Land und Gerechtigkeit - Amt für Mission, Ökumene und kirchliche

Land und Gerechtigkeit Partnerschaftsforum von acht Kirchenkreisen in Deutschland, Tansania und Argentinien Oktober 2014 in Tansania Partnerschaftsseminar „Land und Gerechtigkeit“ Oktober 2014 in Lushoto, Tansania Inhalt der Dokumentation: 1.
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Bericht (Kirsten Potz) Land Conflicts in Tanzania and the Challenges for the Churches (Dr. Stephen I. Munga) Land Grabbing in Tanzania and Global Justice (Godfrey Walalaze) Biblische Perspektiven zum Thema Land (Regine Burg) a) deutsch – englisch b) spanisch ‐ englisch Land Rights Issues in Tanzania: Overview of the Legal and Policy Framework (Dr. Andrew Mollel) Länderbeitrag Tansania (Phenias Lwakatare, Anitha Kajungu) Länderbeitrag Argentinien (Laura Köstlin, Romario Dohmann, Christian Bernhardt) a) Präsentation: Land Grabbing Conflicts. General Situation in Argentina and Particular Cases in Misiones b) Land Conflicts in Misiones, Argentina Länderbeitrag Deutschland a) Land Rights in Germany (Jürgen Nachtigal, Kirsten Potz) b) Interview mit einem Landwirt (Bernd Langejürgen, Jana Eckei) c) Anspiel: Bauer Willy gibt auf – deutsch / englisch (Bernd Langejürgen, Jana Eckei) Environmental issues related to bauxite mining and processing (Dickson Shekivuli) Resolution a) Original (englisch) b) deutsche Version c) spanische Version Teilnehmende am Partnerschaftsforum Deutschland Regine Burg, Superintendentin Kirchenkreis Bielefeld Udo Schneider, Pfarrer Vorsitzender MÖWe‐Ausschuss Bielefeld, Mitglied Tansania‐Partnerschaft Bielefeld, RAK‐Mitglied* Renate Roth, Schulsekretärin Mitglied MÖWe‐Ausschuss Gütersloh, Mitglied Tansania‐Partnerschaft Gütersloh, RAK‐Mitglied Bernd Langejürgen, Schulpfarrer im Kirchenkreis Gütersloh RAK‐Vorsitzender, MÖWe‐Ausschuss Halle, Mitglied Argentinien‐Partnerschaft Halle Wolfgang Dzieran, Dipl.Physiker, selbstständiger Lehrer in der Erwachsenenbildung, Betriebsrat Mitglied MÖWe‐Ausschuss Paderborn, Mitglied Kreissynodalvorstand Paderborn, Mitglied Landessynode EKvW, Mitglied Partnerschaft UCC (USA) Jürgen Nachtigal, Abteilungsleiter Verwaltung der Landwirtschaftskammer NRW, Kreisstellen Höxter, Lippe, Paderborn Mitglied Tansania‐Partnerschaft Paderborn Jana Eckei, Studentin (B.A. International Business, zurzeit Master‐Studentin Development Studies mit Focus auf ländlicher Entwicklung in Genf) ehem. Freiwillige Tansania, Projekteinsatz mit der GIZ in Südafrika, Bachelorarbeit über Landgrabbing in Äthiopien und Tansania Kirsten Potz, Regionalpfarrerin des Amtes für Mission, Ökumene und kirchliche Weltverantwortung (MÖWe) in den Kirchenkreisen Bielefeld, Gütersloh, Halle, Paderborn und Studienleiterin am Zentrum für Mission und Diakonie der Vereinten Evangelischen Mission (VEM) * RAK: Regionaler Arbeitskreis für Mission, Ökumene und kirchliche Weltverantwortung Argentinien Romario Dohmann, Student (Forstwirtschaft), Koordinator der Jugendarbeit des Distrikts Misiones der Ev. Kirche am La Plata Christian Bernhardt, Ingenieur für Medizintechnik, Vizepräsident der Kirchengemeinde Posadas Laura Köstlin, Sozialanthropologin, wiss. Assistentin am Nationalen Landwirtschaftsinstitut in Posadas, Doktorandin zum Thema Lndgrabbing/Landrechte indigener Völker – kurzfristig ausgefallen Tansania Phenias Lwakatare, Superintendent Ilemera (Nordwest‐Diözese der Ev.‐Luth. Kirche von Tansania) Anitha Kajungu, Mitarbeiterin staatl. Sozialdienst Region Ilemera Yared Wakami, Superintendent Kyerwa (Karagwe‐Diözese der Ev.‐Luth. Kirche von Tansania) Editha Sylivester, Leitung Planungs‐ und Entwicklungsbüro der Diözese u.a. landwirtschaftliche Fortbildungen, bes. für Frauen Elias Kimweri, Lehrer a.D., früher regionale Schulaufsichtsbehörde, Lutindi Yambazi Mauya, Superintendent Kusini (Nordost‐Diözese der Ev.‐Luth. Kirche von Tansania) (Ersatz für Dismas Kimweri – s. Teilnahmeliste) Alle Tansanier sind aktiv in den Partnerschaftsausschüssen ihrer Kirchenkreise. 2. Internationales Partnerschaftsforum zum Thema „Land und Gerechtigkeit“ am Institut für Frieden und Gerechtigkeit der Sebastian Kolowa Memorial‐Universität (SEKOMU) der Evangelisch‐Lutherischen Kirche von Tansania, Oktober 2014 in Lushoto/Tansania Wer: Die vier ostwestfälischen Kirchenkreise Bielefeld, Gütersloh, Halle und Paderborn (Evangelische Kirche von Westfalen) und ihre Partnerkirchenkreise in Tansania (Evangelisch‐
Lutherische Kirche in Tansania – ELCT) und Argentinien (Evangelische Kirche am La Plata – IERP) Was: Austausch, gegenseitiges Verstehen und Entwicklung gemeinsamer Strategien Wie: Expertenvorträge, Arbeitsgruppen und Plenumsdiskussionen, Exkursionen und Gespräche mit Betroffenen; Biblische Besinnung und Gottesdienste, Essen und Trinken, als Christen von drei Kontinenten miteinander leben, arbeiten und feiern … Warum: Der globale Run auf Land verändert die Lebensverhältnisse vor allem von Kleinbauern im Süden dramatisch. Aber auch deutsche Landwirte sind betroffen. Als Christen und Partner wollen wir Zusammenhänge erkennen und miteinander Verantwortung für die Lebensgrundlage aller Geschöpfe wahrnehmen. Mit dem Thema verknüpfte Schlüsselbegriffe, die beim Forum zur Sprache kamen: Flächenkonkurrenz, Ressourcenknappheit (Wasser, Land, Mineralien, Gas, Öl, Holz, Lebensmittel …), steigende Preise für Land und Nahrungsmittel; aus‐ und inländische Investitionen, good governance; Lebens‐/Konsumgewohnheiten, Mobilität, Ernährungssicherheit; Regeln für den Erwerb/die Nutzung von Land; Ökologie und Naturschutz; Armut, Menschrechte, Benachteiligung von Frauen, Vertreibung, Gewalt … Wir haben … konkrete Erfahrungsberichte aus allen Partnerregionen zur Kenntnis genommen. … die Ursachen für Konflikte und Probleme gesucht. … Zusammenhänge von Ressourcenknappheit und Lebensstil erkannt. … nach der Rolle von Verbrauchern und Regierungen gefragt. … nach Alternativen gesucht und gemeinsame Handlungsstrategien skizziert. Wir kehren mit neuen Perspektiven und Ideen zurück. Wir lassen uns einladen, um in Gruppen und Veranstaltungen zu berichten und Veränderungen anzustoßen für einen gerechteren Umgang mit dem Land, auf und von dem wir alle leben. Wir hatten bereits Erfahrung: Wasserforum 2009 Die vier ostwestfälischen Kirchenkreise haben bereits 2009 ein ähnliches Partnerschaftsforum in Deutschland durchgeführt. Damals ging es um gerechten Zugang zu sauberem Wasser. Die Teilnehmenden drückten wiederholt den Wunsch aus, mit dieser Art des Austauschs über globale Themen fortzufahren, beim nächsten Mal aber im Land eines der Partner im Süden. Die Pläne für das Forum 2014 entsprechen diesem Wunsch und wurden in enger Zusammenarbeit aller Partner erstellt. Teilnehmende (ELCT – Ev.‐Luth. Kirche in Tansania, IERP – Ev. Kirche am Rio de La Plata) Bielefeld Superintendentin Regine Burg Pfarrer Udo Schneider Gütersloh Frau Renate Roth Halle Pfarrer Bernd Langejürgen Paderborn Kusini (Nordost‐Diözese der ELCT Usambara‐Berge) Superintendent Yambazi Mauya Herr Elias Kimweri Kyerwa und Murongo (Karagwe‐Diözese der ELCT an der Grenze zu Ruanda und Uganda) Superintendent Yared Wakami Schw. Editha Sylivester Misiones (IERP im Nordosten Argentiniens) Herr Christian Bernhardt Herr Romario Dohmann Ilemera (Nordwest‐Diözese der ELCT am Viktoria‐See) Superintendent Phenias Lwakatare Frau Anitha Kajungu Herr Wolfgang Dzieran Herr Jürgen Nachtigal Frau Jana Eckei MÖWe‐Pfarrerin Kirsten Potz sowie etliche Studentinnen und Studenten der SEKOMU Bericht Samstag, 4.10. Bielefelder Gemeinden laden bei strahlendem Sonnenschein und unter Posaunenklängen in ökumenischer Eintracht auf dem Jahnplatz mitten in der Stadt an gedeckten Tischen zu selbstgebackenem Kuchen und Kaffee ein. So fair wie möglich. Schließlich lautet das Motto: Unglaublich lecker – Kuchen fair teilen. Die Menschen kommen, staunen und genießen. Mittendrin auch Superintendentin Regine Burg und ich. Dann geht’s zum Bahnhof. Mit einem Schöner Tag‐Ticket fahren die Bielefelder, Haller und Gütersloher Delegierten zu fünft in einem gesteckt vollen Regionalzug (Brückentag) nach Düsseldorf. Dort treffen wir die beiden Paderborner Delegierten. Im Andachtsraum des Hotels sammeln wir unsere Gedanken und bitten um Gottes Segen für die Reise und das Partnerschaftsforum. Wolfgang Dzieran, Udo Schneider, Regine Burg, Bernd Langejürgen, Renate Roth, Jürgen Nachtigal, Kirsten Potz Sonntag, 5.10. Über Zürich, wo unsere ehemalige MÖWe‐Praktikantin Jana Eckei zusteigt (sie hat über Langrabbing in Äthiopien und Tansania gearbeitet und spricht fließend Kiswahili), fliegen wir nach Daressalam. Dort warten schon die beiden jungen argentinischen Teilnehmer, nach schier endlos langer Reise über Brasilien und Südafrika. Die vier Teilnehmer aus den Partnerkirchenkreisen in Karagwe und der Nordwest‐Diözese kommen erst – mit erheblicher Verspätung – nachts um zwei an. Montag, 6.10. Von links vorn nach hinten rechts:
Jana Eckei; Regine Burg, Wolfgang Dzieran; Renate Roth, Bernd Langejürgen; Yared Wakami, Phenias Lwakatare; Anitha Kajungu, Jürgen Nachtigal; Kirsten Potz, Editha Sylivester, Romario Dohmann; Udo Schneider, Christian Bernhardt Beim gemeinsamen Frühstück und der Busreise nach Lushoto lernen wir uns schon ein wenig kennen und üben uns in der Tagungssprache Englisch. Wir werden abends herzlich von der Vizekanzlerin der Universität SEKOMU, Dr. Anneth Munga, empfangen und beziehen unsere Studentenzimmer auf dem Campus. Ein großes Banner vor dem großen neuen Hörsaalgebäude macht auf unser Forum über „Land und Gerechtigkeit“ aufmerksam. In einem Meer aus Callas beginnt noch am selben Abend das Programm, denn Bischof Dr. Stephen Munga wird am nächsten Tag in Daressalam erwartet. Er spricht über „Landkonflikte in Tansania und die Herausforderungen für die Kirchen“. Bischof Munga erinnert an die Schöpfungsverantwortung („We are not owners, but stewards of creation“) und gibt einen detaillierten Überblick über die Landproblematik in Tansania im globalen Kontext. Entschieden wehrt er sich gegen die Behauptung vieler Politiker und Unternehmer seines Landes, in Tansania gebe es kein Landgrabbing. Unser Partnerschaftsforum mit Delegierten von der kirchlichen Basis sieht er in einer logischen Reihe mit der großen Internationalen Landkonferenz der ELCT vom September 2013 und der Gründung des „Forums Landrechte“ als Plattform für Gespräche mit der Regierung. Er hofft, dass wir in unseren Beratungen konkrete Strategien und Empfehlungen entwickeln.
Dienstag, 7. Oktober Jetzt sind auch die Vertreter der Partner aus der Nordost‐Diözese angekommen. Nach einer Vorstellungsrunde und Austausch der jeweiligen Erwartungen begrüßt uns statt der verhinderten Vizekanzlerin Dr. Anneth Munga der blinde Professor Dr. Edward Bagandanshwa und führt uns in die Geschichte der Universität und der Diözese ein. Dann hält er aus dem Stand eine beeindruckend bildgewaltige Vorlesung über die Wichtigkeit unseres Vorhabens, ungerechte Gesetze und die Möglichkeiten, politische Spiele geschickt zu beeinflussen. Von links: Pastor Godfrey Walalaze, Prof. Edward Bagandanshwa
Danach spricht Rev. Godfrey Walalaze, Leiter des Instituts für Gerechtigkeit und Frieden an SEKOMU und Vorsitzender des Forums Landrechte, über Landgrabbing in Tansania und in globaler Perspektive. Er widerspricht dem Mythos vom Land im Überfluss. Warum werden Menschen vertrieben, wenn Land so reichlich vorhanden ist? Anhand zahlreicher Beispiele wird uns deutlich: gutes Land ist kostbar und knapp, Investoren und Politiker umgehen Gesetze, Menschen werden mit Gewalt vertrieben, vor allem der Abbau von Bodenschätzen verschmutzt die Umwelt, Kleinbauern ernähren zwar fast die gesamte Bevölkerung, sind aber die großen Verlierer im Wettlauf um Land. Argentinier und Tansanier entdecken viele Gemeinsamkeiten: Vegetation, Klima, Lebensbedingungen. Ob Superintendent Phenias Lwakatare auch der Mate‐Tee schmeckt, den Christian Bernhardt ihm erklärt? Zu exegetischen und theologischen Perspektiven wechselt dann Superintendentin Regine Burg mit ihrem Vortrag: Land als Schöpfungsgabe, Landgabe als an Gehorsam gekoppelte Verheißung, Sabbatjahr und Jubeljahr als Regelungen für verantwortliche Landnutzung (alle 7 Jahre Ruhe für das Land, alle 7 x 7 Jahre Wiederherstellung der Nutzungsrechte/Land zum Leben für alle), die scharfe Kritik der Propheten an der sozialen Spaltung der Gesellschaft und die Verheißung der Wiederherstellung der Schöpfungsordnung in der Offenbarung – eine gute Grundlage für unsere weiteren Überlegungen. Im ersten Länderbeitrag überraschen die tansanischen Teilnehmer mit Bonhoeffer‐Zitaten („Die Kirche ist nur Kirche, wenn sie Kirche für andere ist“) und Mitbringseln, die drastisch veranschaulichen, wie Menschen mit dem Land und den Nutzungsrechten die Lebensgrundlage entzogen wird: Indische Fischfabriken am Viktoria‐See vertrieben die Fischer; die Viktoriabarsch‐
Filets sind für den Export, Kopf und Fischgerippe (epanki ) bleiben für die Einheimischen. Landgrabbing hat es seit der Kolonialzeit immer gegeben, geändert haben sich aber die Form und die Anzahl der Fälle. Und: Wer täglich um das Überleben kämpft, hat keine Kraft, Zeit, Bildung und Mittel, um sich zu organisieren und zu wehren. Eine lange Diskussion über das Recht von Frauen auf Landbesitz (es ist gesetzlich verankert, aber die Macht der Tradition ist noch stark) führt uns zur Frage nach Gerechtigkeit. Was ist Recht, was ist gerecht? Mittwoch, 8.10. Der Dekan der juristischen Fakultät, Dr. Andrew Mollel, macht uns mit den tansanischen Landgesetzen vertraut. Er zeigt Widersprüche in der Gesetzgebung und in der Handhabung auf, thematisiert Land als Wirtschaftsfaktor, träge Bürokratie und das Ausmaß der Korruption. Als Hauptherausforderungen nennt er Konflikte aufgrund des Wachstums der Städte, zwischen nomadischen Viehzüchtern und ansässigen Bauern, zwischen Bauern und Investoren, Investoren und Nomaden … In all dem verlieren unzählige Menschen ihre Häuser, ihre Heimat, ihre Lebensgrundlage, und manchmal auch ihr Leben. Die unerwartet früh anbrechende kleine Regenzeit macht die Straßen fast unpassierbar. Dann machen wir uns zur ersten Exkursion auf. Im nahen Vuga gab es Konflikte um eine Wasserquelle, nachdem sich das Gerücht verbreitet hatte, auf ihrem Grund sei Gold zu finden. Da Tansania sehr reich an Bodenschätzen ist, ist das Gerücht durchaus glaubhaft. 1000 Jugendliche zerstörten in diesem Hype die Quelle und die Wasserleitungen. Die Dorfbewohner sagen, heute wüssten sie, dass man nicht kurzfristig der Illusion von Reichtum nachlaufen darf, weil es gilt, langfristig eine Dorfgemeinschaft, eine ganze Gesellschaft zu erhalten. Der Dorfrat hat beschlossen: Unsere Jugend muss besser ausgebildet werden. Sie müssen aufgeklärt werden über den Reichtum des Landes, seine Natur, seine Wälder, seine Wasserquellen und dass dies alles zu schützen sei. Um die Leitungen zu reparieren, dürfe man nicht länger auf Hilfe von außen warten, sondern die Sache als Dorfgemeinschaft in die Hand nehmen, sagt eine Frau. Es ist hochinteressant mitzuerleben, wie hier versucht wird, Konflikte zu analysieren und zu klugen Lösungen zu kommen. Landwirtschaft ist an den steilen Hängen der Usambara‐Berge mühselig und nur mit Handwerkzeugen möglich. Kaffeebohnen zur Begrüßung ‐ Kostbarkeit in der Kagera‐Region Baströckchen trägt heute niemand mehr, aber Tanzen und Singen sorgen immer und überall für gute Stimmung. Typisch deutsch: Pumpernickel, Hausmacher‐Dauerwurst, Weihnachtsplätzchen, Apfelschorle, Marzipankartoffeln, , Lakritz … Ein argentinischer Landsmann bringt Mate, Dulce de leche und dünne Pfannkuchen, die man auch in Tansania und Deutschland kennt Bei einem kulturellen Abend mit Musik, Liedern, Sketchen und einem „deutschen Spezialitäten‐
Büffet“ mit Wurst, Pumpernickel, Weihnachtsgebäck und Lakritz erleben wir, wie der tansanische „Zeremonienmeister“ dafür sorgt, dass die Veranstaltung nicht ausufert und wir um zehn Uhr brav ins Bett gehen. Sonst gehen wir noch früher zu Bett, da es früh dunkel und feuchtkalt ist und ein gemütlicher Aufenthaltsraum fehlt. So sind wir jedenfalls morgens immer gut ausgeschlafen! Donnerstag, 9. 10. Die argentinischen Teilnehmer informieren anschaulich und fundiert über ihre Heimatprovinz Misiones, in der die Forstwirtschaft im Vordergrund steht, nicht die Soja. Hier sind die Konflikte um Land historisch begründet: Ehemalige Großgrundbesitzer hatten ihre Ländereien verlassen und sie kleinbäuerlichen Einwanderern überlassen. Nach Jahrzehnten fordern sie sie nun zurück. Das Gesetz schützt die Eigentümer, nicht die Leute, die das Land seit über einer Generation bebauen und bewahren. Enteignungen und Polizeigewalt sind an der Tagesordnung. Alles ist legal, aber ungerecht. In Argentinien gab es nie eine Landreform. Eine gerechte Verteilung wäre dringend notwendig. Vor allem die Tansanier sind verblüfft, dass es nicht nur bei ihnen schreiende Ungerechtigkeit und große Armut gibt. Die Argentinier entdecken im Laufe des Forums viele Ähnlichkeiten mit Tansania, aber auch mit Deutschland. Wir Deutschen stellen die Lage unserer Landwirtschaft mit einer PowerPoint‐Präsentation und in Spielszenen dar. Wir erzählen so erstaunliche Dinge, dass die Tansanier Mühe haben, es zu fassen. Bauern mit so großen Feldern und Maschinen geben auf, weil sie unter starkem Konkurrenzdruck stehen, Investoren in Biogas ihnen den Rang ablaufen und sie die stetig steigenden Pachtpreise nicht bezahlen können??! Am Nachmittag arbeiten wir in gemischten Arbeitsgruppen die Unterschiede und Ähnlichkeiten der Landproblematik in den beteiligten Ländern heraus. Weil es am Tag zuvor so schön war und Jana heute Geburtstag hat, feiern wir spontan einen weiteren kulturellen Abend im Tagungsraum, mit inbrünstig gesungenen Nationalhymnen, Weihnachtsliedern, Kanons und dem kleinen Matrosen, der die Welt umsegelte… Wir sind eine Gemeinschaft aus drei Kontinenten geworden, die sich gut versteht! Freitag, 10.10. Der wohl spannendste Tag – eine Exkursion ins Nachbardorf Magamba, wo Dorfbewohner sich erfolgreich gegen Bauxit‐Abbau gewehrt haben. Bauxit wird im Tagebau gewonnen und ist wichtig für die Aluminium‐Produktion. Der giftige Staub lässt nur eine Pflanze überleben, die australische (!) Akazie, die nur für Schuhcreme gut ist. Die – von einem Regierungsmitglied aus der eigenen Region eingeladenen – Investoren wurden schon zweimal zurückgewiesen. Die Investoren haben angeblich nur Erde und Steine für den Straßenbau abgefahren. Man wurde misstrauisch, als die LKWs den Hafen Mombasa/Kenia anfuhren und die Schiffe nach Indien fuhren. Gut informierte Studenten der Uni hatten die Mitglieder des Dorfrats, der in Tansania zur Landvergabe seine Zustimmung geben muss, über die Absichten der Investoren und die Rechte der Dorfbewohner informiert. Der Vorsitzende des Dorfrats (rechts) und seine Stellvertreterin (Mitte) berichten vor Ort. Ein weiteres Problem: Die nahe Quelle versorgt die Hälfte der 500.000 Einwohner des Distrikts Lushoto und ist durch den Bauxitabbau in Gefahr. Wir freuen uns über diese Hoffnungsgeschichte der Kooperation von Studenten und Dorfbewohnern. Doch sicher ist: Die Investoren werden wiederkommen. Das Geschäft ist zu lukrativ. Fazit der anschließenden Evaluation: Tansania braucht klare Regeln und Gesetze, um illegalen Rohstoffabbau zu vermeiden. Und gute Information der Bevölkerung über ihre Rechte. Fast alle Nahrungsmittel in Tansania werden von Kleinbauern erzeugt. Samstag, 11.10. In länderspezifischen Arbeitsgruppen erarbeiten wir Empfehlungen für unsere eigenen Länder und für die Partnerschaftsarbeit, die in einer Resolution festgehalten werden, zu deren Verbreitung wir uns verpflichten. Die Argentinien‐Gruppe: Romario Dohmann und Christian Bernhardt (hinten von links) bekommen Verstärkung von Bernd Langejürgen und Kirsten Potz Das Forum endet mit einer ausgiebigen Evaluations‐ und Feedbackrunde und einem Abendmahlsgottesdienst. Sonntag, 12.10. Berufs‐ und studienbedingt reisen zwei Teilnehmer aus Deutschland und die vier Tansanier aus dem Westen ab. Alle anderen nehmen an einem Gottesdienst in der Kathedrale von Lushoto teil. Zwei Pastoren werden eingeführt; ich bin die einzige im schwarzen Talar zwischen lauter weißgekleideten Kolleg_innen mit roter Stola. In meinem Grußwort erzähle ich vom Partnerschaftsforum – Pastor Walalaze übersetzt mein Kiswahili ins Englische, was uns ungeteilte Aufmerksamkeit sichert. Außerdem wird ein Kind getauft. Gute vier Stunden dauert der Gottesdienst – und er war keine Minute langweilig, beteuern nachher alle Delegationsmitglieder. Mit einem Essen mit allen Pastor_innen und der Kirchenleitung endet das Partnerschaftsforum ganz offiziell. Montag, 13.10., bis Freitag, 17.10. Die Deutschen und Argentinier schließen einige weitere Tage in der Usambara‐Region an. Am Montag besuchen sie die diakonischen Einrichtungen der Diözese in Irente (Waisenhaus und Blindenschule) und die Irente Biodiversity. Ab Dienstag geht es zu den Bielefelder Partnern, die im selben Distrikt leben. Die Anschlusstage sind eine gute Gelegenheit, nach der Zeit an der Universität in die Gemeindewirklichkeit einzutauchen, mehr zu sehen und zu verstehen. Für die Delegierten aus Argentinien, Gütersloh, Halle und Paderborn ist es reizvoll, die Eindrücke hier mit Erfahrungen aus der eigenen Partnerschaft zu vergleichen. Neben der Lebenswirklichkeit der Menschen beeindruckt die einzigartige Pflanzenvielfalt der Usambara‐Berge, die wir unter fachkundiger Führung erleben. 72 Baumarten soll es in Europa geben, aber über 600 allein in diesem dicht besiedelten Teil Tansanias! Nun wartet die Nacharbeit auf uns: Berichte in den Gruppen und Ausschüssen, Dokumentationen und Zeitungsberichte, Veranstaltungen in Gemeinden. Im Februar 2015 ist ein Workshop für Partnerschaftsgruppen geplant, um Konsequenzen für die jeweilige Partnerschaftsarbeit zu ziehen – nicht nur Tansaniagruppen, denn Landkonflikte sind ein globales Thema. Öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit, Information der Bevölkerung über ihre Rechte, Unterstützung von Kleinbauern und Frauen, Projekte zur Vermessung des Landes (in Tansania ist nur ein verschwindend geringer Teil bisher erfasst und registriert) und Hilfe bei der Erlangung von verbrieften Nutzungsrechten – das sind die Themen, denen sich Partnerschaftskreise widmen könnten. Erde aus Argentinien, Tansania und Ostwestfalen „Das Land soll euch seine Früchte geben, damit ihr genug zu essen habt und sicher darin wohnt.“ (Lev 25,19) Kirsten Potz, Regionalpfarrerin für die Kirchenkreise Bielefeld, Gütersloh, Halle und Paderborn Das Internationale Partnerschaftsforum wurde ermöglicht und gefördert 
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von der Vereinten Evangelischen Mission (VEM) aus Mittel des Kirchlichen Entwicklungsdienstes durch Brot für die Welt den Kirchenkreisen Bielefeld, Gütersloh, Halle und Paderborn vom Gustav‐Adolf‐Werk von der Evangelischen Kirche von Westfalen vom Amt für MÖWe und durch den persönlichen Beitrag der deutschen Delegierten Land Conflicts in Tanzania and the Challenges for the Churches
Keynote address delivered by
Bishop Dr. Stephen I. Munga
Ladies and gentlemen, it is a pleasure and honour to have this opportunity to stand before you to
deliver this keynote address. Let me start by welcoming you to the North Eastern Diocese –
Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania (NED-ELCT) and to the beautiful Usambara
mountains. To some of you this is your first time to come and see this part of the world. I wish
you a joyful stay here.
I have been asked to strike the key on the topic land conflicts in Tanzania and the challenges for
the churches. It is really an interesting topic. The only problem I have is that to talk about
conflicts in a world pervaded by conflicts of diverse nature makes one depressed. What I want to
say here is that we live in a world in which we are depressed because of conflicts.
The Importance of Land
In the creation story in the bible we encounter God who put the whole creation under the care of
mankind. He does so for the benefit of mankind that he/she may take care of it while at the same
time sustain his/her life by using it. The picture we get there is one of interdependence between
mankind and the creation. In that same picture we are not owners of creation but just stewards of
it. God the creator remain to be the author and owner of creation and He retains the title deed of
it until the end of time. The relationship we have with God with regard to the creation is
covenantal one meaning that it is an agreement between unequal parties. God the creator will
always have an upper hand and we take care of it in line with his commands.
In addition to the creation story another biblical text I find to be rich on land related
issues is chapter 25 of Leviticus which generally speaks about the Sabbath year. The Sabbath
year of rest is Sabbath to the Lord. From verse 8 down, there we read about the Sabbath of the
Sabbath or the proclamation of the 50th year as the year of jubilee. This text from Leviticus can at
least give us a taste of not only how jubilee is related to liberation but also how land stands at the
heart of property to be liberated on the jubilee year. Land as a space of existence, particularly for
the poor, is given to them by the Creator while still under His protection; and that any
transactions of it has to be done in a very just way as it pleases God who is our justice. The year
of jubilee is clearly marked with setting free people and property. Also the year of jubilee is the
bench mark for determining prices or of regulating the selling and buying of land and property. It
was provided in the law that the land should not be sold away from the families that own it. It
could only be disposed of, as it were, by leases till the year of jubilee, and then returned to the
owner or his heir. All bargains ought to be made by this rule: You shall not oppress one another,
not take advantage of one another's ignorance or necessity, but you shall fear your God (vv.1417). Additionally, jubilee is the year of people returning to their own property. It is thus the year
of freedom and atonement in which case property including land is set free while at the same
time the bonds of slavery and poverty are loosens. Property and owners are brought together
again. This law enabled people to preserve their tribes and families distinct, while waiting for the
coming of the Messiah. The liberty every man was born to, if sold or forfeited, should return at
the year of jubilee. This was typical analogy of the redemption by Christ from the slavery of sin
and of being brought again to the liberty of the children of God.
Do we have enough land available to everyone?
The answer to this question can vary from one country to another and one place to another.
However, as we move on to the future the answers might vary with time. Evidence shows that as
time goes on land becomes scarce. How do we explain this phenomenon?
Natural factors that make land diminish:
1. By nature cannot be increased
The earth has 57 million square miles of land = about 148 million sq. km. (that's 36.48 billion
acres).1 There are about 12 million square miles (7.68 billion acres) of arable land.
That means there is an average of below 20% of arable land2 worldwide. Tanzania has about
16.4% of arable land. Agriculture land3 worldwide is about 50% whereas Tanzania has 45.9%.
1
2
there are 640 acres per square mile
Arable land includes land defined by the FAO as land under temporary crops (double-cropped areas are counted
once), temporary meadows for mowing or for pasture, land under market or kitchen gardens, and land temporarily
fallow. Land abandoned as a result of shifting cultivation is excluded. See
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/AG.LND.ARBL.ZS
3
Agricultural land refers to the share of land area that is arable, under permanent crops, and under permanent
2. Population increase4
The world population in year 1 A.D. was 250 million people.
The world population in year 1492 was 500 million people.
The world population in 1804 was 1.0 billion people.
The world population in 1922 was 2.0 billion people (doubled in 118 years; increasing on
average by about 23,000 per day).
The world population in 1959 was 3.0 billion people (increased by 1.0 billion in only 37 years;
increasing on average by about 74,000 per day).
The world population in 2006 was 6.68 billion people (more than doubled in 47 years; increasing
now by 211,000 persons per day!).
The world population by 2039 could be 8.0 to 13 billion.
In 1959, there were 12.16 acres per person, world-wide (i.e. 36.48 billion acres / 3 billion
people).
In 2006, there were 5.46 acres per person, world-wide (i.e. 36.48 billion acres / 6.68 billion
people).
By 2039, there may be only 2.81 acres per person, world-wide (i.e. 36.48 billion acres / 13
billion people).
3. Loss of good land due to climate change
(a) Global warming Pollution and damage to the atmosphere, land, and water is a growing
problem. Billions of tons of green-house gases are being released into the atmosphere
per year. Depletion of the ozone is destroying our protection against harmful radiation
pastures. Arable land includes land defined by the FAO as land under temporary crops (double-cropped areas are
counted once), temporary meadows for mowing or for pasture, land under market or kitchen gardens, and land
temporarily fallow. Land abandoned as a result of shifting cultivation is excluded. Land under permanent crops is
land cultivated with crops that occupy the land for long periods and need not be replanted after each harvest, such as
cocoa, coffee, and rubber. This category includes land under flowering shrubs, fruit trees, nut trees, and vines, but
excludes land under trees grown for wood or timber. Permanent pasture is land used for five or more years for
forage, including natural and cultivated crops. See http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/AG.LND.AGRI.ZS
4
Most of the information here is taken from http://one-simple-idea.com/Environment1.htm
and global warming. The current scientific consensus is that most global warming since
1950 is most likely attributable to human activities.
(b) The sea-level is rising due to rising temperatures and melting ice.
The island nation of Tuvalu is slowly being submerged. The people of Tavalu have
requested permission to move to immigrate to New Zealand. The islands in the
Chesapeake Bay are being submerged. Bangladesh's lowlands farmlands are being
submerged and saltwater is seeping into fresh water systems. Here in our country we
have experiences of Pangani town which face similar phenomenon.
NOTE: For about every foot rise in the sea-level, the inland flooding is about 100 feet.
Many people live along coastlines all around the world.
Obviously we have a problem of land shortage whose causes are diverse. Politicians seem not to
agree with such claims. They always say that there is plenty of land.
Problems around Land Ownership in Tanzania5
In a country whose backbone of economy is agriculture, land is central to the livelihoods of
millions of its people. Tanzania is among many African countries whose people are mainly
small-scale farmers but whom are the main producers of both food and cash crops. With more
than 80% of its people living in rural areas, their main source of livelihood depends solely on
subsistence farming and pastoralism, where land becomes the most important commodity.6 It
should always be remembered that land is the scarcest commodity of all. This is because we
cannot increase its size and we are losing the size of productive land due to various forms of
destruction. That being the case means land has to be distributed justly and used productively so
as to sustain the lives of the people.
Land grabbing (Kiswahili = uporaji ardhi) is widely heard in Tanzania. This whether
alleged or true is not a new phenomenon here in Tanzania just as it is not new in other
developing countries. The exploitation of land and natural resources in Tanzania went through
distinct areas that have had profound impacts on land tenure and the exploitation of natural
resources in the country. The phenomenon started long time ago in Africa. The European
5
The information here is from the concept note of the International Consultative Conference on Land Justice for
Sustainable Peace in Tanzania which can be accessed at www.tanzanialandforum.or.tz
6
www.tanzania.go.tz/agriculture.html
colonizers went for scramble for African farmlands and natural resources in 19th century with
the partitioning of the continent and the plundering of its land and natural resources. It is from
the same division that Tanganyika ( Tanzania) was born.
The politics brought with this historical event left Africa in its wake a gruesome legacy
that is characterized by a series of land and resource conflicts, land litigation, loss of peoples’
control over land and natural resources, exposition to alien land tenure systems and natural
resources management. The on-going Tanzania land disputes creates and boosts a modern neocolonial system that enhances the power of few wealthy people and companies as well as
transnational corporations at the expense of smallholder peasants and indigenous communities
who are displaced and dispossessed. The scale, magnitude and discourse around the current rush
for land in Tanzania makes this moment unique and important in history. It calls for immediate
action that cannot wait any longer.
Among fast emerging deals in the world are the “land deals”; considered good by some
humanitarian scholars, clean by some politicians and yet profitable/beneficial by some
economists and investors7.
Consequently these land deals are considered good by the
governments of the receiving countries while for the poor citizens it is a plight denying those
necessary customary rights that were formerly assuring them protection to their natural heritage
and survival. The contradiction is high since in a country like Tanzania, land is a state property
of which people are given to hold and use according to the laws. If land is taken away from a
person for better use for broader social benefits (public interest), then that person has to be
compensated properly for assurance of better life. What is the practice so far?
Although there are no voluminous evidence based on empirical studies about
international land deals and their positive and negative impacts8, the World Bank report over the
period between 2008 and 2009 among others, offers eye lifting information on the matter. Land
deals were for about 60 million hectares worldwide, while two-thirds of the land acquired was in
Africa.9 In addition, there are some individual deals of very large areas. For example, Liberia
recently signed a concession for 220,000 hectares, while Tanzania is said to have requests and
7
Beth Jean Evans (2009). Justice, Equality, and the Ethical Implications of the Clean Development Mechanism as
cited at http://www.diplomatonline.com/patersonreview/vol10/PR_FINAL1.pdf
8
Cotula Lorenzo et. al. Land grab or development opportunity? Agricultural investment and
international land deals in Africa” cited at http://www.ifad.org/pub/land/land_grab.pdf
9
http://econ.worldbank.org/external/default
finalized land deals amounting to more than 1.8 million hectares by 2010.10 This is a huge
shocking amount of land to be given out by a single country. Among the emerging questions is:
how transparent are these deals? How much involved are the people who live in those areas
where land is massively given away? Or how participatory is the whole process? Can anyone in
the public access the information about these land deals? These are questions of justice and
transparency which guide us to review the legal instruments as well their execution.
The British Protectorate passed its land law in 1923 and termed them as the Land
Ordinance. This Ordinance categorized the whole land, whether occupied or unoccupied, as
public land11. All of this land was entrusted to the Governor to be held for the benefit of the
native communities. From this land law the independent nation of Tanzania formulated its own
land laws entrusting the whole land under the President of the country but with more details than
the colonial one. It should be taken into consideration that here we are talking not only about the
laws but also the institutions responsible for executing these laws. For example, the new land
laws introduced in 1999 intended to resolve the arising land conflicts and to deal with situations
which were unforeseen in the old laws. A number of research reports show for example, that the
new village land law granted the right to land occupancy to the natives according to the native
law or occupancy.12 It cannot be denied that the new land laws have made some significant
changes towards addressing the previous land problems. However, the question still remains as
to whether these new laws have really attended to the realities on the ground and have met the
desired ends.
The importance of having good laws (just ones) is indisputable. Equally important is the
indisputability of the need for good and efficient institutions which execute the same laws. Why
do we have the laws and yet have more land conflicts? Are these conflicts new in the sense that
they are not addressed in the current legal instruments? Are there really new situations or
something is not working properly somewhere? Finally, how knowledgeable are the local
communities about these laws? Reasoning through these questions opens up debate which can
lead to common solutions that guarantee justice and sustainable peace. This is the reason why the
10
Friis, Cecilie and Reenberg, Anette (2010). Land grab in Africa: Emerging land system drivers in a teleconnected
world. GLP Report No. 1. GLP-IPO, Copenhagen. at www.globallandproject.org/Documents/GLP_report_01.pdf
11
Sijaona, S. (2001). Case Study Tanzania, Washington: The World Bank.
12
Emma Josefsson and Pia Åberg, (Master’s Thesis 2005): An Evaluation of the Land Laws in Tanzania, Luleå
University, Sweden.
Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania in collaboration with Sebastian Kolowa Memorial
University prepared a consultative consultation on land justice as I will show below.
Apart from looking at the challenges from the point of view of the legal instruments there
is a need to have a follow up on what has been transpiring on the ground, i.e. real existential
situations. Over the past years, there has been a growing discussion at the national and
international level on various land related matters. The media and different land forums have
been reporting, discussing and alerting the world on the land issuing at large amount of hectares
in many different geographical areas of the South World.13 A number of researches towards
driving forces on land use and land cover have been conducted. Similarly, reports have been
written to qualify and alert on the new move towards land grabbing or softly known as land
acquisition.14 The challenge related to the matter is the division causing the dilemma between
investors and communities. This is simply a difference in understanding and perceiving both
positive and negative effects towards the land issuing which is now being seen as land grabbing
and its outcomes. It is highly noted that the areas targeted are the forest and other reserved
areas15 but also including areas on which villagers depend for food, artisanal mining16 areas and
livestock grazing areas17 which are crucial sources of livelihood. The scenarios related to the
targeted areas might sound to be land grabbing in its full form.18
Although the Tanzania Village Land Act of 1999 requires that people be compensated for
any land loss, the processes for consulting on this, and determining the level and manner of
payment of compensation, has been fraught with conflict. Much of the compensation is paid by
the investor through the state authorities rather than directly to local people. It also takes
13
www.farmlandgrab.org
www.landcoalition.org/cpl-blog/?cat=149
15
The recent decision by the World Heritage Committee explains on the danger facing the vast amount of species
that will be extinct, suffer and die; the ecological cycle disturbed and families living around the Selous Game
Reserve facing high danger due to uranium extraction that expects to start. http://www.uraniumnetwork.org/index.php/africalink/tanzania/253-press-release-re-world-heritage-comittee-decision-on-selous-gamereserve-boundary-changes
16
The allegations on over 50 people buried alive during the exercise of eviction of people who dwelt and lived as
small scale miners in the area was so shocking to the human rights and peace lovers. The eviction caused chaos,
anguish, trauma and discomfort to citizens against their government. This amounts to a need for review on land
rights, acquisition and procedures for peaceful land distribution. http://www.leat.or.tz/activities/buly/
14
17
The eviction was done by the Government, taking away more than 3000 Maasai, burning their food reserves,
about 50,000catles pushed to dry land, property worth millions of shillings was accounted and many left in
psychological trauma to leave place for the Ortello Business Company from the Royal family in Dubai.
http://intercontinentalcry.org/loliondo-is-burning/
18
http://www.foei.org/en/resources/publications/pdfs/2012/land-life-justice/view
substantially long time from the time when valuation is done to the time when actual
compensations are done and the time value of money is not taken into account. Furthermore,
compensations do not consider the dynamic future streams of incomes but only static values at
the time of valuation. In case the locals are not paid properly, it causes frustrations and sending
them to abject poverty. Such complications arise primarily because of lack of transparency in the
deals. These problems are potential critical threats for sustainable peace which need urgent
attention.
Action taken by the Church
It is in the context of such situation that the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania (ELCT)
commissioned Sebastian Kolowa Memorial University (SEKOMU) - through the Institute of
Justice and Peace (IJP) to organise and conduct a three days “LAND JUSTICE FOR
SUSTAINABLE PEACE” Consultation Conference in Tanzania. This was an international
consultation conference that engaged the Government, Faith Based Organisations (FBO), Civil
Societies Organizations (CSO), Diplomatic Community, International Organizations, the
Business Community, Members of the Parliament, the Academic and Research Community, and
the Media. The main objective of the consultation was to look onto the matter closely through
various researches already done and suggest a way forward on how to deal with the situation.
With that objective in mind, the concept note of the conference took into account various
points of departure, including the land laws19 in Tanzania and the real conflicts that face the
communities. There are a number of existing reports on legal instruments some of which are
based on empirical studies20 as there are a number of sources reporting on the conflicts. The
current land laws have their historical background. It is normally anticipated that in the context
of good governance both the laws and the institutions which execute them ought to indicate
positive benefits to the society. In other words, the new laws are expected to be better and
effective than the old ones. They are expected to be better in terms of distributing benefits and
19
Land laws here refers to legal instruments such as The Land Act 1999 (and 2004 amendment); The Village Land
Act 1999; The Land Use Planning Act 2007; The Courts (Land Disputes Settlements Acts) 2002 etc.; together with
the regulations.
20
Reports like “The Forgotten Villages – Land Reform in Tanzania,” (DIIS Policy Brief); Geir Sundet’s technical
analytical article on the Land Act and Village Land Act 1999; Melisa Makwarimba and Dr. Prosper Ngowi, (2012)
“Making Land Investment Work for Tanzania: Scoping Assessment for Multi-stakeholder Dialogue Initiative.”;
Emma Josefsson and Pia Åberg (2005), “An Evaluation of the Land Laws in Tanzania,” (Master’s Thesis: Luleå
University of Technology, Sweden).
justice to societies than the ones that preceded them.
After three days of serious discussions the Land Conference gave birth to Tanzania Land
Forum21 as a platform of key stakeholders. The purpose here was that after all the presentation
and discussions in the conference room, and after realizing the magnitude of the problem, those
who were in the conference decided to deal with the situation in a strategic manner. Therefore,
those who were in the conference are the founders of the forum. Much has been done to make
sure that the forum takes off. This includes the organizational structure and key guidelines while
at the same time attending to the most pressing issues on the ground through the Institute for
Justice and Peace of the Sebastian Kolowa University.
Concluding Remarks
There are people who have been victimized by their governments by being displaced after their
land was taken from them in order to give way to investments. There are people who have been
victimized by their governments by having their environment destroyed and water sources
polluted in the name of investments. There are stories of people suffering from incurable
diseases caused by poisonous chemicals in mining areas. All these are agonies which fall in the
deaf ears of their governments and those in powers because for such leaders personal benefits
count more than the lives of those who have put them to power.
21
www.tanzanialandforum.or.tz
Land Grabbing in Tanzania and Global Justice
A Paper presented to the International Partnership Forum on Land and Justice
Held at SEKOMU‐Lushoto‐Tanzania 07/10/2014
Rev. Godfrey T. Walalaze – IJP ‐SEKOMU
Introduction
• Land is a gift from God to all His living things to be used now and in the future. (Book of Genesis, Nyerere)
• We all rely on the land—it is a vital asset to all living things on the surface of earth. • Land is the identity, land is the basic for belonging and the factor for our historical belongings.
• Asiye kwao mtumwa: Whoever has no origin/home is a slave.
• Due to its importance, Land has become the source of violence and disgrace between the powerful and the weak.
Definition
• Land grabbing or land deals? What exactly
does it mean?
• An aggressive taking of land, especially by military force, in order to expand territorial holdings or broaden power Dictionary of English Language
• Land deals that happen without the free, prior, and
informed consent of communities that often result in
farmers being forced from their homes and families
left hungry. Tirana Declaration 2011.
• The act of taking an area of land by force, for military
or economic reasons. Cambridge Business English Dictionary.
……cont
• By the definitions above it means the act of
taking land is:‐
• not based on transparent contracts that specify clear
and binding commitments about activities,
employment and benefits sharing, and;
• not based on free, prior and informed consent of the
affected land‐users;
• in disregard of social, economic and environmental
impacts, and related factors;
• not based on effective planning, independent
oversight and meaningful participation of the parties
involved
www.worldwidewatch.org
Lorenza Cotula- Land Grabs in Africa
Global Justice?
• Global Justice is a need that was intended since creation
• Justice is a base for sharing equitably for the sake of peace and sustainability
• Can there be peace when the Multinationals are taking land and displacing people by use of money power?
• Is there peace when the poor are being mistreated?
• Who benefits from the Land grab? The rich over the poor
Guatemala expansion for Sugar
cane farms.
The victims of "land grabbing" are
local villagers. Those who benefit are
the multinational companies.
Land in the Laws ‐ Tz
• According to the Land Act of 1999, all land shall continue to be public land and remain vested in the President as trustee for and on behalf of all the citizens of Tanzania. • There are three types of land in Tanzania namely General land, Village land and Reserved land:
• General land is a surveyed land usually located in urban and peri‐urban centres.
• Village land is usually land in villages and within villages in rural Tanzania. Some village land has been surveyed but the majority of the land is un‐surveyed. Village land cannot be used for investment until it is transferred into general land.
• Reserved land includes that reserved for forestry, National parks, public recreation grounds etc.
Priority of Land Distribution
• By 1995 land policy the priority is guaranteed to citizens as follows
– All citizens shall have equal and equitable access to land
– In case of local companies… priority shall be given to those who majority share holders are citizens
– Non Citizens and foreign companies shall not be granted land unless it is for investment purposes under Tanzania Investment Act.
– Non Citizens and foreign companies will not be allowed to acquire land through transfer of purchase of customary land
– Transfer of customary land rights by Citizens to Non‐
Citizens is prohibited… only through TIC
Key attractions
Key attraction for Foregn Direct Investments (FDI) in Tanzania’s pastoral/farmland
i. Food (Sagcot)
ii. Biofuels
iii. Mining
iv. Conservation
v. Tourism Investment in land and speculation on plenty un‐utilized land has
been growing at a high rate.
As of September 2012 the total area requested for biofuel
investment only was about 388,421,734 ha, surrounded by
flaws in the investment process like, data availability,
inconsistency as well as lack of coordination.
The Myth on Plenty of Land
• Total area of Tanzania 945,087sq Km. 620,227 sq.km suitable for agriculture where 290,000sq km is for irrigation‐ only 1% used.
• There is unclear land tenure laws and distribution procedures in Tanzania
• Tanzania claim to have plenty of arable land and thus search for investors. Still questionable on the real available amount of land for investment. Kimaro Didas
Nywelo and Lokome in Lushoto District Kimaro Didas
Situation Related to Land investments in Tanzania
• Tanzania is rich in many different areas for economic and investment development.
• All if not most of the investment attractive land is in the hands of common or poor citizens
• The country has more than 75% of her citizens depending on agriculture and pastoral business.
• The poor and common people suffer loss of their property through what can be rightly defined as land grabbing.
Status in most rural communities
• Knowledge, capacity and security over land tenure in villages is at minimal level of understanding, thus poor capacity in administration of land distribution
• Land distribution in villages leave the community as the best looser, be it through proper procedures or dubious plans.
• The amount of available land is not clear, there are different numbers depending on the source and the goal intended behind the information. • Though TIC has Land Data Bank, the information is not as open and thus questionable.
Demand for Biofuels example of six districts
District Proposed land use
for agriculture,
settlements and
