June 1980 - Mennonite Life

MENNONITE
LIFE
JUNE
1980
In this Issue
This issue of Mennonite Life is a pictorial companion piece to
the book A People of Mission: A History of General Conference Men­
nonite Overseas Missions by co-editor James C. Juhnke. The text
which briefly introduces each section of this issue is taken from the
pages of the book.
We now celebrate a centennial. It was in the spring of 1880 that
Samuel and Susie Hirschler Haury began the first mission work at
Darlington in Indian Territory. The character of the Mennonite
church has been vastly changed in this country. And one of the
greatest changes is that we have become a world-wide, international,
multi-cultural people.
The challenge to missions goes on, even more urgent and more
complex today than a hundred years ago. We see in all nations how
the world worships that which is not God. We are aware in new
ways of the paganism at the root of societies once collectively identi­
fied as “Christendom.” The younger churches which are the fruit
of missionary enterprise are essential partners in framing the mis­
sionary message and strategy for our time.
The camera was an indispensable tool of missionary work. Photo­
graphs from the field kept families and congregations in touch with
the many facets of missionary life and work. Picture combined with
word in binding together missionaries and supporting people.
This issue contains only a bare sampling of the thousands of mis­
sions photographs in the files of the Mennonite Library and Archives
in North Newton, Kansas and the Africa Inter-Mennonite Mission
office in Elkhart, Indiana. Additional photographs of Mennonite
missions in China were published in the June 1979 issue of Mennonite
Life.
This issue of Mennonite Life also includes the annual listing of
recent books in the Anabaptist-Mennonite Bibliography.
It has been five years since Mennonite Life’s last increase in
subscription price. We now raise the price to $6.00 for one year and
$10 for two years. This issue, with a bonus of sixteen extra pages,
sells for $2.00 per single copy.
MENNONITE
June 1980
Editors
James Juhnke
Robert Kreider
Front Cover
M issionary caravan tour in India.
Design by John H iebert.
Back Cover
Sunday School which mc-t in the home of
Verney and Belva Unruh in Miyakonojo.
M iyazaki, Japan.
Photo Credits
M ennonite L ib ra ry and Archives, Africa
Inter-M ennonite Mission, M ary Valencia.
F rem ont and Sara Regier, Women in Mis­
sion.
M ENNONITE L IF E is an illustrated quar­
terly m agazine published in March, June,
Septem ber and December by Bethel Col­
lege, N orth Newton, Kansas. Second Class
postage paid a t Newton, Kansas 67114.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One Year, $6.00:
Two years. $10.00 (U.S. funds).
P ostm aster: Please send address changes
to M ennonite Life, N orth Newton, Kansas
67117.
Vol. 35
No.
LIFE
Indian Territory
India
China
4
10
16
Congo-Zaire
22
Japan
Taiwan
28
82
Colombia
Paraguay
Radical Reformation and
Mennonite Bibliography 1978-1979
36
40
44
Indian Territory
The early Mennonite mission to
Native Americans was quite secure
and unselfconscious in its total
ministry to the needs of people for
food, shelter, health, education, and
spiritual nurture. It seemed obvious
to this generation that to bring the
Christian gospel meant to bring the
“benefits” of Christendom. The de­
bate between fundamentalists and
modernists which split body from
soul and social service from evan­
gelism was to come in the future.
The age of “prioritization” would
come even later. These early mis­
sionaries had a more wholistic
agenda than their children and
grandchildren would have.
Certain things were obviously
necessary if Christian communities
were to be established among the
Cheyenne and Arapaho. The buffalo
were gone. Native Americans would
have to be taught the rudiments of
agriculture for a new means of
livelihood. Free movement on the
land was ending. Tribes would have
to learn to live in permanent settle­
ments and in healthful houses. In
all respects, the missionaries offer­
ed to the Native Americans a new
way of life which promised the
benefits of civilized Western tech­
nology to a people whose old way of
life had been destroyed before their
very eyes.
In those first decades there was
no such thing as a missionary who
was assigned solely to engage in
evangelism. The missionaries were
teachers, linguists, medical doctors,
and administrators. They were sup­
ported by a large core of young
Mennonite volunteers who worked
in a great variety of roles—as
farmers, gardeners, seamstresses,
cooks, matrons, teachers. The close
4
proximity of the mission field
meant that it was easy to recruit
and send short-term young workers,
to send food and clothing to meet
emergency relief needs, and even
to bring young Native Americans to
Mennonite farms and schools, where
they could learn new ways outside
of the influences of their tribal en­
vironment. From 1880 to 1900, over
seventy-five Mennonites worked in
some capacity on the mission field,
and many others had opportunity to
make brief visits to the mission sta­
tions.
Some missionaries who officially
rejected tribal culture found them­
selves unofficially fascinated—even
entranced—by the subtleties of trib­
al languages, the vitality of tradi­
tional ceremonies, and the richness
of Native American oral tradition.
D. B. Hirschler, brother-in-law of
S. S. Haury and graduate of the
Wadsworth seminary, spent hours
in conversations with the Cheyenne
leaders, gathering evidence that the
Cheyenne Indians were descendants
of lost Israelites who had made
their way across Asia and the Ber­
ing Strait centuries ago. H. R. Voth,
after founding the new mission
station among the Hopi in Arizona
in 1892, gained access to their secret
ceremonies, where he took detailed
notes on everything he saw. Voth’s
collection of photographs and arti­
facts won a considerable reputation
for him among American ethnolo­
gists but damaged his reputation
among the Hopi, who felt that he
betrayed their confidence. Mission­
ary Rodolphe Petter, a skilled lin­
guist recruited from Switzerland,
was the first person to reduce the
Cheyenne language to written form
and to produce a Cheyenne transla­
tion of the Bible.
The Mennonites surely had much
to offer—education, medical aid,
agricultural expertise, and the Word
of a God of love. But the best of
the Mennonite offering was bound
up with the worst of the American
frontier offering—military destruc­
tion of the tribes in brutal warfare,
slaughtering of buffalo herds, forc­
ing of the tribes onto reservations,
distribution of promised Native
American land to white settlers, and
systematic efforts to undermine
tribal social and political organi­
zation.
The missionaries were well aware
of the past and present sufferings
of the people they had come to
serve. But Mennonites were people
of their times. They felt in their
bones that this was an age of pro­
gress, and that missionary work
was in the vanguard. They could not
develop a thorough critique of gov­
ernment Indian policy because they
were so grateful for the many ways
government assisted with resources
for the establishment of their agri­
cultural and educational work on
the mission. The Mennonites were
a religious, ethnic minority group
which was emerging from centuries
of isolation and introversion. Mis­
sion work was a primary event in
this awakening. As such, the mis­
sionary endeavor proved more
meaningful for the Mennonite pro­
gressive spirit than for the libera­
tion of downtrodden Native Ameri­
cans.
Upper right. Indians near Canton­
ment skinning cattle after beef is­
sue.
Lower right. Original mission
building at Cantonment, destroyed
by fire in 1893. Teepees in back­
ground.
Next pages. The first mission
school at Darlington. Widower H. R.
Voth and daughter, Frieda, are
front center. Martha Moser, later
Mrs. Voth, is the first one seated
in the top row.
MENNONITE LIFE
MENNONITE LIFE
]
Far upper left. The Magpie fami­
ly, early Cheyenne converts.
Center upper left. Missionary H.
R. Voth and his Hopi interpreter,
Ooyawayma.
Lower left. Mrs. John P. Sliderman teaching a Bible lesson to Hopi
children in Upper Oraibi as adults
watch. About 1935.
Upper right. First log chapel at
Lame Deer, Montana.
Lower right. Cheyenne Mennonites Eugene Standing Elk of Lame
Deer, Montana, and Thomas Horseroads of Busby, Montana.
JUNE, 1980
9
India
Unlike H. R. Voth, with his Hopi
researches and collections, and
Rodolphe Petter, with his Cheyenne
linguistic and ethnographic publi­
cations, none of the Mennonite mis­
sionaries in India ever became not­
able authorities on Hindu religion
and custom. They did recognize
the value in being well informed.
“I am studying as much as my work
will allow me,” P. A. Penner wrote
in 1905, “so as to get an insight into
the religion of India. Only by doing
this can we hope to help India.”
