conference proceedings

London Metropolitan University
www.fooddesign2012.com
CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS
Edited by
Francesca Zampollo and Chris Smith
ISBN: 978-1-907675-18-8
1
London Metropolitan University, with the International Food Design Society, is pleased to introduce
the proceedings of the International Conference on Designing Food and Designing For Food. The
conference aimed at providing a forum for the presentation and discussion of research on
fundamental aspects of Food Design across all domains of application.
The conference encouraged researchers and academics to submit abstracts for a 30 minutes
Paper presentations, and students to submit abstracts to display Posters summarizing their work. The
conference also proposed a special session for designers and researchers to exhibit a model or
prototype of their Projects and present their work in a 15 minute presentations.
The International Conference on Designing Food and Designing for Food follows the 1st International
Symposium on Food Experience Design held on November 9th, 2010 at London Metropolitan
University. The symposium was a representation of the multidisciplinarity, transdisciplinarity and
interdisciplinarity of design, food and experiential knowledge. Through six presentations from very
different disciplines, the symposium created a panorama of the variety of disciplines that all contribute
to Food Design. The International Conference on Designing Food and Designing for Food instead
wanted to expand this concept to academics, researchers, professionals and research students from
around the world. What are the disciplines influencing Food Design? How are these many disciplines
influencing Food Design and how do these influence each other? Is Food Design now a discipline in
its own right?
The conference call accepted papers from a range of different topics: Food Product Design, Design
With Food, Food Packaging, Interior Design For Food, Food Events Design, Food Science, Food and
Five Senses, Emotional Food Design, Food System Design, Experiential Knowledge, Food
Service/Management, Food Design History, Food Styling. About 100 submissions were made among
the three sessions: Papers, Projects and Posters. A double-blind peer review process selected 29
papers, 12 projects and 7 posters. Authors of Papers had to submit an abstract first and a full paper
later, authors of Posters submitted an abstract, and authors of Projects submitted an abstract but
were given the possibility to submit a short paper too, to be considered for publication. The following
proceedings present the 29 papers presented at the conference and 4 short papers from the Projects
session.
We consider this proceedings a good representation of the variety of disciplines involved in Food
Design, and an accurate portrait of the current panorama of research and design applied to this
discipline.
Francesca Zampollo and Chris Smith
Conference Chairs
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAPERS
4
Can The Food Stall Survive Saran Wrap? A Comparative Study of Supermarkets and Wet Markets in Hong
Kong and New York City. Katharine Schub
20
The Ceramic Vessel as an Object of Identity. Kate Wilson
36
Food, Disability and Design. Gianni Renda, Blair Kuys
47
Formation, Evolution and Dissemination of a Food Practice: “Tomato Bottling”. Koray Gelmez
61
Unpacking the Pastoral Food Package: Myth Making in Graphic Design. Anna Kealey
71
“We just keep on getting wrong consumer research results” - A case study on new product development failure
on convenience food sector. Toni Ryynänen, Annaleena Hakatie
84
Insight, ideation and implementation for easy open packaging. Birgitte Geert Jensen, Helle Antvorskov
99
Synaesthesia. Fabio Scotto di Clemente
117
ARCHITECTURAL MEALSCAPES. A paradigm for Interior Design for Food. Tenna Doktor Olsen Tvedebrink,
Anna Marie Fisker, Poul Henning Kirkegaard
129
Nourishment: a meeting of cooks. Inês Laranjeira, Adriano Rangel
140
156
172
192
203
212
223
236
249
267
285
297
315
337
347
355
369
383
396
Applying intercultural markers obtained from cooking in the design process. Miguel Bruns Alonso, Oscar
Tómico Plasencia, Johanna Kint
Culturally-specific Product Design for Serving Traditional Persian Breakfast to University Students. Reyhaneh
Sanei
Designing emotional triggers for food experiences. Ricardo Yudi Akiyoshi, Filipe Campelo Xavier da Costa
Bokantú: re-contextualizing traditional recipes of the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Tania Delgado, Lía Reyes,
Ana Linda Monroy
Aquaculture fish products – cooking strategies to increase its acceptability. Marcos C, Dias M, Viegas C, M
Guerra
Designing food for young adults – increasing vegetable consumption using the sous vide method to enhance
sensory appeal. Marcos C, Viegas C, Oliveira V, M Guerra
Food culture and the landscape through art: A comparative dissertation between Italy and Australia. Andrea
Bosio
Getting Healthier: Creating interactive cooking tools for kids. Manon Spermon, Miguel Bruns Alonso
Design for the Next-Food©. An alternative approach of Food Design focused on social and system innovation.
Loredana Di Lucchio
Food Design and Well-being: a research into cooking behaviour and well-being to guide designing for
behaviour change. Joanne Lin
Systemic Design in AgroFood Sector: EN.FA.SI project. Silvia Barbero, Paolo Tamborrini
Food, design, users: how to design food interaction modes. Beatrice Lerma, Cristina Allione, Claudia De
Giorgi, Silvia Bruno, Barbara Stabellini
Communicating Through Food: An Analysis of the Design of the Covers of Cuisine Magazine as they relate to
the Development of Gastronomic Identity in New Zealand. Suzanne Bliss and Dr Frances Joseph
Jane Jacob and Designing Diversity: Investigating Gastronomic Quarters and Food Courts of Shopping Malls
and Vitality of Public spaces. Harpreet (Neena) Mand, Steani Cilliers
Persuasive Food Design: A Toolkit for Cultural Triggers. Maryam Heidaripour
Best Taste by Design: An approach to rapidly satisfy consumer preferences. Jingwei Tan*, Jiani Tang*, Declan
Kelly, Qi Zhou, Jettie Hoonhout
Agriculture prototypes: A design experiment of sustainable open fields in China. Francesca Valsecchi, Serena
Pollastri, Yongqi Lou
Why Use Design Philosophy in Culinary Arts Education? Richard Mitchell, Adrian Woodhouse, Tony
Heptinstall and Justine Camp
Nasal Nostalgia – Performativity in Food Experience Design Research? Anne Krefting
SHORT PAPERS - PROJECTS
409
414
422
433
Food Objects as Models of Cultural Evolution. Adriana Ionascu
Nearness and Revealing: The Edible Veil of the Sensible Being. Andrzej Pytel, Marissa Lindquist
Cook & Connect – urban self-catering restaurant. Jens Pohl, Diana Schneider, Maria Lobisch, Caroline
Timm, Philipp Hosp
Honey Moments. Florin Alexa-Morcov
3
Can The Food Stall Survive Saran
Wrap? A Comparative Study of
Supermarkets and Wet Markets in
Hong Kong and New York City.
Katharine Schub
Department of Food Studies, Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, New
York University, New York, United States
Abstract
The Chinese market model is not only a way to shop; it is a way of life. This paper provides evidence
from interaction with food retail markets in both Hong Kong and the Chinese enclaves of New York
City that they are deeply embedded in the creation, preservation and fluidity of ethnic and national
identity. Traditional Chinese wet markets are one of the most important venues for food retail in Hong
Kong. These wet markets are traditionally open air, selling live animals, and fresh produce. The rapid
expansion and development of a variety of Western style supermarkets in Hong Kong was
accomplished with an awareness of this interaction and the Western style markets have taken into
account Chinese expectations. Similar markets exist within the Chinese enclaves of New York City.
Historically the major source of Chinese immigration in New York City was Canton and other
municipalities close to Hong Kong. While the aesthetics of these two markets track different sensorial
and aesthetic elements there is a cross pollination of design that is meant to attract the same
consumer. Within the Western markets, design is altered to appropriate traditional market aesthetics
such as hanging, visible food and unpackaged produce, and saran wrapped, packaged food has
become commonplace in the wet markets. Design used to inform the consumer of foodstuffs origins is
available in both models. My argument is informed by these design trends in food packaging and
shopping experiences in these markets.
Keywords: Chinese, Hong Kong, New York City, Identity, Wet Markets, Supermarkets, Food
display, Food packaging
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Introduction
The Chinese market model is not only a way to shop; it is a way of life. Traditionally, markets in China
acted as social meeting places, venues of interclass relations, and means of lineage organization
(Skinner, 1964). The marketing systems in traditional agrarian China were periodic, rather than daily,
relying on the mobility of its vendors, and were so numerous that “at least one was accessible to
virtually every rural household.” (p. 4)
Food is so intrinsic to Chinese culture and has always been a way of preserving Chinese identity in
Hong Kong (Chan, 2010; Cheung, 2002; Tam, 2001). Food retail markets in Hong Kong are one way
of interacting with that identity. Wet markets are one of the most omnipresent forms of food retail in
Hong Kong. These wet markets are traditionally open.
The rapid expansion and development of a variety of Western style supermarkets in Hong Kong was
accomplished with an awareness of this interaction and the Western style markets have taken into
account Chinese expectations. As Goldman, Krider and Ramaswami (2002) note, Hong Kong is an
extremely developed, international economy, and yet traditional markets are continuously seen as a
more desirable, and popular way to shop. Historically the major source of Chinese immigration in New
York City was Canton and environs close to Hong Kong (Wong, 2005). This paper explores the
connection between identity and food markets in Hong Kong, and New York City.
How do theories of food identification apply to food retail? How have supermarkets simulated the
traditional wet markets and how have indoor wet markets simulated supermarkets? In order to
decipher consumer identity and attitude I will also analyze design trends and marketing tools. What
are the specific trends in food packaging in all of these retail food venues? What are the display
tactics? Finally, I also wanted to evaluate these markets from my viewpoint as a non-Chinese
consumer. How will my experience rate in “authenticity” if I shop for foodstuffs found in Hong Kong
markets in New York rather than in Hong Kong?
Literature Review
Historically, food as a marker of identity has been demarcated to biological and social constructions
(Fischler, 1980; Rozin, 1990). Bennett G. Galef Jr. (1996) argues that although our identity through
food can be largely attributed to biological factors, it is most commonly enabled by cultural influences.
While Claude Fischler (1988) emphatically posits that one cannot exist without the other, e.g., what
we eat literally fashions our makeup, but we also have the power to forge an identity through our food
choices and consumption. This inverse transmission of food consumption is illustrated in Roland
Barthes (1961) essay, “Towards a Psychociology of Contemporary Food Consumption”. Barthes
states that “Sugar is not just a foodstuff, even when it is used in conjunction with other foods; it is, if
you will, an “attitude”, bound to certain usages, certain “protocols, that have to do with more than
food.” (p. 28). Barthes also notes that certain foodstuffs are extremely definitive, even going so far to
trump the institution in which they are served.
The influence of institution, time, and place on food identification has also been recognized by
Fischler (1988). Fischler states that identity is questioned only when it is “disturbed” and illustrates
these disturbances through the expansion, production, and repackaging of modern food through
industrialized food production. Fischler notes that this expansion problematizes food identification,
because it assimilates, and masks the recognizable aesthetics, and composition of “natural food”.
Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz (1993) agrees that the absence or presence of particular foods can act as
5
identity markers. Theoretically, this “absence” and “presence” guides my analysis of food retail in
Hong Kong.
Literature written about food identification in Hong Kong is inextricably linked to nostalgia and a
search for a Hong Kong identity after decolonization (Chan, 2010; Cheung, 2002; Tam, 2001). This
nostalgia is linked to certain groups of people and their food ways. For example Selina Ching Chan
(2010) writes about the memory of pancai cuisine as a symbolic identity marker. Pancai, a cuisine first
developed in rural villages, became an important part of the heritage in the New Territories and has
now been popularized in all of Hong Kong. Pancai was celebratory, communal, served primarily at
banquets and “special life events” and most importantly a communal dish. Similarly, Hakka cuisine,
mostly composed of simple snacks and everyday fare, is attached to the social development of Hong
Kong (Cheung, 2002). Both pancai and hakka cuisine have been transformed from ordinary food to
high cuisine (Chan, 2010; Cheung, 2002). This suggests that the re-invention of “traditional” cuisine
serves as a desire to participate in and eat the present while identifying with the past.
This re-invention is also exemplified in the development of yumcha. Yumcha is the popular Hong
Kong tradition of lightly snacking and drinking tea (Tam, 2001). This practice is now embedded in
everyday life (Tam, 2001). The “format” of yumcha originated in Guangzhou and came to Hong Kong
in the pre-war era but was popularized in the 1950's and 60's (Cheung, 2002). Tam (2001) notes that
yumcha inhabits many social spaces, such as karaoke bars, convenience stores and of course,
teahouses and restaurants.
These spaces contextualize identity, i.e., eating yumcha in a
convenience store is a very different experience than eating it in a restaurant or tea house; yumcha is
popular, because it is seen as something authentic. My research places much importance to the
context and ways in which food is presented.
If context and space informs identity through consumption, does it inform identity through shopping
and buying food? Culinary tourism informs this identification through travel and food purchasing and
has been discussed in regards to Hong Kong culinary tourism by Bendegul Oksuma, Fevzi Okumusb,
and Bob McKercher (2007). There has also been extensive research done on consumer preference
and strategies of food retailers in Hong Kong (Chung, 2007; Curtis, McCluskey & Wahl, 2007;
Goldman, Krider & Ramaswami, 1999; Kawahara & Speece, 1994). My research project focuses on
three types of food retail venues in Hong Kong: supermarkets, indoor, and outdoor wet markets.