grazing (ha)
Household
agricultural land
needs (ha)
Amount requested
by investors for
biofuel cultivation
(ha)
Bagamoyo
91,587
185,000
Rufiji 186,065
80,000
400,860
Kilwa 218,211
68,423 131,000
Kisarawe 143,404
38,129
18,000
Kigoma 466,926
195,708
10,000
Biharamulo 372,259
Total 1,832,973
163,755
637,602 20,000
764,860
446,108 Land grab: The guardian.com
Reality of land Grab in TZ
• Geita, North Mara, Bagamoyo and Kisarawe
• The Iowa‐based investor Bruce Rastetter with Agrisol Energy have their sights on 800,000 acres (325,000 hectares) of land in Tanzania that is already home to 162,000 people! Jenny Beth Dyess
• Lipokela and Litukila villages where 5,000 acres and 50,000 acres respectively were taken by investors.
• Abandoned Farms left out of big farms 70s ‐80s are now reclaimed by the previous owners due to rise in Food, Fuel and Finances related to Land. The land is thus under conflict and though the Government allowed the users and villages to use abandoned land, now it has become a source of conflicts (Security Tenure‐Customary laws)
• SAGCOT Project in Southern part of Tanzania (300,000 sq Km)
Farmers might face challenge of eviction to leave place for big investors;
at times without proper compensation
SAGCOT‐conflict in making or green revolution?
• Internally, the government with support from the private sector has introduced Kilimo kwanza initiative to transform agriculture. • The SAGCOT is an ambitious project that covers a total of 300,000 square kilometres stretching alongside the TAZARA railway line that extend inland from Dar es Salaam see the map below. • The small holders are promised and encouraged to be the outsourced farmers‐ selling and working with SAGCOT
SAGCOT AREA
SAGCOT area and land grabs
• There is focus on large investors as transformers of
small scale farmers‐without much on what model is to
be used to integrate small scale holders
• Intention on the use of GMOs which will impact
smallholder farmers – e.g seed sovereignty
• The corridor has always been a bread basket of
Tanzania as it comprises of the G5 regions and small
scale farmers have been active, thus not much general
land, most land is under village land.
Legal framework guiding land rights in Tanzania
Unlike many other places and countries where land grabbing is taking
place, in Tanzania land and related resources are administered through
different legislation these are;
‐ Nation Land Policy enacted in 1995 and revised in 1997
‐Land Act no. 4 & Village Land Act 5 enacted in 1999 revised in 2004
‐Land dispute courts Act 2 enacted in 2002
‐ Land use Act 6/2007, Urban planning act 8/2007, Town planners reg.
Act 7/2007, mortgage financing 2008, Unit titles 2008
‐ Wildlife act (1974) repealed and re enacted in 2009
‐Range lands Act 2009
‐Mining policy and Act 1998 repealed & enacted 2009
All these pieces of legislations defines manner in which land and related
resources can be accessed without hindering rights of other users,
obligation and responsibilities in safeguarding land rights as well as
adjudication when conflicts happens.
•
The Gap facilitating Land Grab
• Despite the presence of legislations and efforts by
the government to ensure that natural resources are
well governed there are still loopholes that
contributes to land grabs, these includes;
‐Knowledge gap; many villagers are not aware of the
legal framework and various procedures involved in
land transfer thus mismatched by investors (Village
land committees have no training at all)
‐Implementation gap: The pace of implementing the
Land Acts is slow, very few villages have been
surveyed, demarcated and issued with certificates of
village land and individual certificate of registrations;
by 2013 only 69/11000 villages had village plan and
registration.
…….cont
• Institutional problems: much as the Ministry of Lands
remains a major player when it comes to land
administrations, all land categories should be placed
under relevant authorities for administration. The
existing system facilitates conflicts between different
land users at ministerial authorities.
• Population increase: Population increase is a reality
worldwide. It has been noted that between 2002 and
2012 the growth increased by 30%. President Jakaya
Kikwete has warned that if population growth continues
at the same rate, the country will struggle to provide
basic services by 2016 due to "resource scarcity".
Concluding Remarks
• Revise the Customary land Tenure: The Current system is full of insecurity to local owners. • Empower local authorities/district councils so as to provide decentralization of land administration.
• Intentional Governmental support to local farmers production for self‐sufficiency
• There is need for increased initiatives to address land tenure security, strengthened governance on land distribution, natural resources and investments
• There is need to consider quality investments that will address growth while also contributing to peace of the country (IIED, REPOA, TNRF, Report on Land Justice for Sustainable Peace)
THANKS FOR YOUR ATTENTION
Biblische Perspektiven zum Thema ‚Land‘ Persönliche Einleitung mit Hinweis auf Kontext und Fragestellung Bis vor ca. 1 Jahr war ‚Land‘ für mich als leitende Theologin kein besonderes Thema. Privat besitze ich ein kleines Haus mit Garten, in dem nur Blumen und Früchte wachsen; geerbt habe ich einen Acker, der an einen Bauern verpachtet ist. Mit Land habe ich beruflich in Form von Grundstücken zu tun, auf denen Pfarrhäuser, Kirchen und Gemeindehäuser stehen. Natürlich bemerkte ich, dass immer mehr Mais angebaut wird, dass zunehmend Biogasanlagen entstehen, dass an der Tankstelle E10 als Sprit zu tanken ist. Das ist normaler Treibstoff, dem 10 % Agrotreibstoff beigemischt ist. Und entlang der Eisen‐ und Autobahnen sind immer mehr große Flächen mit Solaranlagen statt Nahrungsmittelpflanzen bedeckt. Doch unsensibel war ich, was das mit der Bibel, meinem Glauben und der Frage nach Gottes Gerechtigkeit zu tun hat. Die Anfrage für dieses gemeinsame Partnerschaftssymposium und die Vorbereitung auf das Thema hat meinen Horizont erweitert und mein Nichtwissen verwandelt. Ich wurde sensibilisiert und ein Stück geerdet. Ich fand immer mehr Zeitungsartikel und Hinweise zu diesem Thema und seiner weltweiten Brisanz. In der theologischen Literatur wird dieses Thema nur selten, am Rand bearbeitet. In wichtigen Lexika gibt es keine Artikel. Meinen Auftrag als Theologin sehe ich, in diesem Vortrag biblische Aspekte zu unserem Thema aufzuzeigen. Ich will mit Ihnen in 4 Schritten konzentriert das wachrufen, was Sie aus Ihrer Bibelkenntnis erinnern: 1. ‚Land‘ in der Schöpfungsgeschichte 2. Die Landverheißung in der Vätergeschichte 3. Die Kritik der Propheten 4. ‚Die neue Erde‘ ; Land und Zukunftsperspektive So lade ich Sie ein, sich auf einen Weg mit biblischen Texten zu machen, die uns die Augen Biblical Perspecives on the Topic “Land” Personal Introduction with Reference to Context and Question In my function as a /Superintendent / District Pastor “land” was no major topic for me until about one year ago. For my private use I own a little house with a garden where only flowers and fruits are growing. And I have inherited a field which is leased to a farmer. Professionally I have to deal with land in the form of real estates with rectories, churches and parish halls. Of course I have noticed that more and more corn is cultivated in the fields, that an increasing number of biogas plants are in construction and that you can buy E10 fuel at the gas stations. E10 is regular fuel with 10 per cent agro fuel. And along railway lines and highways a growing number of large areas are covered with solar plants instead of food crops. Yet, I was not aware what this has to do with my faith and the question about God’s justice. The request for this joint partnership symposium and the preparation for the topic broadened my horizon and changed my ignorance. It has made me more sensible for the issues of faith in it, and I feel more connected down to earth. I discovered more and more newspaper articles and hints concerning this topic and its global urgency. Theological literature is just marginally dealing with this issue and you don’t find any articles about it in important dictionaries. As theologian I see my task in pointing out biblical aspects of our topic. I would like to mention in 4 compact points, what you and I know from the Bible: 1. “Land” in the story of creation 2. The promise of land in the story of the Patriarchs 3. The criticism of the prophets 4. “The new earth”, land and future Prospects I invite you to set out with biblical passages opening our eyes for God who provides land and öffnen für den Gott, der Land und Fülle schenkt und uns in die Verantwortung für einen gerechten Umgang damit rufen. Die Bibel enthält ja Texte aus verschiedenen Zeiten, die unterschiedliche Erfahrungen der Menschen mit der Gabe des ‚Landes ‚ widerspiegeln. Der Haupttextbefund ist im Alten Testament. Erde und Land ist das ‚haaräz‘ bzw. ‚adamah‘. Im Neuen Testament hat das Land – ‚ge‘ – nur eine untergeordnete Bedeutung. Im Alten Testament wird ein langer Weg dargestellt. Er beginnt bei der Schöpfung, dem Auszug von Abraham und Sarah, der Wüstenwanderung und der Landnahme. Und dann wird von der Entstehung eines Volkes aus verschiedenen Stämmen, dem Königtum und der Kritik der Propheten berichtet. Bis dann die Katastrophe durch die Zerschlagung der Autonomie und dem Exil in Babylon, aber auch die Zeit nach dem Exil erzählt wird. Durchgehalten wird von der Schöpfung bis zum Ende in der Offenbarung im Neuen Testament die Vision von einer Welt, wie Gott sie sich ‚sehr gut‘ für die Menschen gedacht hat und der wir entgegengehen. Die unterschiedlichen Texte spiegeln, wie auch unser Leben, immer die Spannung von Vision und Erfahrungen, die dagegen stehen, Hoffnung und Leid und Schuld, ermutigen uns, in aller Zerrissenheit und Schuld, uns durch Gottes Vision immer wieder neu zu Neuanfängen ermutigen und leiten zu lassen. 1. ‚Land‘ in der Schöpfungsgeschichte Beginnen wir den Weg am Anfang mit einem Blick auf die Schöpfungsgeschichte. Hier lesen wir, dass Gott die Erde erschafft, dass er Wasser von dem Trockenen trennt und dann den Menschen aus Erde formt. Und dann haucht er ihm seinen Odem ein. Die Erde ist nicht irgendein Boden, sondern ‚adamah‘, die für Acker‐ und Pflanzenbau fruchtbare gute Erde. Adam hat, das zeigt schon sein Name, eine direkte Beziehung zur Erde, zur Adamah. Die Menschen sind Teil der belebten Humusschicht, belebt durch den Atem Gottes. Die Menschen – humanos – sind aus Humus gemacht, und dann mit göttlichem Atem belebt. Gott beruft den Menschen, für die Erde zu sorgen, aus der er selbst geschaffen ist. Wie ein Gärtner wird der Mensch beauftragt, die Erde als anvertraute abundance to us, and calling us to deal with it in a responsible and just way. In the Bible we find passages from various times, reflecting different experiences of people with the gift of “land”. We find the most relevant passage in the Old Testament. Earth and land is “haaräz” or “adamah”. In the New Testament land ‐ “ge” ‐ is just of minor importance. In the Old Testament the path, it takes, unfolds as a long one. It starts at the creation, followed by the exodus of Abraham and Sarah, the march through the desert and the taking over of land. And then there are the stories of the emergence of a people from different tribes, of the kingdom and of the criticism of the prophets. And finally, we hear from the disastrous destruction of autonomy, the Babylonian exile as well as about the time after the exile. From Creation until the end in the Book of Revelation the vision of a world is maintained that God thought to be “very good” for the people, and towards which we are walking. As in our life, the different passages always reflect the tension between vision and experiences speaking against it. Hope and suffering and guilt encourage us, despite all inner strife and guilt to let God’ vision guide and encourage us again and again towards to new beginnings. 1st “Land” in the History of Creation Let us start the path by looking at the story of creation. There we can read that God creates the earth, He separates water from dry land, and then He forms man from the earth, He breathes the breath of life into his nostriles. The earth is not like any kind of ground but it is “adamah”: the good and fruitful ground suitable for crop cultivation. As his name shows, Adam has a direct relationship to earth, to adamah. The Humans are part of the enlivened layer of humus, vitalized by the breath of God. Humans ‐ humanos – are made of humus and then enlivened by divine breath. God calls all human beings to take care of the earth they are made from. Like a gardener they are called to cultivate the earth as an entrusted Leihgabe zu bebauen. Wenn Gott dem Menschen im Tod den Lebensatem nimmt, dann kehrt der aus Erde geschaffene Körper dorthin wieder zurück. (Psalm 146) Daran erinnern wir bei Beerdigungen, wenn wir sagen: „Erde zu Erde, Asche zu Asche, Staub zum Staub. Aus Erde bist du geschaffen, zur Erde kehrst du zurück.“ Damit der Mensch menschlich bleibt, human, darf die Beziehung zur Erde, zum Humus, nicht gestört werden; der Mensch muss geerdet bleiben. Wenn die Menschen sich von der Erde abwenden und sie zerstören, verletzen sie das, was ihnen Zukunft ermöglicht. Auch die Tiere sind aus demselben Humus geschaffen und leben von Gottes Atem. So heißt es in dem wunderbaren Schöpfungspsalm 104 in den Versen 29/30: „Verbirgst du (Gott) dein Angesicht, so erschrecken sie (die Tiere), nimmst du weg ihren Odem, so vergehen sie und werden wieder Staub. Du sendest aus deinen Odem, so werden sie geschaffen und du machst neu die Gestalt der Erde.“ 2. Die Landverheißung In Genesis 12 ff erhält Abraham zusammen mit seiner Frau Sarah den Auftrag: „Geh aus deinem Vaterland und von deiner Verwandtschaft und aus deines Vaters Hause in ein Land, das ich dir zeigen werde.“ Hier verspricht Gott Abraham und Sarah ein neues Land und damit auch Zukunft für den verheißenen Nachkommen. Die Segensverheißung für Nachkommenschaft und die Landverheißung gehören ganz eng zusammen. Das verheißene Land ist eine freie Gabe, von Gott als Erbteil gegeben. In Numeri 14 wird erzählt, wie der Versuch der Israeliten, das Land aus eigener Kraft zu besetzen, als Fehlschlag und Niederlage endet. Land kann nicht besetzt oder verdient, sondern nur als Gabe empfangen werden. Es ist sorgfältig zu bewahren und zum Nutzen aller einzusetzen, damit Zukunft ermöglicht wird. Das Land ist ein Geschenk, das letztlich Eigentum Gottes bleibt. So heißt es in Levitikus 25, 23: „Darum sollt ihr das Land nicht verkaufen für immer, denn das Land ist mein und ihr seid Fremdlinge und Beisassen bei mir.“ Das Dankopfer (Dtn 16,10) am Ende der Trauben‐ und Olivenernte mit der Tradition, die Erstlinge am Sabbat feierlich vor Gott loan. When a human is dying, God takes off the breath of life, and the body made from earth returns to it (Psalm 146). This is what we recall at a funeral reciting: “Earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust. You are made from earth and to earth you shall return.” To ensure that humans remain humane, the relationship with earth, with humus, may not be disturbed; they must stay down to earth. When people turn away from earth and destroy it, they injure what provides future to them. The animals are as well created from the same humus and live by God’s breath ‐ As it is expressed in the verses 29/30 in the wonderful Psalm 104 on Creation: “When you (God) hide your face, they (animals) panic. When you take away their breath, they perish and return to their dust. When you send forth your spirit, they are created and you renew the face of the ground.” 2nd The Promise of Land In Genesis from chapter 12 on Abraham and his wife receive the call: “Go forth from your land, your relatives, and from your father’s house to a land that I will show you.” Here God promises a new land to Abraham and Sarah. This also provides a future for their promised descendant. The promise of blessings for descendants and the promise of land are connected with each other closely. The promised land is a free gift, given by God as an inheritance. Numbers 14 tells us how the attempt of the Israelites to occupy the land by their own effort turns out to be a miss and ends in a loss. Land cannot be occupied or earned. It can only be received as a gift. It has to be preserved carefully and to be used for the benefit of everyone to open up a future. The land is a gift, yet ultimately God remains its owner. Leviticus 25:23 says: “The land shall not be sold irrevocably; for the land is mine, and you are but resident aliens and under my authority. Thanksgiving (Deuteronomy 16:10) at the conclusion of the harvest of grapes and olives traditionally the first fruits are exclusively niederzulegen und darüber fröhlich zu sein, soll den Menschen an das Geschenk des Landes erinnern. Es zeigt wie bei uns heute das Erntedankfest, dass das Land und seine Gaben irdisches Zeichen für die liebevolle Beziehung ist, die Gott mit den Menschen eingeht. Das Land ist Gottes Gabe aus Liebe. „Wie die landwirtschaftlichen Produkte Brot und Wein, die im Land ihren Ursprung haben, im Abendmahl zu Zeichen von Gottes Gnade werden, so wird auch das Land selbst zu einem konkreten und fühlbaren Zeichen der Liebe Gottes zu seinem Volk.“ (Olson, s. 16) Im Buch Numeri wird das biblische Landrecht entfaltet, nach dem jede Familie und jeder Stamm einen Teil des gelobten Landes erhalten soll. Die Zuteilung wird durch Auslosen entschieden. Das macht sichtbar, dass Gott derjenige ist, der das Land verteilt. Damit das Land fruchtbar bleibt, gibt es die Tradition des Sabbatjahres, bei dem alle sieben Jahre das Land unbebaut ruhen soll in einer Art Brache (Ex 23.10f). Außerdem soll das Jubel‐ und Erlassjahr (Deut. 15, Lev.25, 13‐16) beachtet werden, damit das Land in der Familie bleibt und ihr Leben ermöglicht. Alle 50 Jahre sollen alle Schulden erlassen werden und alles Land soll an den ursprünglichen Besitzer zurückgegeben werden. Dadurch soll garantiert werden, dass keine Familie oder Gruppe in dieser landwirtschaftlich geprägten Gesellschaft zu viel Kontrolle über das Land erlangen kann. Aber tatsächlich war es schwer, das Erlassjahr durchzusetzen. Wir wissen nicht, ob es jemals realisiert wurde. Aber das ändert nichts an der Vision an Gottes Willen für ein gerechteres Leben. In seiner Antrittsrede (Lukas 4) nimmt Jesus diese Vorstellung auf, indem er sein Wirken als Anbruch des Gnadenjahrs des Herrn darstellt. Das Wohlergehen des Volkes in dem von Gott gegebenen Land hängt mit dem Gehorsam gegenüber den Geboten zusammen; der Verlust des Landes ist Folge des Ungehorsams. Die Rückführung nach dem Exil in der Diaspora und das sichere Wohnen des Volkes im Land Israel ist Zeichen der von Gott gewährten Zukunft. offered to God joyfully. It is to remind the people that the land is a gift. It shows, like Thanksgiving nowadays, that the land and its gifts are an earthly symbol for the loving relationship between God and humankind. The land is God’s gift, given out of love. “As the agricultural products bread and wine originating in the land, become a symbol of God’s grace in the Lord’s Supper, the land itself becomes a concrete and noticeable symbol of God’s love for His people.” (Olson, p. 16) The book Numbers unfolds the biblical law regarding land: accordingly each family and every tribe is supposed to receive a part of the promised land. The allocation is drawn by lot which clearly shows that God is the one who distributes the land. In order to keep the land fertile, there is the tradition of the sabbatical year: the seventh year you shall let the land rest and lie fallow (Ex. 23:10 and following verses). In addition the Jubilee (Deut. 15, Lev. 25, 13‐16) should be respected, whereby the land remains in the possession of the family and ensures their livelihood. Every 50 years all debts should be canceled and all land should be given back to its original owner, in order to avoid that a family or group of this agriculturally shaped society gains too much control over the land. But in reality it was difficult to apply the Jubilee concretely. We do not know if it ever has been applied successfully. But that does not alter any of God’s vision or God’s commitment (will) for more justice in life. In his first public speech (Luke 4) Jesus takes up this idea, by proclaiming his ministry to be the beginning of the year of the Lord’s grace. The welfare of the people in the land given by God depends on the obedience to the commandments; The loss of land is a result of disobedience. The repatriation from the exile in the diaspora and the secure living of the people in the land of Israel is a sign of a future provided by God. 3. Die Kritik der Propheten In meiner Vorbereitung habe ich hierauf einen Schwerpunkt gelegt. Denn besonders in diesen Texten wird spürbar, wie der Umgang mit dem Land mit der Frage der Gerechtigkeit zusammenhängt und dass Landraub, Landgrabbing nicht nur eine Erscheinung des 21. Jahrhunderts ist, sondern dass Konflikte um Zugang, Besitz und Kontrolle des Landes schon im Alten Testament Thema sind. Als sprechendes Textbeispiel dafür lese ich Jesaja 5, 8: „Weh denen, die ein Haus zum anderen bringen und einen Acker zum anderen rücken, bis kein Raum mehr da ist und sie allein das Land besitzen.“ Diese Kritik des Propheten trifft sich mit der anderer Propheten. Besonders der Alttestamentler Rainer Kessler hat herausgearbeitet, wie die Entwicklung des Landbesitzes zur Zeit der Propheten bis hinein in die nachexilische Zeit in Israel aussah. Er stellt heraus, dass in der Mitte des 8.Jahrhunderts nach und nach durch die Veränderung des Landbesitzes eine sich verschärfende Krise für das Miteinander der Bevölkerung entsteht. Man vermutet, dass diese Krise auch durch ein enormes Bevölkerungswachstum ausgelöst wurde. Nicht nur durch die Staatserrichtung und das Königtum, das zunächst als Ursache angeprangert wurde. In dieser Zeit, also in der Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts, wird die relative Gleichheit von Freien mit Grundbesitz, die es zuvor gab, verändert. Viele Menschen geraten in Abhängigkeit von anderen; mit dem Grundbesitz büßen sie ihre Freiheit ein. Denn der wirtschaftlich Mächtige gewinnt Macht über den wirtschaftlich Schwächeren, wenn er ihm in der Not etwas leiht und ihn mit harten Rückforderungen in Bedrängnis bringt. Wenn der Schuldner nach und nach Haus und Felder, die Grundlage seiner Existenz als Pfand einsetzt, kommt es zur Grundbesitzkonzentration in den Händen Weniger: „Sie rücken Acker an Acker, bis sie allein das Land besitzen“. Der Verlust des Besitzes führt zum Verlust der Freiheit, zum Leben als besitzloser Fremdling oder Sklave. Nach und nach entsteht eine Aufspaltung des Volkes („Bruch durch mein Volk“, Jer.6.14). 3. The Criticism of the Prophets In my preparation I focused on this criticism. For especially in these texts you can sense, to what extend the question of justice is associated with the handling of land, and that landgrabbing is a special phenomenon not of the 21st century alone. Conflicts on access, ownership and control of land have already been a topic in the Old Testament. A good example for this are the words of the prophet Isaiah 5:8: “Ah! Those who join house to house, who connect field with field, until no space remains, and you alone dwell in the midst of the land!” This criticism of the prophet resembles that of other prophets. Rainer Kessler, an Old Testament scholar, has studied the development of the ownership of land in Israel from the time of the prophets until the time after the exile. He points out that in the middle of the 8th century changes in the ownership of land gradually lead to a growing crisis regarding the coexistence of the different population groups. Supposedly this crisis was not only caused by the establishment of state and kingdom, like it was initially denounced but also by an enormous growth of the population. During this time, which is to say, in the middle of the 8th century, the previously existing relative equality of free people possessing land changes. Many people become dependent on others; with the loss of their land ownership they lose their freedom. For those who have economic power gain power over those who are economically weaker by lending them something in times of need and then causing trouble for them by strictly reclaiming it. When little by little the debtor pledges house and fields, it leads to property concentrations in the hands of a few. “They connect field with field, until they alone own the land”. The loss of property leads to loss of freedom, to a life of a dispossessed stranger or slave. Little by little a splitting of the people emerges. (“injury to my people” Jer. 6:14). Auf der einen Seite stehen die ‚Elenden‘. On the one side there are the “miserable ones”. in der Übersetzung: the miserable ones / los miserables; Fußnote: Bedeutung von Elend im Deutschen: E‐lend = Aus‐land; ein Elender ist ein Landloser, Heimatloser. Landvertreibungen im Zusammenhang mit Landgrabbing sind bis heute gang und gäbe). Footnote: meaning of misery in German: the German word for misery (Elend) refers to the word for foreign country (Ausland) ; a miserable person is thus someone who owns no land who has no home. Evictions in connection with landgrabbing are common practice up until now. Also die, die keinen Besitz haben, das Volk, die Geringen, sind auf der einen Seite, und auf der anderen Seite steht die Oberschicht: die Beamten, die wirtschaftlich Starken, die Reichen, das Haus Davids. Die Krise fördert also die Besitzkonzentration auf der einen und die Überschuldung auf der anderen Seite. Das alles wird bewirkt durch eine ökonomische Eigendynamik, die von außerökonomischen Aspekten wie brachialer Gewalt, Betrug oder Rechtsbruch nur begleitet wird. Es herrscht bei denen, die reicher werden, kein Unrechtsbewusstsein. Die Propheten kritisieren diese Entwicklung, die man als Transformation der Gesellschaft bezeichnet. Sie kündigen als Folge eine Katastrophe an, die letztlich die gesamte Gesellschaft insgesamt in ihrem Bestand gefährdet, und nicht nur die trifft, die sie verursacht haben. Das künftige Unheil wird in dem Jesajatext so beschrieben: „Fürwahr, die vielen Häuser sollen veröden und die großen und feinen leer da stehen. Denn zehn Morgen Weinberg sollen nur einen Eimer geben und zehn Scheffel Saat nur einen Scheffel. …Darum wird mein Volk weggeführt werden unversehens und seine Vornehmen müssen Hunger leiden und die lärmende Menge Durst.“ Jesaja spricht in seiner Kritik die Enteignung selbständiger Bauernfamilien und die Konzentration von Großgrundbesitz in den Händen Weniger an. Neben den Elenden und Geringen nennt er besonders die Witwen und Waisen. Er kritisiert den Luxus der Reichen und erwartet, dass die Reichen ihren Reichtum verlieren werden. Auch Amos tritt als sozialkritischer Prophet auf. Er denunziert den Luxus der Reichen und setzt sich für die Kleinbauern ein, die in Gefahr stehen, Besitz und Freiheit zu verlieren. Genauso scharf wie Jesaja und Amos kritisiert auch der Prophet Micha seine Zeitgenossen. Er betont den Zusammenhang von Eigentum und Freiheit und droht denen, die Unrecht tun, im Namen Gottes Unheil an. That means, those who have no possessions, the common people, the poor are on one side, and on the other side there is the upper class: Officials, those who are economically strong, the rich, the house of David. Therefore the crisis fosters a concentration of ownership on the one hand, and over‐
indebtedness on the other hand. All this is caused by an economic momentum of its own whereby non‐economic determinants like brute force, fraud or breach of law are just side‐effects. Those who gain wealth have no sense of wrongdoing. This development, called transformation of society is criticized by the prophets. They predict that the consequence will be a catastrophe, which will ultimately endanger the existence of the whole society, and not only the existence of those who caused it. Isaiah describes the coming disaster as follows: ”Many houses shall be in ruins, houses large and fine, with nobody living there. Ten acres of vineyard shall yield but one bath and a homer of seed shall yield but an ephah. … Therefore my people go into exile….its nobles starving, its masses parched with thirst.” In his criticism Isaiah addresses the expropriation of independent farmer’s families, and the concentration of large‐scale land holdings in the hands of a few. In addition to the wretched and least ones he mentions especially the widows and orphans. He criticizes the luxury of the rich and expects that they will lose their wealth. Amos, too, appears as a sociocritical prophet. He denounces the luxury of the rich and stands up for the small scale farmers who are in danger of losing possession and freedom. The prophet Micah criticizes his contemporaries just as sharply as Isaiah and Amos do. He emphasizes the correlation of possession and freedom and in the name of God he threatens those who do wrong with a disaster. Ezechiel gebraucht das Bild der Herde, wo fette gegen magere Tiere kämpfen (Ez 34, 2‐22) Während zunächst nur eine gesellschaftlich kleine, schwache Gruppe betroffen ist, Witwen und Waisen, sind später der freie Mann selbst und seine Familien gefährdet. Angeklagt wird dann durch die Propheten die Rolles des Staates in diesem Konflikt. Denn der Staat fördert die Rechtsbeugung durch Zinsforderung, wirtschaftliches Diktat und Bestechlichkeit. Der Staat, vor allem die Monarchie, fördert das Luxusstreben der Reichen, indem sie es vorleben. Ebenso werden die staatlichen Bautätigkeiten angeprangert, für die Frondienste geleistet werden müssen; kritisiert wird ein Missbrauch der Macht und auch die Kriegspolitik, die ausgeübt wird . Als Oberschicht werden die Mitglieder des Königshofes und die Beamten angesprochen. Ein Beispiel dafür ist die Geschichte von Nabots Weinberg aus 1. Könige 21: Nabot wird durch die Intrigen der Königin Isebel ermordet, als er sich weigert, dem König Ahab seinen Weinberg zu verkaufen. Grund der Weigerung ist, dass der Weinberg ‚nahalah‘, das Erbe seines Vaters, ist. Und dieses Erbe ist Lebensgrundlage, die von Generation zu Generation weitergegeben wird und deshalb nicht käuflich ist. Durch den Tod Nabots fällt der Weinberg an das Königshaus. Und der Prophet Elia klagt Ahab dann neben dem Mord auch des Landraubs an. Nach der babylonischen Eroberung und der Deportation, die von den Propheten als Folge des unsozialen Verhaltens angesehen wird, führen die Babylonier eine Landreform durch, durch die den Geringen Äcker und Weinberge gegeben werden. Bei der Rückkehr der Exilierten stellt sich erneut die Frage, wem das Land nun gehört. Die einen fordern, dass den früheren Besitzern das Land wiedergegeben wird. Andere, die die frühere Sozialkritik der Propheten aufnehmen, lehnen diese Wiederherstellung der alten ungerechten Verhältnisse vor der Landreform ab. So setzt sich auch Micha dafür ein, dass die früheren Ausbeuter vom Landbesitz ausgeschlossen bleiben. Ein Sündenbekenntnis, das die Verhältnisse gegenüber Gott und untereinander ins Reine bringt, ist für ihn Voraussetzung für ein gutes Miteinander. Ezekiel uses the allegory of a flock where fat and lean animals fight against each other. (Ez 34: 2‐
22) While initially just a small, socially less advantaged group is affected as there are widows and orphans, at a later stage free men and their families are also endangered. The prophets accuse the role of the state in this conflict as the state supports the perversion of justice by interest claims, economic dictate and corruption. The state, especially the monarchy fosters the striving for luxury by living these values. Likewise, the public construction activities are denounced, as unpaid voluntary work has to be carried out for them. Abuse of power is criticized as well as the exerted war policy. As members of the upper class, members of the royal court and officials are addressed. An example is the story of Naboth’s Vineyard in 1 Kings 21: Naboth is killed because of conspiracies of Queen Jezebel when he refuses to sell his vineyard to King Ahab. Reason for the denial is that the vineyard is “nahalah” the heritage of his father. And this heritage is basis of life passed from generation to generation and therefore not for sale. By Naboth’s death the vineyard passes on to the royal house. And the prophet Elijah charges Ahab with murder and in addition to this with landgrabbing. After the Babylonian conquest and the deportation, which is considered by the prophet as consequence of the antisocial behavior, the Babylonians carry out a land reform and the disadvantaged are given fields and vineyards. After the exile the question concerning land possession arises again. There are those who demand that the land is returned to the former owners. Others, taking up the former social criticism of the prophets, oppose the re‐establishment of the old, unjust conditions originating from the time before the land reform. Therefore also Micah campaigns for excluding former exploiters of land possession. From his point of view a confession of sin clearing up the relationship with God and each other is the basis for a good coexistence. Die Heilsverheißungen der Propheten malen als Zukunftsvision im Namen Gottes aus, dass man sich an den Erträgen seiner eigenen Arbeit erfreuen wird. Müßiges Eigentum soll beseitigt werden, auf eigener Arbeit beruhendes Eigentum wird von Gott gesegnet. So heißt es bei Jesaja 65, 21ff: „Sie werden Häuser bauen und bewohnen, sie werden Weinberge pflanzen und ihre Früchte essen. Sie sollen nicht bauen was ein anderer bewohne und nicht pflanzen, was ein anderer esse. Denn die Tage meines Volkes werden sein wie die Tage eines Baumes und ihrer Hände Werk werden meine Auserwählten genießen.“ Die Armen werden Gerechtigkeit und Fruchtbarkeit des Landes erfahren. Das Bild einer Gesellschaft wird gezeichnet, in der die Unterdrücker von einst entfernt sind, in der keine feindlichen Völker die Menschen bedrohen und in der die einfachen Leute in Sicherheit leben können. Die Sicherheit, die Micha 4,1‐4 verheißt „Ein jeder wird unter seinem Weinstock und Feigenbaum wohnen“ meint nicht nur die Sicherheit vor fremden Eroberern, sondern auch vor denen, die Bauern Haus und Feld rauben. Michas Schrift schließt mit dem Bekenntnis, dass alle Israeliten in Zukunft sicher im Land wohnen können und es genug für alle gibt. Die Zukunft gehört den Bauern und ihren Familien, die den Boden selbst bestellen. Auch in Jes. 62, 9 wird verheißen, dass nicht die Wiederherstellung des alten Luxuskonsums, sondern das Genießen der Früchte eigenen Arbeit am Ende steht. Viele Prophetentexte zeigen also dieselbe Tendenz auf, die sich aber historisch nicht durchsetzen konnte. Denn die ehemaligen Besitzer erhielten zum Großteil ihr Land wieder und die Zurückgekehrten drängten die Daheimgebliebenen erneut an den Rand. So traten die alten sozialen Spannungen erneut auf. Aber sowohl die Sozialkritik der Propheten als auch deren Heilsvisionen wurden weiterüberliefert, als sprechendes Zeugnis und Leitlinie bis heute. 4. ‚Die neue Erde‘ ‐Land und Zukunftsperspektive Dass die Gabe des Landes mit der Zukunftsverheißung Gottes verbunden ist, wird sichtbar an dem Auftrag Gottes an Jeremia, ein As promises of salvation the prophets imagine visions of a future in the name of God in which people will enjoy the fruits of their work. Possessions acquired without work are going to be disposed and property generated by one’s own work will be blessed by God. In the book
In the book Isaiah 65:21 et seq. we can read: ”They will build houses and dwell in them; they will plant vineyards and eat their fruit. No longer will they build houses and others live in them, or plant and others eat. For as the days of a tree, so will be the days of my people; my chosen ones will long enjoy the work of their hands.” The poor will experience justice and fertility of the land.” The picture of a society is painted, in which the former oppressors are gone, no hostile nations threaten human life and the simple people can live in security. The security Micah 4:1‐4 promises “They shall all sit under their own vines, under their own fig trees” does not only mean the safety from foreign conquerors but also from those who rob houses and fields from the farmers. The scripture of Micah finishes with the confession that in future all Israelites will be able to live in safety in their land and that there will be enough for all. The future belongs to the farmers and their families, who till the ground themselves. In Isaiah 62:9 as well, not the restoring of the old luxury consumption is promised but the enjoyment of the fruits of the own labor. Thus many texts of the prophets show the same tendency but historically they never became reality. In fact the former owners got back the major part of their land. and those who returned from exile marginalized again those who had stayed at home. Therefore the old social tensions appeared again. But nevertheless the social criticisms of the prophets as well as their promises of salvation were passed on as an outspoken testimony and guideline up to now. 4. “The new Earth” – Perspectives for Land and Future That the giving of land is connected with God’s promises for the future becomes apparent when Jerimiah gets the call from God to buy a field Feld zu kaufen (Jer 32) – inmitten von Vernichtung und Weg ins Exil, inmitten von Verlust und Verzweiflung! Dieses soll Zeichen der Hoffnung sein, dass Israel wieder heimkehrt nach der Katastrophe: „Man wird wieder Häuser, Äcker und Weinberge kaufen in diesem Land.“ Gott wünscht für den Menschen also nicht Landlosigkeit und Exil. So sind die Zukunftsverheißungen der biblischen Texte durchzogen mit Bildern von der Fruchtbarkeit des Landes, das die Menschen ernährt und ihnen Fülle schenkt. Es heißt in Lev 25, 19: „Denn das Land soll euch seine Früchte geben, dass ihr genug zu essen habt und sicher darin wohnt.“ Und in Micha 4 wird erzählt, dass die Menschen in Friedenszeiten ihre Schwerter zu Pflugscharen und ihre Spieße zu Sicheln machen und „dass jeder unter seinem Weinstock und Feigenbaum wohnen wird“. Gott segnet den Menschen und gibt ihm Land und Leben in Fülle. Der Mensch, der verwurzelt ist mit dem Land, das ihn ernährt: das ist die Zukunftsverheißung der Bibel. Doch das war und ist bis heute nicht reale Erfahrung. Noch, so schreibt Paulus in Römer 8, noch wartet die Schöpfung und harrt ängstlich, von der Knechtschaft der Vergänglichkeit frei und erlöst zu werden zur Freiheit der Kinder Gottes. Als erdgebundene Kreaturen in Christus sind und bleiben wir berufen „uns nach der Erfüllung der alttestamentlichen Vision des Landes zu sehnen und auf sie hinzuarbeiten, der Vision des Landes und der Erde, ohne die wir nicht leben können und in die wir alle eines Tages zurückkehren“ (S. 23 Olson) und auf Gottes neuen Himmel und die neue Erde zu warten, in denen Gerechtigkeit wohnt. Abschluss Was bedeutet dieser biblische Befund zum Land für uns und für unsere Fragestellung? Was bedeutet er für unsere Situation als Kirchen in den verschiedenen Ländern, für unseren Auftrag? Was bedeutet er für die gegenwärtige Entwicklung zunehmenden Landgrabbings? Vielleicht werden wir uns in gemeinsamen Erfahrungen und im Austausch im Prozess dieser Woche Antworten nähern und Wegweiser für den weiteren Weg finden. (Jer. 32) – in the midst of destruction and flight into exile, in the midst of loss and despair! This is to set an example of hope that Israel will return after the catastrophe: “Houses, fields and vineyards will again be bought in this land.” God does not want people to be landless or in exile. Therefore the promises for the future of the biblical passages are pervaded with pictures of the fertility of land that feeds the people and gives them fullness. Lev. 25:19 says: “Then the land will yield its fruit, and you will eat your fill and live there in safety.”
Micah 4 tells that in times of peace people will beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks and that “everyone will sit under their own vine and under their own fig tree”. God blesses people and gives them land and life in fullness. Someone who is rooted in the country that feeds him: that is the biblical promise for the future. But up to now this has not been a real experience. As Paul writes in Romans 8: creation waits in eager expectation to be liberated from its bondage to decay and to be brought into the freedom and glory of the children of God up to now. As earthbound creatures in Christ we are and remain called to be “longing for fulfillment of the Old Testament’s vision of the land and to be working towards its fulfillment, the vision of land and earth, without which we can’t live and to which we all turn back one day” (Olson p. 23); and we are called to wait for God’s new heaven and new earth where justice dwells. Conclusion What do these biblical statements on land mean for us and our discussion? What does it mean for us as churches of different countries and for our mission? What does it mean in regards to the at this time increasing landgrabbing? Sharing our experiences during this week, we perhaps will reach some answers and find helpful directions. Wichtig ist für mich an diesen biblischen Aussagen: 1.
Das Land, mit dem wir Menschen wie alle Kreaturen durch die Schöpfung unlösbar verbunden sind, ist biblisch immer nur anvertraute Gabe und niemals Spekulationsbesitz. 2.
Gott segnet uns Menschen und schenkt uns Zukunft, indem er uns Land gibt, um es zu bebauen und zu bewahren und um seine Früchte zu genießen. Das Vertrauen zu diesem Gott ist niemals nur etwas Vergeistigtes, Intellektuelles, sondern äußert sich erdverbunden, erdet uns. 3.
Immer schon sind mit dem Thema des Landes und seines Besitzes Fragen der Gerechtigkeit, der Spaltung einer Gesellschaft in Abhängige und Reiche verbunden. Ungerechtigkeit ist nicht mit Gottes Willen für das Zusammenleben der Menschen vereinbar. 4.
Uns Menschen ist die Verantwortung
übertragen, für einen gerechten schöpfungsgemäßen Umgang mit der Erde zu sorgen, der dem Missbrauch und der Spekulation entgegentritt. Ich schließe meine biblischen Impulse mit Worten, die diese Perspektive aufnehmen, aus der Rede des Häuptling Seattle, die er 1855 als Antwort an den nordamerikanischen Präsidenten Franklin Pierce schrieb, nachdem der seine Absicht bekannt gegeben hatte, das Land der Suwamish zu kaufen: „Der große Häuptling in Washington lässt uns sagen, dass er unser Land kaufen möchte… Wir können uns das nicht vorstellen. Wir sind ja nicht Eigentümer der frischen Luft und des glitzernden Wassers. Wie könnt ihr es dann kaufen? Wir entscheiden nur über die Dinge unserer Zeit. Jeder Teil dieser Erde ist meinem Volk heilig. Jedes glänzende Blatt, jeder sandige Küstenstreifen, jeder Nebel in den dunklen Wäldern, jede Lichtung und alle summenden Insekten sind in der Erinnerung und im Glauben meines Volkes heilig.“ In the context of these biblical statements the following points are important for me: 1. Through the creation all humans and all creatures are related with the land inseparably. The land, biblically spoken, is only an entrusted gift. Nobody may ever speculate on owning it. 2. God blesses us humans and provides a future to us, by giving us land to cultivate and to protect it and to enjoy the fruits thereof. The trust in God can never be reduced to something spiritual or intellectual alone. Instead, it is grounded to the earth and connects us to it. 3. Questions of justice, splitting of a society into dependent and rich people have always been connected with the issue of land and ownership. Injustice is not compatible with God’s determination/vision for the way people should live together. 4. We humans have been given the responsibility to care for the earth/creation with respect and justice and to oppose abuse and speculation. I want to conclude my biblical impulse with quotes from the speech of Chief Seattle, taking up these perspectives in 1855 in his response to the North American President Franklin Pierce who had made his intention public to buy the land of the Suwamish. “THE GREAT CHIEF in Washington sends word that he wishes to buy our land... The idea is strange to us. Yet we do not own the freshness of the air or the sparkle of the water. How can you buy them from us? We will decide in our time. Every part of this earth is sacred to my people. Every shining pine needle, every sandy shore, every mist in the dark woods, every clearing, every humming insect is holy in the memory and experience of my people.” Danach wird die Lebensweise des weißen Mannes kritisiert und dann endet er: „Unser Gott ist derselbe Gott. Vielleicht denkt ihr jetzt, dass ihr ihm so gehört, wie ihr wünscht, dass euch unser Land gehört. Aber so ist es nicht. Er ist der Gott aller Menschen. Und sein Leiden ist das gleiche für den roten Mann wie für den weißen. Diese Erde ist ihm kostbar. Sie zu verletzten heißt zu zeigen, dass man den Schöpfer verachtet Vielen Danke für Ihre Aufmerksamkeit! Regine Burg
Then the white man’s way of living is criticized and he concludes with the words: “Our God is the same God. You may think that you own him as you wish to own our land, but you cannot. He is the Body of man, and his compassion is equal for the redman and the white. This earth is precious to him, and to harm the earth is to heap contempt on its Creator! Thank you very much for your attention! Regine Burg
Perspectivas bíblicas sobre el tema "tierra" Introducción personal en relación con el contexto y la problemática Para mí, como teóloga en un cargo directivo, hasta hace un año el concepto "tierra" carecía de mayor interés. Como particular soy propietaria de una pequeña casa con jardín, en el cual crecen flores y frutas; además, heredé un campo que se encuentra alquilado a un agricultor. En mi trabajo tengo que ver con terrenos en los cuales se han construido casas parroquiales, iglesias y salones parroquiales. Por supuesto que he notado que el cultivo del maíz está aumentando, que es cada vez mayor el número de plantas de biogás y que en las gasolineras se puede repostar con E10, es decir gasolina normal con un 10% de biocombustible adicional. Y a lo largo de la vías férreas y las autopistas son cada vez más extensas las superficies con instalaciones solares, en detrimento de los cultivos alimentarios. Pero fui insensible respecto de las conexiones del tema anterior con la Biblia, con mi credo y con la cuestión de la justicia divina. La invitación a participar en este simposio de socios y la preparación del tema a tratar permitieron ampliar mis horizontes y transformar mi ignorancia. Fui sensibilizada y tomé conciencia. Me encontré cada vez con más artículos de prensa sobre este tema, y con información sobre su potencial explosivo a nivel mundial. La literatura teológica apenas aborda el tema, y en caso de hacerlo solo se refiere a él de forma marginal. En las grandes enciclopedias no encontramos ningún artículo sobre el particular. Creo que como teóloga es mi deber resaltar en este discurso los aspectos bíblicos del tema. Quisiera que juntos trajéramos a la memoria, en cuatro etapas y de manera concisa, lo que recordamos de las escrituras bíblicas: 1. "Tierra" en la historia de la creación 2. La promesa de la tierra en la historia de los patriarcas 3. La crítica de los profetas 4. "La Tierra Nueva"; tierra y perspectivas futuras En consecuencia, los invito a emprender un camino iluminado por los textos bíblicos, los cuales nos abren los ojos para ver al Dios que nos entrega tierra y abundancia, y nos exhortan a asumir la responsabilidad de aprovecharla adecuadamente. Biblical Perspectives on the Topic “Land” Personal Introduction with Reference to Context and Question In my capacity as a leading theologian “land” was no special topic for me until about one year ago. As private person I own a little house with garden where flowers and fruits are growing as well as an inherited field which is leased to a farmer. Professionally I have to deal with land in the form of real estates with rectories, churches and parish halls. Of course I notice that more and more corn is cultivated in the fields, that an increasing number of biogas plants are in construction and that you can buy E10 fuel at the gas stations. E10 is regular fuel with 10 per cent agro fuel. And along railway lines and motor ways a growing number of large areas are covered with solar plants instead of food crops. But I was not aware what this has to do with my faith and the question about God’s justice. The request for this joint partnership symposium and the preparation for the topic broadened my horizon and altered my ignorance. I was sensitized and feel more connected to the earth now. I discovered more and more newspaper articles and hints concerning this issue and its global urgency. Theological literature is just marginally dealing with this issue and you don’t find any articles about it in important dictionaries. I think my task as theologian is to point out biblical aspects dealing with our topic. Summarized under four points I would like to revoke together with you our Bible knowledge:
1. “Land” in the history of creation 2. The promised land in the history of the forefathers 3. Criticism of the prophets 4. “The new earth”, land and future Prospects I cordially invite you to set out with biblical texts which open our eyes for God who gives us land and abundance and hands us over the responsibility for a just attitude towards it. In the Bible we can find texts dating from En la Biblia encontramos textos de distintas épocas que reflejan diferentes experiencias del ser humano con la tierra que le ha sido entregada. Los principales pasajes se encuentran en el Antiguo Testamento. Tierra y territorio son haaräz o bien adamah. En el Nuevo Testamento, a la tierra —ge— le cabe un papel secundario. En el Antiguo Testamento se nos presenta un largo camino. Comienza con la Creación, la partida de Abraham y Sara, el viaje a través del desierto y la toma de posesión de la tierra. Luego se relata el surgimiento de un pueblo a partir de distintas tribus, el reino y la crítica de los profetas. A continuación se habla de la catástrofe como consecuencia de la destrucción de la autonomía y el exilio a Babilonia, pero también de la época posterior al exilio. A través de toda la narración, desde la Creación hasta culminar con la Revelación en el Nuevo Testamento, se mantiene la visión de una tierra que Dios concibe como "muy beneficiosa" para el ser humano y a la cual nos aproximamos. Los distintos textos siempre reflejan, al igual como sucede en nuestras vidas, la tensión entre visión y experiencias que la contradicen, esperanza, sufrimiento y culpa; nos animan a dejarnos inspirar, pese a nuestra sensación de disolución y culpa, una y otra vez por la visión divina y a buscar siempre nuevos comienzos y la guía de Dios. 1. "Tierra" en la historia de la Creación Emprendamos nuestro camino comenzando por echar un vistazo a la historia de la Creación. Leemos que Dios creó la Tierra, que dividió las aguas de la tierra seca y luego creó al ser humano a partir del polvo. Luego sopló en su nariz el aliento de vida. La tierra no es simplemente el suelo, sino adamah, la tierra fértil y buena, propicia para la labranza y el cultivo. Adán (Adam), como lo indica su nombre, tiene una relación directa con la tierra, con adamah. El hombre es parte de la capa de humus animada, animada por el aliento divino. El hombre —