But Penner’s study of Hinduism, no
m atter how hard he may have tried
to be objective or sympathetic, was
tinged with a measure of condescen­
sion. In his thinking, Penner was
never willing to allow for a clear
separation between the “high reli­
gion” of Hinduism, on one hand,
with its exalted ethical teachings,
benevolent gods, and inspired an­
cient scriptures, and on the other
hand, the “low religion” of Hindu­
ism, with its capricious local deities,
crisis rituals, and lack of scriptures
or institutionalized church. Hindu­
ism, wrote Penner, was “a conglom­
eration of philosophical systems,
pantheism, fatalism, ceremonies and
ceremonial washings, and down­
right common idolatry.” If Hindu­
ism of the great tradition was sup­
posed to be so exalted, Penner won­
dered, why did it result in such ap­
palling superstition and degradation
among the common people?
The Champa missionary com­
pound happened to be just two miles
(about three kilometers) from a
popular local shrine to the great god
Shiva at the village of Pithampore.
Penner and John F. Kroeker went
to Pithampore in March 1902 to see
the observance holi, a festival of
10
purging and renewal prior to the
beginning of the new lunar year.
The festival was rich in phallic
symbolism, role reversals (men
dressed as women), and sexual li­
centiousness ; it convinced the
youthful missionary of the utter
evil of this religion. Penner and
Kroeker requested admittance to
the big shrine (and were at first
refused, then admitted) to see the
people bringing offerings and being
sprinkled with holy water. “Many
of these poor deluded people evi­
dently have a consciousness of sin,”
reported Penner, “but others give
an offering out of habit.” This first
time they simply observed and held
their peace. Next time it would be
different: “Bro. Kroeker and I
said to ourselves that this year the
priests would not be hindered by
us in their deviltry, but if it please
God, opposition shall begin for them
on next Holi. We will pitch our tent
in that village and preach Christ,
who truly and freely gives the
water of life.”
The growth of the mission sta­
tions justified the confidence of the
progressive founders and put to
shame the timidity of conservative
doubters of Mennonite ability to
sustain the work with volunteers
and money. After the first five
spartan years, nine new workers ar­
rived between 1906 and 1909. In
this group were the founders of
two new mission stations at Mauhadih (1911) and Korba (1915), on
the banks of the Hasdeo River
about thirty-five miles (fifty-six
kilometers) upstream and down­
stream from Champa. P. J. and
Agnes Harder Wiens, builders of
the Mauhadih station, had come
from Sagradovka and Molotchna in
South Russia, respectively, and re­
ceived pledges of support from
churches there. C. H. and Lulu
Johnson Suckau, founders of the
Korba station (he from First Men­
nonite in Newton, Kansas), had ac­
companied P. A. Penner to India
. at the completion of Penner’s first
furlough in 1909. Also in that group
was P. A. Penner’s new bride, Mar­
tha Richert, daughter of Heinrich
H. Richert of the Alexanderwohl
congregation in Kansas.
Congregations were formally or­
ganized at Champa and Janjgir in
1912, at Korba in 1915, and at
Mauhadih in 1916. Champa was the
station with greatest class and pres­
tige. Champa had good railway ac­
cess, a beautiful location, a home
for Hansen’s disease patients, and
a hospital—all of which served as
institutional magnets for money
and jobs. Above all, Champa had
continuity of leadership with P. A.
and Martha Penner, and with Drs.
Harvey and Ella Garber Bauman
in the hospital.
The Janjgir station carried on a
strong educational program, includ­
ing a boys boarding school growing
out of early orphan work, a girls
school founded by Annie C. Funk
in 1908, and a pastors training
school which flourished in the
1930’s. The Janjgir work was less
deeply rooted, however, and had less
continuity in mission station leader­
ship. J. F. and Susie Kroeker re­
turned to Russia in 1909, and Annie
Funk perished in the famous Ti­
tanic disaster of 1912.
The Mauhadih station had a
thriving program for some twentyfive years and was noted especially
by its school for boys. But in 1937
a disastrous flood at the confluence
of the Hasdeo and Mahanadi rivers
led to its retrenchment and to even­
tual abandonment.
The Korba station, which had
earlier appeared to be a more "jung­
ly” outpost, turned out to be located
in a region rich with mineral depos­
its. After independence, the govern­
ment of India moved to develop
Korba as a major industrial center.
In these four places the mission
strategy was basically similar. The
early hope was that the entire
“field” could be Christianized. The
missionaries were eager to take the
MENNONITE LIFE
gospel to the people. An early meth­
od was the evangelistic "tour” dur­
ing which they traveled with a
retinue of servants, drivers, and
native evangelists from village to
village, preaching the gospel to
those who would listen. In eighteen
January days in 1905, for example,
J. F. Kroeker preached in ninetytwo villages. Such tours put mis­
sionaries in some contact, however,
superficial, with their wider social
and physical environment. For
many villagers, the touring mission
band provided the very first con­
tact with the Christian gospel, their
first view of a bicycle, and their
first encounter with the magic of
stereopticon slides. Missionaries
identified sites for new stations on
such tours. It became clear, how­
ever, that successful evangelism re­
quired more sustained contact with
the people.
Three sets of differences formed
the basis of identity for the General
Conference Mennonite Church in
India. One was the difference be­
tween the new Christians and their
dominant Hindu environment. A sec­
ond was the difference between the
Indian church and the Mennonite
mission. The third was the differ­
ence between the southern churches
of the Gara farmer-weaver caste
origin and the northern churches
of multicaste origin. All three of
these relationships were fraught
with tension and with potential for
both creativity and conflict.
In their relationship to their Hin­
du social and religious environment,
the Christians would remain a be­
leaguered minority. Even after In­
dian independence from Britain in
1947 and the official implementa­
tion of religous toleration in a secu­
lar state, the Christians were ac­
cused of belonging to an alien re­
ligion and of having converted in
order to gain social and material ad­
vantage. Their emancipation from
the caste system and their selfimprovement through education
made the Christians an upwardly
mobile people in a modernizing
world. But it would take many de­
cades for them to overcome the
psychological sense of inferiority
which came from outcaste origins
and from minority religious identi­
ty.
It was also possible for Indian
Mennonite Christians to be over­
whelmed in their relationship to
the highly educated, well-financed,
and authoritative Mennonite mis­
sionaries. From the beginning, the
mission was committed to the goal
of an indigenous, independent
church. To this end the first con­
gregations were organized in 1912,
and the Hindustani Congress of
churches was established in 1922.
Missionary C. H. Suckau was the
first chairman of the Hindustani
Congress at the outset, but he was
succeeded by Indian leaders Datan
Bhadra, Paul “Babu,” and B. D.
Stephen. The Hindustani Congress
(or “Conference” as it was called
after a reorganization in 1943)
evolved as a separate organization
from the missionary conference.
There was some discussion of possi­
ble amalgamation of the church and
missionary conferences in 1933, but
the two organizations actually be­
came increasingly distinct in the
following decades. Church and mis­
sion worked side by side in partner­
ship. Efforts were made to make
the church autonomous and selfsufficient as far as evangelism and
discipline were concerned. But the
mission grew ever larger and more
powerful with control over the work
of education, medicine, literature,
and Christian nurture.
Below. Peter A. Penner and. his
first wife, Elizabeth Dickman Pen­
ner in Champa with a group of vic­
tims of Hansens Disease. About
190Jf.
Upper left. Pastor H. Masih ad­
ministers baptism in the courtyard
of a village Christian home.
Lower left. Rice planting near
Champa.
Lower middle. Bookstore at Korba.
Upper right. Ox cart from Mauhadih to Jagdeeshpur.
Middle right. Crossing the Mahanadih River.
Next page. Missionaries at Cham­
pa in October, 1950. First row: Eva
Pauls, Eleanor Schmidt, Anne Pen­
JUNE, 1980
ner, Marie Duerksen, Melva Leh­
man. Second row: Christine and Jac­
ob R. Duerksen, Metta and Samuel
T. Moyer, Martha Burkhalter, Har­
vey and Ella Bauman, Paid and Adah
Wenger. Third row: Edward and
Ramoth Burkhalter, Orlando and
Vernelle Waltnerj Herbert and Hil­
da Dester, Kathryn and Aron E.
Jantzen, Olga and Curt Claassen.
Fourth row: Leona Cressman,
Helen Kornelsen, Willard and Selma
Unruh, Erwin Schräg, Tillie and
Lubin Jantzen, Helen E. Nickel.
13
:r '!!}};!•!■
China
The history of General Confer­
ence mission work in China can be
divided into three stages, each sepa­
rated from the other by major
evacuations from the mission field.