Each of these venues serves a very specific purpose. For example, Kawahara and Speece (1994)
assert that these supermarkets find it hard to sell new products to Chinese consumers unless they
conduct product tastings.
Chinese consumers value making personal choices when shopping for food in Hong Kong. Arieh
Goldman, Robert Krider and S. Ramaswami (1999) outline the advantages of an outdoor wet market
in comparison to the function of supermarkets in Hong Kong, through the process of food retail
modernization in Hong Kong. Goldamn, Krider and Ramaswami (1999) state that consumers prefer
wet markets in Hong Kong because they can choose the quantity of the food they want to purchase,
be social, and shop at cheaper prices. Although outdoor wet markets, predominately suffer from poor
lighting, questionable hygiene and over crowdedness, Goldamn, Krider, and Ramaswami (1999) note
that supermarkets still continue to have lower market shares of food retail than their North American
counterparts. Interestingly observed by both Goldman, Krider, Ramaswami and Cheung (2002) are
the combining of elements of the Western supermarket and the traditional, outdoor wet market in
Hong Kong supermarkets (in hopes of drawing more consumers and market share from the wet
markets). These elements include licensee operated food stalls, wet floors, live fish in aquariums,
and butchering meat according to consumer preference. Wet markets also exist indoors, a result of
the Hong Kong government's modernization policy, enacted in the 1990's (Gulati, 2008). Multi level
wet markets that are housed indoors closely resemble supermarkets (better lighting, standardization,
security, tap water etc).
6
This hybridization of “traditional” and “modern” has also been written about in regards to convenience
stores in Japan. Theodore C. Bestor (2006) and Gavin Hamilton Whitlaw (2003) have researched the
changes Japanese food has endured through standardization and the emergence of the convenience
store. Bestor describes the mechanization and infrastructures of convenience stores, such as 7
Eleven and critiques these venues as being devoid of social relationships and nutrition. While
Whitlaw argues that the commercialization of Japanese food (specifically onigiri, a Japanese “comfort”
food) through convenience store marketing, has given new meaning and social context to Japanese
food ways. James Watson (2006) notes that Western style convenience stores and fast food venues
have also influenced East Asian dietary patterns and ways of eating, e.g., teahouses in Hong Kong
have been replaced by McDonald's as popular breakfast venues. Similarly, an increased demand for
Western style convenience food in China has been associated with the increased patronage of
supermarkets (Kynda, McCluskey & Wahl, 2007).
The use of aesthetics, display and packaging of foodstuffs in all of these food retail venues as a
means of constructing identity shape a predominant part of my research project. Scholarship exists
on the aesthetics of packaging and how design defines a consumer. Peter H. Bloch, Frederic F.
Brunel and Todd J. Arnold (2003) discuss the visual language of product aesthetics and how this
influences consumer perception. Yuriko Saito (1999) dissects the aesthetic sensibility of food
packaging in Japanese culture, and notes that packaging is an everyday, physical object, and
“involves an important temporal dimension.” (p. 257).
Research on the aesthetics of food through display and presentation has been reported by Barbara
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1999), Anne Meneley (2004) and Giselle Yasmeen (1996).
Barbara
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1999) argues that when food is displayed, one becomes more critical. The
convergence of food and performance increases the importance of presentation. Meneley (2004)
who has researched the fetishization of Tuscan produced extra virgin olive oil, observes the hierarchy
of olive oil when displayed in various food markets. Meneley notes that this presentation symbolizes
consumers' imagination and desire. Giselle Yasmeen (1996) writes the food presentation within the
context of urban food strategies in Bangkok. Yasmeen argues that the prepared foods sold on the
streets on Bangkok in plastic bags, and bought by “plastic bag housewives” is deeply representative
of the fluxus between private and public domains. These containers not only hold food but a monetary
driven and invented domesticity.
Chung (2007) indicates that small living space in Hong Kong influences what kind of food Hong Kong
consumers buy, and consumers prefer small packaged food to bulk packs (mostly found in
superstores and supermarkets) and as I will discuss throughout my paper I found vast differences in
the packaging found in a wet market and a supermarket.
Methodology
I became interested in food retail after reading Paco Underhill's, Why We Buy. Underhill studies
customer mobility and psychological reactions to retail formats. He wants to know if customers are
using the store as it was intended, or if these designs transform us into hamsters, making us into
wayward bodies of flesh roaming aimlessly. Underhill dissects the science of shopping by filming
customers, conducting interviews, and hiring out of work artists to troll stores for hours on end.
Underhill's methodologies influenced me because of their ability to decode the effects of design,
aesthetics, and presentation.
I employed content analysis of the packaging and presentation of food, historical research, website
analysis, naturalistic observation, and conversational interviews with Hong Kong University students.
This paper provides an overview, comparative overview and analysis of the conglomeration of the
7
supermarket and wet market models in Hong Kong and New York City, and how this transforms
identity.
I observed supermarkets in Hong Kong, notably Wellcome and ParknShop supermarket chains. I
focused on these two supermarkets because of their availability they were prominent in many
socioeconomically different areas in Hong Kong. I also observed both indoor and outdoor wet markets
in Hong Kong, some in proximity to supermarkets and some in proximity to each other, i.e., an
outdoor wet market next to an indoor wet market.
In all of these venues my observations concentrated on store design, food packaging, presentation,
and the performances of food shoppers. Comparatively I also did live observation in supermarkets
and wet markets in the Chinese enclaves of Flushing, Queens and Chinatown, Manhattan. I
observed the Flushing X&L supermarket in Flushing, Queens and Hong Kong supermarket in lower
Manhattan, and various indoor wet markets and produce carts in both boroughs. I visited each market
in Hong Kong and New York City at least twice, between mid-January and February 2011.
Findings of the Study
Much research exists on food markets, distinctly the dichotomy of the supermarket and traditional
shopping formats on an international level. While Goldman, Krider, and Ramaswami have studied
Hong Kong food retail formats in comparison to those of developed and undeveloped nations, the
issue is a global one, and few studies exist on Chinese models, besides those of consumer reports.
Similarly few studies analyze the hybrid model of the supermarket and wet market, internationally or
in Hong Kong. This paper uses both avenues of research, and provides an analysis of how identity,
notably Chinese identity can be affected through the act of shopping for food. My research contributes
to the ongoing attention paid to food in ethnic enclaves, and also presents new findings about the
ways in which standardized food retail formats mutate in these communities. Future studies could
analyze and compare how standardized retail is presented and used in other immigrant communities.
Wellcome and ParknShop: Case studies in Hong Kong
Supermarkets
Wellcome and ParknShop supermarkets concepts mimics that of a North American supermarket,
selling both Chinese and imported goods. ParknShop and Wellcome also offer online purchasing of
products, and delivery services. I will first focus on these supermarkets' websites, because they offer
insight into how a supermarket in Hong Kong operates. According to their website, Wellcome
supermarkets were founded in 1945, and is Hong Kong's longest established supermarket, “...On
average, six out of ten adults in Hong Kong visit a Wellcome store every week.” The website also
states that Wellcome, “...Pioneered the “self service” retaining concept in Hong Kong”, and “...was the
first retailer to market pre-packaged rice products-a breakthrough from the traditional bulk rice
selling..” (Wellcome Supermarket website, n.d.)
ParknShop operates more than 240 stores in Hong Kong, with 5,000 employees, “serving 14, million
customers every day”. ParknShop’s website states that the supermarket was originally a local retailer,
and now operates more than 260 stores in Hong Kong, Macau, and Mainland China. In Hong Kong
alone there are 200 ParknShop stores and 9,000 employees. ParknShop's website also claims, that:
about
“PARKnSHOP's Superstore concept has transformed the way Hong Kong shoppers think
supermarket shopping, giving them the widest selection of international grocery items in the
city, plus an unparalleled range of fresh and cooked food, ranging from live fish, market-style
fruit and vegetables, to Chinese sui mei, freshly prepared sushi, and an in-store bakery.”
(ParknShop Supermarket website, n.d.)
8
Figure 1. Taste Supermarket (Upscale model of ParknShop). (2011 Hong Kong.
The ParknShop website sells fresh and packaged goods, and illustrates this international concept.
For example, the packaged meat is advertised by country, say like cheese (Figure 1). One can buy
“China Chilled Pork”, “Brazil Chicken Breast”, “USA Chicken Leg”, or “Australian Fresh Beef Rib Eye
Steak”. The ham and sausage section offers products from USA (Oscar Meyer, Sara Lee), a variety
of European brands (Vismara, Tulip) and the Australian brand of ham, Primo. ParknShop also
operates stores that target higher income costumers, such as Taste, which offered an even greater
variety of international goods.
The Wellcome website, allows customers to purchase both packaged produce and loose produce by
weight. The ParknShop website only allows the delivery of packaged produce, but sells both in their
supermarkets. The frozen goods listed on the websites are of both the international and Chinese
persuasion. Even with the ubiquity of congee shops all over Hong Kong, one can purchase frozen
bowls of the rice porridge on both websites and in stores!
Figure 2. ParknShop. (2011). Hong Kong.
9
The ParknShop and Wellcome supermarket chains reel customers in with signs and symbols
repurposed to suggest internationality, nostalgia and familiarity. For example, food is divided within
aisles by country and not divided by kind of product. Both supermarkets offer fresh, packaged, and
frozen meat. The fresh, unpackaged, Chinese cuts of meat are coded and presented in a similar way
to a wet market, i.e., hung on metal hooks to show various cuts and freshness (Figure 2). The goods
are segregated from the other meat products, the sausages housed and hung from the ubiquitous
colored string, near the char siu, roasted ducks and pork bellies. ParknShop houses traditional
Chinese meats showcased behind a glass pane. Produce is not stacked in an organized fashion, as
is the case in a wet market, but piled into mounds-available for the consumer to select themselves.
The fish and sushi counters in both chains were relatively untouched, and some of the supermarkets
do not even have a fish counter.
Figure 3. Taste Supermarket (Upscale model of ParknShop). (2011). Hong Kong.
Most of the products sold in these supermarkets are veiled behind a layer of glass or plastic. In an
effort to let the consumer know what they are buying - as one would in a wet market- the packaged
food was simulated in plastic. For example, a product called “camembert cheesecake” was simulated
in a plastic model, and propped up against the actual product, which was wrapped, and covered in a
box (Figure 3). There are clear divisions of products, and smaller spaces to view them.
Indoor and Outdoor Wet Markets: Case studies in Hong
Kong “Traditional” Chinese Food Retail
I visited an assortment of indoor and outdoor wet markets, notably Wah Fu, Shek Kip Mei and Ngau
Tau Kok and Wan Chai indoor wet markets. Many of the designated indoor wet markets were in
municipal services buildings, but were also located in public housing estates that had been built in the
1970's and 80's. Within the last two decades the government started moving street vendors into
government designated areas and buildings, and stopped issuing vendor licenses. The Food and
Environmental Hygiene Department of Hong Kong website categorizes these indoor wet markets as
“Public Markets and Cooked Food Markets/Centres”. Every indoor wet market that I visited in Hong
10
Kong was plastered with advertisements and signs regarding hygiene practices and safety (Figure 4).
As an example here is the vision statement of the Department:
“To work hand in hand with our community in building Hong Kong into a world-class
metropolis
renowned for its food safety and public hygiene” (Food and Environmental Hygiene
Department
of Hong Kong website, n.d.)
The interiors of the buildings are color coded with signs regarding various sections - cooked food,
meat, vegetables, fruits, and fish. The cooked food areas were always on the top floor, accessibly
only by escalators. There were never any signs regarding dry goods, and these stalls were always
towards the front of the markets, near the produce. The outdoor wet markets in Hong Kong offered no
real division of foodstuffs; stalls are housed side by side, intermixed with non-food items such as
clothing. The multiple stalls in these large indoor markets formed what one could deem a village.
Stalls in addition to selling food, acted as a home and space to house personal belongings, a place to
rest and chat, watch TV and other forms of entertainment.
Figure 4. Tai Po Hui Market. (2011). Hong Kong
11
Figure
5.
Tai
Po
Hui
Market.
(2011).
Hong
Kong.
Figure 6. Wan Chai Market. (2011). Hong Kong.
In the outdoor wet markets food is literally pushed into your consciousness; one cannot walk by
without noticing what is being sold. This sensory overload occupies your walking path and senses.
Many foods are packaged like presents, tied with red string, stacked or hung, but the food is still
visible - everything is visible. Fish is kept alive in Styrofoam crates and glass fish tanks, killed and
butchered right in front of the consumer, and meat is presented in carcass pieces. Fish and meat are
also splayed open, blood and innards intact - so the consumer can see how fresh it is (Figure 5). Meat
is hung on metal hooks so the consumer can easily pick which one they want (Figure 6). Many of the
products sold are displayed in bowls and plates. This presentation is very inviting and provides a
domestic, tangible quality to the shopping experience. Produce is meticulously stacked and
organized, and eggs are bagged instead of boxed. Some wet market stalls did offer vegetables, and
fruit packaged on Styrofoam plates and wrapped in plastic, but this was not the majority (Figure 7).