humano— está hecho de humus y fue animado con el aliento divino. Dios le encarga al hombre cuidar de la tierra, a partir de la cual ha sido creado. Al igual que un jardinero, al hombre se le encomienda trabajar la tierra como un bien que le ha sido confiado en préstamo. Cuando en el momento de la muerte Dios le quita different times and reflecting different experiences of people with the gift of this “land”. The most relevant texts can be found in the Old Testament. Earth and land is “haaräz” or “adamah”. In the New Testament the term land “ge” is just of minor importance. In the Old Testament a long way is depicted. It starts with creation, exodus of Abraham and Sarah, walk through the wilderness and land taking. And then it is told about the emergence of a people from different tribes, the kingdom and the criticism of the prophets. And finally it is told about the disastrous destruction of autonomy, the Babylonian exile but as well about the time after the exile. From Creation until the end of the Book of Revelation the vision of a world is maintained which is “very good” following God’s plan for humankind and towards which we are walking. Like our life the different texts always reflect the tension of vision and experiences speaking against it. Hope and suffering and guilt encourage us, despite all inner strife and guilt to let us guide and encourage again and again by God’s visions to new beginnings. 1st “Land” in the History of Creation Let us start on the path and begin with the history of creation. Here we can read that God creates the earth, He separates water from dry land and then He forms man of dust from the ground and breathes into his nostrils the breath of life. The earth is not whichever ground but “adamah” the good and fruitful ground suitable for crop cultivation. As his name shows, Adam has a direct relationship to earth, to adamah. Humans are part of the enlivened humus layer, enlivened by the breath of God. Men‐ humanos – are made of humus and then enlivened by divine breath. God calls all human beings to take care of the earth they are made from. Like a gardener they are called to cultivate the earth as an entrusted loan. When in death God takes off the breath of life, al ser humano el aliento de vida, el cuerpo, hecho de tierra, vuelve a la tierra (Salmo 146). Esto lo recordamos en los funerales, cuando decimos: "Tierra a la tierra, ceniza a la ceniza, polvo al polvo. De la tierra has sido hecho, a la tierra volverás". Para que el hombre continúe siendo humano, la relación con la tierra, el humus, no debe ser perturbada; el hombre debe permanecer con sus dos pies en la tierra. Si el hombre le vuelve la espalda a la tierra y la destruye, atenta contra aquello que le permite progresar hacia el futuro. También los animales han sido creados a partir del mismo humus y viven del aliento divino. En el maravilloso Salmo 104, versículos 29/30, leemos: "Si escondes tu rostro (Dios), se espantan (los animales); si les quitas el aliento, expiran y vuelven al polvo. Si envías tu aliento, son creados, y renuevas la faz de la tierra". 2. La promesa de tierra En Génesis 12 y siguientes, Dios llama a Abraham y a su esposa Sara: "Vete de tu tierra y de tu parentela, y de la casa de tu padre, a la tierra que te mostraré". Aquí Dios le promete a Abraham y a Sara una tierra nueva y de esta manera también un futuro a la descendencia augurada. La promesa de bendición para su progenie y la promesa de tierra están íntimamente vinculadas. La tierra prometida es una dádiva voluntaria, concedida por Dios en calidad de patrimonio hereditario. En el número 14 se narra cómo el intento de los israelitas de ocupar la tierra por sus propios medios termina en un fracaso y una derrota. La tierra no puede ser ocupada y tampoco se pueden adueñar de ella; es siempre concedida. Debe ser preservada con cuidado y usada en beneficio de todos para que el futuro sea posible. La tierra constituye un don que, en última instancia, queda en posesión de Dios. Así, en Lev. 25, 23 se lee: "Además, la tierra no se venderá en forma permanente pues la tierra es mía; porque vosotros sois solo forasteros y peregrinos para conmigo". La ceremonia de gratitud (Dtn 16,10) al término de la cosecha de la uva y la aceituna y que consiste en consagrar en el shabat los primeros frutos recolectados en presencia del Señor y regocijarse de ello, tiene como finalidad recordar al ser humano el don de la tierra. Al igual que las the body made of earth returns to it (Psalm 146). That’s what we remember at funerals by saying: “Earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust. You are dust and to dust you will return.”
To ensure that man remains humane, the relationship with earth with humus may not be disturbed; man must remain connected to the ground. When people turn away from earth and destroy it, they injure what offers them a future. Also animals are created from the same humus and live by God’s breath. The wonderful Creation Psalm 104 says in the verses 29/30: “When you (God) hide your face, they (animals) panic. Take away their breath, they perish and return to the dust. Send forth your spirit, they are created and you renew the face of the earth.” 2nd The Promise of Land In Genesis 12 et seq. Abram and his wife receive the order “Go forth from your land, your relatives, and from your father’s house to a land that I will show you.” Here God promises to Abraham and Sarah a new land and with it a future for their promised descendant. The promises of blessings for descendants and the promise of land belong quite close together. The promised land is a free gift given by God as an inheritance. Numbers 14 tells us how the attempt of the Israelites to occupy the country by their own effort turns out to be a miss and ends in a loss. Land cannot be occupied or earned. It can only be received as a gift. It has to be preserved carefully and to be used for the benefit of everyone to enable a future. The land is a gift ultimately owned by God. Leviticus 25:23 says: “The land shall not be sold irrevocably; for the land is mine, and you are but resident aliens and under my authority. The thank offering (Dtn 16:10) held at the end of the grape and olive harvest when traditionally the firstfruits are solemnly put down before God is supposed to remind people of the gift of land. It shows, like in our days Thanksgiving, that the actuales celebraciones de la cosecha, también aquella ceremonia demuestra que la tierra y sus dádivas son muestras terrenales de la amorosa relación que Dios tiene con el ser humano. La tierra es el don que Dios nos entrega con amor: "Así como el pan y el vino, que como productos del agro provienen de la tierra, son en la comunión testimonio de la gracia de Dios, también la tierra misma pasa a ser un signo concreto y tangible del amor de Dios por su pueblo (Olson, pág. 16). En el Libro de los Números se describe la distribución de la tierra que se hace en la Biblia, según la cual cada familia y cada tribu recibe una parte de la Tierra Prometida. La adjudicación es producto del azar. De esta manera queda claro que es Dios quien distribuye la tierra. Para que la tierra mantenga su fertilidad existe la tradición del año sabático, que establece que cada siete años la tierra ha de poder recuperarse en forma de terreno baldío, y debe quedar en barbecho (Ex 23.10 y siguiente). Además, se llama a respetar el año de jubileo y de reposo (Deut. 15, Lev.25, 13‐16) a fin de que la tierra permanezca en la familia y le permita vivir. Cada 50 años se condonarán todas las deudas y toda tierra será devuelta a su propietario original. De esta manera se pretende asegurar, en esta sociedad eminentemente agraria, que ninguna familia o ningún grupo ejerza un control excesivo sobre la tierra. Pero en la práctica fue difícil imponer el año de condonación. Ignoramos incluso si esa medida llegó a aplicarse tan siquiera una vez. Pero ello no modifica la visión de la voluntad de Dios respecto de una vida más justa. Con ocasión de su alocución en la sinagoga (Lucas 4), Jesús se refiere a esta visión al describir su obra como el inicio del año de gracia del Señor. El bienestar del pueblo en la tierra que le fue entregada por Dios está vinculado a la obediencia de los Mandamientos; la pérdida de la tierra es resultado de la desobediencia. El retorno luego del exilio en la diáspora y la vida segura que el pueblo encontró en Israel son signos del futuro concedido por Dios. 3. La crítica de los profetas Al preparar este discurso puse especial atención en dichos textos, pues en ellos se puede apreciar con especial claridad cómo el trato que se da a la land and its gifts are an earthly symbol for the loving relationship between God and humankind. The land is God’s gift given out of love. “Like the rural products bread and wine which are originated in the land become a symbol of God’s grace in the Lord’s Supper, the land itself becomes a concrete and noticeable symbol of God’s love for His people.” (Olson, p. 16) The book Numbers unfolds the biblical law concerning land, according to which each family and every tribe is supposed to receive a part of the promised land. The allocation is drawn by lot which clearly shows that God is the one who distributes the land. In order to keep the land fertile, there is the tradition of the sabbatical year which means that on the seventh year the land lies fallow (Ex. 23:10 et seq.). Moreover the Jubilee (Deut. 15, Lev. 25, 13‐16) should be respected, whereby the land remains in the possession of the family and ensures their livelihood. Every 50 years all debts should be canceled and all land should be given back to its original owner in order to avoid that a family or group of this agriculturally shaped society gets too much control over the land. But in reality it was difficult to realize the Jubilee. We do not know if it was ever realized. But that does nothing to alter the vision of God’s will for a fair life. In his inauguration speech (Luke 4) Jesus takes up this idea, by proclaiming the year of the Lord’s favor with the beginning of his ministry. The welfare of the people in the land given by God depends on the obedience to the commandments; the loss of land is a result of disobedience. The repatriation from the exile in the diaspora and the secure living of the people in the land of Israel is a sign of a future guaranteed by God. 3. The Criticism of the Prophets In my preparation I focused on this criticism as especially in these texts it is perceptible, to what extend the question of justice is tierra está vinculado al tema de la equidad, y que la usurpación de la tierra, el acaparamiento de tierras no es un fenómeno del siglo XXI. Los conflictos en torno al acceso a la tierra, a la posesión y al control de la misma fueron temas tratados ya en el Antiguo Testamento. Como ejemplo especialmente elocuente cito a Isaías 5, 8: "ịAy de los que juntáis casa con casa, y añadís campo a campo hasta que no queda sitio alguno, para habitar vosotros solos en medio de la tierra!" Esta crítica del profeta coincide con la de otros profetas. En especial Rainer Kessler, experto en el Antiguo Testamento, ha demostrado cómo fue el desarrollo de la posesión de la tierra desde los tiempos de los profetas hasta la época posterior al exilio en Israel. Subraya que a mediados del siglo VIII, y como consecuencia de las transformaciones observadas en las estructuras de propiedad de la tierra, la convivencia de la población se ve afectada por una crisis cada vez más aguda. Se supone que esta crisis fue provocada también por un masivo crecimiento demográfico, y no solo por la instauración de los estados y monarquías, como en un comienzo se creyó. En esa época, es decir a mediados del siglo VIII, la relativa igualdad de los hombres libres propietarios de tierras que había existido hasta entonces sufre un cambio. Muchas personas pasan a depender de otras; junto con su tierra, pierden su libertad. La persona económicamente poderosa adquiere autoridad sobre la persona económicamente débil si en una situación de necesidad le presta bienes y luego la acosa con reclamaciones intransigentes, poniéndola en aprietos. Si el deudor poco a poco da en prenda su casa y su campo, el fundamento de su existencia, se produce una concentración de las tierras en manos de unas pocas personas: "Se van apoderando de un campo tras otro, hasta que son los únicos propietarios de la tierra". La pérdida de la propiedad conlleva la pérdida de la libertad y conduce así a una vida como forastero desposeído o esclavo. Poco a poco se produce una escisión en la población ("las heridas de mi pueblo", Jer. 6.14). En un lado se encuentran los "miserables" associated with the handling of land and that landgrabbing is not a special phenomenon of the 21st century. Conflicts over access, ownership and control of land have already been a topic of the Old Testament. As a good example for this I want to read from the book Isaiah 5:8: “Ah! Those who join house to house, who connect field with field, until no space remains, and you alone dwell in the midst of the land!” This criticism of the prophet meets with that of other prophets. Rainer Kessler a specialist for the Old Testament worked out the development of the ownership of land in Israel from the time of the prophets until the time after the exile. He points out that in the middle of the 8th century alterations concerning the ownership of land gradually lead to a growing crisis regarding the coexistence of the different population groups. It is supposed that this crisis was not only caused by the establishment of state and kingdom, like it was initially denounced but also by an enormous population growth. During this time, which is to say, in the middle of the 8th century, the previously existing relative equality of free people possessing land changes. Many people become dependent on others; with the loss of their land ownership they lose their freedom. As those who have economic power gain power over those who are economically weaker by lending them something in times of need and bringing them into trouble by strict reclaims. When little by little the debtor pledges house and fields, it leads to property concentrations in the hands of a few. “They connect field with field, until they alone own the land”. The loss of property leads to loss of freedom, to a life of a dispossessed stranger or slave. Little by little a splitting of the people emerges. (“injury to my people” Jer. 6:14). On the one side there are the “miserable ones”. Nota al pie de página: En alemán "Elender" (miserable) se compone de E‐lend = Ausland, es decir, extranjero; en consecuencia, un miserable es un "sin tierra", una Footnote: meaning of misery in German: the German word for misery (Elend) refers to the word for foreign country (Ausland; a miserable person is persona sin patria. La expulsión de la tierra en relación con el acaparamiento de tierras es un fenómeno habitual hasta hoy en día. thus someone who owns no land who has no home. Evictions in connection with landgrabbing are common practice up until now.) Esto significa que aquellos que no tienen propiedades, los humildes, se encuentran a un lado, y al otro se encuentra la clase alta: los funcionarios, las personas con poder económico, los ricos, la casa de David. Así pues, la crisis fomenta la concentración de propiedad en un lado y el sobreendeudamiento en el otro. Todo lo anterior es consecuencia de una dinámica económica propia, cuyos aspectos extra‐
económicos tales como violencia descontrolada, fraude y prevaricación son meros fenómenos secundarios. Quienes son cada vez más ricos carecen de un sentido de transgresión de las leyes. Los profetas critican este desarrollo, llamado transformación de la sociedad. Anuncian que derivará en una catástrofe, la cual pondrá en riesgo la existencia propiamente tal de toda la sociedad y no afectará solo a aquellos que la han desatado. Isaías describe la futura desgracia de la siguiente manera: "Ciertamente muchas casas serán desoladas, grandes y hermosas, pero sin moradores. Porque diez yugadas de viña producirán solo un bato de vino, y un homer de semilla producirá solo un efa de grano. …Por eso mi pueblo será exiliado; porque no me conoce; sus nobles perecerán de hambre y su multitud se morirá de sed" (Isaías 5:13, nueva versión internacional). En su crítica, Isaías habla sobre la expropiación que afecta a familias de agricultores independientes, y la concentración de latifundios en las manos de algunos pocos. Fuera de los miserables y de los humildes menciona especialmente a las viudas y los huérfanos. Critica el lujo de los ricos y vaticina que estos perderán su fortuna. También Amós es un profeta que formula una crítica social. Denuncia el lujo de los ricos e intercede en favor de los campesinos pequeños que corren el peligro de perder su propiedad y su libertad. Con igual dureza que Isaías y Amós, también el profeta Miqueas critica a sus contemporáneos. Destaca la relación entre propiedad y libertad y amenaza en nombre de Dios con futuras desgracias a aquellos que cometen injusticias. Ezequiel recurre a la imagen del rebaño, donde los animales gordos compiten con los animales flacos That means, those who have no possessions, the common people, the poor are on one side and on the other side there is the upper class: Officials, those who are economically strong, the rich, the house of David. Thus the crisis fosters a concentration of ownership on the one hand and over‐
indebtedness on the other hand. All this is caused by an economic momentum of its own whereby non‐economic determinants like brute force, fraud or breach of law are just side‐effects. Those who become more and more rich have no sense of wrongdoing. This development, called transformation of society is criticized by the prophet. They predict that the consequence will be a catastrophe, which will ultimately endanger the existence of the whole society and not only the existence of those who caused it. Isaiah describes the coming disaster as follows:
”Many houses shall be in ruins, houses large and fine, with nobody living there. Ten acres of vineyard shall yield but one bath and a homer of seed shall yield but an ephah. … Therefore my people go into exile….its nobles starving, its masses parched with thirst.” In his criticism Isaiah addresses the expropriation of independent farmer’s families and the concentration of large‐scale land holdings in the hands of a few. In addition to the wretched and least he mentions especially the widows and orphans. He criticizes the luxury of the rich and expects that they will lose their wealth. Amos too, appears as sociocritical prophet. He denounces the luxury of the rich and stands up for the small scale farmers who are in danger of losing possession and freedom. The prophet Micah criticizes his contemporaries just as sharply as Isaiah and Amos do. He emphasizes the correlation of possession and freedom and in the name of God he threatens those who do wrong with a disaster. Ezekiel uses the allegory of a flock where fat and lean animals fight against each other. (Ez (Ez 34.2‐22). Mientras que en un comienzo solo se ven afectados quienes son socialmente inferiores y débiles, a saber las viudas y los niños, después también corren peligro los hombres libres y sus familias. Los profetas también denuncian la responsabilidad que le cabe al Estado en este conflicto. Porque el Estado favorece la prevaricación a través del cobro de intereses, el dictado económico y la corrupción. El Estado, en especial la monarquía, promueven las ansias de lujo de los ricos al dar un ejemplo de este tipo de vida. De la misma manera se denuncian las obras de construcción emprendidas por el Estado, para las cuales se recurre al trabajo forzado; se critica el abuso de poder, así como la política belicista que trae aparejada. Pertenecerían a la clase alta los miembros de la casa real y los funcionarios. La narración en torno a la viña de Nabot del Libro Primero de los Reyes 21, documenta aquella situación de injusticia: Nabot muere víctima de un asesinato a causa de las intrigas de la Reina Jezabel, pues se niega a venderle su viña al Rey Ajab. La razón de su negativa es que la viña 'nahalah', es legado de su padre y por ello no apta de ser vendida. Este legado es la base de la subsistencia y ha pasado de generación en generación, por lo que no puede venderse. Tras la muerte de Nabot, la viña pasa a manos de la familia real. El profeta Elías acusa a Ajab no solo de haber cometido un homicidio, sino también de haberse apropiado indebidamente de tierras. Luego de la conquista babilónica y la deportación, consideradas por los profetas como consecuencia de un comportamiento antisocial, los babilonios llevan a cabo una reforma agraria gracias a la cual las personas más humildes reciben campos y viñedos. Al retorno de los exiliados se plantea nuevamente la pregunta de quién es ahora el dueño de las tierras. Algunos exigen que les sean devueltas a los antiguos propietarios. Otros, que se han hecho eco de las pasadas críticas sociales de los profetas, rechazan una reinstauración de las condiciones injustas que prevalecieron antes de la reforma agraria. Así también Miqueas propugna que los anteriores explotadores sigan excluidos de la propiedad de la tierra. Un reconocimiento del pecado que aclare las relaciones frente a Dios y entre los seres humanos es para él condición de una buena convivencia. 34: 2‐22) While initially just a small, socially less advantaged group is affected as there are widows and orphans, also free men and their families are endangered at a later stage. The prophets accuse the role of the state in this conflict as the state supports the perversion of justice by interest claims, economic diktat and corruption. The state, especially the monarchy fosters the striving for luxury by living these values. Likewise, the public construction activities are denounced, as unpaid voluntary work has to be carried out for them. Abuse of power is criticized as well as the exerted war policy. As members of the upper class, members of the royal court and officials are addressed. An example is the story of Naboth’s Vineyard in 1 Kings 21: Naboth is killed because of conspiracies of Queen Jezebel when he refuses to sell his vineyard to King Ahab. Reason for the denial is that the vineyard is “nahalah” the heritage of his father. And this heritage is basis of life passed from generation to generation and therefore not for sale. By Naboth’s death the vineyard passes on to the royal house. And the prophet Elijah charges Ahab with murder and in addition to this with landgrabbing. After the Babylonian conquest and the deportation, which is considered by the prophet as consequence of the unsocial behavior, the Babylonians carry out a land reform and the disadvantaged are given fields and vineyards. After the exile the question concerning land possession arises again. There are those who demand that the land is given back to the former owners. Others, taking up the former social criticism of the prophets, oppose the re‐establishment of the old, unjust conditions originating from the time before the land reform. Therefore also Micah campaigns for excluding former exploiters of land possession. From his point of view a confession of sin clearing up the relationship with God and each other is the basis for a good coexistence. Las promesas de salvación de los profetas evocan visiones divinas que auguran el gozo de los frutos del propio trabajo. Se ha de eliminar la propiedad ociosa, a la vez que la propiedad, fruto del propio trabajo, es bendecida por Dios. En Isaías 65, 21 y siguientes leemos: "Construirán casas y las habitarán, también plantarán viñas y comerán su fruto. No edificarán para que otro habite ni plantarán para que otro coma. Porque como los días de un árbol, así serán los días de mi pueblo y mis escogidos disfrutarán de la Obra de sus manos." Los pobres vivirán en condiciones de justicia y gozarán la fertilidad de las tierras. Se nos entrega la imagen de una sociedad en la que los antiguos opresores han desaparecido, donde no hay pueblos hostiles que amenacen a la gente, y donde las personas humildes pueden vivir con seguridad. La seguridad que promete Miqueas 4, 1‐4: "Cada uno se sentará bajo su parra y bajo su higuera", no se refiere tan solo a la seguridad frente a conquistadores ajenos sino también frente a aquellos que se apropian de la casa y el campo de los agricultores. Las escrituras de Miqueas finalizan con el reconocimiento de que todos los israelitas en el futuro podrán vivir seguros en la tierra y de que hay recursos suficientes para todos. El futuro les pertenece a los agricultores y las familias que trabajan sus propias tierras. En Isaías 62,9 y siguientes se dice que en definitiva no se trata de reinstaurar el antiguo consumo de lujo sino de disfrutar del fruto del propio trabajo. Numerosos textos de los profetas muestran la misma tendencia que, sin embargo, históricamente no logró prevalecer, pues los antiguos propietarios recuperaron en gran parte sus tierras y los que retornaron volvieron a desplazar a los que se quedaron. En consecuencia, se reavivaron las antiguas tensiones sociales. Por ello, la crítica social de los profetas, al igual que sus visiones de salvación, han sobrevivido hasta hoy como testimonios y directrices. 4. "La Tierra Nueva": tierra y perspectiva futura La vinculación entre el don de la tierra y la promesa de salvación de Dios es evidente en la misión que el Señor le encomienda a Jeremías de comprar un campo (Jer 32) – en medio de la destrucción y encontrándose de camino hacia el As promises of salvation the prophets prefigure visions of a future in the name of God in which people will enjoy the fruits of their work.Possessions required without work are going to be disposed and property generated by one’s own work will be blessed by God. In the book Isaiah 65:21 et seq. we can read:” They will build houses and dwell in them; they will plant vineyards and eat their fruit. No longer will they build houses and others live in them, or plant and others eat. For as the days of a tree, so will be the days of my people; my chosen ones will long enjoy the work of their hands.” The poor will experience justice and fertility of the land. The picture of a society is painted, in which the former oppressors are gone, no hostile nations threaten human life and the simple people can live in security. The security Micah 4:1‐4 promises “They shall all sit under their own vines, under their own fig trees” does not only mean the safety from foreign conquerors but also from those who rob houses and fields from the farmers. The scripture of Micah finishes with the confession that in future all Israelites will be able to live in safety in their land and that there will be enough for all. The future belongs to the farmers and their families, who till the ground themselves. In Isaiah 62:9 as well, not the restoring of the old luxury consumption is promised but the enjoyment of the fruits of the own labor. Thus many texts of the prophets show the same tendency but historically they never became reality. In fact the former owners got back the major part of their land and those who returned from exile marginalized again those who had stayed at home. Therefore the old social tensions appeared again. But nevertheless the social criticisms of the prophets as well as their promises of salvation were passed on as an excellent testimony and guideline up to now. 4. “The new Earth” – Perspectives for Land and Future That the giving of land is connected with God’s promises for the future becomes apparent when Jerimiah gets the order from God to buy a field (Jer. 32) – in the middle of destruction and flight into exile, in the middle of lost and exilio, en un ambiente de pérdida y desolación. Es este un signo de esperanza de que Israel volverá a casa después de la catástrofe: "Se volverán a comprar casas, campos y viñas en esta tierra". Es decir, Dios no quiere ver a la gente sin tierra y en el exilio. De esta manera, las promesas de salvación de los textos bíblicos se encuentran plenas de visiones de la fertilidad de la tierra que alimenta a las personas y les procura abundancia. En Lev 25, 19, leemos: "Entonces la tierra dará su fruto, comeréis hasta que os saciéis y habitaréis en ella con seguridad". Y en Miqueas 4 se dice que el hombre en tiempos de paz haga de sus espadas azadones y de sus lanzas, hoces y "que cada cual habitará debajo de su vid y de su higuera". La promesa bíblica habla del ser humano que ha echado raíces en la tierra que lo alimenta. Pero esta nunca fue una experiencia real y tampoco lo es hoy en día. Sin embargo, en Romanos 8 Pablo escribe que la creación aún espera con ansiedad ser liberada de la corrupción que la esclaviza y de la transitoriedad para así alcanzar la gloriosa paz de los hijos de Dios. Como criaturas terrenales en Cristo estamos y estaremos llamados a ansiar "la realización de la visión del Antiguo Testamento de una tierra y a trabajar para hacer realidad esta visión del campo y de la tierra, sin la cual no podemos vivir y a la cual todos algún día retornaremos" (Olson, pág. 23), y a esperar el nuevo cielo y la nueva tierra, en los cuales habita la justicia. Conclusión ¿Qué significado tienen estas enseñanzas bíblicas sobre la tierra para nosotros y para el tema que nos preocupa? ¿ Qué significado tienen para nuestra situación como Iglesia en los distintos países, para nuestra misión? ¿ Qué significado tienen para la actual tendencia hacia un progresivo acaparamiento de tierras? Quizás nos aproximemos a algunas respuestas y encontremos orientación para el futuro mediante el proceso de compartir experiencias y realizar mutuos intercambios, que formará parte de las actividades de esta semana. Para mí, lo esencial de aquello que nos dicen estos testimonios bíblicos es que: 1. La tierra, con la cual nosotros como personas, despair! This is to set an example of hope that Israel will return after the catastrophe: “Houses, fields and vineyards will again be bought in this land.” God does not want people to be landless or in exile. Therefore the promises for the future of the biblical texts are pervaded with pictures of the fertility of land that feeds the people and gives them fullness. Lev. 25:19 says: “Then the land will yield its fruit, and you will eat your fill and live there in safety.” Micah 4 tells that in times of peace people will beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks and that “everyone will sit under their own vine and under their own fig tree”. God blesses people and gives them land and life in fullness. Someone who is rooted in the country that feeds him; that is the biblical promise for the future. But up to now this has not been a real experience. As Paul writes in Romans 8: creation waits in eager expectation to be liberated from its bondage to decay and to be brought into the freedom and glory of the children of God up to now. As earthbound creatures in Christ we are and remain called to be “longing for fulfillment of the Old Testament’s vision of the land and working towards its fulfillment, the vision of land and earth, without which we can’t live and to which owe all turn back one day” (Olson p. 23) and called to wait for God’s new heaven and new earth where justice dwells. Conclusion What do this biblical statements related to land mean for us and our question? What does it mean for our situation as churches in different countries, for our mission? What does it mean for the temporary development of increasing landgrabbing? Perhaps we will approach some answers and find signposts for the way forward by shared experiences and in the exchange during this week. The following points in the context of these biblical statements are important for me: 1. The land, to which we like all creatures al igual que todas las criaturas, estamos indisolublemente unidos por la creación es, de acuerdo con la Biblia, siempre un don que nos ha sido encomendado y jamás una propiedad con la cual se pueda especular. 2. Dios nos bendice y nos regala futuro al entregarnos una tierra que podemos trabajar y preservar, y de cuyos frutos podemos disfrutar. La confianza en este Dios jamás es algo meramente intelectual o racional, sino que se manifiesta en la estrecha relación con la tierra y nos sitúa con ambos pies en ella. 3. Desde siempre el tema de la tierra y su posesión ha encerrado aspectos relativos a la justicia, a la división al interior de una sociedad en dependientes y acaudalados. La injusticia es incompatible con la voluntad de Dios en lo que a la convivencia humana se refiere. 4. A nosotros, los seres humanos, se nos ha encomendado la responsabilidad de administrar la tierra de manera justa, acorde con la creación, en un gobierno que se oponga al abuso y la especulación. Concluyo mis reflexiones bíblicas con unas palabras que reflejan esta perspectiva, las cuales están contenidas en la carta que el gran jefe Seattle envió en 1855 al presidente norteamericano Franklin Pierce cuando se le notificó la decisión de éste último de adquirir las tierras de la tribu de los suwamish: "El gran Jefe de Washington nos envía un mensaje para hacernos saber que desea comprar nuestra tierra. Si no somos dueños de la frescura del aire ni del centelleo del agua, ¿cómo podríais comprarlos? Solo decidimos sobre las cosas de nuestro tiempo. Cada pedazo de esta tierra es sagrado para mi pueblo, cada aguja brillante de pino, cada grano de arena de las riberas de los ríos, cada neblina en los oscuros bosques, cada claro y el zumbido de cada insecto son sagrados en la memoria y tradiciones de mi pueblo". A continuación se critica la forma de vida del hombre blanco para concluir: "Nuestro dios es el mismo Dios. Ustedes quizás piensen ahora que le pertenecen de la misma forma como desean que nuestra tierra les pertenezca. Pero no es así. Él es el Dios de todos los hombres y su sufrimiento es igual para los pieles rojas como lo es para los cara pálida. Esta tierra le es preciosa. Despreciarla es despreciar a su Creador". are insolubly connected by creation is, biblically seen, always just an entrusted gift and never possession acquired by speculation. 2. God blesses human beings and gives us a future, by giving us land to cultivate and to keep it and to enjoy the fruits thereof. The confidence in this God is never only something spiritual, intellectual but expresses itself in an earth linked way and connects us to it. 3. Questions of justice, splitting of a society into dependent and rich people have always been connected with the issue of land and its possession. Injustice is incompatible with God’s will for the cohabitation of people. 4. We have got the responsibility to take care for a just attitude towards the earth adequate to creation and opposing abuse and speculation. I want to close my biblical impulse with words taken from the speech of Chief Seattle, taking up these perspectives. He wrote them as an answer to the North American President Franklin Pierce who had made his intention public to buy the land of the Suwamish. “The President in Washington sends word that he wishes to buy our land. This idea is strange to us. But how can you buy or sell the sky, the land? If we do not own the freshness of the air and the sparkle of the water how can you buy them? We only decide about things of our time. Every part of the earth is sacred to my people. Every shining pine needle, every sandy shore, every mist in the dark woods, every meadow, every humming insect. All are holy in the memory of experience of my people.” Then the white man’s way of living is criticized and he ends with the words: Our God is your God. Perhaps you think that you belong to him in the way you would like to own your land. But you are wrong. He is the God of all people. And his suffering is the same for Red and for White men. The earth is precious to him and to harm the earth is to heap contempt on its creator.” LAND RIGHTS ISSUES IN TANZANIA: OVERVIEW OF THE LEGAL AND POLICY FRAMEWORK
Dr. Andrew Mollel
7 October 2014
SEKOMU‐ LUSHOTO
Land to Foreign Investors?
Outline • Introduction: ‐Why Land?
‐What Land?
Historical background: Land Tenure system
Current land rights in Tanzania Management of Land in Tanzania
Challenges: Land Disputes and disputes settlement systems
• Way forward •
•
•
•
Introduction: Why Land?
• Land in Tanzania constitutes one of the major
4 natural resources namely land, forest, water and
minerals
• As the primary resource, land affects other sectors which are of paramount importance to the existence of the nation‐state
• Land provides employment to nearly 67% of the population through agricultural activities (which employ about 82% of the total rural population) • Agriculture contributes 46% to the Country’s GDP and about 60% of foreign exchange. • land ensures food security and national security in general
Introduction: What Land?
Country Profile:
• Land: Tanzania has an area of 94.5 million of Sq. Km of which about 43 million Sq. km is suitable for agriculture. Currently only about 23% of arable land is cultivated and mostly by small holder rural farmers.
• Livestock: Large number of livestock provide for expanded processing and existence of rangeland provide for pasture and range management. About 26% of land is suitable for Livestock keeping.
• Water bodies (rivers, lakes and ocean) provide for both irrigation, fishery and energy
Historical background
• Land Tenure system:before Tanzania was subjected to colonialism, landholding was based on customary laws of the different tribes (in all 120 tribes in Tanzania).Communal ownership of land:by tribe, clan or family. • Colonial time: (German,1885‐1919; British 1919‐
1961): land tenure systems‐all lands were declared to be subject to the crown and public lands respectively. Land Ordinance cap 113 to guide and regulate land use and ownership in Tanganyika
• Customary land tenure is still in place [to this date], but since 1963 the chiefs, headmen and elders have been replaced by elected village councils.
Land Rights: Laws & Policies •
•
•
•
•
•
Constitution 1977
Land Policy 1995
Land Act, 1999
Village Land Act, 1999
Land Dispute Act, 2002
Land Use Planning Act, 2007
Land Rights
• All land in Tanzania is public land vested in the president as trustee on behalf of all citizens • For Purpose of management, public land is categorized into;
– General Land‐ 2%
– Village Land‐70%
– Reserved Land‐28%
Land Rights •
•
•
•
Access Acquire Use/hold
Control Current Situation
• LAND TENURE:– GRANTED RIGHT OF OCCUPANCY (GRO) – President grants it on surveyed land in General or Reserved Land for not more than 99 years
– A Certificate of Title (CT) that has Conditions of Use (Either granted as Agricultural, Pastoral, Mixed, or for Building Purposes GRO)
– The CT must be Registered & is accordingly indefeasible (i.e. Not liable to being annulled, voided or undone)
– It is transferrable (Sale, Lease, Mortgage, Gift, Inheritance, etc.)
– It may be compulsorily acquired for Public Purposes subject to compensation
– It may be Revoked for breach of conditions
Current Situation, cont…
• LAND TENURE: WHAT THE OCCUPIER DOES NOT GET:
– Water Rights
– Rights over the Foreshore
– Rights to Mines & Minerals
– Rights to Gas or Petroleum Products
– Right to appropriate and remove from TZ for research or gain:
• Natural Fauna
• Natural Flora
• archaeological remains found on the land
Current Situation, cont…
• LAND TENURE: TYPES OF GRANTED RIGHT OF OCCUPANCY –
BY DURATION & USE
• TYPE OF GRO – BY DURATION (s. 27, Cap.334) – Short Term • Up to 5 years
• Not Registrable – Long Term
• 5 years and above
• Typically: 33, 66 & 99 years
• Compulsorily Registrable
Current Situation, cont…
• LAND TENURE: CUSTOMARY RIGHT OF OCCUPANCY
• What the Landholder Gets?
– Village Council (VC) may allocate CRO on General, Village & Reserved Land for indefinite Period
– Not necessarily on Surveyed Land
– VC may give a Certificate of CRO (CCRO) with same legal weight as GRO
– To a resident villager and/or group of villagers
– Governed by VLA and Customary Law – It may be transferred to another Villager & is heritable
– May be acquired for Public Purposes subject to Compensation
– May be granted as a DERIVATIVE RIGHT (DR)
Women Right to Land
• The 1999 laws recognize the right of every adult woman to acquire, hold, use, and deal with land to be of the same extent and subject to the same restrictions as a right of any man.
• Any discriminatory customary rule contravenes this principle
• Even where it is discovered that a decision of a public officer vested with functions to administer land or an adjudicating authority was actuated by bias or favouritism it can be challenged for being illegal.
Management of Land in Tanzania
• Under the law, land in Tanzania is divided into three: (i) Village land, (ii) General land, and (iii) Reserved land
• Village land: land within the boundaries of a registered village, or land that has been designated as village land under the law, agreed between adjacent village councils, land occupied and used by villagers during the twelve years preceding the enactment of the Village Land Act of 1999.
• Reserved Land: all land set aside for “special purposes”, including forest reserves, game parks, game reserves, land reserved for public utilities and highways, hazardous land
• General Land: all land which is not reserved land or village land and includes unoccupied or unused village land
Management of Land
• General land is managed by the central government through the Commissioner for Lands: is also involved in village land matters at the national level
• Reserved land is managed by different institutions depending on the purpose for which the land was reserved, Wildlife conservation Authorities, TANAPA, TAFORI, TANROADS, etc.
• Village land is managed at the village level by the village council, but institutions on district and national level are also involved to some extent. Management of village land • The law further divides village land into three main categories (S. 12 VLA). In each category the law restricts the way such land can be made available to people. The categories are as follows:
(a) land for communal and public use;
(b) land for individual or family use; and
(c) land reserved for future communal or individual use
Village land to foreign investors
• Right to village land can only be obtained with a Customary Right of Occupancy: same legal status as granted right of occupancy
• Foreign investors cannot get direct access to village land but they have the possibility to get indirect access in two ways:
(i) by being a member of a Non village org where the majority of the shareholders are citizens
(ii) Transfer of village land into general land‐for public interest including investments of national interest‐highly abused.
• In any case, foreign investors can get land through derivative rights: The Act defines a derivative right as “a right to occupy and use land created out of a right of occupancy”, including any form of lease, sub‐lease, mortgage, etc.
Village land, cont…
Derivative rights are divided into three categories according to hectarage. 1. Rights for land less than 5 hectares classify Class A. 2. Land between 5 and 30 hectares are Class B, and
3. Land of more than 30 hectares is graded as Class C.
• For Class A, only the approval of the Village Council is required. • Class B requires the additional approval of the Village Assembly. • Grants or sales of Class C require the approval of the Village Assembly and the “advice” of the Commissioner (s. 32).
•
Challenges:
Land Disputes
Despite National Land Policy and laws, there exist numerous challenges:
• Conflicts on land use‐between different users: farmers and pastoralists; investors and farmers, investors and pastoralists, • Conflicts due to expansion of towns
• Tenure conflicts between customary and granted land rights
• Land grabbing for investments, expansion of wildlife conservation, • Bureaucracy, corruption in land dealings, inadequate or delay compensation, etc
• All these claimed lives, homes, caused displacements, etc.
Land Disputes settlement systems
• The following institutions have exclusive jurisdiction to hear and determine all manner of disputes, actions and proceedings concerning land:
(a) the Court of Appeal (Highest court in the ladder)
(b) the Land Division of the High Court
(c) the District Land and Housing Tribunal
(d) Ward Tribunals
(e) Village Land Councils
Way forward • Land Use Plan;
– Preparation at District Level – Participatory village land use
– Village boundary demarcation
– Village land use
– Administration of village land – Land Forum
– Awareness raising……..
ASANTENI SANA ! [email protected]
E L C T/N W D ‐ S O U T H E R N B D I S T R I C T INTERNATIONAL PARTNERSHIP FORUM: LAND AND JUSTICE, OCTOBER 6 – 13, 2014 IN LUSHOTO ‐ TANZANIA Introduction The Southern B Church District which has a partnership with Paderborn – Germany is located in Muleba district, one of seven districts in Kagera Region. Kagera Region found in the northwestern part of Tanzania shares its borders with Uganda to the north, Rwanda and Burundi to the west, the Kigoma Region to the south, and Geita Region to the east. Kagera region has a total areas of 40,838 square kilometers of which 11,885 square kilometers is covered by the waters of Lake Victoria, Lake Ikimba, Lake Burigi and the Ngono and Kagera rivers. The region’s total area is just 446 sq km less than that of Switzerland. According to a 2012 census Kagera Region has a population of 2,458,023 (while Muleba has 540,310).1 It has fertile old soils, but because of overuse in some areas of the region has led to soil exhaustion and need to use fertilizer. Since 1959 Kagera region has gone through experiences of receiving refugees and immigrants from Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda. With refugees land issues are inescapable. In this presentation, as Sulle2 puts it by considering other scholars, we are also convinced that land grabbing does not only refer to land but it also involves other resources connected to it as water, forestry and fisheries. It has no debate that domestic land deals involving local elites are small by size but have higher number than the number of deals involving transnational investors. In this paper some names of individuals and investors are not mentioned in order to avoid jeopardy. Muleba and Missenyi districts have been our pilot areas in this presentation. Investors are mainly on food crops, forestry, institutions, fisheries and speculative reasons. Areas with Reported Cases Burigi and Kyamyorwa. These are places where you find inhabitants and immigrants who are either livestock keepers or farmers who especially grow rice. The main problem they have is collision for land ‐ areas for rice cultivation and land for pasture. 11
Google – www.kagera.go.tz Sulle, E Why Land Grabs Is A Threat To Land Rights? , Land and Justice for Sustainable Peace in Tanzania, Report of the International Conference Held at the Bank of Tanzania Conference Centre Dar‐es‐Salaam, 09‐13 September, 2013, p 292. 2
Kagoma Ranch. Pastoralists and farmers have been in conflicts. Physical fight for land between investors and inhabitants has been witnessed.3 HUMULIZA. Humuliza (a Swahili word meaning appease or comfort) is an NGO which occupied land in the village of Kiyebe, on the right hand side of the road leading from Mubunda to Kimeya. The aim, as the NGO put it, it was to have land where they could build small houses for orphans as well as assisting them in growing staple and cash crops. Though that project failed but the acquisition of land was questionable. Izigo Girls’ Secondary School: With no doubt people in the wards of Katoke and Izigo needed a secondary school. The building of the school started but things changed later. The owner of school and land where it is built was a burning issue in the Executive Council of Muleba district. Up to now the school is not yet built to its completion.4 Fisheries: Victoria Fish. We use the term Victoria Fish generalizing many fishing companies in the waters of Muleba area.5 Questions have remained always: Is the government in Muleba aware of all fishing companies in the lake? How is fishing being done (illegal fishing nets, using chemicals etc)? Where are fishes sold? Is in their fishing no contamination of water? Since strong investments in the lake started many local people complain of not eating good matured fish like Victoria perch and tilapia. In some factories fishes are taken off meat and their skeletons are sold to poor local people. A fish taken off meat and left with skeleton is well known in the districts of Muleba, Bukoba, Missenyi and Karagwe as epanki.6 A retired evangelist7 born and grown in the villages around Katunguru was heard in his complaints that villagers are eating ebihosho (unmatured small fish) and epanki. Kagera Sugar Ltd: Out‐growers. Kagera Sugar got its area in legality but since the last decade it announced and promised all people especially in its peripherals to invest in cultivating sugar cane as much as they could/can and sell sugar cane to it (Kagera Sugar Ltd) in turn. Such investors are termed as out growers.8 The Kagera Sugar was ready to assist such investors in cultivation, getting good seeds, pesticide and fertilizer. The influx of investors was big even from outside Kagera Region. You can now imagine how land was acquired in neighboring villages of Bugango, Bubare and Kakunyu. Besides Kagera Sugar itself investors needed big labor which brought in women and men, girls and boys, single and married. NARCO Ranch and Missenyi Ranch. Cases are reported not only of grabbing land but also of fighting between investors and local people. 3
Interview with Simon Manobane ‐ veterinarian, 16.5.2014, Muleba. The dispute was between the former Member of the Parliament in the constituency of Muleba North and Government authorities in the wards of Katoke and Izigo. 5
A number of Islands in Muleba district outnumbers others in other districts. 6
Literally epanki is a hair cut style in which in the most common variety both sides of the head are shaven leaving a strip of noticeably longer hair in the centre. The best English word to describe epanki is Mohawk. 7
Interview with Paulo Kamalweki, 26.6.2014, Gwanseli. 8
Interview with Joe M Lwehabura – Missenyi Executive Division Officer, 3.7.2014, Bunazi 4
Global Agency. This Agency has acquired land in Buchurago village of Missenyi district. Big preparations of growing wheat, barley and later maize are now in process. You wil hear some individuals complaining that the acquisition of land was not clear.9 Forestry: Cases rise from the rich and the elite people. According to the Village Land Act, 1999 a Village Local Government is not allowed to give any investor more than 50 acres. The cases of land injustice rise when it comes to questioning if 