The first sixteen years, until the
evacuation in the face of civil war
in 1927, were a time of solid foun­
dation building and rapid expan­
sion. The second stage, until the
Japanese invasion in World War
II, was a time of unsettlement and
reorientation. In the years after the
war, the work on the old field was
disrupted by civil war. The last
General Conference missionaries
left China in 1951.
By the time of the 1927 evacu­
ation, twenty-three missionaries had
arrived on the GC field in China.
The major influx came in the 191821 period, with an increase of funds
and volunteers which seems to have
resulted from the impact of World
War I in North America. The field
covered the six southernmost coun­
ties in Chihli (changed to Hopei in
1928) province, an area of some
4,000 square miles (10,400 square
kilometers) and 2,200,000 people liv­
ing in 4,500 villages. The major
mission stations were at Kai Chow,
with one large church built in the
town and one at the main station
in the southeast suburb; and at
Taming Fu, where a church build­
ing with capacity to seat 1,200 peo­
ple was under construction in 1927.
The four other county seats—Nanlo, Tsing-feng, Chang-yuan, and
Tung-ming (the latter separated
from the rest by the Huang Ho
River), served as centers for
schools, for regular church ser­
vices, and for evangelistic and medi­
cal itineration to the villages.
le
The medical work at first depend­
ed upon the audacity of II. J. Brown,
who performed many surgical oper­
ations that went fa r beyond what
he had learned in two years of
training. Dr. Abe M. (and Marie
Wollmann) Lohrentz and nurses
Elizabeth Goertz and Frieda Sprunger came in 1921 as the first pro­
fessional medical workers. In 1926
they made a total of 6,451 outpa­
tient visits. Central hospital facili­
ties were developed at Kai Chow.
The antiforeign and anti-Chris­
tian student movement of the 1920s
involved a setback for the mission.
In January 1927 the students at
Hua Mei middle and high school at
Kai Chow went out on strike. To
II. J. Brown’s great dismay, stu­
dents at the Bible school which had
been founded in 1925 joined in the
strike, and “a few of them seemed
even worse than the rest.” When the
strike fever subsided, the Hua Mei
students were all reinstated, but the
mission closed the Bible school. An­
other Bible school was begun at
Taming Fu under the leadership of
P. J. Boehr. The mission was not
successful in attracting and holding
educated leaders. Brown complained
that they had to depend upon “sec­
ond grade men” sent from other
Protestant missions. Most of the
college-educated men who worked
with the mission in the mid-1920s
eventually left the Mennonites. The
extensive Mennonite education pro­
gram which, according to one sur­
vey published in 1922, had more
children in school per church mem­
bers than any other mission in
North China, yielded a disappoint­
ing harvest for church leadership.
One missionary wrote, “Thousands
of young promising people have
gone through our schools, but to a
large extent the church members
have consisted of old illiterate
women.”
There were some notable excep­
tions to the pattern of generally
weak leadership. Two of the most
promising Mennonite students, Ste­
phen Wang and James C. Liu, at­
tended American schools at Bluffton and Bethel colleges beginning in
the fall of 1930. E. G. Kaufman,
who became president of Bethel Col­
lege instead of returning to China
after his first furlough, arranged
private support for Wang and Liu.
Both of these men returned to take
positions of leadership in the church
and schools and to suffer the severe
consequences which followed from
Communist takeover of China. Both
Wang and Liu wrote articles for
the twenty-fifth anniversary publi­
cation of the mission in 1936. Wang
attempted to disentangle the Chris­
tian gospel from the structures of
Western Christendom in adapting
to the Chinese environment. He
wrote, “It is, therefore, not the
Jesus of the creeds and the cere­
mony, not the Jesus of Christen­
dom with its economic and military
might, it is the Jesus of the Gali­
lean ministry and the redemptive
work in Jerusalem who is being
discovered by and is discovering the
young men and women of China
today.”
Significant leadership roles in the
Chinese church were taken by Chris­
tian women. From the earliest
years, adult women converts work­
ed as “Bible women” in village
evangelism. Maria Brown paid spe­
cial tribute to the work of Bible
women Chia and Liu, as well as
Mrs. Wang, the mother of Stephen
Wang.
The politically chaotic and dan­
gerous years from 1938 to 1941
were years of religious revival and
church growth. Mission-church re­
lationships improved and anti-West­
ern feelings diminished in the face
of Japanese aggression. Church
membership nearly doubled (88 per­
cent increase) to a total of 2,273
members between 1935 and 1940.
In the year of 1940 alone there was
an increase of 15.6 percent. Taken
by themselves, the membership sta­
MENNONITE LIFE
tistics suggested that the church
had reached a takeoff stage.
The leadership of the twin broth­
ers S. F. and C. L. Pannabecker
lent a degree of maturity and so­
phistication to the General Confer­
ence China mission in its latter
years. C. L. came as a medical doc­
tor to take the post of medical su­
perintendent at the Kai Chow hos­
pital, where the number of inpa­
tients increased from 810 in 1938
to 1,205 in 1940. S. F., who at the
time of evacuation was principal of
the Bible school and editor of the
missions paper The China-Home
Bond, articulated most clearly the
problems and prospects of the mis­
sion.
Shortly before his August 1941
departure from the field, S. F. Pan­
nabecker summarized the condition
JUNE, 1980
of the Chinese Mennonite Church in
an article, “Withdrawal and the
Future.” He noted the Chinese
church's strength in the three areas
critical for survival under diffi­
culties. There was a spiritually alive
“central Christian nucleus,” a
strong core of available leaders, and
a good overall indigenous church
organization. All mission institu­
tions, including schools, hospitals,
and churches, were administered by
trained Chinese. (The Pannabecker
brothers were replaced by Dr. Paul
Hu at the hospital and the reverend
Chang Ching in the Bible school.)
The first five Chinese pastors had
been ordained in 1940. A new church
conference had been organized in
March 1940 with an elected general
committee which had authority to
make decisions formerly reserved
for the mission conference. James
Liu was the chairman of the new
church conference, with Ku Tungching (hospital business manager)
serving as secretary.
Pannabecker’s optimism
was
guarded, but he had great hope
for the future. “. . . It seems quite
possible,” he wrote, “that we have
a setup independent of foreign oper­
ation. In general our work is in
the best condition it has ever been
to face future eventualities.”
Below. The Chinese congregation
nt Kai Chow on the occasion of a
visit by Mr. and Mrs. H. E. Sndcrman of Newton, Kansas. W. C.
Voth and Mathilda Voth sit to the
right and left of the Sndermans.
17
_
_
“In recent years we have seen the fruit of early efforts in training men.
Every institution is under a competent staff of local Chinese. The adminis­
tration is even now in practice under trained Chinese rather than mission­
aries. We have our own doctor, nurses, teachers trained in standard schools
and with sufficient experience to prove reliability. Further we have in the
last two years five fully ordained Chinese elders.” . . . It seems quite possible
that we have a set up independent of foreign operation. In general our work
is in the best condition it has ever been to face future eventualities.”
S. F. Pannabecker, 1941
Upper left. Wherever medical mis­
sions made an impact, mortality
rates declined. Here nurses in the
Mennonite Kai Chow hospital ex­
hibit the popidation explosion.
Lower left. Kai Chow hospital.
The first clinic is in the center and
the hospital wards surrounding.
Upper right. On the way to an
outstation clinic.
Lower right. The hospital staff
at Kai Chow.
_________
I
“The first new Ford Auto in our Chinese mis­
sion field—and the first auto in any of the inland
missions—is certainly proof that our brotherhood
has a much broader missions view than earlier, and
they intend to use the best means for the rapid
evangelization of our part of the heathen world.
. . . . We believe the Ford will be a proper mis­
sionary.”
J. J. Boehr, 1919
i
Upper left. P. J. Boehr and the
first Mennonite mission ear in
China.
Lower left. S. F. Pannabecker as­
sisting in an earlier form of trans­
portation.
Middle right. E. G. Kaufman and
Aganetha Fast transported, by
wheelbarrow.
Lower right. Civil wars and inter­
national warfare disrupted mission
work in China. S. F. Pannabecker
poses with a group of occupying
Japanese officers.
Congo-Zaire
The Congo Inland Mission (CIM)
mission was different in many ways
from the other GC Mennonite mis­
sions. The difference was most re­
markable in the relative degree of
success the CIM had in achieving
its goals. The CIM-founded church
experienced continued growth from
its beginning years until the 1970s.