The only stalls that sold mostly packaged goods were merchants from Southeast Asia, selling
12
products like canned curry powder, and coconut milk from Thailand. This packaged category also
includes vendors that specialized in dried noodles.
Figure 7. Wan Chai Market. (2011). Hong Kong.
Analyzing Food Retail in Hong Kong: The Supermarket and
Indoor Wet Market
The amount of internationally advertised goods sold within the supermarkets trumped that of the
Chinese. Although Hong Kong imports most of its foodstuffs, nothing was intentionally advertised as
international within the wet markets besides for example, poultry from Canada (Figure 8). These
goods are packaged dramatically different. As previously noted most of the products within the wet
market model are visible to the consumer, while most products in the supermarket are underneath a
layer of plastic
13
Figure 8. Ngau Tau Kok Market. (2011). Hong Kong.
Concerning customer performance, one of the most notable differences between the supermarket and
indoor wet market models in Hong Kong were the interactions and quantities of people shopping in
each prospective venue. While scouring the Wellcome and ParknShop's I hardly felt like anyone else
was in the store. Many times I only confronted the food stocker, waited in a short line, and interacted
with no one, not even the cashier. The indoor wet markets I visited were always crowded with
shoppers, moving at a slow pace, the only way in which the consumer can view the plethora of goods.
As I passed by various stalls, interactions were unavoidable. Shiny fish were waved in my face, a
bowl of cabbages pointed at; plates of fish balls were presented under an inviting smile. Although the
supermarkets in Hong Kong are significantly smaller than the indoor wet markets, one has fewer
interactions with people, and the food itself.
Explored in the everyday context of the supermarket and wet market, certain modes of traditional
Chinese ways of eating infiltrate and strongly influence these North American supermarket concepts.
One reason for this is that Chinese consumers are very particular about where their food is coming
from. This was illustrated by Corina Monagin from the Global Viral Forecasting Initiative, who
specializes in the modes in which infectious disease is spread in Chinese wet markets located in
Guangzhou. Ms. Monagin noted that although wet markets are an epicenter for disease, consumers
are more concerned with the unknown origins for example, frozen meat in a supermarket. One way of
deciphering these origins is through interaction.
Consumers don't necessarily need to go to a wet market to buy certain foods, because many of the
same foods are sold in a supermarket, it is rather a question of desiring tradition. Identifying yourself
as a person keeping with tradition, is identifying with past. As one Hong Kong University student
noted in conversation, wet markets enable interaction, and nurture personal relationships. One is
actually talking to someone and interacting, while in a supermarket personal interactions rarely occur.
The student also stated that Hong Kong people prefer wet markets for this reason. Wet markets have
somewhat become a novelty, because they preserve the “tradition” of interaction through food.
Although living in a large urban center such as Hong Kong enables numerous interactions all day, few
are personal.
14
Flushing X&L and Hong Kong Supermarket: Case Studies
in New York's Chinese Enclaves
I observed Flushing X & L Supermarket in Flushing, Queens and Hong Kong supermarket in lower
Manhattan. Flushing X & L Supermarket is interesting because it combines elements of both a
traditional, Chinese wet market and Western style supermarket in one. The wet market elements
included a large assortment of fish, in water filled glass cases, and metal pans (sans shredded ice)
and stacked in Styrofoam cases. There is also fish presented in a more North American supermarket
style, i.e., piled on shredded ice, and behind a glass pane. Asian vegetables were very organized and
bountiful, handled by the customer rather than a stall owner. As noted on yelp.com, a review and
rating site, “Vegetables are so fresh and you can pick as little/much as you want. They don't tie or
pack them. I love it .” (Review of Flushing X & L Supermarket, 2009). The market allows the consumer
to both interact, and, as one yelp reviewer praises, to witness the ability of the fishmongers to “fillet
and de-bone any fish or sea critter that they have there. I've seen many a turtle whacked.” (Review of
Flushing X & L Supermarket, 2009). Dry goods intermingled with wet. Customers can also choose to
browse the aisles alone, with no contact or interact with the butchers and fishmongers.
Figure 9. Hong Kong Supermarket. (2011). New York City.
Hong Kong has chains all over the United States. Reviewers of the Chinatown location, on yelp.com
say they like the store because it is cheap, devoted to Asian cuisine, and is large and clean (Review
of Hong Kong Supermarket, n.d.). The store itself is more partitioned than X & L. One room is
dedicated to produce, while the rest of the market contains meat, fish, and other grocery fare. One
would probably not go to Hong Kong Supermarket looking for KRAFT macaroni and cheese, but it is
available. Although there is a smattering of American products, the store predominately sells Chinese,
Vietnamese, and Japanese goods. Interestingly the ubiquitous package of salted fish, its head
wrapped in paper, which I saw all over Hong Kong was showcased in an aisle, readily available for
customers to pick up (Figure 9). It was neither hanging nor stacked; Chinese sausage was presented
in the same way (Figure 10).
15
Figure 10. Hong Kong Supermarket. (2011). New York City.
The supermarkets in Hong Kong sold a greater or equal amount of “Western” goods in comparison to
Chinese. This was not the case in both Hong Kong and Flushing X & L supermarkets. Chinese goods
are a predominant part of the market concept, and cater to both an immigrant and curious, urban
dweller yearning to recreate, and re-imagine memories of home. The wet markets in these Chinese
enclaves, have both outdoor and indoor sections, except for the produce and fruit vendors located on
sides of streets. These vendors sell from small handcarts that carry produce, herbs, ginger, garlic
and fruit. This produce is cultivated far away, in warm climates such as Central America, Haiti and
Florida, by skilled framers who can cultivate these difficult to grow Asian vegetables (Imbruce, 2006).
The “indoor” wet markets line the streets, and are relatively small in comparison to the expansive
spaces of Hong Kong Supermarket and X & L. Although predominantly small in size these wet
markets have extremely open storefronts, and are narrow and shallow in depth. They almost look like
stage sets. Pans of raw fish, jut out into the street, but are still very much contained in the space itself,
not totally integrated into the landscape.
Analyzing Chinese Food Retail in New York
As noted in my findings, there are no set boundaries between the wet market and supermarket within
the Chinese enclaves of New York City. Chinese supermarkets in New York City contain a plethora of
wet market elements, as do the wet markets. Even though many of the same Chinese products are
sold in Hong Kong and New York City, they are presented very differently. This radically changes their
meaning, desirability, and perhaps usage. These supermarkets in New York City sell more Chinese
goods than Western, while in Hong Kong there seemed to be an equal or greater amount of
international goods sold. The function of the New York City markets is to recreate a homeland and its
foods in the context of a Western supermarket culture, while the supermarkets in Hong Kong promote
elements of sophistication and exotica in a manner attempting to be keep within acceptable local
expectations
As previously noted, certain foods or ways of eating have crossed certain cultural boundaries in Hong
Kong. For example, milk tea, the ubiquitous concoction of Ceylon tea and Carnation brand
evaporated milk, can be found in the workaday venues of Hong Kong style cafes (cha chaan tengs),
McDonalds, and “high end” restaurants. Although the product stays relatively the same,
16
standardization changes, the meaning of the product dramatically. This is very much representative of
the differences between the food retail venues in Hong Kong and New York City. Interestingly
whenever the opportunity arises to explore or describe an immigrant enclave, whether it is in the
media or in conversation, the word authentic is always tossed around. This “authenticity” says
something about how that communicates with the rest of the world. In reference to the cultural tourism
industry involved with the Maori people of New Zealand, John P. Taylor (2001) author of, “Authenticity
and Sincerity in Tourism”, writes:
some
“Within cultural tourism, and wherever else the production of authenticity is dependent on
act of (re) production, it is conventionally the past which is seen to hold the model of the
original. Authenticity in the present must pay homage to a conception of origins.” (p. 9).
This model of the original leads me to another question: in an age when travel is a means to
experience something “authentic” or “traditional,” how did this correlate with the reality of my
experience in Hong Kong and New York? Traveling within Hong Kong was a specialized experience,
and I encountered many products, restaurants that countered the idea of authenticity.
Conclusion
The foods, presentation, design, and packaging within the Hong Kong wet markets and supermarkets
overlap. Within the Chinese enclaves of New York, the wet markets and supermarkets have never
had such set boundaries, providing them the flexibility to be created as hybrids. The evolution of Hong
Kong markets reflects the constant identity shifts in Hong Kong, while the markets in the Chinese
enclaves of New York are centers of identity preservation. Similarly, if these markets in Hong Kong
slowly begin to resemble one another, will they start to resemble the markets in New York City's
Chinese enclaves by selling mostly Chinese goods, and becoming centers of Chinese identity
preservation?
This dichotomy reflects food retail spaces in Hong Kong and New York City as places to identify and
interact with the byproducts of globalization, past and present. Both of these markets point to
nostalgia. Just as pancai and hakka cuisines played with the idea of present and past, the elements
that construct the diverse, food retail venues in Hong Kong and New York are tailored to perform and
influence consumer consciousness of embedded tradition.
Given an opportunity to study and research this topic again, I would like to focus more on the Chinese
preoccupation with the origins of food. I think this would be an interesting direction of research as it is
consistent with ancestor worship and concepts about the importance of origins in Chinese culture. I
would have also conducted more interviews and perhaps conducted a consumer survey, with the help
of a translator. Doing this would be in an effort to decipher the influence that these markets have on
identity, in greater depth, rather than a pure analysis of identification based on visuals alone. My
abstraction only can go so far, in decoding what it means to be from Hong Kong, or a Chinese
immigrant in New York City.
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19
The Ceramic Vessel as an Object of
Identity
Kate Wilson
Bath Spa University
Abstract
From earliest civilisation humans have expressed themselves not only through personal adornment,
but also in the decoration of those material objects that surround them, including the drinking vessel.
Reflective of status, taste and cultivated preference, these objects become woven into daily routines
and rituals; essential props for the theatre of life. They are intimate and personal possessions that
ultimately become outward expressions of identity.
The technological development of cheaply made, factory produced, transfer printed pottery has been
available to the masses since the late 18th century, a process adopted by countless Staffordshire
potteries to produce affordable, decorative wares, brightening the darkest and dingiest of abodes.
But has the demise of factory production in the UK and cultural shifts in eating and drinking patterns
impacted on choice and affordability? Has allowing global providers such as Ikea to flush out the old
and the decorative, meant we are re-stocking our cupboards with universally bland, ‘designer’
designed, clean lined, functional objects; safe and inoffensive?
This paper will consider the idea of cultural identity expressed through the domestic artefact. To help
illustrate the argument the paper will reference the ‘mug’ collection of the Shepton Cider Mill in
Somerset. This 400 plus object collection is not only reflective of the history of pottery production in
Britain, but it also provides a valuable insight into British drinking habits over a 200 year period.
Predominantly cider and beer mugs, the collection contains an infinite variety of form, decoration and
capacity. Little gems of information representing the commemoration of historical events such as the
Boer War, the Great War and endeavours for world peace; royal celebrations; emblems of clubs and
associations; celebrations of marriages and births; bearers of beautiful romantic poetry, prayer and
warning; the anecdotal and the humorous; the souvenir and the British obsession with chinoiserie.
The collection contains endless forms of cider mugs, loving cups, tankards, tea mugs, coffee cans,
nursery mugs and hunting tygs, objects essentially and unashamedly very British, warts and all, with
some more specifically related to the southwest of England and the consumption of cider. The
collection illustrates the wide variety of drinking vessels created for specific drinking rituals.
The paper will attempt to illustrate how changes in production, cultural shifts and social constructs
have impacted on the expression of identity through the decorative ceramic mug; an object that began
life as a functional vessel for the consumption of alcohol but which has now become the preferred
vessel for the consumption of hot beverages. The mug is also an object for display; the twin handled
trophy form is still used to acknowledge a celebratory event. The recent royal wedding spawned an
array of vessels of various designs and quality of design, both sincere and humorous, illustrating the
fact that the transfer printed pottery mug is still alive and kicking.
Key words
identity collection mugs
cider beer
decorative
20
In many societies, perhaps the majority, drinking alcohol is a key practice in
the expression of identity, an element in the construction and dissemination of
national and other cultures
(Wilson 2005:3)
The Shepton Cider Mill Collection
A collection of drink related objects belonging to the Shepton Cider Mill, Somerset, is evidence of the
consumption of beer and cider in Britain (or perhaps more specifically the southwest of England),
during the last 200 years or so. The collection originated with the Taunton Cider Company in the
1970s and was gathered together by members of the board for the sole purpose of decorating their
cider house and corporate hospitality space, Home Farm Place. These objects came from pubs and
homes within the local community; possessions of ordinary people, not items of fine china found in
grand houses. They are in the majority, cheaply made, mass-produced pottery mugs and jugs;
domestic objects that would once have been found in kitchen cupboards or hanging on hooks in pubs
and cider houses and used on a daily basis.
Unlike the dedicated collector who is on a quest for the best and the unusual, this method of
undiscerning collective gathering trawled up the good, the bad and indifferent, which has in turn
created a random selection of seemingly banal objects.