The investor’s application was discussed by Executive Village Committee and Village Council. The land given is truly 50acres or less. The land is given to the intended investor as per application. However, while giving land to investors it should be noted that some areas should be left as jungles to allow local people acquire building materials, herbs and firewood. But also important to mention jungles are left as areas for catching senene (delicious grasshoppers in Bukoba) and mushrooms10 growth. Time has come also to strictly decide on types of trees to be planted. In some parts of Muleba an order was given to uproot eucalyptus trees because from their too much consumption of water they threat other distant neighboring plants and crops. Speculative reasons: Kajunguti, a place along the main road leading to Karagwe and Uganda through Missenyi government district is said to be a place where an International Airport will be built. Izigo, a small trading centre along the main road leading to Mwanza is said to be the main seat of a new government district which will be separated from the present Muleba government district. Magarini in Kimwani‐Muleba is said to be a point of medical doctors’ departure serving in Lake Victoria shores and Islands. Land in the vicinity of those centres has been grabbed already. Weaknesses in some Local Government Authorities 






Village leaders are not versed on the Village Land Acts Some village ruling bodies have not partitioned areas for settlements, pasture, cultivation and natural environmental conservation Giving land on political favoritism and campaigns Giving land on corruption like bribery and nepotism Some leaders and villagers not attending meetings regularly Meeting resolutions are either not noted or poorly kept record of by leaders and villagers Consultation processes at some village levels are not participatory 9
Interview – secret. Senene are delicious grasshoppers in many parts of Kagera region. They come in one season a year, October – January. Kagera is well known for a variety of mashrooms. 10
Impacts of Land Grabbing on Women and Children On this point we want to refer to out‐growers at Kagera Sugar Ltd and Fisheries in Muleba. 

Women are left by their husbands at home alone which in the cause of time leads to weakening if not totally breaking of family bonds Some children run out of school in search of jobs by investors who in turn use them as cheap laborers Employees’ and Laborers’ Hurdle There are some challenges and problems employees and laborers face by these investors. 