The number of Congolese CIM Mennonites surpassed the numbers of
the founding Central Conference
and Defenseless Mennonites in the
1930s. By the 1970s, this Congo
church, with some 35,000 members,
was roughly 60 percent as large as
the entire North American General
Conference Mennonite Church.
The CIM mission was relatively
successful not only in terms of
church growth, but also in efforts
to transfer authority and control of
the church to national leadership.
The mission and church underwent
traumatic upheaval in the indepen­
dence revolution of 1960 and the
Kwilu rebellion of 1964, but the out­
come was an agreement to hand
over all mission property and in­
stitutions to the Zaire Mennonite
Church. That church remained de­
pendent upon financial support and
leadership personnel from North
America but took charge of its own
affairs with missionaries in a sub­
ordinate and supportive role.
CIM success in Congo was a small
part of broader Christian growth
not only in the great Congo basin
area of central Africa, but also in
West, East, and southern Africa.
In the twentieth century, contrary
to many expectations, Africa be­
22
came largely a Christian continent.
By 1970 the Christians accounted
for 34 to 44 percent of the total
sub-Sahara population. By the year
2000 it was projected to be up to
57 percent. The young African lead­
ers who headed independence move­
ments and struggled to establish
viable nations in the 1960s and
1970s were typically graduates of
Christian mission schools. While
traditional tribal religion remained
influential in many areas, and the
impact of Islam continued strong,
Christianity, in a variety of expres­
sions which included thousands of
independent sects, came to dominate
the African religious scene.
From the beginning, Mennonite
missionaries, as well as the CIM
board, assumed they were working
among “primitive” people who lived
in heathen darkness. In one moment
of self-pity in 1925, the mission­
aries complained to the board of
their tribulations in “this dark,
cheerless and demon ridden land of
superstition and sin.” A more real­
istic and appreciative view of Afri­
can culture emerged slowly over the
decades. Frank Enns was one who
tried to understand and describe
tribal customs. Enns’ conclusion,
published in the Congo Missionary
Messenger in 1930, was that it
would be unwise to “ruthlessly at­
tack and ridicule the African’s re­
ligion.” “There is danger,” Enns
wrote, “that we uproot before we
can supplant and the latter state be­
come worse than the first.” The
missionary should sympathetically
understand Africans and their prob­
lems. “If he [the African] is
brought under conviction by the
Holy Spirit he will see the folly of
his own religion.”
Missionaries who inquired into
the histories and cultures of the
tribes in the Kasai area became
aware of great differences between
tribal groups. The Bena Lulua and
the Baluba tribes were patrilineal,
with lineage traced through the
father who was the clan head. Both
these tribes had unified structures
with a chief whose authority was
recognized by the clans. The Bampende, Bashilele, and Batshioko
tribes, located west of the Kasai,
were matrilineal, with lineage traced
through the mother and with the
mother’s brother taking responsi­
bility for the child. The Bena Lulua
was the truly indigenous tribe east
of the Kasai. The Baluba had moved
in at the turn of the century after
being displaced by conflicts with
slave traders. The Baluba were a
more mobile and aggressive group,
which adapted quickly and benefi­
ted from educational and commer­
cial economic opportunities offered
by white traders and missionaries.
Tribal identities were more impor­
tant than Congolese national identi­
ty for these people until well after
the independence revolution of 1960.
Tribalism was also a barrier or chal­
lenge to the development of the
church in the Congo.
Without ignoring the suffering
and trauma undergone by the
church and mission from 1960 to
1965, it is possible to see the revo­
lutionary upheaval and the mission­
ary evacuations as blessings in dis­
guise for church-mission relation­
ships. In the mid-1950s no one
among the missionaries or the A fri­
cans could imagine a situation in
which CIM would sign away its sep­
arate existence in the Congo. The
mission seemed as natural and as
permanent a part of the landscape
as the Kasai River. But the CIM,
after decades of caution and hesi­
tation, took the initiative to con­
front the African church leadership
with the reality of their own identi­
ty. This was fundamentally the
work of the CIM executive secre­
tary, Harvey Driver, although it
can also be said that Driver guided
and channeled, rather than gener­
ated, the dynamics of this era.
MENNONITE LIFE
“By the help of the
Lord we are trying to
create a church that is
spiritually independent
and in the fullest sense
self-supporting.
Kalamba Station
Report, 1936
Left. Traditional drumming and
dancing— with non-traditional fontwear.
Below. Teaching at a New Life
for All seminar in Nyanga.
“For years we have prayed for a revival. This is
being the year when the Lord has started to answer
those prayers. Hundreds have come in the last few
months to confess Christ as their Savior, and have
burned or thrown away their fetishes, witchcraft,
idols and medicines. Among the number are old
men and women from the villages. It seems that
the Lord has used the series of moonlight services
in the surrounding villages to start this revival/’
Vernon J. Sprunger, 1939
Upper left. The Mennonite church
and congregation in Nyanga.
Lower left. Pax man Harlan Bar­
tel teaches welding to Ngenze Kibunde.
Lower middle. Fremont Regier re­
ceives gifts of fruit and vegetables
after returning from furlough and
sick leave.
Lower right. In 1959 the Congo
Inland Mission schools of various
kinds served more than 27,000 stu­
dents.
Middle right. Missionary Vernon
Sprunger served in Congo-Zairc
1931-1972.
F ar middle right, The gospel is
translated from Lingala to Kipendi.
Japan
Mennonite mission strategy for
Japan was forged out of the wreck­
age of China. In mainland China
the missionaries had established big
Western-style mission compounds
and institutions which were beyond
the capacity of the local Christians
to support. This time the mission­
aries resolved to travel lightly. Wil­
liam C. Voth, experienced China
missionary who pioneered the work
in Japan, warned at the outset that
missionaries might only be allowed
a short term in Japan.
Voth made an initial survey in
Kyushu island on his way home
from China in 1950, and returned
for another survey with Vemey
Unruh in summer 1951. The VothUnruh report noted that there were
only three or four Christian mis­
sionaries in Miyazaki Prefecture in
a population of about one million.
The Christian groups there, most of
which had very small membership
despite years of work, welcomed
Mennonite involvement enthusias­
tically. Voth and Unruh recommend­
ed that Mennonites begin first in
Miyazaki City, then in Miyakonojo,
and that top priority be given to the
neglected rural areas. Both Voth and
Unruh had grown up in “neglected
rural areas”—in Oklahoma and
Montana, respectively—and the pro­
posing of a rural strategy was for
them as natural and as “Mennonite”
as eating borscht and zwieback.
They were optimistic about pros­
pects for planting churches and ex­
panding quickly. In Unruh's words,
“We must not only win believers
to Christ but at the same time make
plans for their continued growth in
Christ. Further, I feel that as soon
as a church is firmly established
we should move on to new areas. In
brief, the indigenous Church is our
goal.”
Ten General Conference mission­
aries arrived in Japan in 1951; ten
28
more came in 1953-54. While the
younger missionaries who planned
for careers in Japan were studying
language in Kobe, W. C. and Ma­
tilda Kliewer Voth moved to Mi­
yazaki Prefecture (southeast coast
of Kyushu), in 1952. Decisions about what kind of buildings to build
or buy were not easy ones. Mission
board secretary John Thiessen
wrote to Voth insisting that all
church or institutional buildings “be
geared to an indigenous church and
property be such as can be owned
and controlled by the church.” The
sprawling bungalows of India and
the massive church buildings and
schools of China were not to be
duplicated in Japan. In fact, the
only GC missionary “institution”
(in a traditional sense) built in Ja­
pan was the Kei Ai [Grace-Love]
Kindergarten built next door to the
missionary home in Nichinan in
1955. The anti-institutional policy
of the mission did not always have
unanimous support among the mis­
sionaries, but it did make the char­
acter of the mission and the church
quite different from the Mennonite
work in other countries where more
energy went into schools and hos­
pitals.
The Japanese were particularly
fascinated with American culture
and language in the immediate post­
war years. The old empire had been
destroyed and discredited. Japan­
ese survivors eagerly looked for
new alternatives. Mennonite mis­
sionaries discovered that one of the
best methods for establishing per­
sonal contacts was through the
teaching of English classes. Such
teaching did not require full com­
mand of the Japanese language, and
it allowed for additional contacts
through Bible study or worship.
The English-teaching method of
evangelism proved to be more longlasting than some other methods.