Originally the collection consisted of over 1000 pieces that, over the years and through various
takeover bids, diminished to a mere 400 or so. However, this is still by far the largest collection of
such objects encountered during this particular research.i
The Shepton Collection contains:Artefacts from 1780 onwards
Objects produced by a wide remit of producers and countries of origin
Objects that relate to the activity of drinking but not exclusively to cider
Largely factory produced cast objects
Mainly tin glazed objects with a variety of surface treatments, the majority having some form of transfer
printed decoration
There are also a number of replica mugs that were produced in limited editions of 500. These were
copies of some of the original mugs in the collection and were used as corporate gifts at Christmas.
The mugs chosen for replication were ones the company considered as definitive cider mugs, the
classic squarely proportioned body with twin handles; a nostalgic attempt to re-engage with the past.
21
However, the activity of cider drinking has not diminished in the region nor, indeed, even nationally. In
fact the consumption of cider has steadily increased in the last decade with not only the lower end
priced products, but also with the re emergence of farmhouse cider and the development of single
variety ciders, using such apples as the Dabinett, the Kingston Black and the Tremletts Bitter and
more akin to wine production than scrumpy. What have changed are the reasons for drinking cider and
the way it is consumed.
Therefore this paper intends to use the mug collection as an illustrative resource to consider how a
specific type of drinking vessel can take its place within the discussion of cultural identity, examining
aspects of, initially, beer and cider drinking, but also widening the discussion to consider the factory
produced, transfer decorated pottery mug as an expression of identity, both historically and its
implication within a contemporary context.
Cultural Identities
Historically many folklores and customs across Britain and even into Europe bear great similarities,
particularly activities associated with agrarian cultures or pagan rituals swallowed up or combined with
religious festivals, all of which are intended to protect, provide and comfort for another year. However,
it is the variations within these activities that create the ‘otherness’ of individual cultures to the point
where neighbouring villages may celebrate the same events with even the slightest of variations, but
which impact on the development of recognizable traits that imply a particular identity. Appadurai
(1996:10) states that ‘when we(therefore) point to a practice, a distinction, a conception, an
object or an ideology as having a cultural dimension, we stress the idea of situated difference,
that is, difference in relation to something local, embodied and significant…culture is a
pervasive dimension of human discourse that exploits difference to generate diverse
conceptions of group identity’.
The group identity within so many cultures is accompanied by the activity of drinking, more
specifically, the drinking of alcohol. When drinking is not an action of thirst quenching it becomes an
action of social habitude, of ritual and celebration, a sharing of event or even vessel. So many of our
daily routines become ritualistic to the point that we forget why we do things-the exercise becomes
subconscious and mechanical but equally people develop relationships with both people and things
and include ‘material and social routines and patterns which give order, meaning and often
moral adjudication to their lives’ (Miller 2008:296). On a much greater scale the same can be said
for specific activities carried out within local communities and even nationally, where sayings, actions
and activities become so embedded in our cultural landscape that the purpose and meaning are not
only forgotten but are also unquestioned.
22
Appadurai (1996:10) suggests that while there may be a ‘kind of second nature’ within people in
their orientation towards everyday life without deliberate reflection, it is in fact ‘complex and socially
formed. At the heart of everyday life, therefore is the interdependency of person and society’.
Such conditioned frameworks and interdependency of person and society are the means through
which the rituals and habits of everyday life are performed and achieved, that is in part the physical
use of specific objects for particular activities as Miller suggested above. (It would be misleading to
assume that one could access complete knowledge of a culture through its material survival as,
clearly, cultural expression cannot be limited to things per se (Prown 1982)). Referencing Bourdieu’s
notion of habitus, Daniel Miller (2008:287) states that ‘our orientation to everyday objects was one
of the main reasons why we accept as natural and unchallenging, the routines and
expectations in life’. Therefore, any consideration of a drinking culture should also include the use of
drinking vessels for different rituals and routines. This interaction between humans and objects means
that ‘materials and the forces that flow through them afford humans certain potentials and
constraints’. In this way things become actors and take their part in everyday life; therefore ‘human
existence and human social life depend on material things’ (Hodder 2012:220). Drinking vessels
play(ed) their part in this scenario. Historically, the way a drink was consumed and what the drink
consisted of, determined the design of the vessel.
Background History of The Factory Produced Pottery Mug
During the 1600s glass was affordable only to the wealthy, imported in infinite designs to match the
drink to be served in it. Beer mugs were also imported, stoneware, salt glazed, brown vessels from
the Rhineland which were very quickly copied by local potters reproducing similar designs in cheaper,
less durable earthenware. By the end of the 17th century John Dwight of Fulham had developed his
own salt glazed, stoneware pottery, supplying the local taverns relatively cheaply with brown mottled,
heavy weight pint and two pint mugs. The salt glazed stoneware market was very competitive soon
after and a selection of functional salt glazed wares were widely available; mugs with ornate silver
rims, swollen bellied mugs in the Rhinish style; jugs and mugs produced by Kishere of the Mortlake
Pottery, with applied sprig decoration depicting hunting scenes and jolly drinking toppers, produced in
south London (and perhaps an early interpretation of the later perceived rural idyll). Figure 1.
23
Figure 1. Mortlake salt glazed hunting mug
It would be wrong to assume that during this period the main pottery production was solely based in
London. By this time the Staffordshire potteries were growing and developing their own trade links,
transporting goods as far as North America via British ports. The goods were transported by cratemen
who had established ‘a fairly extensive sales network… before the canals’. These cratemen also
‘fulfilled another important function, as far as the design of these wares was concerned, in
providing a constant flow of goods and information’ (Dean 2010:26). So although during this time
country potters continued to produce everyday mugs and jugs there were really very few communities
that did not have access to the growing industrially produced wares. Therefore, as the market
expanded, prior to mass industrial production, socially it created greater choices and potentials for
the few but it also applied constraints to the many in relation to affordability.
With the onset of industrialization in the pottery industry mass-production required uniformity in
design. Plaster press moulds were already in use to speed up output but the development of lathe
turned hollow ware towards the end of the century and the soon to follow process of slip-casting,
meant the straight sided, sometimes turned foot ring mug very quickly became the standard. The
design of handles was slightly more flexible; press moulded handles were relatively simple to produce
with perhaps some foliation at the terminals, but slip cast handles could be quite elaborate, still
replicating silver and pewter wares with scrolled finger and thumb rests. Alongside the relative
unification in design came the development of the creamware clay body, developed by Josiah
Wedgwood in 1780. There is some discussion as to whether Wedgwood’s marketing strategy initially
slowed down demand for factory produced pottery due to his focus on the London aristocracy, inviting
them to his ‘exclusive’ showrooms served by his London warehouses; other Staffordshire potteries did
not necessarily take his lead, alternatively using warehouses and distribution networks independent
from their own businesses,
‘It was this model that was to provide the lead for all pottery manufacturers as the 18th century
ran into the 19th century. Producers began to rely on a distribution network and gradually
came to rely less on their own London warehouses’ (Weatherill 2001:104). What cannot be
argued with is that Wedgwood’s development of a low fired, light bodied earthenware clay impacted
24
hugely on the types of wares produced in Staffordshire during the twenty years prior to the turn of the
19th century.
The fundamental processes in pottery production have changed very little since the onset of
industrialization and the same types of objects are still produced, but as suggested earlier, the way
that people drink has significantly changed, and so as Prown (1982:6) suggests
‘….an object, or an entire category of objects, fall(s) in and out of fashion. The object stays
relatively the same but people change and cultural values change’.
The Shepton Collection and the objects within it will have had a history of falling in and out of fashion,
because the original contexts and associations no longer exist. The objects are still recognizably mugs
but not necessarily in a format we understand or want to use. The physical elements of over elaborate
handles, the multiplicity of handles and the treatment of surface, do not necessarily comply with
th
current taste. It unarguably evidences industrial design from the late 18 up to the very beginning of
the 21st centuries, but because the objects are now mere components of a collection as opposed to
having an individual life of its own, the context has shifted from function to being part of a whole other
existence.
‘Commodities can usefully be regarded as having life histories. In this processual view, the
commodity phase of the life history of an object does not exhaust its biography; it is culturally
relegated’ (Appadurai 1986:17).
Material objects require frequent reappraisal as possessions to warrant their preservation; it is at this
juncture that their fate is determined.
The meaning of value is of course relative. In economic terms Appadurai (1986:3) states that ‘value is
embodied in commodities that are exchanged’ and that ‘Commodities can provisionally be
defined as objects of economic value’, implying that at some point in the life of a commodity the
value will shift from economic to that of something other, such as use value or associative value.
However, material survival over a sustained period of time has a number of implications and does not
necessarily equate to its original economic or exchange value. In Csikszentmihalyi’s (1981:83) The
Meaning of Things, he discusses the psychological value of ‘china’ (being a fragile material and
easily broken), stating that ‘a china cup preserved over a generation is a victory of human
purpose over chaos’, which begins to put into some perspective the significance of the Shepton
Collection consisting of predominantly used objects over not just one generation, but in some cases,
over many.
25
The Mochaware Beer Mug
One particular style (of which there are around ten in the Collection) and one of the earliest mass
produced objects, is that of the mochaware mug. Figure 2.
Figure 2. An example of the mochaware mug.
This style of mug was produced from around 1780 onwards and was a form of banded slipware,
originally produced on a lathe and consequently cheaply made. The distinctive patterning formed from
an acid being dripped onto the wet slip surface, created tree or fern like imagery and seemingly
individual designs on a mass-produced scale. The process created colourful blue, green, beige/brown
and black, banded mugs with intriguing and quite abstract decoration. By the middle of the19th century
production of the mochaware mug was at its height with many potteries producing the wares in one
and two pint sizes. Many pubs preferred to serve their beer in this particular type of mug for much of
the 1800s, particularly outside of London (where glass was used more frequently from the mid
Victorian period onwards.)ii Considering the number of mochaware mugs that would have been in
regular daily use and owned by pubs rather than individuals it is not surprising that there are not a
huge number left in existence. Therefore, what would have originally cost a penny or two because of
ease of replacement, has over a significant period of time become harder to source and is now
increasingly in demand amongst collectors, confirming Appadurai’s (1986:4) statement that
‘…economic objects circulate in different regimes of value in space and time’. The very reason
for its wide use and availability has ultimately become the consequence for its rarity.
‘By studying culture as something created and lived through objects, we can better
understand both social structures and larger systemic dimensions such as inequality and
social difference, and also human action, emotion and meaning’ . (Woodward 2007:4)
The mochaware mug is evidence of a social construct relating to drinking habits of the labouring
classes and therefore signifies inequality and social difference. They were supplied to public
houses, places frequented by the working classes and produced in capacities that indicated the need
for thirst quenching (the quart mug being the most commonly used size). Mochaware jugs in varying
capacities were also used in pubs, which would indicate an element of a shared activity in the drinking
26
of beer. The use of a communal jug replaced the need for two handles on a mug in such
circumstances; the mochaware mug only ever has one handle and is traditionally associated with the
drinking of beer. While the mug was decorative, the decoration had no explicit meaning but due to its
recognizable design, implicitly it referenced social status. It also referenced human action in the form
of drinking habits but it is questionable whether it engendered emotion in its original use context.
The Farmer’s Arms Prayer Cider Mug
Emotional investment in the material object is often associated with memory and nostalgia or personal
engagement, but it could be argued that a culture that consumes cider as the predominant drink of
choice has a greater emotional investment in the material objects associated with it. Whether beer or
cider was consumed was dependent on whether an area was apple or hop growing (some areas such
as Kent produced both). In the southwest where cider production was predominant, the use of a two
handled mug was a common sight in cider houses during the same period as the mochaware mug was
to be found in the beer or public house. Having its roots in loving cups, posset pots and other
traditionally multiple handled vessels, the design of the two handled cider mug with its squarer body,
retained a traditionalism over and above that of the taller, single handled beer mug and although it was
just another mass-produced object during the 19th century, a very particular type of cider mug became
as much about a collective identity as its function as a shared drinking vessel (Figure 3). Tin glazed
and transfer printed, initially in blue and white (and in polychrome as technology developed), these
mugs carry the Farmer’s Arms Prayer alongside images of farming implements. There are many
examples of these mugs in the Shepton Collection and they constitute the majority of mugs found in
the County Museum in Taunton. The following evocative passage describes cider drinking in a pub in
Crewkerne, Somerset, written in 1924 but recalling activities from 40 years earlier and is a wonderful
example of an alternative narrative in relation to cider drinking in the southwest of England in the late
19th century (Willis Watson 1924:29):
It is when the shadows fall, and work is suspended for the day, that the kitchen of
the “Merry Waggoners” becomes a scene of some activity. The seats in the
chimney corner and the settles are occupied, and it is then the large cider cups
circulate. The very cups are eloquent of the land upon which the men work and
earn their living. They are decorated in blue and white. One side is devoted to a
representation of the many implements of husbandry, and on a ribbon are the
words “Industry Produceth Wealth” and the prayer “God Speed the Plough”. On
the other side is the rhyme:Let the Wealthy and Great
Roll in Splendor and State.
I envy them not I declare it;
I eat my own Lamb,
27
My Chickens and Ham,
I shear my own Fleece and I wear it.