A worker may serve for a long time but not registered as an employee (to imply he is working under no contract) Health risks are high Working long hours without overtime allowance Poor working conditions and Low payments Just to mention a few. Measures taken by Church District against Land Injustice 


Land Justice – committee’s agenda: The question of land justice appears on Partnership Committee’s Agenda Consultation: Church district consults the Human Rights Desk to escort and assist some land injustice victims Seminars: Seminars on land rights and responsibilities are conducted. Chances and Advantages of discussing about Land Justice as Partners from Churches ‐
‐
We speak from inside. Our privilege is that we come from grassroots – from the local people who suffer from Land Injustice. We ourselves are a part of local people affected. We are neither spectators nor pointers of those who belong to local people – we speak from the very communities and therefore from inside. We discuss as partners (sisters and brothers in Christ) and not as competitors or contesters. In fact we don’t seek the winner or the loser but rather HOW GOOD JUSTICE IS ON LAND. Therefore we are full of sincerity, openness and frank. ‐
‐
‐
We come together not on government authorities’ pressures, not like on court summon but on partnership free‐will atmosphere ‐ not under constraints. Therefore, we can easily point and detect our pitfalls in Land Injustice. We cross borders. Partners in Partnership as we are have crossed all borders of countries, races, tribes, traditions, cultures and languages. Those differences are no longer a stumbling block but, instead they do serve as platforms from which we can easily share our experiences, get informed and spread information about land justice. That is why we highly reckon it a privilege having partners from South America, Europe and Africa. We attest and articulate that the Church is a home where all people are invited to discuss issues in connection to God‐given resource – LAND. With those chances and advantages:‐ a) We can easily show others how land is a God‐given resource to all man EQUALLY. b) We can sensitize people be eager to know, to fulfill and demand their rights on land. c) We can easily but as well strongly inspire others feel that land is theirs – it is on their exposure. But to be aggressive on environmental conservation. d) We enable and encourage others to raise up their voices when land injustice, inequality, unfair, corruption and the like are seen and exercised. e) We display our church to be the (true) Church. I believe in what I learnt at college about a famous German called Bonhoeffer who said that the church is the church only when it exists for others. He continues saying that the church must share in the secular problems of ordinary human life not dominating but helping and serving. The church, through its partners has to advocate and be the voice of others. The church has to speak for the poor, the marginalized and those who suffer from land acquisition by both domestic and foreign investors. Thank you a million for your attention. Presented by M/s Anitha Kajungu and Rev Phenias Lwakatare SOUTHERN B CHURCH DISTRICT OF ELCT/NWD. General situation in Argentina and particular
cases in Misiones
Introducing some facts

 Argentina is a big country,
if we talk about surface it’s
the second largest in South America.
 Forty million people live
in a non homogeneous distribution,
where only in the capital city and
surroundings about 13 millions
have their home.
Political organization

 Representative,
Republican and Federal
 24 autonomous districts
(Provinces and the capital
city)
 The government is
exercised by three
branches:
 Executive (president and
ministers)
 Legislative (deputies and
senators)
 Judicial
Regulatory framework

 National laws are superior to provincial
 The highest rank has the National Constitution
Some information about
culture…

 Argentina is a country
with a wide spread of
cultural origins
Let’s tell you something
about Religion…

 Although the state sustains
the Catholic religion, the
National Constitution
guarantees freedom of
worship
 About 76% of population is
catholic
 Protestants belong to 9% of
the population
 11% are atheistic or
agnostics
 A lower quantity profess
other religions like Judaism,
Islam, among others
The climate

 To the North and West
it’s hot and dry
The climate

 To the East (there we came from!) it’s hot and wet
(Why not a paradise?)
The climate

 At the Center is more temperate
The climate

 Towards West we find mountainous regions, the
highest mountains outside Himalayas
The climate

 To the South we find cold windy deserts…
The climate

 … and more
Economy of Argentina

 The economy of the country is strongly based on
food production, by the hand of agriculture, cattleraising.
Economy of Argentina

 The country has
potential for selfsufficiency in energy
issues
Economy of Argentina

 There are many industries that produce technology
goods…
Economy of Argentina

 Over 22 millions hectares destined for agriculture
activity, which were able to produce over 62 millions
of tons of cereals and oleaginous
Economy of Argentina

 One of the largest exporters of meat, yerba mate,
lemons, sunflower and soybean oil
 Over 48 millions of cattle and 13 million sheep
North-East Region

 Socioeconomic similarities
 Strong cultural influence by the guaranies
Misiones

Geography
Misiones

 Two main rivers, the
River Paraná and the
River Uruguay, with
other smaller rivers
configure the borders
 Landscapes are full of
vegetation, sources of
water
 RÍO PARANÁ,
URUGUAY,
ARROYOS, SELVA
Misiones

 A good, rich soil allows
to grow a huge variety
of arboreous species
Misiones

History
Misiones

 Misiones was first
inhabited by
indigenous (Guaranies)
 By the 16th century
Spanish arrived
 The company of Jesus
built with the guaranies
some cities, in which
they lived in
communities, sharing
all their goods
Misiones

 When Jesuits were
expulsed, the villages
were abandoned
 Monoculture was
introduced
 Between the years 1832
and 1881 the Provicne
of Corrientes controlled
the territorial area of
the current Provicne of
Misiones
 After War of Paraguay
a new production
system started: the
extractive front was
going on
Misiones

 After Misiones was
declared National
Territory by the
National Government
at the end of the 19th
century, European
immigration started
 Main activity was
extractive, for timber
 Immigrants introduced
other sorts of
cultivation, and yerba
mate began to be
cultivated too
Misiones

Culture
Misiones

 Population in Misiones
has different
components
Misiones

Culture
Indigenous population

 Over 600000 people
recognize themselves as
indigenous
 5% of them are MbyaGuaraní
Land conflicts today

 At the beginnings of the year 2002 the dollar-peso
parity was dissolved
 A new model for agriculture in Argentina raised
 Soya bean and timber international prices rose
 As consequences, pieces of land in the North of the
country were revalued
Land conflicts today

 This scenario was favorable to give impulse to
forestry industry in Misiones
 While the process of land concentration was being
carried on, another phenomenon took place: the
rural exodus
 Crisis in extractive activity in the 1980 decade and
absenteeism in vast properties, took several families
to settle down on them
Land conflicts today

 Registered owners (proprietors) tried to recover their
properties
 As the situation became public, these families of little
farmers began to be treated contemptuously as
intruders
 Prejudgments
Some representative
cases…

Alto Paraná
Some representative
cases…

 Alto Paraná
Some representative
cases…

 Township of Puerto
Piray has an extension
of 35,400 hectares, from
which 62% (22,000
hectares) belongs to
Alto Paraná SA
 This Chilean capital
company owns round
10% of the territory of
Misiones
Some representative
cases…

 Pozo Azul
Some representative
cases…

 As a consequence of
reactivation of timber
industry, proprietors
owners execute legal
actions against
occupants in order to
recover their properties
Some representative
cases…

 Where did all those
families come from?
 Since times when the
main activity was
extractive, contractors
and managers gave
them permission to
settle down within the
properties, as a way of
payment
Some representative
cases…

 Presence of families in
the properties increased
after the crisis of the
extractive activity in the
’80 decade
Some representative
cases…

 In this context, the first
organization of
occupant families in
Misiones was created,
by the intermediation
of the Catholic Diocese
of Iguazu they claimed
to the Provincial State
for regularization
 Several ways of protest
were token
Some representative
cases…

 After a land surveying
by the Provincial State,
a new law was
approved, which allows
the Provincial State to
expropriate and give
the land to the holders,
who should pay for the
land within ten years
Some representative
cases…

 No formal application
of law derives in local
conflicts
 By the year 2013 a
violent eviction took
place
Some representative
cases…

Mojón Grande
Some representative
cases…

 Over 200 families, since
more than 20 years are
claiming for
regularization of the
land
Some representative
cases…

 Panambi SRL is the
name of the company,
which claims to be the
real owner
Some representative
cases…

 By extortive ways the
company
representatives try to
sell the pieces of land
where the families live
Some representative
cases…

 The families decided to
organize, and take
actions in order to
achieve an agreement
with proprietors, by
intermediation of state
offices
Some representative
cases…

 With the help of the
Sub secretary for
Familiar Agriculture
and the Agrarian
Movement of Misiones,
the farmers could know
more about their rights
Some representative
cases…

 Other actors were
involved, in order to
assist people in their
process of regularization
of land
 The National University
of Misiones by its
volunteer group “Land
and Agrarian Work”
 The Evangelical Church
of the River Plate, at the
community of Puerto
Rosario and Puente Los
Toros
Problematic issues

 Lack of legal security
 Miss of trustworthy
information about
owners, laws, universal
rights
 Ignorance about
procedures and legaladministrative ways in
order to approach to
solutions
 Discontinuity of the
presence of the State
 All this leads to grave
violations of human
rights
Conclusions

 In Argentina evictions of farmers and indigenous
communities notably rose since the '90s, due to a lack
of effective regulation in territorial issues
 Although stigmatization of media, these people are
victims, and need to be assisted in solutions for their
subsistence and access for dignifying housing and
life support
Muchas gracias!

Asanteni sana!
Vielen Dank!
Thank you very much!
Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Conflictos de Tierra en Misiones, Argentina
Laura Kostlin, Romario Dohmann, Christian Bernhardt
Iglesia Evangélica del Rio de la Plata - Distrito Misiones
Posadas, Misiones, Octubre 2014
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Tanzania, Octubre 2014
Conflictos de Tierra en Misiones Argentina / Land Conflicts in
Misiones, Argentina
Laura Kostlin, Romario Dohmann, Christian Bernhardt
Iglesia Evangélica del Rio de la Plata, Distrito Misiones /
Evangelical Church of the River Plate, Distritct of Misiones
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Conflictos de Tierra en Misiones, Argentina
Land Conflicts in Misiones, Argentina
Laura Kostlin1, Romario Dohmann2, Christian Bernhardt3
1
Lic. en Antropología Social, Docente-Investigadora, Fac. de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales, Programa de Posgrado en Antropología Social, Universidad Nacional de
Misiones – CONICET. Congregación Alem, IERP. Email: [email protected] / Graduated in Social Anthropology, Teacher-Researcher, Faculty of Humanities and
Social Sciences, Pos-Graduate Program in Social Anthropology, National University of Misiones - National Council of Scientific and Technological Research. Alem
Congregation, Evangelical Church of the River Plate.
2
Estudiante de Ing. Forestal, Fac. de Ciencias Forestales, Universidad Nacional de Misiones. Congregación San Juan, IERP. Email: [email protected]/ Student of
Engineering of Forestry, Faculty of Forestry, National University of Misiones. Congregation San Juan, Evangelical Church of the River Plate.
3
Ing. Electrónico, Congregación Alem, IERP. Email: [email protected] / Electronics Engineer, Alem Congregation, Evangelical Church of the River Plate.
2
Partnership Forum on Land and justice
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Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Presentación
Presentation
Este documento ha sido elaborado a los fines de ser
presentado ante los participantes del “Foro de Asociaciones por el
acaparamiento de Tierras”, Tanzania Octubre 2014, con la intensión
de compartir con las comunidades de Alemania, Tanzania y
Argentina los problemas y conflictos de tierras en el área del
Distrito Misiones de la Iglesia Evangélica del Rio de la Plata (IERP).
This document has been prepared in order to present it to
participants of Partnership forum Landgrabbing, Tanzania in
October 2014, with the intention of sharing with communities in
Germany, Tanzania and Argentina's problems and land disputes in
the territorial area encompassed the District of Misiones, of the
Evangelical Church of the River Plate.
Pretende plasmar una descripción general de las múltiples
facetas de la situación del problema del acceso y conflictos por los
recursos naturales (agua, monte, tierra y territorio), que son
particulares de la región de frontera donde se encuentra ubicada
Misiones y que la distinguen respecto a la problemática en otras
partes de nuestro país.
Its purpose is to capture an overview of the many facets of
the problem about the situation of access and conflict over natural
resources (water, forest, land and territory), that are specific to the
frontier region where it is located and which distinguish Missions
regarding the problem in other parts of our country.
El presente informe ha sido el resultado del trabajo de
reflexión y recopilación de información realizado durante los meses
de enero a setiembre de 2014 entre quienes encabezamos como
autores del presente documento, y con la colaboración de muchas
personas a quienes queremos realizar un agradecimiento.4
4
Agradecemos a los pastores Eugenio Albrecht y Waldemar Von Hoff y los miembros de
la Congregación Alem, como también a todos/as los que de algún modo colaboraron
durante estos meses de trabajo y preparación para el viaje a Tanzania. Especialmente a
Kirsten Potz y los miembros de la organización del Foro.
This report is the result of the work of reflection and
information gathering done during the months of January to
September 2014 among those headed as authors of this document
and with the collaboration of many people who want to make a
shout.5
5
We are grateful to the pastors Eugenio Albrecht and Waldemar Von Hoff, and the
members of the Congregation Alem of the District Misiones, Evangelical Church of the
River Plate. Also we are grateful to the pastor Kirsten Potz and the members of the
Forum organization.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
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A continuación, se realizará una presentación de nuestro
país, región y provincia, para luego, describir los procesos históricos
que influyeron en la actual distribución territorial de nuestra
provincia y que son los antecedentes históricos de los conflictos
contemporáneos. Finalmente, presentaremos las causas y factores
que desencadenan los actuales conflictos territoriales, así como los
actores vinculados, las relaciones, y las diversas estrategias.
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
In the following section, we are going to do a presentation
of our country, region and province. Then, we will continue
describing the historical processes that influenced the current
geographical distribution of our province, that suppose the
historical background of contemporary conflicts. Finally, we will
present the causes and triggers existing territorial conflicts and the
actors involved, relationships, and the various strategies.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
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Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014

Argentina, located in the southern Latin America
Argentina, un país ubicado al sur de América Latina
The Argentine Republic is the second largest country in
South America and eighth in the
world, and has a population of
about 40 million people. The total
area of the country is 3,761,274 km².
Of these, 2,791,810 km² correspond
to
American
continent, and
969.464
km²
the
Antarctic
continent (including South Orkney
Islands) and southern islands
(South
Georgia
and
South
Sandwich). The extension of
Argentina from north to south is
3,800 km and from east to west is
1,425 km.8
La República Argentina es el segundo país en extensión de
Sudamérica y el octavo del mundo,
con una población 40,1 millones de
habitantes. La superficie total del
territorio nacional es de 3.761.274
km².
De
ésta,
2.791.810km² corresponden
al
Continente Americano y 969.464
km² al
Continente
Antártico
(incluyendo las islas Orcadas del
Sur) y a las islas australes (Georgias
del Sur y Sandwich del Sur). Posee
una extensión de norte a sur de
3.800 Km y de este a oeste de 1.425
km. 6
It has continental perimeter
borders with five neighboring
countries that spans 9.376 km2 (on
the North side by Bolivia and
Paraguay, on the East by Brazil and
Uruguay, on the West and South by
Chile).9
Posee un perímetro de
fronteras continentales con cinco
países vecinos que se extienden por
9.376 km (al norte con Bolivia y
Paraguay, al este con Brasil y
Uruguay, al oeste y al sur con
Chile).7
6
Información procedente del Instituto Geográfico Nacional (IGN). Página web
consultada: http://www.ign.gob.ar/
7
Al oeste del país, se extiende la Cordillera de los Andes, el gran sistema montañoso del
continente sudamericano. Dentro de él se encuentra el cerro Aconcagua que, con
6.959 m, es la cumbre más alta del mundo luego de las existentes en el Himalaya.
8
Information from the National Geographic Institute (IGN) of Argentina. Website
consulted: http://www.ign.gob.ar/
9
At the west of the country, they are extending the Andes Mountains, the largest
mountain system of South America. Within it, is the Aconcagua, with 6,959 m, is the
highest peak in the world after those in the Himalayas.
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Organización política
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Political organization
Desde la organización del Estado, la República Argentina ha
adoptado la forma de gobierno representativo, republicano y
federal, conformado por la unión de veintitrés provincias (y la
ciudad autónoma de Buenos Aires desde la reforma constitucional
de 1994), que conservan todo el poder no delegado a la Nación.
Además, el sector antártico reclamado por Argentina, las Islas
Malvinas y varias islas del Atlántico Sur.
The Republic of Argentina has a representative, republican,
and federalist form of government, consisting of the union of
twenty-three provinces (and the autonomous city of Buenos Aires
since the constitutional reform of 1994) which retain all powers not
delegated to the national government. In addition, there is the
Antarctic sector claimed by Argentina, the Falklands (Islas
Malvinas) and many islands of the South Atlantic.
En cuanto a la organización política, la República Argentina
reconoce tres poderes: ejecutivo, legislativo y judicial. El primero lo
ejerce el Presidente de la Nación, elegido para un mandato de
cuatro años. Posee amplios poderes, que incluyen la posibilidad de
aprobar o vetar decisiones del Congreso. El segundo es el Congreso
de la Nación, que es bicameral. La Cámara de Diputados consta de
254 miembros elegidos directamente. El Senado tiene 72 miembros
elegidos por Jurisdicciones provinciales, a razón de tres por
provincia y tres por la Capital Federal.
In terms of political organization, the Argentina Republic
recognizes three branches: executive, legislative and judicial. The
first is exercised by the President of the Nation, elected for a term
of four years. It has broad powers, including the ability to approve
or veto decisions of Congress. The second is the National Congress,
which is bicameral. The House of Representatives consists of 254
members directly elected. The Senate has 72 members elected by
provincial jurisdictions, at three per province and three in the
Federal Capital.
Respecto a las normas jurídicas en nuestro país, la
Constitución Nacional tiene la mayor jerarquía, como también los
tratados internacionales de Derechos Humanos a los cuales a Nación
Argentina ha adherido. Las leyes nacionales son superiores a las leyes
provinciales. Las provincias se encuentran obligadas a que sus leyes se
ajusten a las leyes nacionales y a la Constitución Nacional. Todas las
leyes de la República Argentina nacionales, provinciales y locales,
deben garantizar los derechos constitucionales.
With regards to the National regulatory frameworks of our
country, the Constitution of the Argentine Nation has the highest
rank, as well as international Human Rights treaties which
Argentina has adhered. National laws are superior to provincial
laws. The provinces are obliged to enact laws to comply with the
national laws and the Constitution. All laws of the national,
provincial and local Argentina Republic should ensure
constitutional rights.
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Economía Nacional
La economía Argentina se caracteriza por sus valiosos
recursos naturales, que llevan al
país a ser uno de los principales
productores de alimentos, de la
mano de la agricultura y la
ganadería vacuna. Cuenta con un
gran
potencial
para
el
autoabastecimiento en materia
energética (petróleo y gas) y con
una importante capacidad industrial
para Latinoamérica.
Desde la segunda mitad del
siglo XIX, la Argentina se organizó
según
un
modelo
políticoeconómico ligado a la producción
agropecuaria destinada sobre todo
a la exportación. Esta producción se
ubica en la región pampeana y en
las provincias del litoral. Nuestro
país posee 22,5 millones de
hectáreas cultivadas, que han
producido en el año 2001 62
millones de toneladas de cereales y
oleaginosas. Sus principales cultivos
son la soja, el trigo, el maíz y la caña
de azúcar.
La Argentina es uno de los
mayores exportadores de carne en el mundo y el primer productor
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
National Economy
Argentina's economy is characterized by its precious natural
resources, leading the country to
be one of the main producers of
food, from the hand of agriculture
and cattle breeding. It has great
potential for self-sufficiency in
energy (oil and gas) and an
important industrial capacity to
Latin America.
Since the second half of the
19th century, Argentina was
organized according to a politicaleconomic
model
linked
to
agricultural production destined
mainly for export. This production
is located in the Pampas region and
the coastal provinces. Our country
has 22.5 million hectares, which
produced in 2001, 62 million tons of
grains and oilseeds. Their main
crops are soybeans, wheat, corn
and sugar cane.
Argentina is one of the largest
exporters of beef in the world and
the world's largest producer of
sunflower, yerba mate, lemons, and
soybean oil.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
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mundial de girasol, yerba mate, limones, y aceite de soja.
La apertura del mercado de China representa un impulso en
la consolidación de un perfil exportador. La actividad ganadera da
origen a la industria cárnica, lechera y textil. La Argentina posee
48,7 millones de cabezas de ganado vacuno y 13,5 de ganado ovino
(al año 2000).
En los últimos años el país experimentó un récord de
crecimiento en la industria nacional, en particular en los sectores
automotriz, textil, y de electrodomésticos. Ésta se distribuye entre
los siguientes rubros: Alimentos, Bebidas y Tabaco con un 32,2 %,
Textiles, caucho, cuero y otros con un 25,9 %, Química con un 14,1 %,
Refinación de Petróleo con un 10,1 %, Maquinaria con un 6,5 %,
Equipos de Transporte con un 5,7 %, y Siderurgia con un 5,2 %.
El PBI (Producto Interno Bruto) de la Argentina es de más
de US$611.8 mil millones, y es una de las economías más grandes de
América Latina. El país ha crecido sostenidamente en años recientes y
ha invertido fuertemente en salud y educación, áreas en las que se
destina el 8% y el 6% del PIB respectivamente. Entre 2003 y 2009, la
clase media se duplicó pasando de 9,3 millones a los 18,6 millones
(equivalentes al 45 % de la población).10
Según el informe sobre Desarrollo Humano 2014, desde la
aplicación de la Asignación Universal por Hijo (AUH) en 2009, se alcanzó
una cobertura del 85 por ciento de los niños, en tanto que se redujo la
pobreza en un 22 por ciento y la extrema pobreza en un 42.11
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
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The opening of the Chinese market represents a boost in the
consolidation of an export profile. Livestock activity gives rise to the
meat, dairy and textile industry. Argentina has 48.7 million cattle and
13.5 sheep (2000).
In recent years the country experienced record growth in
the domestic industry, particularly in the automotive, textile, and
appliance. This is distributed among the following categories: Food,
Drinks and Snuff with 32.2%, textiles, rubber, leather and other with
25.9%, 14.1% Chemicals, Petroleum Refining with 10.1 %, 6.5%
Machinery, Transport Equipment 5.7%, and 5.2% with Steel.
The Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of Argentina is
of more than U.S$ 611.8 billion, and is one of the largest economies
in Latin America. The country has grown steadily in recent years
and has invested heavily in health and education, areas in which it is
destined 8% and 6% of GDP respectively. Between 2003 and 2009,
the middle class doubled from 9.3 million to 18.6 million (equivalent
to 45% of the population). 12
According to the Human Development Report 2014 from
the implementation of the Universal Child Allowance (AUH) in
2009, was reached in Argentina, reaches 85 percent of children,
while poverty declined by 22 percent and extreme poverty by 42
percent.13
10
12
11
13
http://www.bancomundial.org/es/country/argentina/overview
Dicho estudio ubica al país dentro de las 50 naciones con desarrollo humano "muy alto",
por su buen desempeño en indicadores como esperanza de vida al nacer, media de
escolaridad e ingreso bruto per cápita.
http://www.bancomundial.org/es/country/argentina/overview
This study places the country within the 50 nations with "very high" human
development, for good performance on indicators such as life expectancy at birth,
schooling and average gross per capita income.
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Comparando a nivel internacional, de acuerdo al Índice de
Desarrollo Humano del Programa de Naciones Unidas para el
Desarrollo (IDH – PNUD), Argentina se encuentra en el puesto 49
(IDH ‘muy alto’), mientras
que Tanzania se encuentra en
el puesto 159 (IDH ‘bajo’) y
Alemania en el puesto 6 (IDH
‘muy alto’).14
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
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In an international comparison, according the Human Development
Index (HDI, Value 2013), Argentina is ranked 49 (Very high HDI),
while Tanzania is in the 159th (Low HDI) and Germany in position 6
(Very high HDI).16
Climate
El Clima
The vast territory of the
country has a rich variety of
climatic and scenic areas
encompassing
mountains,
plateaus and plains with all
climates.17
El extenso territorio del país
posee una diversidad de
regiones
climáticas
y
paisajísticas donde se pueden
apreciar montañas, mesetas y
llanuras, con todos los
climas.15
Religion
Religión
The
Catholic
Apostolic
Roman religion is the state
religion. But in Article 23, the
Constitution
recognizes
freedom
of
worship.
La religión católica, apostólica
y romana es la religión del
Estado, pero en el artículo 23
de
la
Constitución
se
reconoce la libertad de culto.
14
El Índice de Desarrollo Humano se construye sobre la base de los siguientes
componentes: Nivel de salud: esperanza de vida al nacer (años); Nivel de instrucción:
años de educación promedio; años de escolarización previstos; Nivel de Ingreso: ingreso
nacional bruto (INB) per cápita (2.011 dólares PPA). http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/table1-human-development-index-and-its-components
15
Información procedente del Observatorio Nacional de Biodiversidad Secretaría de
Ambiente y Desarrollo Sustentable de la Nación.
16
The Human Development Index (HDI) is constructed on the basis of the following
components: Level of health: life expectancy at birth (years); Level of education: Mean
years of schooling, Expected years of schooling; Level of income: Gross national income
(GNI) per capita (2011 PPP $). http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/table-1-human-developmentindex-and-its-components
17
Information of the National Biodiversity Centre, Secretariat of Environment and
Sustainable Development of the Nation.
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
Se practica en menor medida el protestantismo, el
judaísmo, el islamismo, y la religión ortodoxa griega y rusa entre
otras. La distribución porcentual es la siguiente: El 76% se define
católico. El 9% se declara evangélico,
mientras que el 11.3% manifiesta ser
ateo, agnóstico, o no tener ninguna
religión.18
La región del Nordeste Argentino
Misiones forma parte de la
Región del Nordeste Argentino (NEA).
Esta región está comprendida por cuatro
provincias: Chaco, Corrientes, Formosa y
Misionesy
sus
respectivos
departamentos.
La región se constituye de
acuerdo a criterios de similitud
socioeconómica antes que geográfica, ya
que los biomas incluidos en ella son
diversos (Selva paranaense, Chaco
húmedo y Chaco seco). Las similitudes
más grandes se dan en el aspecto
cultural, dado que las cuatro provincias
fueron influenciadas en gran medida
por la cultura guaraní, y en el Chaco y
Formosa mayoritariamente por las etnias
toba y wichí (Atlas NEA, 2011: 13).
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To a lesser extent, Protestantism, Judaism, Islam, and the
Greek and Russian Orthodox religion is practiced among others.
The percentage distribution is as
follows: 76% is defined Catholic. 9% said
they were evangelical, while 11.3% said
to be an atheist, agnostic, or no
religion.
The North-East Region
Misiones is part of the
Northeast Region of Argentina (NEA).
This region is comprised of four
provinces Chaco, Corrientes, Formosa
and Misiones and their respective
departments.
The region is constituted
according to socioeconomic similarity
criteria rather than geographical, since
the biomes included in it are diverse
(the Paranaense Jungle, the Wet and
Dry Chaco Area). The greatest
similarities occur in the cultural aspect,
the four provinces have been
influenced largely by the Guarani
culture, and Chaco and Formosa mostly
by Wichí and Quom ethnic group (NEA
Atlas, 2011: 13).
Ver más en Mallimaci et al. (2008).
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Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Condiciones de pobreza estructural del NEA
La población con Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas (NBI) es
aquella que habita en hogares que presentan, al menos, una de las
siguientes condiciones de privación: a) hacinamiento, b) vivienda
inconveniente, c) condiciones sanitarias insuficientes, d) falta de
asistencia escolar y e) falta de capacidad de subsistencia
económica.
Todo el NEA presenta altos porcentajes de NBI si se los
compara con el promedio nacional, que se ubica en 17,7% en el 2001,
según estadísticas del INDEC. La provincia de Formosa se encuentra
en primer lugar con el índice más alto de NBI (33,6% de la
población). A ella le sigue la provincia del Chaco (33%), Corrientes
(28%) y Misiones (27,1%) (ATLAS NEA, 2011: 15)
Terms of structural poverty of the NEA Region
The population with unsatisfied basic needs (NBI) is that
living in households which have at least one of the following
conditions of deprivation: crowding, housing disadvantage,
inadequate sanitation, lack of attendance and lack of capacity for
economic subsistence
All NEA has high percentages of NBI, if compared to the
national average, which stands at 17.7% in 2001, according to INDEC.
The province of Formosa is in first place with the highest rate of
NBI (33.6% of the population). She remains the province of Chaco
(33%), Corrientes (28%) and Misiones (27.1%) (ATLAS NEA, 2011: 15).
Pueblos originarios del NEA
En el ámbito nacional existen 600.329 personas que se
reconocen pertenecientes y/o descendientes en primera
generación de pueblos originarios (de acuerdo a los datos de la
Encuesta complementaria de Pueblos indígenas 2004-2005 ECPI del
INDEC consultada en ATLAS NEA 2011: 16).
Las etnias presentes en el NEA son, Wichí y Quom en las
provincias de Chaco, Formosa y representan el 20% del total de
pueblos originarios. La etnia Mbyá Guaraní se encuentra en la
provincia de Misiones y representa el 5% de la población total.19
19
Para mayor información consultar el Informe “El Mundo Indígena 2014”
http://www.iwgia.org/publicaciones/buscar-publicaciones?publication_id=672
Indigenous peoples of the NEA
Nationally there are 600,329 people who are recognized
within and / or first-generation descendants of native peoples
(according to data of the supplementary Indigenous Peoples
Survey 2004-2005 ECPI INDEC consulted in ATLAS NEA 2011: 16).
The ethnic groups that are present in the NEA are Quom
and Wichí in the provinces of Chaco, Formosa and represent 20% of
all indigenous peoples. The Mbyá Guarani ethnic group is in the
province of Misiones, and represents 5% of the total population.20
20
For more information, see the Report “The Indigenous World 2013”
http://www.iwgia.org/publications/search-pubs?publication_id=613
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Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014