Radio evangelism was discontinued
in 1966; tent campaigns seemed to
lose their appeal with the coming
of television. But the English classes
remained popular. In the 1960s a
number of short-term mission
workers were recruited for the mis­
sion, in some cases fulfilling Ameri­
can Selective Service obligations,
and these workers usually engaged
in English teaching.
A number of consequences seem­
ed to flow from the teacher-learner
context of mission work. People
were won to the church not in
groups but as individuals who had
done some wrestling in Christian
theology. The Christian faith among Japanese Mennonites prob­
ably had more intellectual content
and appreciation than in other Men­
nonite mission fields. The size of
Mennonite congregations remained
small. Whether led by missionaries,
or later by Japanese pastors, the
congregations did not grow above
classroom size.
The witness of Japanese Menno­
nites was inhibited by the small
size and limited growth of the
churches. In this regard the Men­
nonites were similar to Protestant
churches in Japan generally. The
Kyushu Mennonite Church Confer­
ence in 1978 claimed 588 members,
but many of these were nonresident
or inactive. It was, for the most
part, a middle-class whose members
were growing in economic pros­
perity. But the church’s resources
for program development were re­
stricted by limited numbers. This
meant continued dependence upon
the North American mission board
in a number of respects, although
there was no doubt that the church
would survive even if all North
American missionaries would have
to leave and all foreign subsidies
would be cut off.
In no country other than Japan
did there emerge so quickly a group
of spiritually dedicated and theo­
logically articulate Mennonite lead­
ers who could communicate the gos­
pel with freshness and persuasive­
ness. In the space of a few short
decades, North American Menno­
nites found themselves sitting at
the feet of Japanese teachers to
learn the meaning of biblical Chris­
tianity in the Anabaptist tradition!
MENNONITE LIFE
Above. Japanese missionaries in
1955. First row left to right. Mar­
tha Giesbrecht, Beverly Boschman,
David Voran, Douglas Voran, Es­
ther Patkau, Beth Thiessen, Richard
and Evangeline Derlesen, Patricia
and Judith Unruh, Anna and John
Ediger. Back roiv left to right. Paid,
Lawrence, Lavem Boschman. Anna
Dyck, Lois Voran and Debra, Leonore Friesen, Peter Voran, Peter
and Mary Derlcsen, Robert and
Alice Ramsey er and John Mark,
Vemey and Belva Unruh and Paul
Edward, Ferd and Viola Ediger and
James Allen, Ruby and Bernard
Thiessen and Royce Bernard.
Bottom. Tent campaigns were
popular in the early years of the
mission in Kyushu.
29
“By nature the Japanese people like to be taught.”
Hiroshi Isobe
Upper left. A youth Sunday
School class at Miyazaki.
Lower left. The Kindergarten at
Nichinan.
Upper right. Miss Kushima teach­
ing the children’s Bible class.
Lower right. Class time at spring
Bible School in Miyazaki.
Taiwan
The Mennonite mission in Tai­
wan published a special calendar
for the year of 1960, marking twen­
ty-two days of celebration of his­
toric occasions of significance for
the identity of Mennonites in Tai­
wan. The calendar was a revealing
blend of political and religious high
points, as well as a linking of Anabaptist-Mennonite history with
Mennonite church growth in Tai­
wan. Three of the selected dates
marked Taiwanese political cele­
brations: Sun Yat-sen’s birthday,
the anniversary of the Republic of
China, and the coming of freedom
for Taiwan in 1945. Six of the dates
were religious holidays such as
Christmas, Thanksgiving, Bible
Day, and Pentecost. The notable
dates for Mennonite history includ­
ed the dates of the founding of
Mennonite churches and institutions
in Taiwan in the 1950s, alongside
events associated with Anabaptist
founding fathers 400 years earlier
(Menno Simons, Georg Blaurock,
Felix Manz). This 1960 calendar
seemed to express the hope for a
synthesis in Taiwan—for a church
which would be both truly indigen­
ous and truly conscious of standing
in the historical Christian-Mennonite tradition.
Mission and church development
in Taiwan held numerous surprises
for the Mennonites. It was a sur­
prise that church planting took
place among the Taiwanese people,
rather than among the mountain
tribes or the mainland Chinese im­
migrants. It was another surprise
that the work in Taiwan proceeded
32
under conditions of political sta­
bility—a stability of long-term
crisis but nevertheless allowing a
longer uninterrupted period of mis­
sion work than had ever been pos­
sible for Mennonites on mainland
China. And there was the surprise
of rapid Taiwanese economic de­
velopment that set an urban-indus­
trial context for Mennonite mis­
sions, which was radically differ­
ent from pre-World War II mission
work in rural India, Africa, and
China.
In some ways Taiwan was a
unique mission field for the GC
Mennonites. Taiwan was the only
overseas country where GC Men­
nonites carried on mission work
without the presence of other Men­
nonite branches in the same coun­
try. In Taiwan the mission work
was uniquely determined and shap­
ed by preceding Mennonite Central
Committee work. Only in Taiwan
were Mennonite fortunes so closely
bound up with another Protestant
denomination — the Presbyterians.
Finally, the Taiwan mission was
singular among GC Mennonite mis­
sions for the cordiality of relation­
ships between missionaries and na­
tionals—a fact which surely owes
much to the sensitive leadership of
the four Mennonite missionary
couples of longest tenure on the
island: Roland and Sophie Schmidt
Brown, Hugh and Janet Frost
Sprunger, J. N. and Martha Boschman Vandenberg, and Peter and
Lydia Pankratz Kehler.
There were, of course, many un­
resolved questions and challenges
for that Taiwanese Mennonite
church as it faced the waning de­
cades of the twentieth century. Did
the Mennonite mission burden the
church with so great a weight of
institutional responsibility — hos­
pital, church conference apparatus,
inter-Mennonite Asian and world­
wide programs—that the church
would be perpetually dependent up­
on the wealthier North American
churches? Would Anabaptist-Mennonite teachings of church, discipleship, and nonresistance come to have
concrete application in the volatile
and dangerous Taiwanese churchstate situation ? What would it mean
to be a faithful Christian and a
Mennonite in Taiwan in the 1980s
and beyond?
In 1978 a twenty-voice Mennonite
women’s choir from Taiwan toured
North American churches and sang
at the Tenth Mennonite World Con­
ference in Wichita, Kansas. The di­
rector of the choir was Ruth Chen
Lin, a graduate of Bluffton College
who had recently been named one of
the ten outstanding women in Tai­
wan. The choir’s ability to finance
its own international travel, as well
as its distinguished promotion of
Christian fellowship across boun­
daries, was one more indication of
a new day in mission-church rela­
tionships.
Above. The first baptismal group
at Nan-tun. Lay evangelist, Mr.
Chang, is second row extreme left.
Missionary Hugh Sprunger is sec­
ond row extreme right.
Bottom center. Mennonite Tai­
wanese womens choir, directed by
Ruth Chen Lin. Photo taken before
a choir trip to Korea and Japan.
33
L.r>:
“
Upper left. A t a village church
made from thatch and boards. Har­
old Becker, Roland Brown, Mr. Liu
and Glen Gräber.
Middle left. Preparing to show
pictures at evening meeting among
aboriginal tribal people.
Lower Left. Childrens class.
Upper right. Street meeting in
Hwalien.
Lower Center. Nurses graduation
in 1959 at the hospital in MilunHivalien. Lena Peters, Alvin Frie­
sen, P. J. Pankratz, and Esther Mae
Andres.
35
Colombia
The first four missionaries ar­
rived in Colombia in the fall of 1945
—Gerald and Mary Wood Stucky,
Janet Soldner, and Mary Becker.
Soldner was a nurse, also from
Berne. Becker was from the First
Mennonite Church in Newton, Kan­
sas, and had turned toward Colom­
bia after waiting long for a visa
to India. They acquired a site and
began school in 1947.
Mission strategy in Colombia in
the early years was dictated by
practical possibilities and limita­
tions, rather than by a prescribed
missions philosophy or mission
board direction. The result was the
creation of a kind of Mennonite
mission “compound”—although it
was quite different from Menno­
nite mission compounds in India,
China, and Africa. The site chosen
for the school was a fifteen-acre
(six-hectare) farm nestled in the
Andes Mountains about fifty miles
(eighty kilometers) west of Bogota.