I have Lawns, I have Bowers,
I have Fruits, I have Flowers,
The Lark is my morning alarmer.
So jolly Boys now,
Here’s “God speed the Plough,
Long Life and success to the Farmer.”
Figure 3 The Farmer’s Arms Prayer mug
These mugs were generally manufactured in the north of England such as in Liverpool, Sunderland
and the potteries around Stoke on Trent, but it found huge popularity where the sentiment meant the
most, within the agrarian cultures of the southwest (and quite probably in rural areas in the east of
England too). As Woodward (2007:4) suggests, in The Meaning of Material Culture, even with a massproduced object, people ‘establish and negotiate their own meanings when incorporating them
into their personal cultural and behavioural repertoires’. These meanings may either challenge or
uphold social structures. During the 19th century the social construct of an agrarian culture worked
within a different framework to that of the town and the city dweller (and to some extent still does), the
nature of the agrarian interest was determined more by place, tradition, kinship and perception than by
exclusively economic congruities. The nature of the agricultural worker was very different to that of the
fast growing, perhaps displaced, factory worker of the towns and cities; they saw themselves as
countrymen and women first and foremost which is evidenced in the popularity at that time of the
Farmer’s Arms Prayer mug which, unlike the mochaware mug, was produced in a variety of sizes
other than the one and two pint capacity, indicating it was also a mug used by women (in half pint
sizes) and children (quarter pint) and therefore implying a more family oriented activity than the
predominantly male drinking of beer in the pubs.
28
The agrarian calendar dictated rituals that were communal and cross class, or more to the point,
farmers and landowners provided the means to celebrate certain times of the year such as the
Wassail, Harvest Home and the Last Load.
‘the general tenor of the anthropological perspective is that celebration is normal, and that in
most cultures alcohol is a normal adjunct to celebration….Drinking is essentially a social act,
performed in a recognized social context.’ (Douglas 1987:4)
The social contexts of celebration would not necessarily remain the same as attitudes towards
drinking began to differ between town and country during the19th century. Agricultural labourers in
particular considered it an absolute essential to have intoxicants provided to bring in the harvest,
although no better for providing nutrition than food, its stimulating effects could temporarily dull
the fatigue from long hours and hard labour (Harrison 1971). Until the 1880s the majority of
agricultural workers were paid in part in cider or beer, up to four pints or more a day. But industrial
advancement in towns and cities moved much quicker than in the countryside and it was soon realised
that drink and machinery were a dangerous combination, so although the drinking of alcohol was (and
still is) deeply rooted in Britain, because of different work patterns and expectations the drinking habits
of a nation began to change. Urban life would become increasingly detached from seasonal changes
as the daily routine consisted of long hours and the drudgery of factory work. Simmel (1902:130-31)
wrote in The Metropolis and Mental Life,
‘the nineteenth century demanded the functional specialization of man and his work; this
specialization makes one individual incomparable to another, and each of them indispensible
to the highest possible extent’.
He also goes on to say that the difference between the metropolis and rural life is the different
amount of consciousness required, implying that the slower nature of rural life runs more evenly
making less demands on a person. The demands of the city would impact on all aspects of social life
and therefore, eventually, on drinking patterns, becoming more dependent on the payment of wages, a
less frequent activity, but one more concentrated when it did happen. Therefore, the demarcation
between the private and the public arena for the consumption of alcohol became more apparent; the
private space being the home, a place where drink other than alcohol would be consumed, and the
public space including public meeting places such as pubs and cider houses. Drinking vessels were
either those provided in the public house or personal possessions within the home. Outside of towns
and cities many of the drinking vessels would also have been personal possessions kept in the public
house but which belonged to and would only have been used by one person, making it a distinctly
personal and intimate object within a public social context. Being hung up alongside many other mugs,
these needed to be easily identifiable and with the cheaply made, earthenware objects flooding the
market with their various forms and infinitely variable surface treatments, these objects would be as
carefully selected as those chosen for the home. The humble mug was an affordable object of desire
and with money, however little of, consumers were becoming more discerning and increasingly aware
of and in control of their own identities through material expression. The mass-produced pottery
29
enabled conspicuous consumption and social emulation, theories explored by Thorsten Veblen
and discussed by Trigg (2001:99-115) who argued that although the working classes were hampered
by a lack of resources they were still subject to the drive of emulation, an expression of taste and
social status attempting to mirror those objects of perceived higher taste and distinction, trickled
down from the upper and middle classes.
Pottery mugs provided a media surface unlike any other on which, with the technological development
of transfer printing and the use of text as well as imagery, it provided a different means through which
identity could be expressed. This treatment was different from the repeated patterns found on tea sets
and dinner services (other than individual commemorative plates). So while there were plenty to
choose from in blue and white or polychrome chinoiserie patterns and classical landscapes ( examples
of conceivable emulation), the mug supplied a media surface to enable an outward show of political
affiliation, religious conviction, humour, love, war, royalty and leisure pursuits, all represented in the
Shepton Collection.
Woodward (2007:135) identifies the expressive capacity of objects, that allows individuals to
articulate aspects of the self through material engagements, and the mug is a prime example. He
states
‘Objects have the capacity to do ‘social work’. Objects might signify sub-cultural affinity,
occupation, wealth, participation in a leisure activity, or an aspect of one’s social status-all
aspects of social identity’.
The Friendly Society Mug
Figure 4 The Friendly Society Mug
An aspect of the Shepton Collection is the number of vessels that relate to the sub-cultural affinity
that Woodward mentions. There are a number of objects that indicate a belonging, membership or
affiliation to various clubs or societies such as a tall twin handled, lathe turned Friendly Society mug
dating to circa 1820, Figure 4. The mug is decorated with a black transfer print of seven men sat at a
30
meeting table surrounded by papers and with an inset motif of a handshake. The reverse has a
biblical image of a man and a woman talking at a well with the outline of a contemporary church in
the background. The phrases The real Cabinet of Friendship; Said to His Brother be of Good Cheer;
Justice and Equity are printed around the base. The transfer print is over painted with different
coloured enamels. (The prints and enameling are poorly executed, suggesting the decorating being
done in a hurry or by children). Be of good cheer is a biblical reference to the New Testament,
Matthew 14:27 But straightaway Jesus spake unto them, saying, Be of good cheer; it is I; be not
afraid (king James version) and Justice and Equity reference fairness.
th
The number of friendly societies grew hugely during the 19 century, and were mutually beneficial to
its members, who would meet socially and pay their subscriptions and when needed they would
receive benefits. It is not possible to say whether this object was used as a drinking vessel, it could
have been passed around at the meetings of The True Cabinet of Friendship, or it could just be an
acknowledgement of membership. However, it does signify a social status and a moral obligation
with religious conviction.
The Ancient Order of Froth Blower’s Mug
Figure 5
In contrast, another mug produced nearly a hundred years later is evidence of an organization called
‘The Ancient Order of Froth Blowers’, a barrel shaped pint mug with the word MODERATION printed
vertically on the inside, figure 5. On the outside in relief is an image of a Victorian gentleman spilling
his mug over a small girl who is begging. On the reverse, also in relief, is an image of the AOFB
cufflinks (which play a vital role in the ritual activities of the Froth Blowers), surrounded by the phrase
The More We Are Together The Merrier We’ll Be. Essentially, this was a gentleman’s drinking club
To foster the noble art and gentle and healthy Pastime of froth blowing amongst Gentlemen
31
of-leisure and ex-Soldiers (www.frothblowers.co.uk). The society founded by Bert Temple, an exsoldier and silk merchant, was set up to raise money for various children’s charities. It ran from 192431 and has in recent years been resurrected world wide but which now also extends membership to
women.
Social identity is a fundamental aspect of what it is to be human (SIRC 2007)
The concept of belonging infers a need to be part of something and defines inclusion as well as
exclusion; to become ‘other than’ requires a distancing from the norm or the established majority,
either way it is frequently expressed through the material object, an outward expression of
‘belonging’ or not ‘belonging’. These two mugs reference social identity in very different ways. The
friendly society was (and still is in concept) of mutual benefit and therefore expresses belonging and
whilst many sprang out of non-conformist Christian denominations, there is a ‘conforming’ to
expectations within the society, they rely on each other for the society to succeed.
The Froth Blower’s ‘mock’ the notions of social etiquette and the considered norm by signing up to a
spoof organization which is clearly only open to those who have money; fund raising came from
within through a series of fines and drinking games.
‘As part of a group we adhere to specific rules and follow different patterns of behaviour but
we may make use of languages, dialects and modes of speaking which may be subtly or
markedly different from how we interact with people in other contexts’ . (SIRC 2007)
This spoof organization developed its own language and rituals that made it particular to them;
specific ranks and titles were given, such as No1 Froth Blower, the Grand Hurricane and the Grand
Typhoon. This mode of speaking would only be used in the context of ‘the Order’.
The Froth Blower’s mug is material evidence of a ritualized form of drinking alcohol, other objects
within the Shepton Collection do not have such obvious associations but clearly, generally, the mug
design is either for function as a drinking vessel or for the purposes of affordable display.
The First World War had the biggest impact on reducing the consumption of alcohol, replaced by tea
and coffee drinking in the home and while teacups and saucers may be used for purposes of
etiquette the mug retained its status as the vessel of choice.
Endnote
The Shepton Collection is a rich and valuable group of artifacts sidelined by its ordinariness and
associations with the mundanity of everyday life. Miller’s (2005:5) discussion on the humility of
objects, identifying the importance of objects as not because they are evident and physically
32
constrain or enable, it is because we do not see them, as with the earlier similar discussions of
Appadurai and Bourdieu. ‘The less we are aware of them the more powerfully they can
determine our expectations by setting the scene and ensuring normative behaviour, without
being open to challenge.’ The onset of consumerism provided a freedom of choice and an
expression of individual taste but it is only when faced with a collection such as this that rather than
individual taste, collective taste manifests and evidences the normative behaviour that Miller
references.
Research on ‘Belonging’ carried out in 2007 by SIRC, suggests that the traditional notions of
belonging, those being class, religion and place of origin, elements of which were considered above
in relation to cider drinking, have now been replaced by family, friendship, lifestyle choices,
nationality, professional identity, team spirit and shared interests; elements also identified above in
the discussion of the mochaware beer mug, the Friendly Society twin handled mug and the AOFB
mug and are all subject matter for contemporary media surface treatment of mugs that could be
bought on any High Street today, albeit to drink a nice cup of tea from as opposed to a beer or cider.
…much of what we are exists not through our consciousness or body but, as an exterior
environment that habituates and prompts us. (Miller 2005:5)
References
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Barr A. (1998) Drink A Social History London, Pimlico.
Bosomworth D. (1992) The Victorian Catalogue of Household Goods, London, Studio Editions.
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the Self, Cambridge, University Press.
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Evans H. and M.(1973) The Victorians-At Home and At Work, Bath,The Pitman Press.
Glanville P. and Lee S. (2007) The Art of Drinking. London, V&A Publications.
Goss S. (2008) British Tea and Coffee Cups 1745-1940, Oxford,Shire Publications.
Harrison B. (1971) Drink and the Victorians. The Temperance Question in England 1815-1872,
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Collections, Abingdon, Routledge.
Moore K. (2010) Overlooking the Visual, Abingdon, Routledge.
Miller D. (2001) Home Possessions Oxford, Berg.
Miller D. (2005) Materiality, USA Duke University Press.
Miller D. (2008) The Comfort of Things, Cambridge, Polity Press.
Neale G. (2005) Encyclopedia of British Transfer Printed Pottery Patterns 1790-1930, London, Millers.
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Pearce S. (1994) Interpreting Objects and Collections, Abingdon, Routledge.
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Theodore Hoppen K.(1998) The Mid Victorian Generation 1846-1886. Oxford, University Press.
Walker J. (1989) Design History and the History of Design, London, Pluto Press.
Willis Watson W G. ‘Somerset Life and Character’, (1924) The Somerset Folk Series No 17, London,
The Folk Press Ltd.
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Woodward I. (2007) Understanding Material Culture, London, Sage.Wright P. (2009) On Living in an
Old Country, Oxford, University Press.
Journals
Trigg A. (2001), Veblen, Bourdieu and Conspicuous Consumption, Journal of Economic Issues Vol
XXXV, No 1 March 2001,pp 99-115.