Misiones, nuestro lugar de procedencia
En el extremo nordeste de la República Argentina se
encuentra la provincia de Misiones, nuestro lugar de procedencia.
Constituye una de las provincias más pequeñas de nuestro país y se
encuentra inserta geográficamente en el corazón del Mercosur, la
organización supranacional económica entre cinco naciones de
América del Sur (Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay, Uruguay y
Venezuela).21
Misiones, where we are coming from
In the northeast corner of Argentina is the province of
Misiones, our place of origin. It is one of the smaller provinces of
our country, and it is geographically inserted at the heart of the
Mercosur, the economical supranational organization among five
nations in South America (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and
Venezuela).22
Rodeada en el
90% de sus fronteras por
países vecinos, Misiones
representa una especie
de cuña inserta entre
Paraguay
y
Brasil,
formando parte de una
región fronteriza de una
amplia diversidad de
culturas con un pasado
en común. Esto se puede
percibir en el lenguaje
hablado, fuertemente
impregnado con términos
en portugués y guaraní, la
lengua de los primeros
habitantes.
21
Mapa: Provincia de Misiones. Principales centros urbanos, Densidad de Población y
Fronteras internacionales (Fuente: INDEC SIG, IGN Argenmap, 2014).
Surrounded in
90% of their borders by
neighboring countries,
Misiones represents a
kind of wedge inserted
between Paraguay and
Brazil, as part of a
border region of a wide
variety of cultures with
a common past. This
can be perceived in the
spoken
language,
strongly imprinted with
terms in Portuguese
and Guaraní,
the
language of the first
inhabitants.
22
Map: Province of Misiones. Main urban centers, population density and
international frontiers.
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Su geografía está marcada por dos ríos principales: Paraná y
Uruguay. El icono más conocido de Misiones son las Cataratas del Iguazú,
reconocidas
internacionalmente,
que forman parte de una de las 7
maravillas naturales del mundo, las
cuales se encuentran ubicadas en el
río del mismo nombre, junto a la
frontera con Brasil. Internamente
cientos de manantiales, pequeños
ríos, arroyos, lagunas y lagos de agua
van dando el característico paisaje
con una rica flora y fauna, en
medio del relieve de valles y sierras
que forman parte de la Región
ecológica
denominada
“Selva
23
Paranaense”.
Aunque la superficie de Misiones
representa sólo el 0,8 % del territorio
argentino, su biodiversidad es una
de las más altas del país, ya que
posee la mayor parte de su territorio
en áreas templadas. Hasta finales de la década de 1990, los registros
señalan la presencia de más de 3.000 especies de plantas vasculares, lo
que significaría un tercio del total para la Argentina. 24
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Its geography is marked by two major rivers Parana and
Uruguay. The best known of Misiones icon are the Iguazu Falls,
internationally recognized as part
of one of the 7 natural wonders
of the world, which are located
on the river of the same name,
near the border with Brazil.
Internally hundreds of springs,
small rivers, streams, ponds and
lakes of water will give the
characteristic landscape with rich
flora and fauna, amid relief
valleys and mountains that are
part of the ecological region
known as "Atlantic Forest".25
Although the surface of
Misiones represents only 0.8% of
the
Argentine
territory,
biodiversity is one of the highest
in the country, since it has most
of its territory in temperate
areas. Until the late 1990s, the records indicate the presence of
more than 3,000 species of vascular plants, which would mean a
third of the total for Argentina.
23
La Selva Misionera forma parte de un área mayor denominada “Selva Atlántica” que se
distribuye por la costa atlántica de Brasil y se extiende hacia el oeste del continente por el
Noreste de Argentina hasta el Paraguay oriental. Dentro de la porción sudoeste de esta
área, se extiende desde las laderas occidentales de la Serra do Mar en Brasil, hasta el este
de Paraguay, incluyendo la totalidad de la provincia de Misiones, norte de Corrientes,
bajando por los ríos Paraná y Uruguay en forma relictual como selvas en galería hacia el
litoral de la república Argentina. (Ver mapa. Fuente: Kostlin et al (2011) en base a Dibitetti
et al 2003).
24
Zuloaga et al (1999)
25
Misiones Forest is part of a larger area called "Atlantic Forest" which is distributed along
the Atlantic coast of Brazil and extends westward from the mainland by the Northeast
Argentina to the eastern Paraguay. In the southwest portion of this area, Misiones Forest
extends from the western slopes of the Serra do Mar in Brazil to eastern Paraguay,
including the whole of the province of Misiones, Corrientes north, down the Parana and
Uruguay in relict gallery forest way to the coast of Argentina republic. (See Map: Source:
Kostlin et al (2011) based on Dibitetti et al 2003).
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Sin embargo, desde hace varias décadas, se asiste a una
sostenida perdida de monte nativo en toda la región. Según los datos
consultados, para el periodo 1998-2002, se
desforestaron 67.233 hectáreas del total
de monte nativo con que contaba
Misiones (1.223.909 hectáreas). Durante
el periodo de años 2002-2006, se
desforestaron
62.412
hectáreas,
reduciéndose el área a 1.161.497
hectáreas.26
Este proceso ha sido más
acelerado aún en los países vecinos.
El Bosque Atlántico ha sido sustituido
en Brasil en un 97,3%, y en un 86,6% en
Paraguay.27
En el año 1999 se crea por Ley
Provincial N° 3.631 el llamado “Corredor
Verde” a efectos de demarcar un Área
Integral de Conservación y Desarrollo
Sustentable, que conecte el Parque
Nacional Iguazú con la Reserva de
Biosfera Yabotí en la región Nordeste,
y así garantizar la conectividad de los
principales bloques de Áreas Naturales
Protegidas de Selva Paranaense en la
Provincia de Misiones.
Actualmente alrededor de
450.000 hectáreas es la superficie que
ocupan los Monumentos Naturales,
Reservas Privadas, Parques Provinciales
y Nacionales de Misiones (Ver Mapa).
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However, for several decades, a sustained loss of native
forest are witnessing throughout the region. According to the data
accessed, for the period 1998-2002, 67,233 hectares of the total
native forest that had Misiones
(1,223,909
hectares)
deforested.
During the years 2002-2006, 62,412
hectares were deforested, reducing
the area to 1,161,497 hectares.
This process has been
accelerated even in neighboring
countries. The Atlantic Forest in Brazil
has been replaced by 97.3% and 86.6%
in Paraguay.
In 1999 is created by Provincial
Law No. 3,631 so-called "Green
Corridor" in order to demarcate a
Comprehensive Conservation Area
and Sustainable Development, which
connect the Iguazú National Park
Biosphere Reserve Yabotí in the
Northeast region, and so ensure
connectivity of the main blocks of
protected areas in the Atlantic Forest
of Misiones Province.
Currently
around
450,000
hectares is the area occupied Natural
Monuments, Private Reserves, Provincial
and National Parks Missions (See Map).
26
Datos de Unidad de Manejo del Sistema de Evaluación Forestal, Dirección de
Bosques, Secretaría de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sustentable. 2009.
27
Placci y Di Bitetti (2003) en SAyDS (2012).
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
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
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Aspectos históricos del territorio y la población de
Misiones
Historical aspects of the territory and population of
Misiones
Para comprender los rasgos contemporáneos de la
estructura de tenencia de la tierra de Misiones y los conflictos
resultantes, es necesario describir brevemente los diversos
procesos sociales, demográficos y económicos que ocurrieron en el
espacio territorial que actualmente corresponde a la provincia de
Misiones. Tales procesos fueron marcando los rasgos
característicos de la estructura agraria, la población, la organización
social, como también, el uso y apropiación de la tierra. Éstos, no se
han manifestado de manera lineal y consecutiva en el tiempo y
espacio, sino que más bien, se han ido superponiendo y
coexistiendo en diversas zonas del territorio.
To understand the contemporary features of the structure
of land tenure of Misiones and the resulting conflicts, it is necessary
to briefly describe the various social, demographic and economic
processes that occurred in the territorial space currently
corresponds to the province of Misiones. Such processes were
marking the characteristic features of the agrarian structure,
population, social organization, as well as the use and ownership of
land. These are not straight and have expressed consecutively in
time and space, but rather, have been superimposed and coexist in
different areas of the territory.
Tiempo Jesuítico y Frente Extractivo
Jesuitic time and extractive front
El área territorial que hoy corresponde a la provincia de
Misiones, estuvo atravesada por una serie de transformaciones
históricas regionales, vinculadas a disputas y conflictos por los
recursos naturales, la población y el área administrativa-territorial
que desembocó luego en la consolidación de los Estados nacionales
de la región. Dichas transformaciones se originaron desde la etapa
del colonialismo y marcaron la estructura territorial
contemporánea.
The territorial area that today corresponds to the province
of Misiones, was crossed by a series of regional historical
transformations linked to disputes and conflicts over natural
resources, population and administrative-territorial area which then
led to the consolidation of national states region. These changes
originated from the stage of contemporary colonialism and marked
territorial structure.
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Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
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In the sixteenth century the
Spanish colonization landed in Latin
America, affecting the way of life of
the peoples of this region, located in
a vast territory Guarani, which still
continues to exist beyond the
borders of the states of the region
(See Map).
En el siglo XVI la colonización
española desembarcó en América
Latina, afectando la forma de vida de
los pueblos originarios de esta
región, ubicados en un extenso
Territorio Guaraní, el que aún hoy
continúa existiendo más allá de las
fronteras nacionales de los estados
de la región (VER MAPA). El gran
“pueblo guaraní” se compone de
diversas comunidades que se
reconocen como AVÁ, que significa
“persona”.28 De ellos, los Mbyá
(significa “gente” en idioma guaraní)
habitan el área de la provincia de
Misiones (Guaraní Reta, 2008).
The big "Guaraní people" is
composed of various communities
that are recognized as Ava, meaning
"person".29
Of these, Mbyá (means "people" in
Guarani language) they live in the
area of the province of Misiones
(Guarani Reta, 2008).
28
Los pueblos guaraníes que habitan la región y se reconocen como parte de un gran
Pueblo Guaraní que trasciende las fronteras nacionales de los 4 países (Bolivia, Paraguay,
Argentina y Brasil) son: los Mbyá, los Pãi-Tavyterã –conocidos en Brasil como Kaiowá-, los
Avá-Guaraní –conocidos en Brasil como Ñandeva- y los Aché conocidos como Guayakí.
Según los datos brindados por el informe Guaraní Retá consultado, en el año 2008
rondaban las cien mil personas distribuidas aproximadamente en 500
aldeas/comunidades en los cuatro países, constituyendo de ese modo una de las etnias
indígenas con mayor presencia territorial en el continente sudamericano (Guaraní Reta,
2008:5).
29
The Guarani peoples inhabiting the region and are recognized as part of a large Pueblo
Guaraní that transcends national borders of four countries (Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina
and Brazil) are: the Mbyá, the Pãi-Tavyterã -they are known in Brazil as Kaiowás-, the AváGuaraní -they are known in Brazil as Ñandeva- and the Aché -they are known as Guayaki-.
According to data provided by the Guarani report Retá consulted, in 2008 were around
one hundred thousand people distributed in about 500 villages / communities in the four
countries, thereby constituting one of the largest indigenous ethnic groups with territorial
presence in South America (Guaraní Reta, 2008: 5).
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Más tarde, en 1767, con la expulsión de los Jesuitas de España y
sus dominios por parte de la Corona, el régimen religioso es suplantado
por el poder civil, denominado “Régimen Bucarelli”, constituyéndose de
esa forma, la “Provincia Guaranítica de Misiones” dentro de la gran
Cuenca del Plata. Como consecuencia, se produce la desorganización del
régimen comunal "tupambaé",
que consistía en la producción
colectiva de bienes. El
desmembramiento de los
Pueblos Jesuíticos ocasionó el
éxodo de la población. La
monoproducción de bienes,
instaurada por el nuevo
Régimen en los pueblos,
acarreó
la
consecuente
proletarización indígena, y la
emergencia de un sector
dirigente.30
Durante el siglo XIX, las
diversas regiones de Argentina
comenzaron
un
proceso
revolucionario
de
independencia de la Corona
Española, que dio lugar a la “Revolución de Mayo”. En ese periodo, la
región del nordeste estuvo atravesada por una serie de disputas
fronterizas por la delimitación geopolítica de las fronteras nacionales. Por
el transcurso de tres décadas, hasta 1830, se produjeron transiciones
jurídico-administrativas del área territorial, entre la república del
30
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Later, in 1767, with the expulsion of the Jesuits from
Spain and its dominions by the Crown, the religious regime is
supplanted by the civil power, called "Regime Bucarelli",
becoming in this way, the "Guaranítica Province of Misiones"
within the Great Basin Plata. As a result, disruption occurs
communally "Tupambaé" which consisted in the collective
production of goods. The
breakup of the Jesuit towns
caused the exodus of the
population. The monoculture
of goods, introduced by the
new Regime in the villages,
led to the consequent
indigenous proletarianization,
and the emergence of a
leading sector.
During
the
nineteenth
century, several regions of
Argentina
began
a
revolutionary
process
of
independence of the Spanish
Crown, which resulted in the
"May Revolution". During this
period, the northeast region was crossed by a series of border
disputes geopolitical delimitation of national borders. For over
three decades, until 1830, the legal and administrative territorial
area transitions between the republic of Paraguay, Brazil and the
Province of Corrientes (Argentina) occurred.
Poenitz y Poenitz, (1993: 34)
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Paraguay, Brasil y la Provincia de Corrientes (Argentina).
Finalmente entre 1832 hasta 1881, la provincia de Corrientes
controla el área territorial de la actual provincia de Misiones.
Finalizada la Guerra del Paraguay (1865-1870), se liberan
territorios ocupados y comienza el despliegue de un sistema
productivo basado en la extracción de recursos naturales. Dicho
"frente extractivo", se caracterizó por baja inversión –
infraestructura mínima destinada exclusivamente a extraer y
exportar el recurso-, presencia de grandes empresas
representantes 'in situ' de propietarios latifundistas ausentistas,
inserción del territorio a un régimen de mercado regulado desde
fuera caracterizado por un capitalismo desarrollado, relaciones de
producción pre-capitalistas en condiciones de trabajo de
servidumbre o esclavitud, de mano de obra indígena o criolla.31
En el año 1881, previo a la Federalización de Misiones como
Territorio Nacional, la provincia de Corrientes administradora de los
territorios, vende a 38 propietarios un total de 2.025.000 hectáreas
con formidables recursos naturales (madera nativa y yerba mate
silvestre).32 Se consolida así un modelo de tenencia de la tierra
concentrado en poquísimas manos.
Los propietarios ausentistas radicados fuera de la provincia,
encargaban o concesionaban a empresas intermediarias, la
extracción de los recursos naturales (yerba mate virgen y madera
de ley).
31
32
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Finally, between 1832 and 1881, the province of Corrientes
controlled the territorial area of the current province of Misiones.
After the War of Paraguay (1865-1870), the occupied
territories were released and began the deployment of a
production system based on the extraction of natural resources.
This "extractive front", was characterized by low investment in
low-infrastructure exclusively to extract and export the resort-,
presence of large companies representing in situ of absentee
landlords landowners, addition of territory to a regulated market
regime characterized from outside for developed capitalism, precapitalist relations of production in working condition of
servitude or slavery, indigenous or creole hand work.
In 1881, before the federalization of the territory of
Misiones, the government of the Province of Corrientes, which
administered the territories -, sold a total of 2,025,000 hectares
of native -wood formidable natural resources and wild yerba
mate to 38 people. A pattern of land ownership is concentrated
in a few hands and consolidates.
The absentee owners residing outside the province,
ordered through contractors or intermediaries, the extraction of
natural resources (native wood and yerba mate). After the
resources had exhausted, the land could be sold to private
colonization or use the plantations for cultivate in large scale yerba, tung, tea
Abínzano, 1985
Eidt, 1971 en Abínzano, 1985
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Una vez agotados los recursos, las tierras podían ser vendidas para
colonización privada, o bien utilizada para plantaciones en gran
escala –yerba mate, tung, té-.
Debido a errores de medición, el 30% del territorio
(220.00hectareas) fue recuperado y declarado ‘remanente fiscal’
(“tierras fiscales”), quedando
bajo jurisdicción del Estado
Nacional el cual ejecutó
políticas
inmigratorias
de
finales de siglo XIX dando lugar
al desarrollo de un “frente
agrícola” (1897-1937).
Las
actividades
extractivas
continuaron
vigentes por varias décadas
más post auge, coexistiendo
junto a otras actividades
productivas
que
fueron
surgiendo en la región, sobre
todo a partir de la llegada de la
inmigración europea.
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Due to measurement errors, 30% of the land (220,000
hectares) was recovered and declared "fiscal remnant '(" public
land "), being under the jurisdiction of the national government
which executed immigration policies in the late nineteenth century
leading to the development of an "agricultural front" (1897-1937).
Extractive
activities
continued in force for several
decades post boom, coexisting
with
other
productive
activities that were emerging
in the region, especially after
the arrival of European
immigration
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Proceso inmigratorio en el Siglo XX
En las primeras décadas del SXX se produce la llegada de
contingentes de inmigrantes procedentes de Europa, como
resultado de una política del Estado Nacional. Las medidas estatales
instrumentadas acompañaron y estructuraron el proceso de
acceso a la tierra para las familias procedentes de diversos lugares
de Europa que se fueron instalando en las zonas sur, centro y
noroeste de Misiones.
El acceso a herramientas de trabajo, tierra y ayudas económicas
por parte del Estado nacional, propiciaron el impulso de actividades
económico-productivas que se fortalecieron a lo largo del tiempo a
través de diversos ciclos productivos que caracterizaron la estructura
agraria de las primeras cinco décadas del mencionado siglo: yerba mate,
té, tung, ganadería y forestación.33
33
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Immigration process in the Twentieth Century
In the first decades of the XX century, the arrival of
contingents of immigrants from Europe, is the result of a policy of
the National Government. In this framework, the national
government implemented specific measures accompanying and
structuring access to land by adding various economic facilities for
immigrants living in rural areas of the province-specifically southern,
central and north-western, giving impulse to productive activities that
strengthened the various production cycles that characterized the
agrarian structure of the first five decades of that century
Access to tools, land and economic aid from the national
government, led to the promotion of economic and productive
activities that strengthened over time through various production
cycles that characterized the agrarian structure of the first five
decades of the that century: yerba mate, tea, tung, livestock and
forestry.
Ver Bartolomé, 2001.
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Acaparamiento y concentración de tierras: Agentes
y conflictos en Misiones
Landgrabbing and landconcentration: Agents and
conflicts in Misiones
En Argentina los conflictos por la tierra se intensifican
desde el año 2000, a partir de un contexto macroeconómico de
post-convertibilidad en el que se produce un impulso del modelo
agroexportador, favorecido por las condiciones del mercado
internacional, fundamentalmente para la producción y
comercialización de la soja.
In Argentina the land conflicts are intensified since
2000, from a macroeconomic context of post-convertibility in
which a pulse of agro-export model, favored by international
market conditions, primarily for the production and marketing
occurs soybeans.
Este proceso de reconversión productiva, trae como
consecuencia la revalorización de tierras y la expansión de la
frontera agropecuaria en toda la región del Nordeste y Noroeste
Argentino por las nuevas oportunidades de inversión para muchos
sectores inmersos en el complejo agroindustrial de producción.
De ese modo se produce paulatinamente un proceso de
concentración vía compra-venta y mediante el alquiler de tierras a
“pooles” de siembra los cuales comprometen largamente el
usufructo de las tierras en manos privadas y con el destino a una
producción
intensiva
y
monocultivo
de
oleaginosas,
biocombustibles u otras formas -como la forestacióncomprometiendo por largos periodos la destinación del suelo.
En este contexto, la colisión de intereses emergentes,
acrecienta las tensiones y la implementación de acciones de toda
índole con una importante carga de violencia hacia comunidades
rurales de diversos puntos del país (CELS, 2013; Barbetta, 2014;
Gómez, 2011; REDAF 2012).
This process of productive restructuring, results in the
revaluation of land and the expansion of the agricultural
frontier in the entire region of Northeast and Northwest
Argentina by new investment opportunities for many sectors
involved in the agroindustrial complex production.
Thus, it is gradually being a concentration process
through the sale and purchase by leasing land to "pools" of
planting, which compromise the long use of land in private
hands and with a production target including intensive
monoculture oil, biofuels or other forms such as afforestation,
engaging destination for long periods of soil.
In this context, the collision of emerging interest,
increases tensions and the implementation of actions of any
kind with a high burden of violence against rural communities
in various parts of the country (CELS, 2013; Barbetta, 2014;
Gómez, 2011; REDAF 2012).
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Estos hechos se producen por una presión creciente a nivel
de la estructura agraria en relación a la disponibilidad y necesidad
de tierras, como así también en el debate por su uso (Kostlin,
2005).
De acuerdo a un reciente informe, realizado por la
Subsecretaría de Agricultura Familiar en 2013, dependiente de la
Secretaría de Desarrollo Rural y Agricultura Familiar del Ministerio
de Agricultura, Ganadería y Pesca de la Nación, en la Argentina
existen 857 casos/problema vinculados con el acceso y tenencia
irregular de tierras en diferentes estadios de conflicto, los cuales se
concentran fundamentalmente en las provincias del Nordeste y
Noroeste Argentino.
En Misiones este cambio estructural, sin embargo, propició
un escenario favorable para el avance de la foresto industria,
acompañado de facilidades estatales (subsidios y créditos) para el
desarrollo de plantaciones forestales a gran escala por parte de
empresas y corporaciones transnacionales. La promoción de ésta
actividad económica a partir del año 2000, se apoyó también en las
ventajas comparativas ofrecidas por el área, traduciéndose ello en
el desarrollo de una importante capacidad industrial para el
procesamiento de pasta celulósica y papel, aserraderos, entre
otros, de manera integrada verticalmente.
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These events are caused by increased pressure at the
level of the agrarian structure in relation to the availability and
need for land, as well as in the debate over use (Kostlin, 2005).
According to a recent report by the Secretariat of Family
Agriculture in 2013, under the Ministry of Rural Development
and Family Agriculture, Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and
Fisheries Office, there are 857 cases/problem in Argentina
related to the irregular access and land tenure in various stages
of conflict, which are mainly concentrated in the provinces of
the Northeast and Northwest Argentina.
In Misiones this structural change, however, led to a
favorable scenario for the advancement of foresto industry,
together with facilities (grants and loans) for the development
of forest plantations on a large scale by companies and
transnational corporations.
The promotion of this economic activity since 2000, also
relied on the comparative advantages offered by the area,
thereby resulting in the development of a major industrial
capacity to process pulp and paper mills, among others, so
vertically integrated.
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También se produjo un proceso de alta concentración de
tierras productivas en manos de empresas de origen extranjero
fundamentalmente en la región del Noroeste de Misiones –
Departamentos de Eldorado, Iguazú y Montecarlo- (INTA, 2009;
Kostlin y Núñez 2010)34.
Según el Censo Nacional Agropecuario de 2002 (CNA 2002)
en Misiones existen un total de 27.072 explotaciones (EAP) que
ocupan 1.986.804 hectáreas de la superficie total de la provincia,
29.801km2. Las explotaciones de más de 5.000 hectáreas
representan el 0,13 % del total (36 EAP) y poseen el 32,5% del
territorio. En el otro extremo, las explotaciones menores de 50
hectáreas representan el 76% del total (21.860 EAP) y ocupan una
superficie de 502.819 has, es decir, el 24,32% del territorio
misionero.
Este proceso de concentración de tierras, desencadena un
creciente éxodo rural hacia las áreas periurbanas de las grandes
ciudades, en búsqueda de empleo por fuera de la agricultura y el
trabajo agrario. Sin embargo, existen casos en que todavía resisten
algunas poblaciones organizadas, tal como detallaremos más
adelante.
34 Misiones presenta condiciones favorables para la foresto industria, que se traducen,
entre otros aspectos, en: a) potencial forestal del área (clima y suelos) que conlleva a altas
tasas de crecimiento; b) abundancia de tierras a bajo precio; c) marco legal que regula y
otorga beneficios económicos y fiscales a través de inventivos nacionales a la actividad –
Ley de promoción 25.080 entre otras-; d) no restricción a inversiones extranjeras; e)
existencia de plantas de procesamiento de materias primas (celulosa y papel, industria de
aserrío y elaboración de la madera) (SAGPyA, 2000: 38, en Kostlin y Núñez, 2010).
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Also, there was a process of high concentration of productive
land in the hands of companies with foreign origins in the Northwest
region of Misiones -Departments of Eldorado, Iguazu and
Montecarlo- (INTA, 2009; Kostlin y Núñez 2010)35
According to the National Agricultural Census 2002 (CNA
2002) in Misiones there are a total of 27,072 farms (EAP) that
occupy 1,986,804 hectares of the total area of the province,
29.801km2. Farms over 5,000 hectares representing 0.13% of
the total (36 EAP) and has 32.5% of the territory. At the other
extreme, the farms under 50 hectares represent 76% of the
total (21,860 EAP) and cover an area of 502,819 hectares, that
is, 24.32% of the Misiones’s territory.
This process of land concentration, installs an increasing
rural exodus to peri-urban areas of large cities, in search of
employment outside agriculture and agricultural labor.
However, there are cases where some organized people still
resist, such as we will detail later.
35 Misiones presents favorable conditions for forest industry: a) potential forest area
(climate and soil) leading to high rates of growth; b) abundance of land at low prices; c)
legal framework that regulates and provides financial and tax benefits through the -Law
national promotional activity among others inventive 25.080; d) no restrictions on foreign
investment; e) existence of processing plants for raw materials (pulp and paper,
sawmilling industry and wood processing). (SAGPyA, 2000: 38, en Kostlin y Núñez, 2010).
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En el área del centro-este y nordeste de la provincia, este
proceso tiene un impacto diferente, sin embargo con efectos y
consecuencias que se tradujeron en conflictos por la tierra y los recursos
naturales.
Aquí, durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, se produjo la
expansión de la frontera agraria
(de sur a norte), de modo
posterior al proceso inmigratorio
agrícola de las primeras décadas.
Dicha área contaba con tierras
fiscales disponibles rodeadas de
grandes
propiedades
extractivas36 que tuvieron auge
durante la década de 1950.
El avance agrícola sobre
áreas fiscales se produjo de la
mano del cultivo del tabaco, y
luego prosiguió en algunos casos
hacia la incorporación al proceso
productivo de la yerba mate y el
té
en
las
explotaciones
agropecuarias medias y pequeñas
constituidas por agricultores
familiares.
36 Se trata de explotaciones de gran envergadura que van desde las 600 a las 40.000
hectáreas, muchas de ellas constituidas en el siglo XIX durante el proceso de
Federalización del territorio. (Mapa Kostlin et. al 2011)
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In the area of central eastern and northeast of the province,
this process has a different impact, but with effects and
consequences that resulted in conflicts over land and natural
resources. During the second half of the twentieth century,
agrarian frontier expansion occurred after the first immigration
process in that mentioned
areas.
These areas had many
available
public
lands,
surrounded by large extractive
that
had
properties37
flourished during the 1950s.
Agricultural progress on fiscal
areas, came as a result of the
cultivation of tobacco, and
then continued in some cases,
with the incorporation into the
production process of yerba
mate and tea in middle and
small farms, consisting of
family farmers.
37 It is large-scale farms ranging from 600 to 40,000 hectares, many of them established
in the nineteenth century during the Federalization of the territory. (Map Kostlin et al
2011)
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En simultáneo, la primera época de auge la actividad
extractiva de madera nativa en el área, se desarrolló con la
presencia de mano de obra itinerante procedente de diversas áreas
de Misiones y de los países fronterizos Brasil y Paraguay. Estos
migrantes, combinaron el trabajo para las empresas con agricultura
de subsistencia (cría de animales: gallinas, pollos, vacas, buey para
arar la tierra, chanchos y cultivos anuales: maíz, poroto, mandioca)
generando así las primeras “mejoras” en las tierras y parcelando
“sitios” y “chacras”. Los encargados y capataces, como forma de
pago “en negro” permitían el asentamiento en las tierras de la
empresa.
Simultaneously, the first heyday the native timber
extraction activity in the area was developed with the presence of
migrant labor from different areas of missions and countries
bordering Brazil and Paraguay. These migrants combined work for
companies with subsistence farming (breeding animals: chickens,
cows, oxen for plowing, pigs and annual crops: corn, beans,
manioc), thus creating the first "improvements" in the lands and
parceling "sites" and “chacras”. Managers and supervisors, as
payment "in black", allowed settlement in the lands of the
company.
Ante la crisis de la actividad extractiva en la década de 1980,
y el ausentismo de los propietarios y administradores en estas
propiedades de gran extensión, las rutas asfaltadas se
constituyeron como las vías de acceso y estructuraron el proceso
de asentamiento en las tierras privadas por parte de otras familias.
Given the crisis of mining activity in the 1980s, and
absenteeism of owners and managers in these properties of great
extent, the paved roads were established such as access roads and
structured settlement process in private land by other families.
Se trató en su mayoría de parejas jóvenes, hijos de
pequeños productores que se asentaron en las tierras fiscales en la
década anterior, procedentes de tierras rurales degradadas y
también porque no había lugar en sus chacras.
La degradación y escasez de tierra fiscal más una fuerte
crisis de precios de los cultivos de renta y el crecimiento de las
unidades domesticas; suscitó la migración espontánea hacia
amplias extensiones de tierras privadas de alto rendimiento, baja
utilización agrícola y marcada ausencia de sus propietarios ubicadas
en el NE (Kostlin, 2005; 2010).
It was mostly young couples, children of small farmers who
settled on public land in the previous decade, from degraded rural
lands and also because there was no place in their gardens.
The degradation and shortage of land tax more a crisis of
prices of cash crops and the growth of domestic units; elicited
spontaneous migration to large tracts of private land of high
performance, low agricultural use and marked absence of their
owners located in the NE (Kostlin, 2005, 2010).
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La tierra privada de cara a una serie de limitantes que deben
ser enfrentadas, pasa a constituirse un oasis y así a cumplir el rol de
nueva frontera agraria, representando esa franja de expansión
donde la tierra se presenta como única alternativa para muchas
familias que no cuentan alternativas por fuera de la agricultura. La
demanda de tierra, es la demanda por la subsistencia (Velho, 1979;
Fogel, 1990, Kostlin, 2005).38
Private land facing a number of limitations that should be
addressed, has gone from being an oasis and thus fulfill the role of
new agricultural frontier, representing the fringe where land
expansion is presented as the only alternative for many families
without alternatives outside of agriculture. The demand for land is
the demand for subsistence (Velho, 1979; Fogel, 1990 Kostlin,
2005).39
El contexto de post-convertibilidad antes mencionado, que
entre otros factores produjo la revalorización del precio de la tierra,
propició la instrumentación de diversas estrategias por parte de los
titulares registrales de tales propiedades, con voluntad de
‘recuperación’ de la posesión de sus tierras reivindicando su
carácter de “propietarios”.
The aforementioned context of post-convertibility, which
among other things produced the price appreciation of land, led to
the implementation of various strategies by the registered holders
of such properties in a spirit of 'recovery' from the possession of
their lands vindicating his character of "owners".
Aquellos titulares que contaban con capital,
tenían
intereses de poner en producción sus tierras en el complejo foresto
industrial, mientras que los que no contaban con capital, tenían
interés de vender las tierras. Imposibilitados por la presencia de una
importante proporción de población, comienzan acciones jurídicas
y administrativas para recobrar sus dominios, explicitándose de ese
modo la tensión social y el conflicto, entre poseedores y
propietarios hacia finales de la década de 1990.
Those owners who had capital interests had their land put
into production in forest industry complex, while those who had no
capital interest had to sell the land. Prevented by the presence of a
significant proportion of the population, legal and administrative
actions begin to recover their domains, thereby explicitándose
social tension and conflict between holders and owners in the late
1990s.
38
El traslado a la tierra privada se produce cuando la situación en que se encuentran se
torna inviable y por ende está en riesgo la subsistencia. En la mayoría de los casos, los
traslados no se producen buscando la seguridad jurídica, sino más bien la seguridad
relativa a la subsistencia. Las tierras se dejan atrás por: a) problemas de infraestructura –
baja calidad de tierra, falta de agua, poco monte-; b) tamaño de la explotación, que
resulta pequeño en función del crecimiento del grupo familiar; c) marginalidad del sitio en
relación a la accesibilidad de los principales servicios básicos: escuelas, centros de salud,
mercados, etc. o lugares donde ofrecer la fuerza de trabajo (Kostlin, 2005; 2010).
39
The move to private land occurs when the situation they are in is unfeasible and
therefore survival is at risk. In most cases, the transfers do not occur seeking legal
certainty, but rather on the livelihood security. The land left behind by: a) infrastructure
problems -low soil quality, lack of water, little mountain-; b) farm size, which is small in
terms of growth of the family group; c) Site marginality in relation to the accessibility of
key basic services: schools, health centers, markets, etc. or where providing workforce
(Kostlin, 2005; 2010).
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Al momento de emerger públicamente el conflicto en
tierras privadas, las familias de agricultores y trabajadores rurales
fueron encasillados bajo el término despectivo de intrusos.
Colaboraron en este sentido los medios de comunicación tanto
nacionales como provinciales que sobre la base –en muchos casosdel desconocimiento de los procesos históricos, económicos y
demográficos ocurridos en la región, favorecían a un lado de las
partes en el conflicto.
Recurriendo a argumentos de índole jurídico y ambiental, se
deslegitimó a una importante proporción de agricultores y
trabajadores con derechos constitucionales garantizados por el
tiempo de posesión con ánimo de dueño en dichas tierras (Kostlin,
2005; 2010). Pese a lo planteado por los medios a los fines de
deslegitimarlos –considerándolos de origen brasilero-, el censo de
ocupantes de tierras privadas de 2005 arrojó que el 90% son
ciudadanos argentinos.
Los conflictos por la tierra en Misiones: presentación de
casos, actores y relaciones
Antes de proseguir a la descripción de algunos casos de
conflictos de tierras que se producen en Misiones en los últimos
años queremos explicitar que entendemos por conflicto a aquella
“relación social entre actores, cuyos intereses divergentes entran
en disputa por una misma área territorial. De ese modo, es posible
identificar en un primer nivel de relaciones, dos partes que pugnan
un territorio determinado: por un lado quienes habitan y trabajan la
tierra realizando actos posesorios y la reclaman en calidad de
poseedores con ánimo de dueño; y quienes se consideran
propietarios y detentan la titularidad de la tierra en cuestión”
(Kostlin et al 2014: 3; Hlebovich et al 2013).
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At the time of the conflict emerge publicly on private land,
family farmers and rural workers were boxes under the derogatory
term intrusion. Collaborated in this sense means both national and
provincial communication on the basis that, in many cases the lack
of historical, economic and demographic processes occurring in the
region, favoring one side of the parties to the conflict.
Drawing on arguments of legal and environmental nature, is
delegitimized a significant proportion of farmers and workers
constitutional rights guaranteed by the time of possession with the
intention of business on such lands (Kostlin, 2005, 2010). Despite
the issues raised by the media in order to delegitimize considerándolos brasilero- origin of the census of private land
occupiers 2005 found that 90% are Argentine citizens.
Conflicts over land in Misiones: presentation of cases,
actors and relationships
Before proceeding to the description of some cases of land
conflicts that occur in Misiones in recent years to explain that we
mean by conflict that "social relationship between actors with
diverging interests have become territorial dispute over the same
area. Thus, it is possible to identify a first level of relationships, both
parties vying a particular territory: on the one hand those who live
and work the land and making claim possessory acts as a spirit of
business owners; and those who consider themselves owners and
hold title to the land in question "(Kostlin et al 2014: 3; Hlebovich et
al 2013).
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También coincidimos con la definición propuesta por la
REDAF (2010) que señala “(…) consideramos conflicto socioambiental a un proceso de interacción social entre dos o más partes
que se disputan al mismo tiempo el acceso, uso y/o control del
mismo territorio. Se produce cuando una de las partes percibe las
acciones de la otra como atentatorias a sus intereses y/o
satisfacción de sus necesidades, por lo tanto decide actuar
desatando a su vez una reacción.”
De acuerdo al informe antes mencionado de la Secretaria de
Agricultura Familiar de la Nación (2013: 10-11) las razones que
originan las situaciones problemáticas de tierra de agricultores
familiares se pueden considerar las siguientes: a) títulos
incompletos e inexistencia de títulos; b) usurpación de tierras
campesinas e indígenas; c) despojos; d) pedido de reconocimiento
de territorios indígenas; e) falta de tierra, o problemas relacionados
con territorios fiscales provinciales, fraudes y/o falta de
información.
Cabe destacar que según la Constitución Nacional
Argentina, se considera poseedor a quien detenta material y
físicamente la cosa (esto es que habita en la tierra y/o la trabaja) y
se considera dueño de la cosa. Por su parte, tenedor es quien
detenta material y físicamente la cosa, sin embargo reconoce en
otro el derecho de propiedad. Por último, el propietario es quien
ejerce un derecho de dominio sobre un inmueble ateniéndose a las
formalidades de la ley que generan una presunción a favor es decir,
por ejemplo un boleto de compraventa inscripto o pendiente de
escriturar, o boleto de compraventa mediante escritura pública
inscripta o no en los registros inmobiliarios provinciales.
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We also agree with the definition given by the REDAF (2010)
states that "(...) we consider socio-environmental conflict to a
process of social interaction between two or more parties that are
held simultaneously access, use and / or control of the same
territory. Occurs when one party perceives the other's actions as
undermining their interests and / or satisfy their needs, therefore
decides to act in turn triggering a reaction. "
According to the above-mentioned report of the Secretary of
Family Farming of the Nation (2013: 10-11) the reasons behind
problematic situations earth family farmers may consider the
following: a) incomplete titles and lack of qualifications; b)
usurpation of peasant and indigenous lands; c) remains; d) request
for recognition of indigenous territories; e) lack of land, or
problems related to provincial fiscal territories, fraud and / or lack
of information.
Note that according to the Argentina National Constitution
is deemed holder who holds material things physically (ie living in
the land and / or work) and is considered owner of the thing.
Meanwhile, holder who holds material is physically the thing,
though recognized in other property rights. Finally, the owner is
the one who has a right of ownership of a property in compliance
with the formalities of the law that create a presumption in favor ie
for example a Purchase registered or pending deed or bill of
purchase by deed registered or not in provincial real estate records.
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Intereses en conflicto
Los conflictos de tierras en Misiones cuentan con la
participación de diversos grupos de agentes. Como dijimos
anteriormente en los conflictos que tienen por escenario la disputa
por tierras en las cuales existe uno de los agentes que la reclama en
calidad de propietario, existen también los poseedores que la
reclaman en tanto detentores materiales y físicos de la tierra, por
muchos años, que en algunos casos van más allá de los 30 años,
habiendo pasado más de una generación familiar por la misma. Lo
que entra en disputa es el interés de cada uno de estos agentes que
tienen sobre la tierra, su uso y usufructo. Por un lado las empresas
que pretenden dar rentabilidad a su capital, con destino
productivo, turístico y/o comercial-inmobiliario, tomando en ese
sentido a la tierra; y por el otro pequeños productores y
trabajadores agrarios que ven en la tierra un medio para la vida, la
subsistencia y el desarrollo de su cultura y cosmovisión propias.