It was an idyllic isolated environ­
ment—lush with orange and banana
trees and bordered by a rushing
mountain stream. About one mile
(1.6 kilometers) distant by burro
path was the village of Cachipay
(Cah-chee-pie); its five hundred in­
habitants came to the market twice
a week in the village square which
sloped down from the imposing
Catholic church. The local economy
was geared to coffee production. An
enterprising German had built a
two-story hotel-house on the farm
in about 1939, having brought all
the building material up the path by
beast of burden. The Mennonites
36
first rented and then bought the
property and turned it into the
physical and spiritual center for
mission work in Colombia.
The mission aimed for an inde­
pendent national church from the
time the first congregations were
organized. “The Mission Board has
urged us,” said a 1953 article in
the Colombian Neivs, “to take im­
mediate steps of self-government,
self-support, and self-propagation
in the groups now functioning in
Colombia under our oversight.” The
first four copastors of the Cachi­
pay congregation, elected at the
end of 1953, took correspondence
courses in Bible study and instruc­
tion in practice preaching to de­
velop leadership potential. The oc­
cupations of these men—tailor, bar­
ber, carpenter, and baker—suggest­
ed that the first core of the Cchipay congregation was made up of
village artisans. The tailor was Ar­
mando Hernandez, a gifted person
who became the outstanding Colom­
bian leader of the church for the
next twenty years.
By 1959 there were 112 members
in the GC Mennonite churches in
Colombia: 50 in Cachipay, 22 in
Anolaima, and 40 in La Mesa. Near­
ly twenty years later (1977) the
number of active members in these
same three village congregations
was just about the same. The Men­
nonite village churches failed to
grow. A key explanation for this
lack of growth was the high mo­
bility of church members. Educated
people—and Protestant member­
ship tended to be identified with
education and upward mobility—
tended to move out of the village to
seek jobs in the cities, especially
in nearby Bogota. The most quali­
fied national pastors and church
leaders sought more stimulating and
challenging locations for work.
Antonio Arevalo, a charismatic
pastor of Pentecostal background,
became pastor of the Berna congre­
gation in 1972. Under his leadership
the congregation grew to 260 active
members by 1977, more than twice
the membership of all eight other
Mennonite GC congregations in Co­
lombia combined Arevalo provided
significant leadership in the Co­
lombia Mennonite church confer­
ence, as well as in Colombian ecu­
menical Protestant associations. The
Berna congregation opened a day­
care center in church facilities for
fifty children in April 1977.
A second Mennonite congrega­
tion in Bogota grew out of the
ministry of Gerald and Mary Hope
Stucky, who returned to Colombia
in 1973 after spending a number
of years in the United States. The
core of the new group was again
formed of ex-students from Cachi­
pay, including some who had help­
ed begin the Berna church. In 1978
this new group, which met in the
Stuekys’ apartment in the Chapinero section of Bogota, numbered
forty-four members and faced de­
cisions regarding church building
and leadership for the future. It
seemed clear that the growing edge
of the church was in Bogota and
that new Mennonite groups might
emerge in the city in coming years.
Upper right. Site of the mission
near Cachipay in the Andes moun­
tains.
Lower right. LaVerne Rutschman
engaging in adidt literacy work.
MENNONITE LIFE
“Following the Mennonite tradition, by the side
of the shrine must be a clinic, a school or a social
center. The Mennonite Church is a faithful be­
liever in human dignity.”
Luis Correa, 1975
Upper left. The first year group
of children at the Cachipay school,
1947. Luis Correa, fourth from the
right on the front row, became the
director of Mencoldes, an interMennonite Colombian development
organization in the 1970s.
Lower left. Destruction in Bogota
in 1948 from the revolution which
began the decade of political up­
heaval known as “The Violence."
Upper right. Gerald Stucky and
congregation at time of 1948 bap­
tisms.
Lower right. Primitive agricul­
tural methods on the Cachipay farm.
Paraguay
The Paraguayan Chaco is an iso­
lated and forbidding plain of dense
bush, intermittent grasslands, and
hot winds, which had long defied
any dreams of settled, agricultural
life. When Mennonites first arrived
in 1926, they thought the region
was entirely uninhabited. There
were in fact several nomadic Indian
tribes of carfeully limited population
which were thinly dispersed in the
area. It has been estimated that
the total Indian population in the
area initially settled by Mennonites
consisted of two groups of the Lengua tribe, with fifty to a hundred in
each group, plus several scattered
bands of other Indian tribes beyond
the fringes of the newly sett|ed ter­
ritory. The Lenguas may have been
in the process of dying out as a
people. Various Indian tribes suf­
fered severely in the Chaco War
between Paraguay and Bolivia,
1930-32.
The establishment of successful
Mennonite agricultural settlements
in the Chaco transformed the social
and economic life of the Indian
tribes. It changed their interaction
with each other, as well as their re­
lationship to the outside world. The
Mennonite colonies were a magnet
of economic opportunity toward
which the various tribes converged.
In the half-century to 1975, the
number of Indians in the Mennonite
area grew from several hundred to
over nine thousand. The accompany­
ing processes of modernization may
have saved some of these tribes
from extinction, but it also entailed
virtual obliteration of their tradi­
tional way of life.
The Mennonites were clear from
the beginning that their mission
40
work among the Indians would in­
volve thorough cultural transforma­
tion. Preliminary discussions of
plans for mission work were held
as early as 1932. In September
1935 members of three Mennonite
groups in the Chaco—the Menno­
nite Brethren, General Conference,
and Evangelical Mennonite Breth­
ren (Allianz Gemeinde)—formed a
missionary association which they
called Light to the Indians. The
stated purposes of the association
allowed for no separation of body
and soul, or of individual and com­
munity. The purposes included wit­
ness to the living God, teaching of
the Bible and Christian doctrine,
education for children, teaching for
morally pure Christian family life,
training in hygiene, and economic
and cultural progress. The Men­
nonites hoped to make the Indians
into “true, useful and industrious
citizens of the Paraguayan state.”
The settlement program in the
Chaco has been remarkably success­
ful, and may in fact be virtually
without historical precedent as a
model by which one modernized
community aided hunting and herd­
ing peoples to make the transition
to agricultural life. Compared to
the failures of the United States
government policy to turn Native
Americans into agriculturists on
reservations in the nineteenth cen­
tury, the Mennonite Chaco program
is most impressive. Mennonite ide­
ology—particularly the doctrines of
nonresistance and missions—had
much to do with the evolution of
the settlement program. If the Men­
nonites had not been pacifists, if
they had been prepared to destroy
the Indians with military weapons
as happened on other frontiers, an
Indian settlement program may
have been neither necessary nor
possible.
The issues of economic justice
and social separation remained as
major ongoing problems, however.
Mennonites benefited from cheap
Indian labor. The Mennonites were
relatively wealthy and the Indians
were relatively poor, and this dis­
parity was a source of potential
conflict. In their other mission pro­
grams, wealthy North American
Mennonites had been separated
from their economically poor mis­
sion churches as in, for example,
India and Zaire. But in Paraguay
the Mennonites were cast into a sit­
uation where they competed for
limited economic resources with the
Indians who had been converted by
their mission efforts. Many of these
Paraguayan Mennonites could re­
call their recent history in Russia
where the relatively wealthy Men­
nonite German-speaking colonists
were driven out after the Russian
revolution by Russians who resented
Mennonite wealth and cultural sep­
arateness. The missions-settlement
program must be successful to keep
the Mennonites from once again
reaping the whirlwind.
The Mennonite communities in
the Chaco face continuing social
changes of their own in coming
decades. Their isolation from Para­
guayan society and economy has
been gradually breaking down, es­
pecially since the completion of the
trans-Chaco road in 1961. A slow
transition from the German to the
Spanish language is taking place.
Meanwhile Mennonites are slowly
losing mastery and control over re­
lationships with the Indians as In­
dians are becoming more self-con­
scious and more articulate in mak­
ing their demands and in establish­
ing direct contacts with the Para­
guayan government. There remain
many fascinating chapters to be
written in this story of one of the
last geographical frontiers on the
earth.
Right. Heinrich Duerksen, colony
leader of Fernheim colony, talks
with an Indian settler.
MENNONITE LIFE
, .
■
___
»•
Upper left. Indians who live on
the reservation established by the
mission society, Light to the In­
dians.
Lower left. Reservation life
means a shift to an agricultural life
style.
Upper right. Indian mother and
two children.
Lower right. Kornelius Isaac, a
thirty-year-old missionary among
the Chidupi Indians in Neuland
Colony, was killed in a contact with
the Moro Indians in 1958. His griev­
ing family stands by the casket.
