " i n
R . I l b e r t a n d E . Y a n n a k a k i s , eds.,
modele
Un modele
lite: Communautes
Alexandrie
ephemere
et identite
de
convivia­
cosmopolite
(Paris 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 9 3 - 9 7 5
Ibid., p. 14.
6
Q u o t e d i n Ilbert (note 4 above), p . 13. Trans­
7
24
R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 122.
lated by the author.
25
Sobhy (note 7 above), p . 383.
H . M . Sobhy, " A l - M o a t h i r a t A l - O u r o u b e y y a
26
Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 8 5 - 8 6 .
27
Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 8 9 - 9 3 .
28
J. L . P i n c h i n , Alexandria
fi M o g t a ' m a a A l - I s k a n d a r e y y a fi A l - A s r A l H a d i t h , 1 8 0 5 - 1 8 3 9 , " i n Mogta'maa
dareyya
Abr AWOusour
Al-Iskan­
(Alexandria 1973),
p. 350.
and
8
Ibid., p. 349.
9
Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 4 9 - 5 0 .
29
Cavafy
Still:
Forster,
G . K e c h a g i o g l o u , " C . P. C a v a f y a n d M o d e r n
Greek Orientalism i n Literature," i n
Kavafis
10
Sobhy (note 7 above), p. 348.
11
A . A . R a m a d a n , " A l - I s k a n d a r e y y a fi A l - O u s o u r
Durrell,
(Cairo 1989), p. 34.
International
Symposium,
First
Cairo and
Alexandria 1991.
30
P i n c h i n ( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) , p . 5 5 .
A l H a d i t h a , " u n p u b l i s h e d paper, 1990, p . 22.
3I
Q u o t e d i n E . M . F o r s t e r , Alexandria:
and a Guide
12
Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 6 4 - 6 7 .
13
R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 118.
14
R. Ilbert, " U n e certaine c i t a d i n i t e , " i n R. Ilbert
A
History
( L o n d o n 1982), p. 104, trans.
G. Valassopoulo.
a n d E . Y a n n a k a k i s , eds., Alexandrie
1960,
Un modele
Communautes
15
ephemere
et identite
de
1860-
32
Forster (note 3 1 above), p . 86.
33
J. R o d e n b e c k , " L i t e r a r y A l e x a n d r i a , " i n
Today
convivialite:
cosmopolite
Monthly
34
R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 118.
35
Ibid.: 66.
L . D u r r e l l , The Alexandria
Balthazar,
Sobhy (note 7 above), p . 376.
17
R a m a d a n (note 11 above), p p . 2 5 - 2 6 .
Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 8 0 - 8 1 .
Mountolive,
Quartet:
Clea
Justine,
(London 1991),
p. 17.
36
M . Saad E l - D i n a n d J. C r o m e r , Under
Spell:
18
Cairo
10.6 (1989): 65.
(Paris
1992), p. 22.
16
Magazine
The Influence
of Egypt
on Writers
Egypt's
in
G h onei m
English
from
the Eighteenth
Century
(London
1991), p. 197.
37
M . Anis, "The W o r k i n g of Imperialist Ideology
i n t h e Alexandria
Quartet"
( P h . D . diss., Essex
University, 1976).
38
R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) :
62-63.
39
R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) : 6 3 .
40
R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) :
41
R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) : 6 4 .
42
E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p. 2 9 8 .
43
E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p . 3 0 2 .
44
E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p p .
299-303.
45
E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p p .
299-303.
46
M . M . El-Sourougy, " M o g t a m a a A l - I s k a n -
63-64.
c
c
dareyya W a A l - H a r a k a A l - W a t a n e y y a , " i n
Mogta'maa
Al-Iskandareyya
Abr
Al Ousour
J
(Alexandria 1973), pp. 4ioff.
47
M . Z a y i d , " T h e O r i g i n s o f the L i b e r a l C o n s t i ­
t u t i o n a l P a r t y i n E g y p t , " i n P. M . H o l t , e d . ,
Political
and Social
Change
in Modern
Egypt
(London 1968), p. 338, quoted from ElH a m a m s y (note 1 above).
48
E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p. 289.
49
M . Z . E l - A s h m a w y , Al-Adab
Hayat
50
Wa Keyam
Al-
(Beirut 1980), p. 140.
Al-Mo'asera
N . Youssef, Aalam
Mina
Al-'lskandareyya
(Alexandria 1969), pp. 2 3 6 - 4 1 .
51
E l - A s h m a w y (note 49 above), p . 143.
52
M . Saad E l - D i n , " C u l t u r a l A l e x a n d r i a " ( u n p u b ­
lished paper, 1990), p p . 3 6 - 3 7 .
53
M . M i t w a l l y , " A l - M o u s i k a r A l - S h e i k h Sayed
D a r w i s h W a A l H a r a k a A l - W a t a n e y y a , " i n Al-
54
55
Zikra
Al-Mi'awayya
Sayed
Darwish,
Al-Mousikar
( C a i r o 1 9 9 2 ) , p . 7.
Youssef ( n o t e 5 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 3 7 - 4 0 .
K . Saad, Bairam
Al-Misreyya
56
Li-Milad
1892-1992
Al-Tunsy:
A sifa
E . E l - D i n N a g u i b , The Dawn
ern Painting
min
c
(Cairo 1993), pp.
Al-'Hara
5-6.
of Egyptian
(Cairo 1992), p. 82.
Mod­
301
302
Reigns of the Ptolemies
P t o l e m y I Soter
305-282
B.C.
285-282
B.C.
P t o l e m y n Philadelphos
282-246
B.C.
P t o l e m y i n Euergetes i
246-222
B.C.
Ptolemy i v Philopator
222-205
P t o l e m y v Epiphanes
205-180
Ptolemy v i Philometor
180-164
a n d P t o l e m y n Philadelphos
163-145
Ptolemy v n Neos Philopator
1 4 5 B.C.
P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes n
170-163
- -
B
c
B.C.
B.C.
B.C.
145-116
B.C.
P t o l e m y i x Soter n
I 1 6 - I O 7
B.C.
Ptolemy x Alexander I
IO7-88
P t o l e m y i x Soter n
8 8 - 8 0
Ptolemy x i Alexander n
8 0 B.C.
Ptolemy x n Neos Dionysos
80-55
B.C.
5 5 - 5 1
B.C.
5I-3O
B.C.
and Ptolemy x i n
51-47
B.C.
and Ptolemy x i v
4 7 - 4 4
B.C.
a n d P t o l e m y Caesarion
4 4 - 3 0
B.C.
Cleopatra v n
and
B.C.
and
B.C.
B.C.
and