En este sentido por un lado podemos evidenciar
propietarios de tierras individuales de diversas escalas de
extensión, los que pueden estar vinculados con la industria de la
madera, la actividad foresto industrial y/o explotación turística. En
muchos casos estos son locales y extra locales, empresas
extranjeras. Por otro lado, hay un montón de pequeños
agricultores, cuyo interés es tener una porción de tierra para
producir sus alimentos y/o cultivos de renta, enmarcados en lo que
se conoce como "agricultura familiar". Esta forma de producción no
coincide con expectativas del mercado global.
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Interests in conflict
Land conflicts in Misiones, with the participation of various
groups of agents. Holders who claim in both material and physical
holders of the land for many years as we said earlier in the conflicts
that are set in the land dispute in which there is one of the agents
that claim as owner, there are , which in some cases go beyond the
age of 30, having spent more than a generation by the same family.
What goes in dispute is the interest of each of these agents have on
the land, its use and enjoyment. On the one hand firms seeking to
return to his capital, production, tourism and / or commercial-real
estate destination, taking in this respect to the earth; and the other
small farmers and farm workers who see the earth a means to life,
survival and development of their own culture and worldview.
Thus on the one hand we can show individual landholders
extension of various scales, which may be linked to the timber
industry, the forest industry activity and / or tourist exploitation. In
many cases these are local and non-local, foreign companies. On
the other hand, there are plenty of small farmers, whose interest is
to have a piece of land to produce food and / or cash crops, framed
in what is known as "family farms." This form of production does
not match expectations of the global market.
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Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Representative Cases
Casos representativos
A continuación, describiremos algunos casos que nos
parecen significativos para mostrar un breve panorama de diversas
situaciones conflictivas vinculadas a la tierra en Misiones. Sin
realizar un tratamiento exhaustivo, comentaremos los casos de
Pozo Azul, PIP y Mojón Grande.
Now we will describe some significant cases that seem to
show a brief overview of various conflict situations related to land
in Misiones. Without making an exhaustive treatment, we will
comment the cases of Pozo Azul, PIP and Mojón Grande.
Caso Pozo Azul, Nordeste de Misiones
Pozo Azul Case, east of Misiones
Hacia fines de la década de 1990 en el nordeste de Misiones,
especialmente en los Departamentos de General Belgrano, San
Pedro y Guaraní, comienza a ser público un conflicto en amplias
extensiones de tierras privadas de empresas dedicadas
históricamente a la actividad extractiva, en la que habitan más de
mil familias de pequeños productores y trabajadores rurales. Este
conflicto ha sido paradigmático en la historia de las luchas y
reclamos por la tierra en Misiones, por su envergadura en términos
territoriales y organizativos, y por el impacto que tuvo en la opinión
publica provincial.
By the late 1990s, in the northeast of Misiones, especially in the
Departments of General Belgrano, San Pedro and Guarani, become
public a conflict in large tracts of private lands from companies that
historically dedicated to mining activity, where were living more
than a thousand families of small farmers and rural workers.
Producto del contexto de reactivación del complejo
forestoindustrial ya mencionado, los diversos titulares registrales
inician acciones tendientes a la recuperación de la posesión de sus
dominios.
La presencia de familias en las tierras se origina a partir del auge de
la etapa extractiva varias décadas atrás como ya hemos
mencionado. Luego se refuerza con la fuerte crisis de la actividad
This conflict has been paradigmatic in the history of the struggles
and claims for land in Misiones, for its size in territorial and
organizational terms, and the impact it had on the provincial public
opinion.
Proceeds from the context of the aforementioned revival
forestoindustrial complex, the various registered holders initiate
action to recover possession of his dominions.
The presence of families in the land had been originated from the
mining boom stage, several decades ago, as we have already
mentioned. Then it is reinforced by the severe crisis of mining
activity, due to the scarcity of natural resources and low
profitability among the decades of 1980-2000-, added to the
cessation of availability of public land, the price crisis of cash crops,
and the growth of domestic units of families who had no
employment options outside of agriculture.
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extractiva debido a la escasez de recursos naturales y la baja
rentabilidad -entre las décadas de 1980-2000- sumado al cese de
disponibilidad de tierras fiscales, la crisis de precios de cultivos de
renta, y al crecimiento de unidades domesticas de familias que no
contaban con opciones de empleo fuera de la agricultura.
El conflicto por la tierra se ve agravado por la contradicción de
intereses de los actores implicados –propietarios y poseedores-. Se
torna explícita la inseguridad jurídica y se visibiliza de modo
indiscutible la disputa. Los propietarios ausentistas, empresas y
figuras anónimas reaparecen en la escena y operan diversas
estrategias a los fines de recuperar el capital. Los poseedores se
organizan y acompañados por instituciones de la sociedad civil,
solicitando que el Estado intermedie y defienda los derechos de
posesión de las familias.
El conflicto tuvo una diversidad de fases internas. Un primer ciclo
de disputa se comprende entre los años 2001- 2004 en que se inicia
un prolongado proceso de negociaciones y lucha de organizaciones
de agricultores poseedores de tierras privadas rurales del
Nordeste.40
Una primera instancia se caracterizó por las acciones de
poseedores organizados41 y mediadores –ONG’S y Pastoral Social
de la Iglesia Católica Diócesis de Iguazú-, reclamando al Estado
provincial –ejecutivo y legislativo- la regularización de posesiones
en 10 propiedades privadas del nordeste alcanzando a un total de
40 Ver Kostlin, 2005; 2010, 2011, 2012.
41 Se conforma la primera organización de ocupantes de tierras de Misiones:
Comisión Central de Tierras de Pozo Azul (CCT).
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The land conflict is exacerbated by the contradiction of interests of
stakeholders-owners and possessors-. Legal uncertainty becomes
explicit and made visible the dispute. The absentee owners,
businesses and anonymous figures reappear on the scene and
operate various strategies in order to recover the capital.
Possessors are organized and accompanied by civil society
institutions, requesting that the State mediates and defend the
rights of possession of the family.
The conflict had a variety of internal phases. A first cycle comprises
dispute between 2001- 2004 in a lengthy process of negotiation and
struggle from private land possessors in rural Northeast starts.
A first instance is characterized by the actions of possessors
organized42 and mediators -an NGO'S and Social Pastoral of the
Diocese of Iguazú- Catholic Church-, claiming the provincial
government for regularize the possessions in 10 private properties
in northeast reaching a total approximately 50,000 hectares in
conflict. Also requested the urgent cessation of evictions, opening
negotiations for dialogue and consultation in the context of
harassment by landlords. In that period, they begin to intertwine
the initial foundations of legitimacy of the rights holders of the
occupants at the provincial level, and the first interlocutions with
the state begin in a local-municipal level, and then reach the
provincial level.
42
Is created the first organization of posesors of land of Misiones, the Central
Land Commission Pozo Azul (CCT).
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aproximadamente 50.000 hectáreas en conflicto. Solicitaban
además del urgente cese de desalojos, la apertura de mesas de
diálogo y concertación en un contexto de hostigamiento por parte
de los propietarios. En ese periodo, comienzan a entretejerse los
fundamentos iniciales de legitimación de los derechos de los
ocupantes poseedores a nivel provincial, y se inician las primeras
interlocuciones con el Estado en un plano local-municipal, para
luego alcanzar el ámbito provincial.
Con el paso del tiempo y como resultado de los incumplimientos
del Estado a acuerdos establecidos en instancias de negociación se
producen las primeras medidas de fuerza en el año 2002. La
dinámica del problema va tomando escala provincial nucleada en el
Foro de la Tierra, espacio que comenzó a recibir las demandas de
diversas comunidades rurales de campesinos vinculadas a sus
problemas de tierra y conflictos. Ello propicia la concertación entre
poseedores y Estado a los fines de efectuar un relevamiento
exhaustivo de todas las áreas con problemas y conflictos en los
Municipios de Gral. Belgrano, San Pedro y Guaraní. Debido a la alta
repercusión pública en medios de comunicación, provinciales y
nacionales, comienzan a involucrarse diversos sectores de la
sociedad en el problema hacia finales del año 2002.
A partir del relevamiento realizado por el Estado, los titulares
registrales de las propiedades de mayor extensión, promueven la
relocalización de las familias en determinadas áreas de las
propiedades. El nivel de tensión crece y el conflicto llega a su
máxima expresión. Se retoman medidas de fuerzas de forma
coordinada entre todos los asentamientos de la zona nordeste,
realizando cortes de rutas nacionales y provinciales durante
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With the passage of time and as a result of violations of
agreements established in the first instance by the state, occur the
first crackdown in 2002. The dynamics of the problem is taking the
provincial level nucleated in Land Forum, space that began
receiving demands from various rural communities of peasants tied
to their land problems and conflicts. This favors the agreement
between possessors and state the purpose of conducting a
comprehensive survey of all areas with problems and conflicts in
the Departments of Gral. Belgrano, San Pedro and Guarani.
Due to the high impact on public media, provincial and national,
begin to engage various sectors of society in the problem by the
end of 2002.
From the survey conducted by the State, the registered holders of
the properties of greater extent, promote the relocation of families
in certain areas of the properties. The level of tension and conflict
grows reaches its peak. There are measures forces coordinated
between all settlements in the northeast, making cuts of national
and provincial routes for weeks, and preventing the passage of
products in the timber sector resume. This results in a new
population and land survey commissioned by the provincial State to
the University. Possessors with NGOs and the Social Pastoral, resort
to legislative body requesting the expropriation of land in
possession of agricultural families. All these factors, combined with
an election situation and political opposition to the ruling
government, promotes the passage of the Provincial Law
"Grounding and Settlement Plan" in late 2004.
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semanas, e impidiendo el paso de productos del sector de la
industria maderera. Ello desemboca en un nuevo relevamiento
poblacional y territorial encargado por el Estado provincial a la
Universidad.43 Los poseedores junto a las ONG’s y la Pastoral
Social, recurren a la instancia legislativa solicitando la expropiación
de las tierras en posesión de las familias agrarias. Todos estos
factores, sumado a una coyuntura electoral y política opositora al
gobierno de turno, propicia la sanción de la Ley Provincial “Plan de
Arraigo y Colonización” a finales del año 2004.44
Dicha norma, de carácter excepcional en la historia de Misiones,
establece el deber del Estado provincial de expropiar determinadas
áreas de inmuebles privados, las que, declaradas de utilidad
pública, y sujetas a las prescripciones de las normas provinciales
que rigen para tierras fiscales; deberán ser entregadas a sus
poseedores quienes deberían pagar la tierra en un plazo de diez
años.
Un segundo ciclo se inicia inmediatamente posterior a este hecho
jurídico de gran impronta y contundencia en el proceso ya que
legitima a los poseedores de tierras privadas del NE,
estableciéndose una bisagra que marca cambios en la dinámica del
conflicto, sin embargo, no representando una solución estructural a
la problemática de ocupación de tierras privadas en otras partes del
territorio provincial. Una vez sancionada e, inmediatamente
iniciado el proceso de tasación de los inmuebles, los propietarios de
los inmuebles de mayor extensión, inician un juicio al Estado
provincial, objetando el precio ofrecido por éste último, deteniendo
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This Law, exceptional in the history of Misiones, establishes the
duty of the provincial government to expropriate private property
in certain areas, which declare of public utility, and subject to the
requirements of provincial rules for public lands; They must be
delivered to their owners who should pay for the land within ten
years.
A second cycle starts immediately after this legal fact of great mark
and forcefulness in the process as legitimate possessors of private
land NE, establishing a hinge that makes changes in the dynamics
of the conflict, however, does not represent a solution structural
problem of the occupation of private lands in other parts of the
province. Once enacted and immediately started the process of
evaluation of the property, the most extensive property owners,
start a deal against the provincial government objecting to the
price offered by the latter, thus arresting the process of
dispossession, survey and therefore regularization of the lots to the
propertied families. Thus, the conflict moves from the legaladministrative field to the judicial field. However, the dynamics of
struggle and organization between the halves continues to take
various forms because of a context of political and institutional
transformations in which is immersed the family farming sector
that result in a process of increasing formalization, affirmation and
emergence of possesors organizations since late 2005 to present.
43 Censo de Ocupantes de Tierras Privadas (2005)
44 Ley XVI Nº77 (antes Ley 4093), de acuerdo al Digesto Jurídico Provincial (2010).
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de esa forma, el proceso de desapropiación, mensura y por ende de
regularización de los lotes a las familias poseedoras. De este modo,
el conflicto se desplaza del campo jurídico-administrativo, al campo
judicial. A pesar de ello, la dinámica de lucha y organización entre
poseedores continúa tomando diversas formas producto de un
contexto de transformaciones políticas e institucionales en las que
se ve inmerso el sector de la agricultura familiar que se traducen en
un proceso de creciente formalización, afirmación y surgimiento de
organizaciones de poseedores desde fines de 2005 a la actualidad.
Se manifiestan diversas trayectorias, lógicas y estrategias
organizativas, como así, contiendas entre modos de acceso y
gestión de recursos estatales. Emergen y se fortalecen nuevos
liderazgos a la vez que se producen fracturas internas en las
organizaciones iniciales surgidas en el primer ciclo de lucha.
La no-aplicación formal de la ley conlleva a conflictos locales entre
supuestos ‘administradores’ y pobladores; como así, el no-acceso a
servicios básicos (vivienda, luz, agua) que influyen en las
posibilidades de desarrollo de los poseedores y sus organizaciones
(comercialización y producción en condiciones esperadas)
Finalmente en abril de 2013 el desalojo violento de poseedores en
un área de las propiedades judicializadas provoca meses de
medidas de fuerzas, acampe y cortes de ruta solicitando la urgente
solución para las familias y la regularización de la situación de
judicialización de la Ley de Arraigo. Con el apoyo de diversas
organizaciones de poseedores de la provincia y de distintos
sectores de la sociedad civil como de distintos referentes políticos
se repudiaron los hechos de violencia policial inéditos y despojo de
sus viviendas, herramientas de producción, animales y cultivos a
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Different paths, logical and organizational strategies, as well, strife
between modes of access and management of state resources
manifest. And new leaders emerge while internal fractures occur in
the initial organizations that emerged in the first cycle of struggle
strengthened.
Formal non-application of the Law leads to local conflicts between
assumptions 'administrators' and residents; as well, the non-access
to basic services (housing, electricity, water) that influence in the
development possibilities of the possessors and their organizations
(marketing and production expected conditions)
Finally in April 2013 the violent eviction of owners in an area of the
judicialized properties causes months of measures forces, camp
and roadblocks requesting urgent solution for families and the
regularization of the situation of prosecution of Law Grounding.
With the support of various organizations of possessors from the
province, many sectors of civil society and various political, they
repudiate the unpublished police violence and dispossession of
their homes, production tools, animals and crops against a
significant amount of families. This auspicious that after 8 years of
judicialized process, the Expropriation Law comes unlocked with
the disbursement of funds by the provincial government in an
electoral context.
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una importante cantidad de familias. Todo ello propició que luego
de 8 años de proceso judicializado de la Ley de Expropiación, se
destraben con el desembolso de fondos por parte del estado
provincial en un contexto electoral.
Situación de las familias poseedoras de los municipios de Mojón
Grande y Ameghino– tierras de la Ex Panambí SRL
En los municipios de Mojón Grande y Ameghino –Dpto. San Javierubicado al centro este de la provincia, más de 200 familias
poseedoras desde hace más de 20 años vienen reclamando la
regularización de la posesión de las tierras que habitan. Las
dimensiones de las chacras van de 5 a 100 ha, siendo lo más común
de 20 ha a menos. Dichas tierras se encuentran bajo la titularidad
registral hasta ahora no comprobada fehacientemente de la
empresa Panambí SRL de más de 30000 hectáreas, compañía que
se instala en la región con el objeto de explotar monte nativo hace
varias décadas pasadas. Luego de décadas de signos de no
actividad económica sobre las tierras, hace aproximadamente dos
años, un supuesto apoderado de la empresa conjunto con
profesionales del derecho, comenzaron a presionar a las familias
para la firma de un convenio de venta de las tierras ofreciendo un
valor de $1500 por hectárea. Con la participación de funcionarios
provinciales del área de Tierras del Estado en calidad de
mediadores, coincidieron en avanzar con la firma de convenios de
pago para la posterior realización de mensuras. Frente al
desconocimiento la gran mayoría de los vecinos no firmaron los
convenios y no fueron a pagar.
Situtation of the propertied families in the municipalities of Mojón
Grande and Ameghino- lands from Panambí Ex SRL
In the municipalities of Mojón Grande and Ameghino - San Javier's
Department-, located at the east center of the province , more than
200 families possessing since more than 20 years are demanding for
the regularization of their possession of lands where they habit.
The dimensions of the fields ranging from 5 to 100 ha, the most
common being 20 ha or less . These lands are under the ownership
registration so far not proven conclusively Panambí SRL company
of over 30,000 hectares , a company that installed in the region in
order to exploit native forest past several decades ago. After
decades of evidence of non-economic activity over land, about two
years ago , an alleged agent of the joint venture with professionals,
they began pressuring families to sign an agreement of sale of land
offering a value $ 1500 per hectare. With the participation of
provincial functionaries from the State Lands as mediators, they
advance with the signing of a payment agreement for the
subsequent realization of surveying . But the uninformed majority
of residents did not sign the agreements and did'nt paied.
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Pasado un tiempo, el supuesto apoderado de la empresa junto a
una de las autoridades convocaron a una reunión para poder llegar
a un arreglo con las familias, donde el monto por hectárea
planteado iindividualmente fue de $7.500/ha. Este monto resulto
excesivo para la posibilidad de pago de los poseedores, quienes se
quejaron ante las autoridades, desencadenando de ese modo que
la se prorratee hasta $4000 la hectárea. A pesar de ello, muy pocos
acudieron al acuerdo, tomando en cuenta los términos de la
negociación poco claros y de difícil acceso económico.
Fue así que a principios del año 2013, el supuesto apoderado junto a
los profesionales del derecho que lo asesoraban y representan,
comienzan a presionar verbalmente y telefónicamente a los vecinos
diciendo el mensaje “paguen o vamos a vender a otros”.
En todo este proceso, los vecinos eran testigos de un antecedente
cercano y contemporáneo relativo a la misma propiedad pero en
otro municipio, en el cual, las autoridades municipales y
provinciales llegaron a un acuerdo colectivo para resolver el
problema de cientos de familias en la misma situación de posesión.
Se logró un arreglo con la empresa, a través de la mediación de la
provincia (IPRODHA), en el cual se tasó un valor por la hectárea de
$ 360 para aquellos casos que contaban con predios de hasta 15 ha
de extensión, siendo un poco mayor en los casos que contaban con
más tierra. Frente a estos hechos, los poseedores de Ameghino y
Mojón Grande comienzan a reunirse y comentar entre los vecinos
este problema recurriendo por entonces a los técnicos de la
Subsecretaria de Agricultura Familiar de la Nación y por intermedio
de ellos al abogado del Movimiento Agrario de Misiones (MAM)
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After a while , the alleged representative of the company with one
of the authorities called a meeting to reach a settlement with the
families where the amount raised by individual hectare was $ 7,500
/ ha. This amount turned over to the possibility of payment of the
holders , who complained to the authorities , thereby triggering the
be apportioned up to $ 4,000 per hectare. However , very few came
to the agreement , taking into account the terms of the negotiation
unclear and difficult economic access .
It was so early in the year 2013, the supposed guardian with legal
professionals advising and representing began to press verbally
and by telephone to the neighbors saying "pay or we will sell to
others".
Throughout this process, the neighbors were witnesses to a close ,
contemporary history on the same property but in another
municipality in which the municipal and provincial authorities
reached a collective agreement to resolve the problem of hundreds
of families in the same possession situation . An array of the
company was achieved through the mediation of the province (
IPRODHA ) , in which a value per hectare of $ 360 for cases that had
holdings of up to 15 ha of extension was rated , being a little higher
in cases that had more land. Given these facts, the holders of
Ameghino and Mojón Grande start to gather and discuss among
neighbors then this problem by technicians Family Agriculture
Undersecretary's Office and through them to advocate Agrarian
Movement of Misiones (MAM) organization with experience in the
region, supporting the demands of historically agricultural sectors.
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organización con trayectoria en la región acompañando las
demandas de los sectores agrarios históricamente.
En este contexto, los vecinos comenzaron a conocer sus derechos
en tanto poseedores, la protección de la jurisprudencia en el caso
puntual (tanto como juicio de prescripción veinteñal o bien a través
de la Ley de tierras privadas que contempla acuerdos y
advenimientos entre poseedores y propietarios mediados por el
Estado provincial), como también despejaron duras y analizaron
posibles acciones estratégicas para comenzar a dar curso al
problema de forma colectiva y no individual, como estaba siendo el
caso del municipio aledaño en tierras de la misma empresa.
De ese modo comenzaron un relevamiento de los vecinos con el
apoyo de la Subsecretaría de Agricultura familiar de la Nación, y a
pedir apoyo a otras organizaciones e instituciones de la sociedad
civil para difundir el problema y solicitar acompañamiento.
De ese modo se suman al proceso de relevamiento del problema
colectivo la Universidad Nacional de Misiones a través de un equipo
de Voluntariado Universitario “Tierra y Trabajo Agrario”, así como
también se suma la Iglesia Evangélica del Rio de la Plata a través de
las filiales de Puerto Rosario y Puente de los Toros, ambas
pertenecientes a la Congregación Alem, debido a que muchos de
los vecinos forman parte de iglesias y organizaciones.
Al iniciarse el 2014 las reuniones ampliadas se realizaron de forma
rotativa en los diferentes parajes (Paraje 5000, Puerto Rosario,
Puente de los Toros) sumándose otros vecinos que se encuentran
en la misma situación. Surge concretamente la necesidad de
avanzar en la formalización de una organización para llevar
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In this context , the neighbors began to know their rights as
holders , protection of jurisprudence in the specific case (as much
as twenty-year trial prescription or through private land Law
contemplates and advents agreements between holders and
owners mediated by the provincial government), as well as hard
and cleared discussed possible strategic actions to begin to pursue
the problem collectively and not individually, as was still the case in
the neighboring municipality of the same company lands .
Thus began a survey of neighbors supported by the Secretariat of
the Family Agriculture of Nation and ask for support from other
organizations and institutions of civil society to spread the problem
and request support. During that period were realized meetings
where the community and city officials was convened to discuss
possible ways of solving the problem, based on considering that
the provincial government mediates between the possessors and
the alleged owner agreeing an affordable price ( to be performed
tax price).
Thereby add to the process of surveying the collective problem
Misiones National University through a University Volunteer Team
"Land and Agricultural Work" and the Evangelical Church of the Rio
de la Plata is also added through subsidiaries Puerto Rosario Bridge
and the Bulls, both belonging to the Congregation Alem, because
many of the neighbors are part of churches and organizations.
At the start of 2014 extended meetings were held in rotation in
different places (Paraje 5000, Puerto Rosario, Puente de los Toros)
joining other neighbors who are in the same situation. So came up
specifically the need to advance in the formalization of an
.
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adelante las gestiones de la posible solución de forma colectiva y
organizada.
De ese modo, se acordó la conformación de una Junta Promotora
para la constitución de una Asociación Mutual con todos los
poseedores interesados ubicados en los municipios de Mojón
Grande y Ameghino. En los meses de febrero y marzo se inició la
registración de interesados en sumarse a la organización, para lo
cual se confeccionó una ficha de inscripción que cuenta con los
datos de titular y grupo familiar, datos prediales y documentación
comprobatoria de posesión, a los fines de contar con
documentación legal a efectos de una futura resolución. A la par de
eso, se acordó continuar con el relevamiento de familias
poseedoras en dichos municipios iniciado a fines de 2013.
También, se han continuado las gestiones para verificar la
existencia legal de la empresa Panambí SRL y su veracidad en el
Registro de Personería Jurídica y Registro Público de Comercio,
como también, recopilar los antecedentes legales de entrega de
tierras en el Municipio de Panambí realizada por la Subsecretaria de
Tierras de la Provincia.
Finalmente en el mes de Junio se constituyen como Asociación
Mutual Agricultores Familiares del Alto Uruguay ante el INAES y
comenzaron con las reuniones de la organización siguiendo con los
puntos de trabajo acordados y comenzando con la registración del
RENAF, debido a que constituye uno de los requisitos
fundamentales para poder acceder a la nueva LEY DE ARRAIGO Y
TITULACION RURAL de la NACION para tierras privadas
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organization to carry on the efforts of the possible solution of
collective and organized way. Thus, it was agreed the formation of
a founding committee for the establishment of a Mutual
Partnership with all possessors located in the municipalities of
Mojón Grande and Ameghino. In the months of February and
March the registration of interested in joining the organization
began , for which a registration form that has data and household
owner , parcel data and documentation evidencing possession for
the purpose was drawn to have legal documentation for the
purpose of a future resolution . Along with that, it was agreed to
continue the survey of propertied families in those municipalities
launched in late 2013.
Also, efforts have continued to verify the legal existence of the
company Panambí SRL and truthfulness in the Register of Legal
Status and Public Registry of Commerce, as well, collecting legal
background distribution of land in the Municipality of Panambí by
Undersecretary of State Lands.
Finally in the month of June is created the Association Mutual
Family Farm Upper Uruguay at the INAES and began with meetings
of the organization along with the points agreed work and starting
with the registration of RENAF, because it is one of the
requirements key to access the new DEGREE oF RURAL ROOTS
AND NATION of private land for LAW. (Ya better get the data).
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Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
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Caso PIP
PIP Case
Alto Paraná SA (APSA) es la empresa forestal más importante del
país y una de las más grandes de América Latina, que desde 1996
pertenece al grupo chileno Celulosa Arauco y Constitución SA.
Tiene cerca de 233 mil hectáreas forestadas con pinos. La compañía
gestiona una fábrica de pasta de celulosa, dos aserraderos, dos
viveros, una planta de remanufactura y una fábrica de paneles MDF,
todos ellos ubicados en la Provincia de Misiones. Arauco es el
segundo mayor productor de pulpa de celulosa en el mundo. Su
expansión en Misiones se debe a varios beneficios fiscales. Alto
Paraná es acusado de concentrar y extranjerizar tierra; sólo en el
municipio de Puerto Piray la empresa es propietaria del 62,5% de la
tierra, y en la provincia las 223.000 hectáreas de Alto Paraná
representan el 10% de la superficie.
Alto Paraná SA (APSA ) is the largest forestry company in the
country and one of the largest in Latin America , which since 1996
belongs to the Chilean group Arauco y Constitucion SA forestry
company . It has about 233,000 hectares planted with pines. The
company operates a pulp mill, two sawmills, two nurseries, one
remanufacturing plant and a factory of MDF panels, all located in
the Province of Misiones. Arauco is the second largest pulp
producer in the world. Its expansion in Misiones is due to several
tax benefits. Alto Parana is accused of concentrating and
foreignized earth, only in the municipality of Puerto Piray the
company owns 62.5 % of the land, and the province's 223,000
hectares of Alto Paraná represent 10 % of the surface.
La compañía también está acusada por la deforestación del bosque
nativo (se destruyen más de 30 hectáreas en un día), el
agotamiento de los recursos naturales y la contaminación de los
recursos hídricos con los pesticidas, los desplazamientos de las
comunidades campesinas indígenas y pequeños y la destrucción de
sus formas de vida tradicionales. Las protestas sociales se
organizaron en diferentes formas: Movimiento Sin Tierra de Puerto
Libertad (Movimiento Sin Tierra de Puerto Libertad), Productores
Independientes de Piray (Productores Independientes de Piray),
Sindicato de Obreros y Empleados del Papel (sindicatos), entre
otros.
The company is also accused by the deforestation of the native
forest (over 30 hectares are destroyed in one day), depletion of
natural resources and pollution of water resources with pesticides,
displacement of indigenous and small farming communities and the
destruction of their traditional ways of life. Social protests were
organized in different ways: Landless Movement of Puerto Libertad
(Landless Movement of Puerto Libertad), Independent Producers
Piray (Independent Producers Piray), Union of Workers and
Employees of the paper (unions), among others.
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En junio del 2013, se informó que se expropian tierras a Altos
Paraná S.A. en Misiones. La Cámara de Representantes de Misiones
aprobó la expropiación de 600 ha en Puerto Piray, para entregar a
unas 250 familias de productores, que deberán constituirse en
cooperativa.
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In June 2013, it was reported that lands from Altos Paraná SA would
be expropriated in Misiones. The House of Representatives
approved the expropriation of 600has in Puerto Piray, and that will
be delivered to about 250 families of farmers, who should become
cooperative.
Caso PIP
PIP case
Desde aproximadamente 10 años, en el Municipio de Puerto Piray,
For about 10 years,
ubicado al Noroeste de la provincia, un
Folleto de reclamo de PIP – Marzo 2011
colectivo de productores organizados de
más de 200 familias denominada
“Productores Independientes de Puerto
Piray”, comienza el reclamo por la tierra
para trabajarla y producir alimentos,
solicitando a la empresa forestal Alto
Paraná SA (APSA) que ceda parte de sus
tierras en un lote lindero a la zona
residencial en que se encuentran.
El municipio de Puerto Piray cuenta con
una extensión total de 35.400 hectáreas,
de las cuales, el 62% del total (22.000
hectáreas) se encuentran en manos de la
empresa Alto Paraná SA (APSA). La
empresa de capitales chilenos instalada en
1996, posee un total de 240.000 hectáreas, cerca de un 10% del
territorio de la provincia de Misiones. Es una de las empresas más
importantes del país y una de las más grandes de América Latina,
que desde 1996 pertenece al grupo chileno Celulosa Arauco y
in the municipality of Puerto Piray, located
northwest of the province, a group of
farmers organized more than 200 families
called "Independent Producers of Puerto
Piray" begins the claim for the land to work
and produce food, forestry company
requesting the Alto Parana SA (APSA) to
yield some of their land by lot boundary to
the residential area in which they are.
Puerto Piray Township has a total area of
35,400 hectares, of which 62% of the total
(22,000 hectares) are held by the company
Alto Parana SA (APSA). The Chilean-owned
company installed in 1996, has a total of
240,000 hectares, about 10% of the territory
of the province of Misiones. It is one of the
most important companies in the country and one of the largest in
Latin America, which since 1996 belongs to the Chilean group
Arauco y Constitución SA.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
Constitución SA. La compañía cuenta con una fábrica de pasta de
celulosa, dos aserraderos, dos viveros, una planta de
remanufactura y una fábrica de paneles MDF, todos ellos ubicados
en Misiones. Arauco es el segundo mayor productor de pulpa de
celulosa en el mundo. Su expansión en Misiones se debe a varios
beneficios fiscales.
Además de ser la empresa que mayor cantidad de tierra de la
provincia concentra, el accionar de la compañía también se
relaciona con la deforestación del bosque nativo (se destruyen más
de 30 hectáreas en un día), el agotamiento de los recursos
naturales y la contaminación de los recursos hídricos con pesticidas.
En el año 2011, luego de años de reclamos y de solicitud de dialogo
por parte de PIP a los que la empresa solo respondió con evasivas y
no haciéndose cabal eco de la demanda de las familias, realizan un
bloqueo a la empresa en un lote lindero a sus casas de
aproximadamente 1000 hectáreas - kilómetros 18, Santa Teresa y
Barrio Unión.
De acuerdo a un comunicado de prensa difundido por la
organización, señalaban: “Queremos tierra para poder
desarrollarnos como familias y como comunidad, no queremos
emigrar a las ciudades con un destino incierto, queremos el lugar
donde nacimos y de donde nos sentimos parte, nos duele ver como
muchos han ido dejando el lugar oprimidos por la Empresa, esto ya
ha sucedido en los km 22 y 18. Es por ello que decidimos realizar el
bloqueo al lote. Este lote de más de 1.000 hectáreas está siendo
cosechado y posteriormente será sembrado y pulverizado con los
más variados agrotóxicos, que tendremos que respirar
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
The company has a pulp mill, two sawmills, two nurseries, one
remanufacturing plant and a factory of MDF panels, all located in
Misiones. Arauco is the second largest pulp producer in the world.
Its expansion in Misiones is due to several tax benefits.
Besides being the most land concentrated judicialized in the
province, the actions of the company is also associated with
deforestation of native forests (more than 30 hectares are
destroyed in one day), depletion of natural resources and pollution
of water resources by pesticides.
In 2011, after years of complaints and requests for dialogue from
PIP to the company, receiving only evasives, the families made a
lock on a lot boundary to their homes to approximately 1000 acres 18 miles, Santa Teresa and Barrio Union.
According to a press release issued by the organization, pointed
out: "We want land to develop as families and as a community, do
not want to migrate to cities with an uncertain future, we want the
place where we were born and where we feel part we hurts to see
how many have left the place oppressed by the Company, this has
already happened in 22 and 18 km is why we decided to make the
blockade lot.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
y tomar en nuestra agua. Queremos vivir en un lugar saludable.
Como contracara de la concentración de tierra por parte de la
Empresa, en la comunidad nadie posee más de 1 hectárea para
sobrevivir, para poder plantar alimentos para la familia.”
(Comunicado de PIP, marzo 2011).
Este fragmento refleja la realidad de las familias que como
describen el avance de la empresa comprando tierras del municipio
los fue dejando rodeados de plantación de pinos, los cuales reciben
un tratamiento altamente dañino para la salud, quedando como
rehenes del proceso productivo a gran escala que avanza de
manera desmesurada sin tener en cuenta las contingencias
sociales, económicas y de desarrollo del resto de la población
circundante.
El reclamo por la tierra va acorde con garantizar derechos humanos
fundamentales como el acceso a un lugar para poder vivir y
desarrollarse, lo cual no es posible contando con una hectárea de
tierra por familia.
A partir de las medidas de fuerza impulsadas por la organización, se
acuerda el avance de una mesa de diálogo, entre las partes a la que
se convocó también al estado municipal y provincial. Pese a ello, la
empresa desconoció dicho ámbito, retirándose y realizando una
denuncia penal con órdenes de desalojo del bloqueo del lote de la
empresa.
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
This batch of more than 1,000 hectares being harvested and
thereafter shall be planted and sprayed with many different
pesticides, we have to breathe and take in our water. We want to
live in a healthy place. As a counterpart to the concentration of land
by the company, no one in the community has more than 1 hectare
to survive, to grow food for the family. "(PIP Press, March 2011).
This piece reflects the reality of families as described by the
advance of the company, buying the land, was leaving town
surrounded by pine plantation, which are highly damaging to health
treatment, remaining hostage of the production process on a large
scale disproportionately advances regardless of social, economic
and development from the rest of the surrounding population
contingencies.
The demand for land is in keeping with ensuring basic human rights
such as access to a place to live and develop, which cannot count
on one hectare of land per family.
From the crackdown driven by the organization, advanced a
dialogue between the parties to which were also called to the
municipal and provincial government. Despite this, the company
ignored this area, retiring and making a criminal complaint with
eviction orders blocking Lot Company.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
De acuerdo al comunicado de prensa consultado, el estado
reconoció la validez del reclamo y la necesidad de arribar a una
solución pronta y duradera, que no vulnerara los derechos de las
familias afectadas por la empresa. Los funcionarios del estado se
comprometieron a solicitar a la empresa el cese de las
pulverizaciones, así como el cese de cultivo de nuevas plantaciones
durante el tiempo que durara la mesa de diálogo. Pese a ello la
empresa hizo caso omiso y continuó adelante con sus actividades
habituales, desacatando la autoridad de los funcionarios del estado.
En el proceso de lucha, y declarados en un proceso abierto de
alerta y movilización, las familias organizadas comienzan a recibir el
apoyo de otras organizaciones del sector como también de iglesias,
organismos no gubernamentales y sindicales.
Luego de un largo proceso de mesas de diálogo y negociación
presentan ante la cámara de diputados de la provincia una
propuesta de ley para expropiar el área reclamada de tierras a la
empresa, solicitando 3000 hectáreas, el 1% del total de la empresa a
ser distribuidas: 14 hectáreas para cada una de las 200 familias.
Diversos estamentos del estado acompañaron la propuesta del
proyecto de ley de expropiación, a saber el Concejo Deliberante de
Puerto Piray, la Subsecretaria de Agricultura Familiar de la Nación, y
diputados provinciales de diversos partidos políticos.
Ante la presentación del proyecto, representantes legales de la
empresa respondieron argumentando el aporte económico que
realizan a la producción y el desarrollo de la provincia generando
trabajo y además sostenido el respeto a las normas y el pago de
impuestos.
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
According to the press release consulted, the state recognized the
validity of the claim and the need to reach an early and lasting
solution, which impinge on the rights of the families affected by the
company. State officials agreed to ask the employer to cease
spraying and cease cultivating new plantations during the time
duration of the roundtable. Despite this the company ignored him
and continued on with their usual activities, defying the authority
of state officials.
In the process of fighting, and reported in an open alert and
mobilization process, organized families begin to receive support
from other industry organizations as well as churches, NGOs and
union organizations.
After a long process of dialogue and negotiation, the possessors
present to the Chamber of Deputies of the province a bill to
expropriate the land reclaimed area to the company, asking 3000
acres, 1% of the company to be distributed: 14 hectares for each of
the 200 families.
Various segments of the state accompanied the proposed
expropriation bill, namely the City Council of Puerto Piray,
Undersecretary of Agriculture's Office Family and provincial
representatives of various political parties.
Answering the presentation of the project, legal representatives of
the company responded by arguing the economic contribution they
make to the production and development of the province and also
create jobs sustained respect for the rules and paying taxes.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
Durante el proceso de tratamiento de la ley en la cámara de
representantes la organización PIP con el apoyo de otras
organizaciones marchan ante hacia la capital provincial solicitando
el tratamiento durante ese año 2012.
Finalmente en junio del 2013, se aprueba la expropiación de
600hectareas de la empresa en Puerto Piray, para entregar a unas
250 familias de productores, con el requisito de que se constituyan
como cooperativa.
La ley sancionada hace más de un año todavía no ha sido aplicada.
Según medios consultados, estarían faltando 9 millones de pesos (a
un valor de 15 pesos por hectárea) para efectuar la transacción por
parte del Estado provincial hacia la empresa. Frente a esta dilación