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Method’, Winthur Portfolio Vol 17, No1,
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Magazine article-popular
Wilson K. (2011,October) Cider House Jewels. BBC Homes and Antiques, 80-82
Electronic article
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Ceramics Issue 10. www.uwic.ac.uk
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www.Dictionary.com retrieved 30/01/2012
Alexander P., Bradley S., Love C., Marsh P., Norham R., (April-May 2007) ‘Belonging’, research
commissioned by the AA for the Social Issues Research Centre www.sirc.org/publik/Belonging.pdf
retrieved 29/01/12
www.guardian.co.uk /…/jan/21/wassailing-cider-apple retrieved 29/01/2012
www.frothblowers.co.uk retrieved 14/04/12
35
Food, Disability and Design
Gianni Renda, Blair Kuys
Swinburne University of Technology, Melbourne, Australia
Abstract
This paper aims to inform the reader of the design-related challenges faced with feeding oneself with
a disability. This seemingly normal task is something that is taken for granted; from a small age, we
are taught to hold and use forks and knives correctly, etiquette on serving and presenting food and on
maintaining a convivial and friendly atmosphere. Unfortunately, due to the effects of aging or acquired
disabilities, the dignity of this simple task can be compromised. Literature suggests that mealtimes for
people with a disability can cause emotional stress due to the reduction of independence, selfconsciousness of their appearance, and fatigue (Backman et al., 2008) (Coleman et al., 1993 and
2006). These factors may lead to social isolation and a reduction in the pleasure of partaking in a
meal in a social context. While products exist that fill the physical need for gripping and balancing, the
design of these implements leave little to be desired. An investigation into the design of exemplary
adaptive products, such as the ‘Smoking Glass’ by Joe Colombo and the vegetable peeler from OXO
have promoted inclusion, ease of use for sufferers of arthritis and have opened up a new market
segment of inclusive kitchen technologies that bring the sufferer back into the kitchen. The discipline
of industrial (product) design is explored, and its pertinence to the research and development of new
adaptive aids is demonstrated. Strategies for the future are proposed utilising emerging industrial
design techniques and food design trends, such as molecular gastronomy are hypothesised as future
areas of research and development for inclusive food design.
This paper forms part of a doctoral research project from Swinburne University of Technology,
Melbourne, Australia. It will discuss the sensitivities of a person with a disability when confronted with
designed products used during a mealtime, and will suggest potential strategies to help alleviate the
emotional stressors.
Keywords: Industrial Design, Disability, Cutlery, Food, Product.
36
Introduction
In Veblen’s book from 1899, ‘The Theory of The Leisure Class’, we are introduced to the social and
emotional importance of fine cutlery, crockery and tableware. Veblen suggests that:
“We all feel, sincerely and without misgiving, that we are the more lifted up in spirit
for having, even in the privacy of our own household, eaten our daily meal by the
help of hand-wrought silver utensils, from hand-painted china (often of dubious
artistic value) laid on high-priced table linen. Any retrogression from the standard of
living which we are accustomed to regard as worthy in this respect is felt to be a
grievous violation of our human dignity (Veblen, 1965).”
Certainly, in a modern western society, we can demonstrate our tastes and define our identities by the
objects we surround ourselves with. Studies have been undertaken where the appearance of a
product, such as that of an automotive brand, can infer that the user is more attractive and educated
(Effendi et al., 2009). However, in the realm of disability, product design, specifically related to
disability is lacking. The current range of products on the market lack the flair, or ‘x’ factor evident in
able-bodied design. It is suggested that poorly designed assistive tools will not be used (Coleman et
al., 2006), and when this is compounded with the fatigue caused by a disability such as arthritis, food
preparation can become emotionally and physically stressful (Repping-Wuts et al., 2008).
It is fair to say that industrial design should not be underestimated in the development of assistive
cutlery to fit the needs of all users. Industrial designers have the ability and skills to understand the
user behind product development. In the case of adaptive cutlery this user-centred approach to
design should clearly identify the current problems with existing products and improve upon them.
The discipline of industrial design can be defined as the conception and planning of products for
multiple reproductions. It is a creative and inventive process that balances all users needs and
desires within technical and social constraints (Fiell and Fiell, 2000). The primary distinguishing
characteristic of industrial design compared to engineering is its concern for aesthetics and the
system (environment) in which the user interacts with an artefact. Industrial design works coherently
alongside engineering to develop optimum solutions to specific problems, however industrial design
stands alone as a credible discipline through the ability to better understand user needs and design to
satisfy these. This research is evidence of this by highlighting the importance of social-inclusive
design used to minimise the stigma attached to adaptive cutlery for the aging or disabled.
Design is the force that differentiates otherwise identical products. A Riedel crystal wine glass
performs the exact same task as one from IKEA, however one is more desired; it looks better, it feels
better and according to certain manufacturer’s claims, it makes the liquid taste better (Riedel, 2011).
In fact, many manufacturers of glassware specific to the types of drink to be imbibed; Riedel – the
aforementioned Austrian manufacturer – makes glasses that are designed to amplify the enjoyment of
different varieties of wine. A glass for Bordeaux, for instance has a much different shape to that of a
Riesling glass. These options provided, whether they actually enhance the flavours is entirely
subjective, however as consumers, we enjoy the distinction of such pieces. However, for the able
bodied person, one does not even need to go to great expense for the same pleasure. Glasses,
flatware and plates that can be considered ‘designer’ can be purchased at IKEA, Target and other
such retailers. Phillipe Starck’s line of products for Target in the late 1990’s illustrated that high-design
can be ‘democratic’, however the consideration this has been given to the other-abled market appears
to be lacking. This preludes the purpose of this study in highlighting the issues surrounding food
design products for the disabled, and demonstrating the contribution that designers can make to this
field.
37
Cutlery and the disabled
Literature suggests that the first documented usage of cutlery was in Italy in the 11th century
(Glanville and Young, 2002). Glanville (2002) implies that this first appearance was stigmatising; the
wife of a wealthy Venetian Doge used golden implements to consume her food, much to the disgust
of her fellow diners who considered it an affront; was she too precious to consume food with her
fingers – an implement given by God? In the 14th century, Wolfman and Gold (1994) suggest that
cutlery became far more prevalent and within three-hundred years, cutlery became the height of
status in a way that would have displeased the aforementioned Venetian diners; to have your fingers
touch the food was considered highly uncouth (Wolfman and Gold, 1994). Diplomats and heads of
state travelled with their own sets of cutlery and collections of tableware and flatware grew to become
conspicuous symbols of status and excess in the Victorian era (Veblen, 1965).
From this, it is of interest that there is an International Standard for cutlery – ISO 4481. This standard
demonstrates the level of sophistication undertaken to develop implements for the consumption of
various kinds of food; listing twenty-one spoons, thirteen forks, fifteen knives and fourteen
miscellaneous items of flatware. In contrast to this excess, the Italian Futurist movement rejected the
use of cutlery altogether (Marinetti, 1930), recalling the earlier disgust from the Venetians, suggesting
that the usage of cutlery reduced the sensuousness of food and deprived the diner of ‘pre-labial
pleasure’ and yet again suggesting that the hand was the ultimate utensil. A retrospective catalogue
of utensils by Mostre Giorgetti, entitled ‘Cutlery’ indicates this on the front cover and poetically
describes the tactility and the lineage of flatware extending from the human hand (Corrani Editore,
1997).
Unfortunately, as poetic and beautiful as the human hand may be, people who lack the mobility,
strength or have tremors, such as those with Parkinson’s disease or a form of arthritis require
specialised utensils. These utensils may take such forms in which they certainly assist the user to
partake in their food, and much like our Victorian-Era ancestors, allow the user to ensure that their
fingers do not touch the food, however their appearance potentially deprives them of the emotional
connection between their food and their utensil.
Studies have suggested that within the senior’s generation, the preparation of food can be seen as a
gift (Sidenvall et al., 2000) and that the act assists in the confidence levels and self-worth of the
person. Companies such as OXO, famous for their ‘Good Grips’ range have assisted in this area by
developing easy to use, non stigmatising utensils in which to prepare the food. However, this has not
extended to cutlery or tableware. Literature suggest that if the product’s aesthetics belie its role as an
assistive device, the uptake of the advice will be limited (Backman et al., 2008). Certainly in regards to
the consumption of food, the appearance of adaptive cutlery may be confronting when compared to
an elegant piece of silverware, or an inexpensive piece from IKEA. The pieces generally have bulky
handles to assist the user’s grip and may require specialised work areas, such as an angled spoon or
a knife that rocks from side to side. When we contrast these with the conspicuous consumption of the
past — and that even airlines such as Qantas tout the fact that Marc Newson has designed the inflight crockery and cutlery (Emille, 2008) — we can see how the appearance of the utensils may
cause emotional discomfort.
Design as a method of differentiation
As Tovey (1997) notes industrial design as a discipline is a recent creation of the 20th century. It has
roots in the philosophy and practice of the Crafts movement and the Bauhaus in Europe, and in the
USA through the invention of styling as a way of increasing product sales. It is called 'industrial'
38
because of its concern with products manufactured by industrial processes, and has tended to have
an emphasis on vocational effectiveness and practice (Tovey 1997). Industrial design in the 21st
century has changed. It is no longer just about invention, styling or increasing product sales – It has
changed through necessity more so than desire. Industrial design has broadened its scope and must
understand the way in which people interact with design in order to create products that fulfil the
needs of all persons concerned. These areas were obviously considered during the 20th century but
are of utmost important now due to a more competitive marketplace, more demanding consumers,
and a better awareness of key drivers such as sustainability. Designers now must investigate the
impact of design on emotion and the user experience. This advances the understanding of how
emotion and affect have implications for the science of design (Norman, 2002). It is essential that
products designed for use follow good human-centred design methodologies and by using design
psychology as a principle for analysis suitable design solutions for all types of people will be possible.
According to Cross (2001) design knowledge has various relations with designed artefacts. Some of it
is knowledge inherent in the artefacts of the artificial world (e.g., in their forms and configurations –
knowledge that is used in copying from, reusing or varying aspects of existing artefacts), gained
through using and reflecting upon the use of those artefacts. Some of it is knowledge inherent in the
processes of manufacturing the artefacts gained through making and reflecting upon the making of
those artefacts. And some of each of these forms of knowledge also can be gained through
instruction in them (Cross, 2001).
Although some question the value of practice and projects in design research (Durling, 2002), making
in the design research process has significance for knowledge creation in creative arts and industries
(Mäkelä, 2007). In doctoral design, the artefact or project, reflection and practice may play a role as
the material resolution of practical ‘applied’ problems with more general theoretical or methodological
consequences (Pedgley, 2007). The issues of knowledge and making in design research have
particular relevance to industrial design.
For design research in particular, a certain legitimacy is offered to design fields through their
collaboration in such projects. In this still early state of the design research argument the importance
of reflecting on the socially responsible activities and processes of design work can influence change
within the current areas that are lacking within this discipline (Melles et. al., 2010). One such downfall
is the lack of design concentration given to products for an aging population or people with an
acquired disability. Unlike the more established science and engineering disciplines, design must
spend time contextualising the ability to influence change within applied design research process.
This historical moment and the socially responsible context offer ideal conditions for developing the
legitimacy of design research as an agent for change. The legitimacy of industrial design as an
academic and research intense field cannot be developed alone through theoretical position papers in
the literature. Rather, industrial design, like other design disciplines with hitherto vocational focus
must prove its value in contexts such as offered by this study where it must hold its own and learn
from more established fields.
A study by Gemser et. al. (2000) shows that an increasing number of manufacturers implement
industrial design in their product development process in order to gain a competitive edge in the
marketplace. Research on the effectiveness of this is limited (Potter et. al., 1991) (Bloch, 1995)
(Hertenstein et. al., 2005), however there is a growing belief that by prioritising the important
contribution industrial design can make to a products development, the rewards can be seen as vital
to a company’s competitive position. Nonetheless, in order to stand out from the crowd, more
innovative and appropriate designs are necessary. Indeed, a more innovative design strategy is likely
to have a higher payoff in terms of company performance (Gemser et. al., 2000).
A study by Hertenstein, Platt and Veryzer (2005) shows that companies that invest in good industrial
design were stronger on all measures except growth rate. This provides strong evidence that good
39
industrial design is related to corporate financial performance and stock market performance even
after considering expenditures on industrial design (Hertenstein et. al., 2005).
Determining what ‘good’ design is can be a subjective issue, however it is important to provide basic
principles to validate the claims within this study. Dieter Rams who served as head designer at the
influential German company Braun for over 30 years was a good advocate of how you can determine
what good design is. Back in the early 1980s, Rams was becoming increasingly concerned by the
state of the world around him. Aware that he was a significant contributor to that world, he asked
himself an important question: Is my design good design? As good design cannot be measured in a
finite way he set about expressing the 10 most important principles for what he considered was good
design. Rams’ view on good design is as follows:
Good design:
 Is innovative
 Makes a product useful
 Is aesthetic
 Makes a product understandable
 Is unobtrusive
 Is honest
 Is long-lasting
 Is thorough down to the last detail
 Is environmentally friendly
 Is as little design as possible (Retrieved from Vitsoe, 2012)
These 10 guidelines for good design are of greater importance when designing socially inclusive
products to ensure the dignity of simple everyday tasks can be reached, while still remaining within
the realm of current product development methods. There are many definitions of ‘good design’,
however in order to contrast the above list from Rams, a business model has been evidenced to
appreciate that good design — like all design — will come at a cost. By doing this we can come to a
pragmatic compromise with the aim of addressing most of the aspects stated when designing from
both perspectives. Hertenstein, et.al. (2005) give clarity from a business point of view and states:
Good design can be determined by the following factors:

Quality/excellence of design evidenced in the firm’s products, services, collateral, etc. (e.g.,
an opinion of the firm’s design of products and materials).
 Quality of the firm’s design program (e.g., number of design awards, peer recognition).
 Importance of the firm’s design program (e.g., large investment in design, stature of design
group).