Radical Reformation and
Mennonite Bibliography
19784979
by Lawrence Klippenstein. Assisted by Nelson Sprunger, and James C. Juhnke
BOOKS—GENERAL
W iggers, Stanley,
A ugsburger. M yron S., F a i t h f u l u n t o
D e a t h , Waco, T X : W ord Books, 1978,
125 pp.
Conley, Lucy Ann, G o n e t o t h e Z o o , Crock­
e tt, K Y : Rod and Staff, 1979, 202 pp.
Dickson. M argaret and Koepke, Helen,
W h e n J o h n n y W a s L i t t l e , Kitchener,
O n t.: W aterloo County Board of Educa­
tion, 1978. 64 pp.
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s c i e n c e , Elgin, IL : David C. Cook P ub­
lishing Co., 1979, 285 pp.
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burn, S a sk .: B ethany Bible Institute.
1976 o r 1977, 136 pp.
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stone Press, 1977, 72 pp.
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en, I N : PInchpenny Press, 1978, 37 pp.
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O nt.: O ntario M ennonite Relief Sale.
1977, 38 pp.
H ostetler, Marian. A a v ilc o n A r m o i l l a , Tikkurila, F in lan d : RIstin Voltto, 1978, 127
pp.
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G o d —A Collection of M editations, W in­
nipeg, M an.: CMBC Publications, 1979,
111 pp.
Johns, Steven Ray, S i l k a n d C o t t o n , Gosh­
en, IN : PInchpenny Press, 1979, 43 pp.
Klaasen. Ruth, H o w G r e e n I s M y M o u n ­
t a i n , Downers Grove, IL : Inter-V arsity
Press, 1979, 162 pp.
Klassen, Anne, ed.. U n d e r G o d ’s W i n g s ,
P o rtag e La P rairie, M an.: Klassen, 1979,
172 pp.
M artin. M aria. C a t e r p i l l a r G r e e n , Crockett,
KY : Rod and S taff Publishers, cl977, 139
pp.
M artin, Marla, T h e L o c u s t S t o r y , Crockett,
K Y : Rod and S taff Publishers, cl977,
62 pp.
M o r e N e w F r i e n d s , Aylmer, O n t.: P a th ­
w ay Publishers. cl977, 288 pp.
Moyer, M iriam W enger, T h e D e m a n d s o f
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151 pp.
Newcomb, Thomas, K a t i e M a e , a L i t t l e
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Newcomb, Thomas, M a r t h a a n d M i c h a e l :
a M e n n o n i t e S t o r y , G arrettsvilie, O H :
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Schm idt, J. A., S t u d i e s i n T y p e s i n T w o
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p.. Addresses and papers from th e Study
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44
ope
F e llo w s h ip
T o w e rs o f T im e : E u r ­
C e n t e n n i a l T o u r : 1971/,
COOKBOOKS
K aethler, R ita, ed., T h e C a n a d i a n M e n n o ­
n i t e C o o k b o o k , Altona, M a n ,: D. U. Frie­
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land : Lion Publishing, 1977, 239 pp.
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FICTION, POETRY, AND
CRITICISM
H unsberger, A lbert I., N i n e t e e n N i n e t e e n ,
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GENEALOGY
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IN : Bailey. 1978.
Beachy, Ezra, F a m i l y
B eachy and
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F a n n i e M i l l e r , Goshen, IN :
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Becker, Ruth S., I n d e x
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B r e w b a k e r F a m ily
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B orntrager, Samuel and B orntrager, (Mrs.)
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E w ert. Helen Dyck, D e s c e n d a n t s o f P a u l
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H a m m (1 6 9 0 -1 7 5 0 ) T e n G e n e r a t i o n s o f
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E w ert, Helen K athryn Dyck, T o m o r r o i o ’s
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Fieguth, Hans-Otto, F a m i l i e n b u c h W i e b e ,
B e h r e n d s , E p p , F ro e se , J a n ss o n , R e g ie r ,
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G e s c h le c h te r
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dem
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Glbble, Phares B rubaker.
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G e n e a lo g y o f t h e B r u b a k e r - B r u b a c h e r -B r e w b a k e r F a m ily o f A m e r ic a ,
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Miller. Mary Elizabeth and Miller. Ruby M..
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M a n .: M ennonite C entral
(C anada). 1979, 410 pp.
Committee
MUSIC, FINE ARTS,
EDUCATION
G e s a n g b u c h d e r M e n n o n ite n
m e i n d e , W innipeg: C hristian
B ruederge-
Press, 1977.
1 vol.
Graff, Tom and Siemens, Alf, T h e J o y f u l
R o u n d , Vancouver. B. C .: Grapple, 1976,
98 pp.
K auffm an. R ichard A. and Miller. Levi,
eds.. S o n g s o f S h a l o m : a W i t h - B u i l d e r
S o n g b o o k , Scottdale, PA : H erald Press.
1979, 31 pp.
M ennonite S tudent and Young A dult Ser­
vices, C o n f l i c t in t h e W o r l d o f P r o f e s ­
s i o n s , New York City. F eb ru ary 2-5.
1979. 69 pp.
Nykor, L ynda Musson and Musson, Patricia
D.. M e n n o n i t e F u r n i t u r e ; t h e O n ta r io
T r a d i t i o n i n Y o u r C o ., T oronto: Jam es
L orim er & C o ., 1977, 95 pp.
P atterson. Nancy-Lou Gellermann. S w i s s G e rm a n a n d D u tc h -G e rm a n M e n n o n ite
T r a d i t i o n a l A r t o f W a t e r l o o R e g i o n , On­
JUNE, 1980
Museums
of
F a ith ,
E th ic s a n d
C h ris ­
Philadelphia, PA : Eastern
Area M ennonite S tudent Services. Men­
nonite Board of Missions, 1978, 62 pp.
S a m m e l b a n d G e i s t l i c h e r L i e d e r , M oskau:
s.n., 1977. 328 pp.
Schm idt, Orlando, comp, and ed., S i n g
a n d R e jo ic e : N e w H y m n s fo r C o n g re g a ­
t i o n s , Scottdale, PA : H erald Press, 1979.
1 vol.
E in e u n p a r te iis c h e L ie d e r - S a m m lu n g z u m
G e b r a u c h b e im o e ffe n lic h e n G o tte s d ie n s t
u n d d e r H a e u s l i c h e n E r b a u u n g , Scott­
dale. P A : Mennonitischen Verlagshaus.
1979. 342 pp.
U n p a r t h e y i s c h e s G e s a n g - B u c h , s . l . : Araishen Gemeinden in L ancaster County.
1978. 483 pp.
Yoder. Elva. S o n g s a n d P o e m s , Colum­
biana. OH : Yoder. 1977, 23 pp.
Yoder. Oien F., T r a n s c r i p t i o n o f s07/ie
A usbund
T unes,
Goshen. IN : News
P rin tin g Co.. 1977, 39 leaves.
RADICAL REFORMATION
Bergsten,
T orsten,
B a lth a s a s H u b m a ie r :
A n a b a p t i s t T h e o l o g i a n a n d M a r t y r , edited
by W. R. Estep. Jr.. Valley Forge, PA :
Judson Press. 1978, 432 pp.
Demke, Christoph. T h o m a s M u e n t z e r : .4«f r a g e n a n T h e o l o g i e u n d K i r c h e , B e rlin :
Evangelische V erlagsantalt, 1977.
Depperm ann, Klaus, M e l c h i o r H o f f m a n :
S o z ia le U n r u h e n u n d a p o k a ly p tis c h e V is ­
io n e n
im
Z e ita lte r
d e r R e fo r m a tio n ,
G oettingen: Vandenaeck & R uprecht.
1979, 344 pp.
Friesen. Abraham and Goertz, Hans- Juergen. eds.. T h o m a s M u e n t z e r , D a r m s t a d t :
W issenchaftiiche Buchgesellschaft, 1978.
536 pp, In series W ege der Forschung.
Vol. 491.
Goertz. H ans-Juergen, ed.. R a d i k a l e R e ­
f o r m a t o r e n . 21 b io g r a p h i s c h e S k i z z e n v o n
T h o m a s M u e n z e r b is P a r a c e l s u s , Muen-
chen: C. II. Beck, 1978, 263 pp, illus.
H u tter, Jacob, B r o t h e r l y F a i t h f u l n e s s , Rif­
ton, NY : Plough. 1979, 223 pp.