en la negociación y concreción de la aplicación, la organización
continúa en lucha solicitando su aplicación por medio de diversas
estrategias de lucha por ejemplo la difusión del problema ante la
sociedad en general.
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
During the treatment process of the law in the House of
Representatives, the PIP organization with the support of other
organizations, march towards the provincial capital before seeking
treatment during the year 2012.
Finally in June 2013, the expropriation of 600hectareas company in
Puerto Piray was approved, to deliver about 250 families of
farmers, with the requirement to be established as a cooperative.
The law passed more than a year has not yet been applied.
According consulted media, they would be missing 9 million pesos
(at a value of 15 pesos per hectare) to complete the transaction by
the provincial government to the company. Given this delay in the
negotiation and completion of the application, the organization
continues to struggle requiring their implementation through
various strategies such as diffuse the problem in society in general.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
Tanzania 2014
Bibliografía Consultada
ABÍNZANO, R. (1985) Procesos de Integración en una sociedad
multiétnica. La provincia argentina de Misiones (1880-1985). Tesis
Doctoral, Departamento de Antropología y Etnología de América,
Universidad de Sevilla, mimeo.
AZEVEDO, M.; Brand, A.; GOROSITO KRAMER, A.M; HECK, E.;
MELIÀ, B.; SERVÍN, J. (2008) GUARANÍ RETA Los pueblos guaraníes
en las fronteras. Producido por: UNaM, ENDEPA; CTI, CIMI, ISA,
UFGD; CEPAG, CONAPI, SAI, GAT, SPSAJ, CAPI. Asunción, Paraguay
BARTOLOMÉ, L. (2000) Los colonos de Apóstoles. Estrategias
adaptativas y etnicidad en una colonia eslava en Misiones. Editorial
Universitaria Misiones, Serie CÁTEDRA, Posadas.
BARBETTA, P. (2014) “Aportes a la cuestión jurídica campesina en la
Argentina del agronegocio” En: Trabajo y Sociedad, Núm. 22, Verano
2014. Unse-Indes, Santiago del Estero, Argentina, 14pp.
CLOC- Vía Campesina y CELS (2013) “Informe ante la CIDH sobre la
situación de los Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales (DESC)
de las comunidades campesinas en la región de América Latina y el
Caribe”.
Disponible
en:
http://www.cels.org.ar/common/documentos/InformeDESCCampes
inosCIDH.pdf
CONSEJO FEDERAL DE INVERSIONES (1975) Diagnóstico de la
Estructura Social de la Región NEA. Formación y desarrollo de las
estructuras agrarias regionales: Misiones y Formosa. Consejo Federal
de Inversores, Buenos Aires.
GALLERO, C.; DOHMANN, K. (2010) “El poblamiento del territorio
misionero” En: Miradas Históricas sobre Misiones en el Bicentenario.
Junta de estudios históricos, Posadas, 40 pp.
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
GÓMEZ GALIZZI, F. (2011) “El Papel del Estado en la Problemática
de la Tenencia de la Tierra Rural en la Argentina. Evaluando
instrumentos de Políticas Públicas” Documento disponible en
http://agro.unc.edu.ar/~extrural/Gomezgalizzi.pdf
HLEBOVICH M; KOSTLIN L; Vidal M; REGUNEGA M y GARRIDO
Cristian (2013) “Diagnostico Socio Territorial de las Colonias de San
Ignacio-Misiones”. Inédito. Posadas, Misiones.
INTA (2009) “Plan de Tecnología Regional (2009-2011)”. Centro
Regional Misiones, Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria,
Posadas.
IPAF NEA (2011) ATLAS. Población y agricultura familiar en la Región
NEA. Ediciones INTA, Vol. 6, 48pp. Buenos Aires
IWGIA (2014) El Mundo Indígena 2014. Copenhague, 624 pp.
KOSTLIN, L.A. (2005) “Voces y Silencios en la Lucha por la Tierra en
Misiones”. Tesis de Licenciatura en Antropología Social, Facultad de
Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales, UNaM, Posadas.
KOSTLIN, L.A. (2010) “Ocupaciones de tierras privadas y conflicto
en el nordeste. La conformación de un ciclo inicial de lucha por la
tierra en Misiones.” En: MANZANAL, M. y VILLARREAL, F (Comp.).
El desarrollo y sus lógicas en disputa en territorios del Norte
Argentino. Buenos Aires: Editorial Ciccus, 2010. p. 47-70.
KOSTLIN, M.R; KOSTLIN, L.A.; OLALLA, N. (2011) “El Yvyraretá. La
‘Selva Misionera’ (Argentina)” En: Revista Ciencia & Ambiente, Brasil
KOSTLIN, L.A.; RINALDI, J.M.; HLEBOVICH, M. (2014) “Disputas por
el acceso a la tierra. Reflexiones en torno a la experiencia de
trabajo con organizaciones agrarias en el sur de la provincia de
Misiones” En: VIII Jornadas de Investigadores Regionales. Setiembre,
FHyCS-UNaM; CEUR- CONICET. Posadas, 17pp.
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Partnership Forum on Land and justice
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MALLIMACI et al. (2008) “Primera Encuesta sobre Creencias y
Actitudes Religiosas en Argentina”
CEIL PIETTE- CONICET,
http://www.ceil-conicet.gov.ar/wpDisponible
en:
content/uploads/2013/02/encuesta1.pdf
MINAGRI (2013) Relevamiento y Sistematización de Problemas de
Tierra de los Agricultores Familiares en la Argentina.
NÚÑEZ, A.; KOSTLIN, L. (2010) “Regularización de dominios rurales
en Misiones: Análisis del campo de fuerzas en el que irrumpe el
conflicto por la tierra”. En: IV Reunión del Grupo de Estudios Rurales
y Desarrollo (IVGERD). Área temática: Conflictos y disputas por la
apropiación y el uso de recursos naturales. EDUNAM - UNaM.
Posadas. CD-Rom.
REDAF (2012) “Conflictos sobre tenencia de tierra y ambientales en
la región del Chaco Argentino” 3er Informe realizado por el
Observatorio de Tierras, Recursos Naturales y Medioambiente. Red
Agroforestal Chaco Argentina. Reconquista, Santa Fe, 95pp.
Foro de Asociaciones por la Tierra y la Justicia
Tanzania 2014
Sitios web consultados:
Instituto Geográfico Nacional / National Geographic Institute:
http://www.ign.gob.ar/
Banco Mundial / World Bank: http://www.bancomundial.org/es/
Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo, Índice de
Desarrollo Humano (PNUD–IDH)/ UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMME, Human Development Reports (UNDP–HDR):
http://hdr.undp.org/
Secretaria de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sustentable de la Nación,
Observatorio
Nacional
de
Biodiversidad
(OBIO):
http://obio.ambiente.gob.ar
Grupo Internacional de Trabajo sobre Asuntos Indígenas / International
Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) : http://www.iwgia.org
Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos (INDEC) / National Institute of
Statistics and Census (INDEC) : http://www.indec.mecon.ar/
SAyDS (2012) Informe sobre el Estado del Ambiente. Buenos Aires,
324 pp.
SCHIAVONI, Gabriela (1995) Colonos y Ocupantes. Parentesco,
reciprocidad y diferenciación social en la frontera agraria de Misiones.
Editorial Universitaria, Posadas.
MINAGRI (2013) “Relevamiento y sistematización de problemas de
tierra de los agricultores familiares en la Argentina”. Ministerio de
Agricultura, Ganadería y Pesca de la Nación, Buenos Aires, 96 p.p.
ZULOAGA, F. O., MORRONE O. & RODRIGUEZ, D. “Análisis de la
biodiversidad en plantas vasculares de la Argentina.” En: Kurtziana
27 (1): 17-167, 1999.
46
Land rights in Germany
Partnership Conference on Land and Justice
Lushoto 2014
Contents
• Land use in Germany
• Property and cultivation
• Socio‐economic figures
• Protection of cultivated land
• Concern about land abuse
• Conflicts in rural area
Land use in Germany
• Population:
• Area:
82.1 Million people, decreasing
357,100 km² = 35,710,000 hectars (ha) = 88,238,201 acres
Tansania : 942,755 km², about 2.5 times of the area of Germany •
•
•
•
•
•
Farmland:
16,700,000 ha
0.2 ha/inhabitant
Cropland:
11,874,000 ha
0.14 ha/inhabitant
Permanent grassland: 4,644,000 ha No. of farms: 299,000
Yield t/ ha:
wheat 7.33; potatoes 44.8; sugar beets 68.9
Animal husbandry: hens: 35 Mill., pigs: 28 Mill., cattle: 12 Mill. animals
Property and cultivation
• History: Up to 1807 landlords owned private property of land.
The bondmen had to work for their landlord. Bondmen were allowed
to cultivate small plots after work on their own.
After the liberation of the bondmen they could lease the land and
cultivate on their own; many left rural areas for industry jobs or
emigration because of poverty.
• Today: every part of land is stated in a register of real properties. The boundaries are marked out. • The churches are the biggest owners of the land. The average farmer
cultivates 56 ha cropland and permanent grassland, in our area about
40 % is owned by the farmer and 60 % is leased.
Socio‐economic figures
• 3% of farmers give up every year.
• 6 % of the farmland is cultivated ecologically.
• 65 % of farmers combine farming and another job to raise income.
• 5 % of the population work in agriculture.
• A workplace in agriculture is at least twice as expensive as an industrial workplace.
• 50 years ago a compulsory pension system for farmers was founded.
Protection of cultivated land
• By law, farmland has to be protected for food production. For other purposes it has to be used very carefully in any planning process concerning infrastructure, industrialisation and development of towns.
• Politicians and planning units of administration are obliged not to waste farmland and to look for alternate solutions, when land is going to be used otherwise.
• By law, the transfer of farmland is limited primarily to farmers. Every sale of farmland is controlled to keep up land tenure and to keep the land in farmer`s hands. Concern about land abuse
• Due to industrialisation, settlements and infrastructure, the farmland
decreases. In our land NRW, 6.4 % was lost within the last 18 years. The existence of 3,000 farms was spoilt.
• By nature protecting law damages of nature have to be compensated. • The most frequently used form of compensation: cropland has to be
afforested or is bound to be changed to extensivly used permanent grassland. E.G. to compensate the building of a single windmill to
generate electric power, 1 ‐ 2 ha cropland have to be taken out of
crop production. Now alternate forms of compensation keeping crop
production are in discussion.
Concern of land abuse
1) Influence of the energy sector
• Biogas powerstations are in focus of energy policy.
• They can afford to pay higher prices to buy and to pay higher rents to
lease farmland than farmers.
2) Influence of global market for agricultural products
• Price for wheat, soya‐beans and oil doubled within a few years, so agriculture became a profitable investment. Hedgefonds collected
money to invest in agriculture around the world as well as in Germany. Low rents at the cash market amplified this. Growing
population and decreasing land resources showed up chances.
Concern of land abuse
3) Consequences
• In Germany the price for cropland and the rent for leasing doubled
within the last 6 years.
• The demand for land increases when yields and profits are high, politics of a country are reliable and changes of climate hopefully do not harm agricultural business.
• In Germany the focus on generating energy competes with the food
production. One biogas power station of 1 megawatt power takes in the silage of 350 ha maize cropland every year. By now about 8 % of
the output of cropland in land NRW is used for generating energy.
Conflicts in rural area
• Competition in leasing cropland is source of quarrel between farmers.
• Quarrel in the family between the heir of the farm and the heirs, who
dont get the farm, especially when old people are to be cared for in nursing homes.
• Settlements and farms close together create a lot of annoyance
because of emissions like: smells of animal husbandry and manure on the fields, noise of machines, mud of machines on the road
Summary
• In Germany all real estates are privatly owned. • In planning processes the value of cropland land is to be considered, valuable land has to be protected.
• By law land tenure is protected when single agricultural plots are sold to nonfarmers.
• International investors buy real estates and forest‐enterprises. Operators of energy generating stations are able to pay high prices for land and high rents.
• Building of towns, industry and infrastructure takes off farmland.
• Emissions of agricuture are not tolerated any more by town inhabitants nearby.
Interview mit einem Landwirt, der voller Leidenschaft seinen bäuerlichen Betrieb führt Interviewer: Herr Ramschulte, Sie leben durch und durch für die Landwirtschaft. Was fasziniert Sie an Ihrer Tätigkeit? Martin Ramschulte: Früher hat mir die Landwirtschaft richtig Spaß gemacht. Da sind die Schweine im Stroh gesprungen. Das war schön anzusehen. Man hörte kein Husten und die haben sich auch nicht die Schwänze abgebissen. Interviewer: Was war denn früher anders? Vielleicht sogar besser? Martin Ramschulte: Sehen Sie sich doch um, wie es heute ist: Wenn Sie hier bei mir aus dem Fenster sehen, dann sehen Sie nur große Ställe: Meiner mit 500 Mastplätzen, dann der meines Schwagers mit 170 Sauenplätzen und wenige Schritte dahinter der neue Stall meines Schwagers mit 1600 Plätzen. Es gibt nur eins: Immer größer werden. Das ist doch Wahnsinn! Früher, da hatten wir mehrere Kühe, ein paar Sauen und dann Mastschweine. Dazu einige Hühner. Viele Tiere davon waren draußen. Heute ist mein Hofplatz sauber, fast steril. Die Schweine sind im Stall, nur in entsprechender Schutzkleidung nachdem ich durch eine Hygieneschleuse gegangen bin, komme ich hinein. Interviewer: Was hätten Sie denn gerne von früher bewahrt? Martin Ramschulte: Ich hätte gerne den Betrieb in der Größe von früher weitergeführt. Die Ställe hätten erneuert und verbessert werden müssen. Aber doch nicht immer größer werden. Aber es ging nicht anders; wäre ich bei der Größe von früher geblieben, hätte ich nicht mehr vom Betrieb leben können. Interviewer: Gibt es sonst noch Veränderungen, die Sie bedauern? Martin Ramschulte: Ja – z.B. den Einsatz von gentechnisch verändertem Sojaschrot. Den setzen wir als Futtermittel bei uns ein, weil er billiger ist. Ich habe dabei ja Bauchschmerzen, weiß nicht, ob die veränderten Sojapflanzen auf den Feldern, auf denen sie ausgesät werden, nicht doch Schaden zufügen. Wenigstens wird das Zeug bisher nicht bei uns in Deutschland aufs Land gebracht. Meistens kommt das Soja ja aus Amerika. Aber was soll ich machen? Wenn ich unbehandelten Sojaschrot ankaufe und verfüttere, dann bekomme ich beim Verkauf meiner Tiere keinen Cent mehr. Interviewer: Und was halten Sie davon, wenn Fleisch aus Deutschland mit Hilfe von EU‐Geldern als Dumpingexport in Entwicklungsländern landet? Martin Ramschulte: Das passt mir überhaupt nicht! Warum müssen wir aus der kleinen Region Münsterland/Ostwestfalen in Deutschland für den großen Weltmarkt produzieren? Warum lässt man die Entwicklungsländer nicht in Ruhe ihre Lebensmittel für Ihren Markt züchten und verarbeiten? Ja, je länger ich darüber nachdenke, umso klarer wird mir: Wir können doch nicht immer mehr Menge machen! Interviewer: Danke, Herr Ramschulte, für dieses Gespräch. Willy – ein Bauer gibt auf Das ist Willi. Er ist Landwirt. Er bewirtschaftet einen Hof von 25 ha. Früher hat er 6 Kühe gehabt und 20 Schweine. Die Kühe sind vor Jahren schon verkauft worden. Heute hat er 40 Sauen und 500 Mastschweine. Das reicht aber nicht mehr aus, um von der Landwirtschaft zu leben. Er bräuchte heute 100 ha zu bewirtschaftendes Land. Deshalb arbeitet er zusätzlich als Lohnunternehmer. Er spritzt das Korn anderer Bauern, um es vor Schädlingen zu schützen. Er erntet das Getreide anderer Landwirte mit einem Mähdrescher, den er sich gekauft hat. Willi ist jetzt 65 Jahre alt. Er will seinen Betrieb an die nächste Generation weitergeben. Doch sein Sohn arbeitet als Lehrer. Deshalb sucht Willi einen Pächter für seinen Betrieb. Alex hat einen eigenen Hof. Er braucht aber noch Flächen, auf denen er Gerste und Weizen anbauen kann. Er würde gerne die 25 ha von Willi pachten. Doch es gibt noch weitere Interessenten: Rita sucht Flächen, auf denen sie die Gülle ihrer Masttiere ausfahren kann und Thorsten will Mais anbauen, den er für seine Biogasanlage benötigt. Alex ist verzweifelt; mit seinem traditionellen Betrieb kann er nicht weiterbestehen. Er braucht unbedingt weitere Ackerflächen, die er bewirtschaften kann. Aber mit seiner Art der Landwirtschaft kann er nicht so viel Gewinne erzielen, dass er die Pachtpreise zahlen kann, die Rita und Thorsten bieten. Willi freut sich, dass er so hohe Pachtpreise erzielen kann. Er kann seine Einnahmen im Alter erhöhen. Es ist für ihn gut, dass die Nachfrage nach landwirtschaftlicher Nutzfläche ansteigt. So steigen auch die Pachtpreise. Schade ist das aber für Alex, der mit „Haut und Haar“ Landwirt ist und sich für die Erhaltung der Landschaft so sehr einsetzt. Gibt es für ihn eine Zukunft? Schwierig, schwierig, schwierig … Benötigt werden zur Veranschaulichung 4 Schilder mit Namen: Willi, Alex, Rita, Thorsten. Auf dem Willi‐Schild sollten zudem Ackerflächen sichtbar sein, bei Alex ein Feld mit Gerste oder Weizen, bei Rita ein Schweinestall und ein Güllefaß, bei Thorsten eine Biogasanlage. This is Willi. He is a farmer. He manages a farm of 25 ha. Back in the days he had 6 cows and 20 pigs. The cows were sold years ago. Today he has 40 sows and 500 pigs. Yet, that is not enough anymore to live from farming alone. He would need 100ha land to till. That is why he works as contractor for farm machines on the side. He squirts other farmers grain to protect it from pest. He harvests other farmers grain with the combine harvester he bought. Willi is now 65 years old. He wants to hand over his business to the next generation. But his son works as a teacher. That is why Willi is looking for a sharecropper for his farm. Alex has his own farm. But he needs more land on which he can grow wheat and barley. He would like to lease the 25h of Willi’s farm. But there are other interested parties: Rita is looking for land on which she can spread the manure her animals produce. And Torsten wants to grow corn for his biogas plant. Alex is desperate; his traditional farm cannot continue to exist like this for he doesn’t make enough profit. He urgently needs more arable land. But his type of agriculture doesn’t yield enough profit to pay the rent Rita and Torsten offer. Willi is delighted that the rents are so high. Thus he can increase his income with his retirement. For Willi it is beneficial that the demand for arable land has increased. Since in consequence lease price for land increase. Shame for Alex who is a dedicated and passionate farmer, and is committed to preserve the natural landscapes. Does he have a future? It seems very very difficult... Environmental issues related to bauxite mining and processing Shekivuli, D. (MSc, NRM)
Ass. Lecturer, ENC
What is Bauxite's Composition?
• Bauxite does not have a specific composition. It is a mixture of hydrous aluminum oxides, aluminum hydroxides, clay minerals and insoluble materials such as quartz, hematite, magnetite, siderite and goethite. • The aluminum minerals in bauxite can include: gibbsite Al(OH)3, boehmite AlO(OH), and, diaspore, AlO(OH). What is Bauxite?
• Bauxite is not a mineral. It is a rock formed from a laterite soil that has been severely leached of silica and other soluble materials in a wet tropical or subtropical climate. • It is the primary ore of aluminum. Almost all of the aluminum that has ever been produced has been extracted from bauxite. Bauxite Localities
Estimated Bauxite Production
(Thousand Metric Tons) Country Australia
China
Brazil
India
Guinea
Jamaica
Russia
Kazakhstan
Suriname
Greece
2010 68,414
44,000
28,100
18,000
17,400
8,540
5,475
5,310
4,000
2,500
The values above are estimated bauxite production for 2010. Data from the USGS Mineral Commodity summery Background to bauxite in Lushoto • Bauxite deposits in the Usambara Mountains of
north eastern Tanzania occur as remnants of residual
deposits on two geomorphologically related plateaus
of Mabughai‐Mlomboza and Kidundai at Magamba in
Lushoto, Usambara Mountains.
• The parent rocks for the deposits are mainly
granulites and feldspathic gneisses of Neoproterozoic
Mozambique belt
Bauxite in Lushoto • Ore reserve estimates from the drilling data and surface geological mapping of the deposits yielded bauxite reserves of about 37 million tonnes (Mutakyahwa et al., 2003).
Bauxite in Lushoto • Exploration of bauxite in Tanzania started many
decades, but in Lushoto the discovery and attempt to
exploitation dates from 1991. attempt to exploitation
went into phrases without success and later in 2004,
DC by then Mr. Goroi banned the exploitation of
bauxite as it was already been illegally extracted in
Gare, Kwemashai Lushoto and in Magamba.
• The DC condemned on the likely environmental,
social, economic and other problems associated with
bauxite.
References • Mutakyahwa M. K. D.; Ikingura J. R.; Mruma A. H., 2003: Geology and geochemistry of bauxite deposits in Lushoto District, Usambara Mountains, Tanzania. Journal of African Earth Sciences and the Middle East 36(4): 357‐369
A sample of a Bauxite rock from Demerara, Guyana
(Preliminary) Exploration Noise and human presence
Limited deforestation/habitat destruction
Home range de‐fragmentation due to roads
Limited increase of erosion and turbidity
Disturbance of hydrology
Pollution, mainly chance of eutrophication of streams
• Road kills
• (Increased hunting and logging)
•
•
•
•
•
•
Eutrophication Eutrophication will take place in
basement areas, down stream
valleys where most farmers are
using these areas for irrigation of
vegetables e.g. Tomatoes,
cabbage, onions, potatoes etc.
Mining • Deforestation/habitat destruction: threat to biodiversity
• Erosion and turbidity
• Disturbance hydrology, spongy bauxite cap: threat to aquatic biodiversity
• Acid soil drainage (coastal area)
• Dust
• All other exploration issues increased
Deforestation/habitat destruction MNR is one of the 25 WBH, with rich in
flora and Fauna i.e. Bubo volseri,
Usambara weaver, trees Podocapus
usambarienses, Angledendron
usambarienses, Schelfdendron
usambarienses; white & blck colubus
etc
Erosion and turbidity More than 200,000 people about
40.61% of Lushoto people will be left
without safe and clean water as
Magamba being the main source of
water i.e. Kibohelo catchment.
Water shed
Displacement • More than 100,000 lives will be displaced around Magamba and allied villages compared to 120 job positions offered to the community which accounts for only 0.12% only. Limited Carrying Capacity of WU
• According to National Population Census of
(2012) Lushoto district’s population is
estimated to be around 492,441
• Land in WU is becoming scarcer and the
carrying capacity of the environment is
9.14M2 /Person.
• Bauxite mining will leave people landless with
minimal agriculture outputs thus, hunger and
famine.
Loss of authenticity • Tourism accounts for a great percentage of Lushoto Magamba’s economy where MNR acting as a primary attraction. many young men and women are employed in the industry as guides and hoteliers. Loss of biodiversity will destroy tourism attractions hence loss of long term benefits. Critique on bauxite • USA is a big user of Aluminum bauxite but the country imports about 99% of bauxite despite having bauxite reserves in Alaska main reason being environmental conservation. Substitutes of Bauxite • World bauxite resources are adequate for decades of
production at current rates.
• Other materials could be used instead of bauxite for
alumina production.
• Clay minerals, alunite, anorthosite, power plant ash
and oil shale could be used to produce alumina but at
higher costs, using different processes.
• Silicon carbide could be used in place of bauxite‐
based abrasives.
• Synthetic mullite could be used in place of bauxite‐
based refractories.
•
Recommendations • Clear regulations and policies focusing on
bauxite specifically, should be enacted and
reviewed whenever possible to curb the
problem of illegal bauxite mining. Including
licensing of miners and intensive baseline
survey on the specific mining targeted areas.
• Public awareness campaigns and education
should be provided to both Magamba
community and all the Tanzanians at large;
who knows? Where Next?
•
Recommendations • Improve coordination between the central
government and village governments to
improve unilateral decision making.
• Local community should clearly focus on the
long term impacts of the project, so as make
rational and fair judgment on the investment.
Bauxite Mining Environment
Economy
Recommendations of the Participants of the International Partnership Forum
We the delegates from eight evangelical church districts in three continents met in the
International Partnership Forum that took place at Sebastian Kolowa Memorial
University (SEKOMU) Lushoto between 06th-13th/October/2014.
The main focus of our meeting was Land and Justice with sub themes on
Land Deals
Land Use and Land Conflict
Church Involvement in Land matters
Theology and Land grabbing
Land rights policies and Laws
Bishop Dr Stephen Munga of the hosting church (North Eastern Diocese of The
Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania (NED-ELCT) shared in his opening speech
about land rights in Tanzania and challenges for the churches. He inspired the delegates
to share experiences from their home countries to make steps in Christian fellowship.
We affirm that Land is a God given resource that provides food, gives identity and
connects us to creation.
We have learned from the sharing from different participants that all countries face land
conflicts in different ways and levels.
We realized that lack of information and knowledge on land rights increase the problem.
We recognized that decisions and implementation of laws and policy related to
distribution of land are often legal but unjust.
The forum asserts that everywhere the poor are the victims of the global development that
increases land conflicts.
As Churches, we acknowledge our duty and responsibility of being the voice of the
voiceless, to join and support the poor.
Our focus as partners should be in line with the United Nations development goals.
We seek and welcome cooperation with governmental and non-governmental
stakeholders.
We are all aware that we have to consider land matters in local and global perspective.
Our recommendations to our respective churches regarding the different contexts (in
alphabetical order) are the first outcome of the International Partnership forum and we
will continue both in our home countries and as partners.
1
Argentina has the following recommendations:
1. Information & knowledge
Aim: People know their rights, have self-confidence as responsible citizens
and are active in democratic processes.
Steps to achieve this:
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encouragement of church members through information from different media and
at different levels
promotion of further education
spread news about land issues
remind the public that God gifted Argentina with enough food and energy to
sustain itself
2. Identity & community building
Aim:
 People are aware that they belong together regardless of religion, ethnics,
language or tradition.
 People are aware that every single action has consequences for the welfare
of the whole country. (“We are stewards of creation, not hotel guests.”)
Steps to achieve this:
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Church/districts develop a concept on how to be welcoming parishes; they open
up for everybody and are especially sensitive for poor people and people of
different backgrounds.
Parishes cooperate with Non Governmental Organization (NGOs), other churches,
community groups, universities etc.
For our partnership:
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We share what we do in our own country and seek connection with other
institutions (cross border)
We accept that Evangelical Church of River Plate (IERP) is a church with
German roots, but living in a Latinamerican and indigenous context.
We organize seminaries and meetings for multiplicators both in Argentina and
Germany (volunteer programme, Pastoralkollegs, La Plata-Forum) and develop
more forms of sharing.
2
Germany has the following recommendations:
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Improve consciousness that we as humans are part of the creation, underlining
that human behavior has consequences on global land, nature and living
conditions.
Continue to demand the regulation of currently on-going speculation with food
commodities on the international market.
Inform about local behavior’s impact on land conflicts in other countries.
Change of behavior in energy and food consumption.
Encourage local food production and consumption.
Consider support of sustainable forms of agriculture.
Ask local farmers to inform about the local arable land loss and demand the
preservation of arable land.
For our partnership:
 Exchange local and international witnesses of land conflicts to raise awareness
and increase understanding in our church communities.
 Support projects in mutual agreement with our partners that promote sustainable
forms of land use.
Tanzania has the following recommendations:
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Request the church to train and inform their members and community at
large on land rights and responsibilities as stewards of creation.
Recommend the Church to teach and emphasis on love and equitable
sharing on land resources.
Request the Church to be an active participant in empowering and
encouraging community participation in national development
Recommend formation of committees to facilitate peace and mediation of
conflict within our communities
Based on researched information, spread information by means of all
available channels of communication
Invest in children by conducting a special programme to raise awareness
to children.
Through the church structures, to influence policy makers in making
policies based on ethics of equitable sharing.
Invest in entrepreneurship knowledge and build capacity of poor
community members
3
For our partnership:
 Sharing of experience and exchanging of expertise between partners on
land related matters.
 While at different geographical settings, stand for the just investments on
different countries, and decline support to negative investments affecting
worldwide community.
We do realize that we cannot do this alone, and we cannot stand aside when our partners
suffer. Encouraged by the word of God from Leviticus 25:19 “You will eat and live in
safety” we are willing to walk together as partners.
We, Bielefeld- Kusini Kusini, Guetersloh- Kyerwa and Murongo, Halle- Misiones,
Paderborn-Ilemera, MOEWE and SEKOMU
Our Sponsors for the Forum are:
4
Empfehlungen der Teilnehmer des Internationalen Partnerschaftsforums Wir, die Delegierten aus acht evangelischen Kirchenkreisen in drei Kontinenten, kamen zu einem Internationalen Partnerschaftsforum zusammen, das vom 6. bis 13. Oktober 2014 an der Sebastian Kolowa Memorial Universität (SEKOMU) in Lushoto stattfand. Das Hauptthema der Konferenz war „Land und Gerechtigkeit“ mit folgenden Unterthemen: Landgeschäfte Landnutzung und Landkonflikte Kirchliches Engagement in Landangelegenheiten Theologie und Landgrabbing Landrechtspolitik und Gesetze Dr. Stephen Munga, Bischof der gastgebenden Kirche (Nordost‐Diözese der Evangelisch‐Lutherischen Kirche von Tansania – NED‐ELCT) sprach in der Eröffnungsrede über Landrechte in Tansania und damit verbundene Herrausforderungen für die Kirche. Er inspirierte die Delegierten Erfahrungen aus ihrer Heimat auszutauschen, um Fortschritte in der christlichen Gemeinschaft zu machen. Wir bekräftigen, dass Land eine von Gott gegebene Ressource ist, die uns mit Lebensmitteln versorgt, Identität stiftet und uns mit Gottes Schöpfung verbindet. Durch Erfahrungsberichte der Delegierten aus den verschiedenen Ländern lernten wir, dass alle Länder Landkonflikte erleben, aber auf verschiedene Art und in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß. Wir stellten fest, dass Mangel an Information und Wissen über Landrechte diese Probleme verstärken. Wir erkannten, dass politische Entscheidungen und die Anwendung von Gesetzen in Bezug auf Landverteilung oft legal, aber ungerecht sind. Das Forum bestätigt, dass überall die Armen die Opfer von globalen Entwicklungen sind, die Landkonflikte verstärken. Wir erkennen die Pflicht und Verantwortung der Kirchen an, Sprecher der Sprachlosen zu sein und sich unterstützend an die Seite der Armen zu stellen. Als Partner sollten wir unser Handeln an den Entwicklungszielen der Vereinten Nationen ausrichten. Wir suchen und begrüßen die Kooperation mit Regierungs‐ und Nichtregierungsorganisatoren. Wir alle sind uns bewusst, dass wir die Landthematik aus lokaler und globaler Perspektive angehen müssen. Unsere Empfehlungen an unsere jeweiligen Kirchen (in alphabetischer Reihenfolge), unter Berücksichtigung des je verschiedenen Kontexts, sind die ersten Resultate des Internationalen Partnerschaftsforums. Wir werden sowohl in unseren Heimatländern als auch in unserer Partnerschaft weiter am Thema arbeiten. Argentinen macht folgende Empfehlungen: 1. Information und Wissen Ziel: Die Menschen kennen ihre Rechte, haben Selbstvertrauen als verantwortungsbewusste Bürger und nehmen aktiv an demokratischen Prozessen teil. Umsetzung:  Ermutigung der Kirchenmitglieder durch Informationen über verschiedene Medien und auf verschiedenen Ebenen  Förderung von Weiterbildung  Verbreitung der Informationen über Landkonflikte und Landthemen  Erinnerung der Öffentlichkeit, dass Gott Argentinien reich genug mit Nahrung und Energie beschenkt hat, dass es sich selbst versorgen kann 2. Identität und Gemeinschaft stärken Ziel:  Menschen sind sich bewusst, dass sie unabhängig von Religion, Ethnien, Sprache oder Tradition zusammengehören  Menschen sind sich bewusst, dass individuelles Verhalten Konsequenzen für das Wohlergehen des gesamten Landes hat („Wir sind Verwalter der Schöpfung, nicht Hotelgäste“) Umsetzung: 
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Kirchen/Kirchenkreise entwickeln ein Konzept, gastfreundliche, willkommen heißende Gemeinde zu sein; sie sind offen für alle, besonders für Arme und Menschen anderer Herkunft Gemeinden kooperieren mit Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs) und anderen Akteuren wie Kirchen, Gemeinschaften, Universitäten Für unsere Partnerschaft: 
Wir tauschen uns aus über unser Handeln im eigenen Land und suchen auch grenzübergreifend Kooperation mit anderen Institutionen. 
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Wir akzeptieren, dass die Evangelische Kirche am Rio de La Plata (IERP) eine Kirche mit deutschen Wurzeln ist, aber in einem lateinamerikanischen und indigenen Kontext lebt. Wir organisieren Seminare und Veranstaltungen für Multiplikatoren in Argentinien und Deutschland (Freiwilligenprogramm, Pastoralkolleg, La Plata‐Forum) und entwickeln weitere Formen, die den Austausch fördern. Deutschland macht folgende Empfehlungen: 
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Förderung des Bewusstseins, dass wir als Menschen Teil der Schöpfung sind, unter Betonung, dass menschliches Verhalten weltweit Konsequenzen für Land, Natur und Lebensbedingungen hat. Wir fordern weiterhin die Regulation von Nahrungsmittelspekulationen auf internationalen Warenterminmärkten. Information über die Auswirkungen von lokalem Verhalten auf Landkonflikte in anderen Ländern. Verhaltensänderung beim Energie‐ und Nahrungsmittelkonsum Förderung von Regionalität in Nahrungsmittelproduktion und –konsum Berücksichtigung der Unterstützung von nachhaltigen Formen der Landwirtschaft Wir bitten Landwirte in der Region über lokalen Ackerlandverlust zu informieren und fordern den Erhalt von Ackerland. Für unsere Partnerschaft: 
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Austausch regionaler und internationaler Erfahrungsberichte über Landkonflikte, um in unseren Gemeinden Bewusstsein und Verständnis zu fördern In gegenseitigem Einvernehmen mit unseren Partnern Unterstützung von Projekten, die nachhaltige Formen der Landnutzung fördern Tansania macht folgende Empfehlungen: 
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Die Kirche soll ihre Mitglieder und die Gemeinschaft allgemein zu Landrechten und Verantwortung als Verwalter der Schöpfung trainieren und informieren. Die Kirche sollte unter dem Aspekt der Liebe über gerechte Verteilung der Ressourcen des Landes lehren. Die Kirche soll aktiv teilnehmen an der Befähigung zu und Förderung von Partizipation an der nationalen Entwicklung. Die Gründung von Ausschüssen, um friedliche Mediation von Konflikten in der Gemeinschaft zu fördern, wird empfohlen. Gut recherchierte Informationen sollten mit allen verfügbaren Mitteln der Kommunikationstechnologie verbreitet werden. 
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Investition in Sonderprogramme für Kinder zur Förderung des Bewusstseins Die Kirche sollte ihre Strukturen nutzen, um Politikern zu beeinflussen, ihre Entscheidungen auf der Ethik gerechter Verteilung basierend zu treffen. Die Kirche sollte in unternehmerisches Wissen investieren und die Fähigkeiten von armen Mitgliedern der Gemeinschaft fördern. Für unsere Partnerschaft: 
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Austausch von Erfahrungen und Expertise zwischen den Partnern zu Landfragen. Unter Berücksichtigung der unterschiedlichen geographischen Bedingungen, sich für gerechte Investitionen in anderen Ländern engagieren und solchen Investitionen, die die Weltgemeinschaft negativ beeinflussen, die Unterstützung entziehen. Uns ist bewusst, dass wir das nicht alleine tun können, und dass wir nicht abseits stehen können, wenn unsere Partner leiden. Ermutigt durch das Wort Gottes aus Levitikus 25,19 "… dass sie genug zu essen haben und in Sicherheit leben" sind wir bereit, den Weg als Partner gemeinsam zu gehen. Die Unterzeichner: Bielefeld – Kusini Kusini, Gütersloh – Kyerwa und Murongo, Halle – Misiones, Paderborn – Ilemera, MÖWe und SEKOMU Lushoto, Oktober 2014 Das Internationale Partnerschaftsforum wurde ermöglicht und gefördert 
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von der Vereinten Evangelischen Mission (VEM) aus Mittel des Kirchlichen Entwicklungsdienstes durch Brot für die Welt den Kirchenkreisen Bielefeld, Gütersloh, Halle und Paderborn vom Gustav‐Adolf‐Werk von der Evangelische Kirche von Westfalen vom Amt für MÖWe und durch den persönlichen Beitrag der deutschen Delegierten Recomendaciones de los participantes del Foro Internacional de Parcería
Nosotros los delegados de ocho distritos evangélicos de tres continentes nos reunimos en el
Foro Internacional de Parcería, que tuvo lugar en la Universidad Memorial Sebastian
Kolowa (SEKOMU) en Lushoto, Tanzania, entre los días 6 y 13 de octubre de 2014.
El encuentro estuvo enfocado sobre Tierra y Justicia comprendiendo subtemas como
-Transacciones de tierras
-Uso y conflictos de tierras
-Compromiso de la iglesia en asuntos de tierras
-Teología y acaparamiento de tierras
-Políticas de derechos de tierras y leyes
El doctor Stephen Munga, obispo de la iglesia anfitriona (Diócesis Noreste de la Iglesia
Evangélica Luterana en Tanzania (NED-ELCT) compartió en su discurso de apertura
algunos datos sobre derechos de tierras en Tanzania y los desafíos para las iglesias. Inspiró a
los delegados a compartir experiencias de sus lugares de origen con el fin de avanzar en la
comunidad cristiana.
Afirmamos que la tierra es un recurso dado por Dios, que provee alimentos, otorga
identidad y nos conecta a la Creación.
Hemos aprendido a través del intercambio con los distintos participantes que todos los
países afrontan conflictos en diferentes maneras y niveles.
Comprendemos que la falta de información y conocimiento sobre derechos de tierras
incrementan la problemática.
Reconocemos que las decisiones e implementaciones de leyes y políticas en torno a la
distribución de tierras son frecuentemente legales pero injustas.
El foro afirma que en todos lados los pobres son víctimas del desarrollo global que
incrementa los conflictos.
Como iglesias tomamos conocimiento de nuestro deber y responsabilidad de ser voz de los
débiles y de sostener y caminar junto con los pobres.
Nuestras acciones como socios deben alinearse con las metas para el desarrollo de las
Naciones Unidas.
Buscamos y celebramos la cooperación entre gobiernos y organizaciones no
gubernamentales.
Somos todos conscientes que debemos considerar asuntos de tierras desde perspectivas
locales y globales.
Nuestras recomendaciones a nuestras respectivas iglesias en relación con los diferentes
contextos (en orden alfabético) son el primer resultado del Foro Internacional de Parcería y
continuaremos trabajando tanto en nuestro lugar de origen como con nuestros socios de
parcería.
Argentina hace las siguientes recomendaciones:
1. Información y conocimiento
Objetivos:
• que las personas conozcan sus derechos, obtengan autoconfianza como
ciudadanos responsables y participen activamente en procesos democráticos.
Implementación:
• Incentivando a miembros de la iglesia a través de distintos medios y en
diferentes niveles.
• Promover la continua educación de la gente.
• Difundir información sobre asuntos de conflictos de tierras.
• Recordar al pueblo que Dios provee a la Argentina de fuentes de energía y
alimentos para ser autosuficiente.
2. Identidad y fortalecimiento comunitario
Objetivos:
• Que las personas obtengan sentido de pertenencia a la comunidad sin
importar religión, origen étnico, idioma o tradición.
• Generar conciencia de que las acciones individuales repercuten en el
bienestar general de todo el pueblo (“somos mayordomos de la Creación, no
huéspedes de hotel”)
Implementación:
• Desarrollar el concepto de ser congregaciones con mayor apertura, con
especial sensibilidad hacia personas humildes y con diferentes trasfondos
• Cooperar con organizaciones no gubernamentales, otras iglesias y grupos
comunitarios, universidades, etc.
Para nuestra parcería:
• Compartir lo que realizamos en nuestro país y promover el contacto con
otras instituciones.
• Aceptamos que la Iglesia Evangélica del Río de la Plata (IERP) es una
iglesia de raigambre alemana, no obstante estar inserta en un contexto
latinoamericano e indígena.
• Organizar seminarios y encuentros para multiplicadores tanto en Argentina y
Alemania (programas de voluntariado, colegio pastoral, Foro del Río de la
Plata) y desarrollar otras formas de cooperación.
Alemania hace las siguientes recomendaciones
• Incentivar a la conciencia de que como humanos somos partes de la Creación,
remarcando que el comportamiento de las personas incide globalmente en la tierra,
la naturaleza y las condiciones de vida.
• Continuar en el reclamo de regulaciones de las especulaciones de commodities
alimentarias en el mercado internacional.
• Informar sobre la influencia del comportamiento de la población local en
situaciones de conflictos en otros países.
• Replantear el paradigma de consumo de alimentos y energía.
• Fomentar la producción y el consumo de alimentos de origen local.
• Considerar el respaldo de formas sostenibles de agricultura.
• Solicitar a los agricultores locales que informen sobre pérdidas de tierras arables y
reclamar la preservación de tierras arables.
Para nuestra parcería:
• Intercambiar testimonios locales e internacionales sobre conflictos de tierras para
incrementar la conciencia y entendimiento en nuestras congregaciones.
• Respaldar proyectos en mutuo acuerdo con nuestros socios, que promuevan formas
sostenibles de utilización de la tierra.
Tanzania hace las siguientes recomendaciones:
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La iglesia debe educar e informar a sus miembros y a la comunidad en general en
asuntos de derechos de tierras y responsabilidades como mayordomos de la
Creación.
Proponer que la iglesia enseñe y haga hincapié en el amor y compartir de manera
justa los recursos de la tierra.
La iglesia debe actuar en el fortalecimiento e incentivación de la participación de la
comunidad en el desarrollo nacional.
Sugerir la formación de comités que faciliten la mediación pacífica en conflictos en
nuestras comunidades.
Con base en investigaciones, difundir la información a través de todos los canales
de comunicación disponibles.
Invertir en programas especiales que incrementen la conciencia en los niños.
Utilizar la estructura de la iglesia para generar influencia sobre los políticos en un
marco de ética y justicia social.
Invertir en conocimientos empresariales y capacitar a miembros humildes en la
comunidad.
Para nuestra parcería:
• Compartir e intercambiar las experiencias entre socios en asuntos sobre tierras.
• Considerando las diferentes situaciones geográficas, comprometerse con inversiones
justas en diferentes países y rechazar el apoyo a inversiones que afectan de manera
negativa a la comunidad mundial.
Somos conscientes de que no lo podemos llevar a cabo solos, y que no podemos
mantenernos al margen cuando nuestros compañeros sufren. Alentados por la Palabra de
Dios en Levíticos 25:19 “la tierra dará frutos, y ustedes vivirán tranquilamente en ella y
comerán de sus frutos hasta quedar satisfechos.” andaremos juntos como compañeros.
Nosotros los que suscribimos, Bielefeld – Kusini Kusini, Gütersloh – Kyerwa y Murongo,
Halle – Misiones, Paderborn – Ilemera, MÖWe y SEKOMU.
La realización del foro ha sido posible gracias al aporte de:
• Misión Evangélica Unida
• Pan para el Mundo
• Distritos de Bielefeld, Gütersloh, Halle y Paderborn
• Obra Gustav Adolf
• Iglesia Evangélica de Westfalia
• Agencia para Misión, Ecumenismo y Responsabilidad Mundial (MÖWe)
• Contribuciones individuales de los delegados alemanes