Although most companies recognise the importance of industrial design as necessary for being
competitive, they often struggle to assess its contribution to the organisation. This is complex as
industrial design is only one of several product development functions that contribute to new product
success. Therefore, it is fair to suggest that what is being designed should best meet the needs of the
user. In this study it is evident that what currently exists in food design products for the elderly and
people suffering from an acquired disability is inadequate. Current literature (Coleman et al., 2006)
shows that major areas within what is classified as good design have not been prioritised in existing
products, leading to a failure in products for people with disabilities. Because of this, these people
who have trouble performing everyday tasks, such as using cutlery, feel socially isolated and
embarrassed by their condition. This is not the fault of the person, however the fault of the inadequate
design.
More specifically, industrial design should concentrate its focus on improving customer ease of
product use while improving on aesthetic capabilities and ensuring differentiation from competitive
40
products. In the case of adaptive cutlery for people with a disability, the differentiation will be a
product that satisfied the users needs while not making the user feel socially awkward when using it.
Current products fail to do this. These activities together with other influencing aspects such as a
successful marketing campaign and quality engineering and manufacturing, will enhance a customers
perceived product value, which in turn strengthens demand and justifies a determined selling price,
thus increasing sales revenue for the company involved while still satisfying the consumer.
How industrial design can help
The Italian designer, Joe Colombo, was a strong proponent of designing products to enhance the
pleasure of food. Stories of Colombo serving squid-ink risotto on obsidian black plates to amplify the
intensely dark and lip-staining nature of the meal to unsuspecting guests are lore (Gardoni, 2002).
However, it is the “Smoke Glass” that is the most pertinent to those with a disability. This elegant
glass was designed so he could hold his aperitif and cigarette in one hand, leaving the other hand
free to graze or to greet people. The way in which this is done is through grasping the glass with the
thumb via its specially designed stem. Colombo’s glass is of course, fragile and expensive, however a
facsimile of this has been created, named the Manoy Beaker. This piece of drinkware shares an
almost identical form, yet is made from a much more resilient plastic. However, the elegance and
drama of the original Smoke Glass is lost, perhaps due to the reason that this piece has now become
a far more ‘serious’ item that is used for rehabilitation and feeding, as opposed to eating convivially.
When considering the importance that Veblen placed in his 1899 work, ‘The Theory of the Leisure
Class’, on having attractive and desirable items of cutlery and crockery – even when eating in solitude
– the aesthetic considerations of the aforementioned products should satisfy the emotional need of
wanting beautiful things that still can assist the end user. As Coleman (2006) suggests, ‘bad design
disables’, and that by rectifying the design and the product’s aesthetics, a more elegant solution may
be found.
One example of a product that is both assistive and attractive is the iconic OXO vegetable peeler.
This peeler was created to satisfy the need of the inventor’s wife; to have a potato peeler that did not
cause her discomfort and to be attractive (Design Council, 2009). An American product design
consultancy – Smart Design – was tasked with developing the product. The design process was
detailed in the 2009 film Objectified (Hustwit, 2009), where a multitude of mock-ups were designed
and tested for grip levels, comfort and most importantly, the aesthetics. The number of awards this
product has attained is numerous, as is the amount of households that own such a peeler. Due to
this, OXO have released subsequent products, fulfilling an entire segment of the market where
attractive and notably, assistive utensils can be purchased inexpensively and promote social inclusion
through the act of preparing a meal.
The process of the aforementioned product development is far from unique; this is what industrial
(product) designers around the world do on a daily basis. Advancements in technologies and
materials however, have led to methods that will influence the next generation of utensils and cutlery
for the disabled. The advancement of rapid-manufacture (rapid-prototyping) technology now allows a
designer to generate physical 3D concepts that can instantly be assessed by the users. The additive,
freeform nature of rapid manufacture, coupled with improvements in materials, processing speed,
accuracy and surface finish, opens up an array of options that before were impossible. The
technology makes it feasible to manufacture series production parts economically in quantities of one
to several thousand pieces, depending on part size and other factors. Without the constraints
imposed by tooling, designers are given the freedom to create new designs that before were difficult
or impractical to manufacture (Hopkinson et. al., 2006). For low-volume production runs such as what
would be expected for adaptive cutlery, this technology should be exploited to address the needs of
all consumers. Most new designs are not put into production due to the high costs of tooling. When
41
tooling is removed from the equation, it becomes feasible to introduce new products in low quantities
to evaluate the market demand and success of the product.
Apart from the benefits of low production runs, rapid manufacture can also be used during the
concept development phase to evaluate a concept. This process enables a more efficient transition
from 2D concept sketching to 3D concept proposals used to effectively evaluate the design intent.
When designing a product that a human physically interacts with — holding, gripping, cutting etc. — it
is imperative that prototypes are made. Concept sketching, CAD development and concept visuals
are important to initial the design process, however if a physical prototype is not produced the design
outcome will fail to address the specific needs of the user. For products designed to meet the needs
of elderly or people suffering form a disability this is essential. In the case of adaptive cutlery, it is
vitally important to address the needs of the user and then ensure the aesthetics of the product are
successfully resolved to create a functional product while at the same time being desirable. This is a
major area that is lacking within current products. Rapid manufacturing is a tool that makes this
process more feasible, but the designer must still work closely with the eventual user(s) to create an
outcome that will rectify the stigma associated with products designed for disabilities.
A strategy for the future
An inclusive future in food design must take into account the rapidly aging population. Population
ageing is occurring on a global scale, with faster ageing projected for the coming decades than has
occurred in the past. Between 1950 and 2000 the median age of the world’s population rose just three
years (from 23.6 to 26.4 years). In contrast, from 2000 to 2050 the median age is projected to
increase by 10 years, to reach 36.8 years. Globally, the population aged 60 years and over is
projected to nearly triple by 2050, while the population aged 80 years and over is projected to
experience a more than fivefold increase (ABS, 2004). This statistical data reinforces the need for
industrial designers to create appropriate products that address the needs of elderly that may acquire
a disability of some kind. Fine and gross motor skills within this demographic can be enhanced,
improved upon or potentially fixed altogether with intuitive design solutions that address these societal
problems. While products for this market need not appear to be agricultural or pedestrian however,
there are certain constraints that need to be considered. The chance of a glass falling and breaking,
due to a lack of strength in the hand or arm is increased. Designers can use this as an opportunity, as
opposed to a hindrance. The usage of safety glass for drinkware for bars and nightclubs, was
introduced as a method of controlling ‘glassing attacks’ (Daily Mail Reporter, 2010). Using the same
type of glass for someone with reduced grip strength could instil confidence in knowing that should
the glass fall, their chance of injury by glass fragments is reduced. Alternatively, advances in
manufacturing have given rise to a multitude of new materials and processes; polycarbonates and
other plastics are reaching a certain level of sophistication where a copy of a cut crystal glass could
be created affordably and most importantly, shatterproof. From a design point of view, the abundance
of knowledge gained by an industrial designer needs to be utilised to integrate user needs into a
particular design, which inturn will consider such principles as ergonomics, graphic user interfaces,
materials, and semantics.
Materials and processes can give rise to new typologies. The first popular bicycle had enormous main
wheels, with a smaller-diameter trailing wheel, giving rise to their nickname ‘Penny Farthing’ (in
reference to the English coinage). Bicycles now have evolved into sleek machines that bear little
resemblance to this machine. A Segway, for instance may potentially be classed as an evolution of
the bicycle as it performs the task of personal human mobility using two wheels and a handlebar, yet
its design and method of operation differs greatly. Perhaps food design may see a similar revolution?
42
Certainly, from a historic perspective, utensils for the consumption of food have evolved to suit the
needs of the user and the prevailing trends of the time. A review of the international cutlery standard,
ISO 4481 would see a listing of different utensils, many with their lineage from the noble courts of
England. Terrapin forks, for instance, were used to consume the flesh of turtles. As the consumption
of turtle meat has significantly declined due to conservational and ethical concerns, such forks are no
longer used, or are re-appropriated as ice-cream forks. The ‘spork’ is one such evolution of the
terrapin fork, where a combination of a spoon and fork is used to eat desserts. It is of note that this
utensil has been used in an assistive context as it affords the user a greater sense of confidence as
the scooped shape assists in securing food, such as peas.
Specifically, designers have the ability to tailor the utensil to the user. For instance, sufferers of poor
grip could have their hands imaged using a 3D scanner and then imported into one of the various
engineering software packages. Balance points can also be defined at this stage, where the designer
may decide to add more material at certain points to achieve a pleasing weight distribution. This could
also be applied to sufferers of Parkinson’s disease or other malaises where tremors are prevalent; the
weighting of the utensils can be modified to suit the severity of the problem. Through this method, a
truly tailored fit, much as the same as a shoemaker’s wooden lasts can be achieved. This also gives
rise to decorative potential – as the grip can be prototyped within a computer, various adornments
and sculptural elements can be included to the satisfaction of the user. For instance, the sufferer may
require a utensil with the bowl of a spoon at a right angle and the grip to be physically attached via a
strap; using the above techniques and utilising the designer’s abilities, the form of a fork or spoon
could be altered to be that of a serpent. This may cause the piece to be more visible, however, its
appearance may take upon a more decorative and sculptural appearance, implying a sense of pride
and status to the owner that bypasses the outward appearance of the disability.
Further to this, the molecular gastronomy trend has seen the introduction of various utensils, flavours
and techniques that would not normally appear in a home or commercial kitchen. Techniques where
flavours are impregnated into jellies, turned into an aerosol or distilled are certainly appropriate for the
future of food design in a setting for the disabled. Heston Blumenthal’s style of haute cuisine for
example, could be re-appropriated for use in a medical setting; this has demonstrated on the
television show ‘Heston’s Mission Impossible’ where the enjoyment of the patients — namely children
— in a hospital was paramount to increasing their food intake and increasing their self esteem
(Blumenthal, 2011). Certainly, we could look to this as an example of the power of design thinking in
the area; that a modification in the utensils and in the ‘design and manufacture’ of the cuisine that
would be partaken may positively assist the emotional concerns of people living with a disability.
Patients who require food to be puréed may, for instance, have it converted to a gel or foam, adding a
level of texture and enjoyment to experience. Soups could be solidified into thin wafers that would
dissolve in the mouth, alleviating spills. The opportunities presented using this method are vast and
broad and would be suitable for further investigation.
Conclusion
Design thinking need not be expensive or use exotic materials or ingredients; it does however require
thorough research into the needs of the end user and latitude of thought. As demonstrated in this
research, the inclusion of design thinking in the process of both the creation of the utensils for
preparing and consuming the food, and in the actual creation of the food, can amplify the social
experience and promote inclusion for those with a disability.
Collaborative work within interdisciplinary environments should always come together when designing
products. A single designer and a single user working together are unlikely to create an optimal
outcome for all. This paper has highlighted the current problems associates with industrial design
43
outcomes for the elderly and users with an acquired disability and proves that there are processes
that can be adhered to for the creation of socially inclusive products. All components of a product
development team must work together to create the very best possible outcome to meet the needs of
a user. For adaptive cutlery, the users (persons with the disability) must be consulted to generate a
list of user needs to initial a concept, and then be involved once again to evaluate the concept. It is
imperative for the user to direct and influence the project direction as the designer themselves could
not possibly understand what is required – unless of course the designer also suffers from the same
disability. Industry partners such as hospitals, rehabilitation therapists etc. should be involved to
provide a theoretical base for best practice in this field, while manufacturers, engineers and/or
scientists could provide new or emerging technologies that perhaps the user suffering the disability
isn’t familiar with. Ultimately it is up to the industrial designer to ensure this collaboration occurs. A
designer needs a theoretic platform to ensure that the final designed outcome is an advancement of
what currently exists, but this process must involve many parties to successfully address the project
intent.
The result of this study aims to create new power for industrial design by showing that this discipline
is not just about ‘making things look good.’ It is much more complex and all designed outcomes
should consider social responsibility to ensure that everyone — no matter their dexterity — can enjoy
a socially inclusive life. By doing this it shows that alternative ways of creating consumer products are
possible. All actions that expand on current practice are important in improving the knowledge base of
designers in this field who should now have the ability to put social responsible knowledge into action.
Any product that can improve the quality of life for someone is a worthwhile investment and
something that all industrial designers should aspire to develop.
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46
Formation, Evolution and
Dissemination of a Food Practice:
“Tomato Bottling”
Koray Gelmez
Istanbul Technical University, Department of Industrial Product Design
İTÜ Mimarlık Fakültesi, Taşkışla, Taksim, Istanbul 34437 Turkey
[email protected]
Abstract
To broaden, extend alter the use of certain products towards unintended purposes is possible through
social practice. This may occur due to users’ experiences, cumulative knowledge or cultural rituals.
This study deals with the transfer and use of social practice in a local context where a Turkish local
community in Aegean Region is examined.
In this region, there is a noticeable ritual on home-made food preparation called “tomato bottling”:
Housewives prepare and store summer-season vegetables such as tomatoes for winter period. Every
summer, vegetables are chopped and filled into bottles - empty bottles of cola, beer and water - and
every winter, they are used while cooking. Moreover, this traditional labor-intense process brings
about specific needs that are fulfilled with specific tools. By the help of these tools, mechanization
takes place in this hand labor-dependent method.