K arasek, I-Iorst. ed., D ie K o m m u n e d e r
W ie d e r ta e u fe r : B e r ic h t a u s d e r b e fr e ite n
und
b e l a g e r t e n S t a d t M u e n s t e r , 1531/,
B e rlin : W agenbach, 1977, 155 pp.
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a n d R e f o r m e r , L eid en : E. J . Brill, 1978.
156 pp.
Klassen, John M artin, T h e N o b i l i t y a n d
th e
Abraham s. E thel, ed.. V i s u a l A r t s , Lom­
bard, IL : M ennonite W orld Conference.
1978, 66 plates.
Beck, Ervin.
C r e o le F o l k S o n g s f r o m
B e l i z e , Goshen. I N : Beck, cl979, 236
leaves.
Beck, Ervin,
C r e o le F o l k
T a le s fr o m
B e l i z e , Goshen, I N : Beck, 1979, 2 vol­
umes.
Crockett, R. H. and Horsch. J . E., T h e
Jesus
L i f e S o n g b o o k , Scottdale, P A :
H erald Press, 1975, unpaged.
General Conference M ennonite Church.
S o n g b o o k ’7 7 , N ew ton: F aith and Life
Press, 1977.
tario, O ttaw a : National
Canada. 1979, 216 pp.
P r o fe s s io n a lis m :
tia n I d e n tity ,
M a k in g
of
th e
H u s s ite
R e v o lu tio n ,
New Y ork: Columbia University Press.
1978. 186 pp.
Nolte, Josef, T rom pert. Hella, and W ind­
horst. Christof, eds., K o n t i n u i t a e t un
U m b r u c h . T h e o lo g ie u n d F r o e m m ig k e it
F lu g s c h r ifte n u n d K le in lite r a tu r an
d e r W e n d e v o m 15 z u m I ß J a h r h u n d e r t ,
in
S tu ttg a r t: C otta Verlag. 1978, 358 pp.
Vol. 2 in the series Spaetm ittelalter und
F ru eh e Neuzeit.
O osterbaan. J . A., D e G e e s t i n h e t G e d i n g ,
A m sterdam : Doopsgezinde Historische
K ring, 1978. 308 pp.
Segunny, Andre. S p i r i t u a l i s t i s c h e P h i l o ­
s o p h ie
a ls
A n tw o r t
auf
d ie
r e lig io e s e
F ra g e d es X V I.
J a h r h u n d e r ts .
Wies­
baden : Franz Steiner. 1978. 30 pp.
Stupperich, Robert, "L an d g raf Philipp von
Hessen und das M uensterische T aeufertu m ," In ; C. C. de Bruin, e t al.. Geloof
en Revolutie, A m sterdam : Ton Bolland.
1977, pp. 89-102.
W ltm er. Paul R-, T h e A n a b a p t i s t s a n d
R o m a n s 7 t h C h a p t e r , Deer Lodge. T N :
W itm er. n.d., 6 leaves.
SERVICE, OUTREACH, FAMILY,
MISSIONS
Ediger, Max. comp., and Longacre, Doris,
ed., R e l e a s e U s F r o m B o n d a g e ; S i x D a y s
in a V ietnam ese P r i s o n , Akron, PA :
M ennonite Central Com mittee Peace Sec­
tion. 1979, 28 pp.
Epp, M argaret A., 8 . , T u l p e n g a s s e : A
C h u r c h B l o s s o m s i n V i e n n a , W innipeg.
M a n .: Canadian Conference of th e Men­
nonite B rethren Church Board of P ub­
lications. 1978, 276 pp.
Eshlem an. J . Ross. T h e F a m i l y : a n I n t r o ­
d u c t i o n , Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc..
1978. 692 pp.
Friesen. L auren, I s T h e r e N o P e a c e ? Seat­
tle. W A: Crockett and Howe Press. 1979.
37 pp.
H ostetler. M arian. D e n n y s a f r i k a n i s c h e s
A b e n t e u e r : E r z a e h l u n g lie b e r d i e E r l e b ­
n i s s e e i n e s j u n g e n M a e d c h e n s in d e r
R e p u b l i k T s c h a d , K onstanz: Christliche
V erlagsanstalt, 1978. 128 pp.
H ostetler, M arian, F e a r in A l g e r i a , Scott­
dale, PA : H erald Press. 1979. 126 pp.
Ilg, K arl, P i o n i e r e i n A r g e n t i n i e n , C h ile ,
P a r a g u a y , V e n e z u e l a , I n n s b r u c k : Tyrolia
Verlag. 1977. 318 pp.
Juhnke. Jam es C., A P e o p l e o f M i s s i o n ,
N ew ton: F aith and L ife Press, 1979,
280 pp.
Juhnke, Jam es C., S t u d y Q u e s t i o n s f o r a
P e o p l e o f M i s s i o n , Newton, K S: Com­
mission on Overseas Mission. 1979, 51 pp.
Keidel. Levi. C a u g h t in t h e C r o s s f i r e : t h e
T r ia ls
lie v e r s
a n d T r iu m p h s o f A fr ic a n
B e­
T h r o u g h an E r a o f T r ib u la tio n ,
Scottdale. PA : H erald Press, 1977, 229 pp.
Kurtz. L aura S., T h e H i s t o r i c a l D i c t i o n a r y
o f T a n z a n i a , Metuchen, N .I: Scarecrow
Press, 1978. 331 pp.
Lapp. John Allen, T h e V i e w f r o m E a s t
J e r u s a le m : a C h r is tia n A s s e s s m e n t o f th e
I s r a e l i - P a l e s t i n e C o n f l i c t , Scottdale, PA:
H erald Press. 1980, 122 pp.
Linscheid, Steve. H i s t o r i c a l
M a te r ia ls R e ­
la tin g to th e T r e a ty - M a k in g H is to r y o f
th e
C heyenne,
M anuscript, Cheyenne
Peace Project, 1977, 49 pp.
M ennonite B rethren Church. Board of
Missions and Services, M i s s i o n P r i n c i p l e s
a n d P o l i c i e s , Hillsboro, KS: Mennonite
B rethren Church, [1978?], 22 pp.
Peters. G. I., M i r a c l e o n M a r s h a l l R o a d 25
Y ears
c ie ty
o f th e M e n n o n ite B e n e v o le n t S o ­
o f B r itis h
C o l u m b i a , 1953-1978,
Abbotsford. B. C., 1978. 8 pp.
Schlabach. T heron F ., G o s p e l
V e r s u s G os­
p e l: M is s io n a n d th e M e n n o n ite C h u rc h ,
18G3-191/1/, Scottdale, PA : H erald Press.
1979.
Schm idt, M ariam.
D ia r y o f R u d o lp h e P e tte r w i t h N o te s b y M a r ie P e t t e r , M a rc h
1 9 , 1 3 9 0 t o D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 1 , 1973, 51
pp.
Toews, J .
B., T h e M e n n o n i t e B r e t h r e n
C h u r c h i n Z a i r e , Hillsboro, KS: Menno­
nite B rethren P ublishing House, 1978.
255 pp.
W right. Barton. H o p i M a t e r i a l C u l t u r e ,
F lagstaff, AZ: N orthland Press, 1979.
127 pp.
Yoder. David. Ida Yoder, and Richard
Yoder, [Testim onies and documents con­
cerning th eir sister Delilah Yoder, a
U. S. citizen m issing in E cuador], In :
United States, Congress, Subcom mittee
on International O perations of th e Com­
m ittee on International Relations of the
House of Representatives, P r o t e c t i o n o f
A m e r ic a n s A b r o a d : H e a r in g s ,
a n d 11,, 1 9 7 7 , W ashington. D.
J u ly
12
C .: U. S.
Governm ent P rin tin g Office, 1977, pp.
14-31, 125-128.
THESES AND DISSERTATIONS
Buchheit. R obert I-L, “M ennonite ‘Plautd ie tsc h ': a Phonological and Morpho­
logical D escription of a S ettlem ent Dia­
lect in York and H am ilton Counties.
N ebraska.” Thesis—Univ. of Neb., 1978.
Jecker. H anspeter, "D ie Basler T aeufer:
Studien z u r Vor- und Fruehgeschichte.”
Basel [1978?] 2 vol., (L izentiatsarbeit—
University of Basel).
Keim. Albert N., "Jo h n F o ster Dulles and
the Federal Council of Churches, 19371949.” Thesis—Ohio S ta te University,
1971.
Liechty, C. Daniel. "P olitical nonresist­
ance: a thesis in C hristian ethics.” M. A..
Associated Mennonite Biblical Semi­
naries, 1978.
47