In this study, formation, evolution, dissemination of this social practice and current situation of this
ritual are revealed in the light of social practice theory. It is specifically aimed to investigate the
formation, evolution and dissemination of this activity. That is, the major question of this study is:
What is the mechanism that affects formation, evolution and dissemination of this activity?
Thereby, the methodology of the study is a combination of semi-structured interviews with
housewives, observations and a documentation of the preparation process via video-camera and
photographs. Findings of the interviews are evaluated in frames of social practice in terms of
formation, evolution and dissemination.
Keywords : social practice, home-made food preparation, tomato bottling
47
Introduction
The author, growing up in West-Turkey, is motivated to do a research on the activity of tomato-bottling
after having idea on cultural dynamics that affect a social community, the effects of design in a
cultural context and tacit knowledge that a community owns. After moving to metropolises to study,
the communication and relationship among local and small communities became more visible for the
author.
In this region, there is a noticeable ritual on home-made food preparation called “tomato bottling”:
Housewives prepare and store summer-season vegetables such as tomatoes for winter period. Every
summer, vegetables are chopped and filled into bottles - empty bottles of cola, beer and water - and
every winter, they are used while cooking. So, what triggers a local community to “design” a food
activity repeated every year is the basis for this paper. It is aimed to reveal how this activity is formed,
evolved and disseminated and its implications on design.
Even if fast-food and convenient food sectors are growing, the activity goes on through years. In other
words, inhabitants in this region do not prefer to buy tomato paste. Therefore, there has to be some
reasons why inhabitants in this region tend to prepare their own tomato paste for winter. The fact that
the reasons might be rather implicit and tacit affected the researcher to investigate this issue. Since
the author acts as both a researcher and an internal, only he is able to elicit some implications of this
food activity.
In order to elicit the mechanism, to do a coherent and reasonable research and to see the activity
under a research plan, the researcher follows a methodology: a combination of semi-structured
interviews with housewives, observations and a documentation of the preparation process via videocamera and photographs. Findings of the interviews help to reveal the reasonsand lead to interesting
implications regarding formation, evolution and dissemination of tomato bottling. The study is also
enriched by the literature of social practice.
Homemade Food Practices
As this paper focuses on a specific food practice in West-Turkey, it seems useful to look into food
practice literature. Food is a symbol of being a family which tangibly determines the roles and
relationships of its members (Bourdieu, 1990). Mothers have the most important role determining the
family’s food ritual (De Vault, 1991). Therefore, they are in a focal position regarding the preparation
and the delivery of the food (Moiso et al., 2004). More specifically, food preparation has a strong
connection with being a family. Past research focused on how family and women identity are built
through the food preparation and delivery in connection with mother’s role (De Vault, 1991; Moiso et
al., 2004; Bugge, 2003). In his book, Warde (1997) also focuses on the division of labor based on
gender depending on a research on British families.
Food is also considered as a sign of a certain region since it is mostly prepared by using local raw
materials which are suitable for this region’s climate conditions (Lupton, 1994). Moreover, local
people’s specific skills function as a means to transform this sign (Lupton, 1994). In a broader sense,
food practices have strong relationship with social and economic situations (Fischler, 1980).
As it can be seen in further sections, food practice in this paper has strongly relationship with social
and economic situations. Therefore, it seems important to benefit from social practice theory.
48
Approaches towards Social Practice
Social practices are crucial for a community in terms of forming and sustaining its characteristics.
Concerning the theory of social practice, it is accepted that practices are essential for the social
existence (Schatzki, 1996). They can endure their existence through these practices that are
embedded in their life. During these practices, tacit and unconscious knowledge take place and
experiences are built in shared ways of understanding (Shove, 2004). Reckwitz (2002) defines a
practice as:
a routinized type of behaviour which consists of several elements interconnected to one another:
forms of bodily activities, forms of mental activities ‘things’ and their use, a background knowledge in
the form of understanding know-how, states of emotion and motivational knowledge. (Reckwitz 2002
:49)
Schatzki (1996), on the other hand, makes two definitions on practice by eliciting the structure of it.
First one is that:
A practice is a coordinated entity: 'a temporally unfolding and spatially dispersed nexus of doings and
sayings' (Schatzki, 1996: 89).
Understanding, procedures and engagement generate nexuses that establish the practice.
Understanding covers general procedural understandings and knowledge (Figure 1). This is also
known as “know how or tacit cultural templates for understanding and action” (Schau, et al., 2009:47).
Procedure includes skills, abilities, tacit and embedded knowledge. This is made up of explicit rules,
principles, precepts and instructions (Schau, et al., 2009: 47). Engagement is related to emotional
commitments expressed through actions and representations, such as purposes, beliefs, and
emotions. This includes purposes, which are emotionally charged, in a sense that people are attached
or committed to them (Schau, et al., 2009: 47).
Figure 1: Social theory of practice principles (Warde, 2005)
Secondly, he describes the practice as a performance. In other words, it is acting process of doing
through which a practice-as-entity is maintained, reproduced and potentially changed. He also
emphasizes that existence of a practice relies on the performance by real-life practitioners. So, it
would be a mistake to define practices as just what people do. Similarly, Shove (2004) states that
49
“Doings are performances shaped by and constitutive of the complex relations - of materials,
knowledges, norms, meanings and so on - which comprise the practice-as-entity.”
On the other hand, Warde (2005) points out the different aspect of practice by focusing on the tools
and the resources used in a practice. The practice needs competent practitioners by using necessary
services, possess and command. Moreover, the practitioners have to be capable of manipulating
suitable tools. Practitioners also have to devote themselves up to a convenient degree while
conducting the practice.So, unlike theories of consumption; in the theory of practice, “objects are not
just semiotically communicative, they are also pragmatically useful” (Shove, 2004).
In this study, a specific food case of a practice, tomato bottling, is examined in the light of the
mentioned theories and approaches on social practice.
Tomato Bottling in Aegean Region of Turkey
In Aegean Region, for this study specifically Salihli/Manisa (Figure 2); housewives store summerseason vegetables, particularly tomatoes, in order to use them during winter period. For this type of
storage, there is a specialized way of preparing vegetables and using necessary tools. An
ethnographic research conducted in this region provides detailed information about the whole
process. In this context, 12 housewives living in Salihli were interviewed. Additionally, the whole
process was observed and recorded by visual media.
Figure 2: Location of Salihli/Manisa, Turkey
Inhabitants of this region name the end product as “bottle tomato” and the activity as “tomato bottling”.
Tomato bottling is a collective activity that consists of different types of tasks: preparing tomatoes,
filling and closing bottles and boiling filled bottles. Therefore, this requires division of labor where
approximately 6-8 people work together per one family each from a different family. As a result,
approximately 300 bottles can be ready in a day.
Preparation for tomato bottling is an intensive process and became almost a ritual in this region.
Process starts with keeping used bottles made of glass. These are mineral water, beer and cola
bottles that vary in size. The day before, housewives usually buy tomatoes in boxes from wholesale
market hall and crown corks in packages from grocery stores. Also, they wash and clean empty
collected bottles. The process requires different tools: Food processors and knives to chop, big pots
to contain, funnels to pour into bottles, a special tool to lock in the crown corks. To start, housewives
find and use an appropriate space such as the garden of the apartment or balconies etc. According to
50
division of labor, some of them wash and peel tomatoes while another group chops them via food
processors to make it liquid. Sequentially, some pour this liquid into empty bottles using funnels. The
process goes on closing these filled bottles by using a special tool. This special tool is a mechanical
instrument that is manufactured in local ateliers and sold in groceries. It works manually and enables
to close bottles with crown corks. As shown in Figure 3, it is used by pushing down the arm manually
so that it presses the cork. It is called as “apparatus for closing bottles” or “bottle closer” in this region.
This can be regarded as a tangible indicator for an activity formed by tacit knowledge.
Figure 3: The special tool for closing bottles
Men can also participate in the process where strength is required such as carrying tomatoes, bottles
or tools; and using bottle closer. Furthermore, children can take role in the process such as carrying
small pieces, opening or closing the tap. By helping their mothers, they can learn and engage to the
process. This may enable the activity to disseminate towards next generations.
Once bottles are filled and closed, they are boiled in caldrons. After they become cooler, housewives
store them in their coal stores, balconies or kitchens. In winter time, they mix bottled tomatoes with
other ingredients while cooking. The process is summarized with photographs in Figure 4.
According to the interview, the reasons for tomato bottling are basically to keep tomatoes in good
condition without food additives, to cook their meals tasty and to be economical for their family
budget. Some of the housewives explain these reasons as:
Bottle tomato is more delicious than tomato paste. (Participant B, 67)
Since the tomato paste is produced in bad conditions, we prefer to make ourselves. (Participant C,
40)
There are hormonal tomatoes in winters. So, we choose tomato bottles to get more taste and color in
the meals. (Participant E, 32)
51
1
2
3
4
5
6
8
9
7
Figure 4: Preparation for tomato bottling
Figure 5: Bottle tomato - End product
Housewives prefer to store their bottle tomatoes in their cupboards, in coal stores or in balconies.
They think that bottles are enough to preserve the tomatoes in good condition. Therefore, the places
where they keep their bottles do not pose a problem in terms of hygiene (Figure 6).
52
Figure 6: Storage of bottle tomato
Formation and Evolution
This ritual has been continuing for approximately 20-30 years. There seems to be no clear and exact
information when and how tomato bottling first occurred in this region. However, the oldest memories
come from 1980s and interviewed housewives assert that they learnt it from their mothers, elderly
family members and neighbors. They gained social practice through involving in the process by
helping each other in any parts of the process.
There are three major factors in formation of tomato bottling that are related to geographical, physical
and socio-cultural conditions of the region. The climate of Salihli enables tomato cultivation in a wide
range so that there are three tomato paste factories around Salihli: Tukaş (1962), Tamek (1955) and
Zumdieck (1967). Being accustomed to tomato paste production, people become aware of how to
preserve tomatoes and thus have tendency to do it on their own. Another physical factor that affects
tomato bottling seems to be the soda factory, Bozdağ (1958) (Figure 7). Besides providing access to
tools like unused crown corks, this factory also allows people to observe the technique of bottling.
Hence, the crown cork-closers are manufactured for home use with craft methods, transferred from
the mechanical device used for mass production in the factory.
53
Figure 7: Product examples from Bozdağ factory
Moreover, type of accommodation in the region provides sufficient free space for a collective activity.
For instance, housewives can use gardens or balconies that are large enough (Figure 8).
Apart from geographical and physical conditions, socio-cultural situation of the community has an
important effect on the formation of this social practice. Generally women do not work in paid jobs.
Thus, housewives form the majority of women population. So, they dominate domestic works such as
baby care, cleaning, kitchen budget cooking etc. Considering cooking activity, housewives are the
ones who find out and shape ways of home-made food preparation and storage.
Figure 8: Free spaces between apartments in Salihli
Tomato bottling, thus became a widespread activity in this region by the help of the climate that allows
tomato cultivation, factories that introduce the bottling process and provide necessary information and
housewives that actualize and dominate the whole process.
As inferred from the interview, the activity has been evolving according to the experiences. They can
leave or add tools or sub-activities to ease the preparation process.Concerning the tools or materials
used in this process, the variety of the bottles has been reduced. According to one of the
interviewees, bottles were precious since they could hardly find empty bottles in 1990s. Now, people
54
can change their bottles according to the shapes of the bottles. In other words, they make a set of
bottle tomatoes by using similar ones. So, their concerns related to the visual unity become more
apparent.
Another difficulty in the beginning of the process was to find bottle closer commonly. Therefore, they
had to borrow this apparatus from neighbors, relatives and close friends. Today, it can be found even
small grocery stores as quite cheap.
Another important change that interviewees emphasize is the engagement of food processors into the
tomato bottling process. In the beginning, they were chopping tomatoes with knives, which was a
rather tiring and time consuming process. Then, they began to use graters. However, graters made
their tomatoes watery which they were not satisfied with the consistence of the food. By the help of
food processors, they started it to chop the tomatoes more easily. Moreover, they can adjust the
consistence of the tomatoes by experiencing different chopping levels on food processors.
Household appliances they started to use within 20 years period also changed the process of tomato
bottling. Some of housewives began to use their dishwashing machine to boil the bottles instead of
using caldrons. One of the interviewees explains the use dishwashing machine as following:
We adjust the degree of water to the boiling point in the dishwashing machine. Then, we place the
filled bottles into the machine and run it without adding detergent. (Participant A, 44)
As inferred from the information that interviewees provide, in the process of time, there has been
changes in the tomato bottling activity. Some of the housewives explain the results of these changes
as:
As time goes by, the way of making bottle tomato becomes easier due to the new opportunities. It is
now enough to peel the tomato and then use food processors. We were changing our methods by
hearing from our neighbors and by experiencing new things. So, the duration became shorter. In the
past, it lasted a whole day. Now it is fairly shorter. (Participant D, 32)
Dissemination
Tomato bottling is an interactive activity which people transfer their experiences and knowledge to
one another. According to observations and interviews, people in this region learn and teach how to
make bottle tomato. However, it is seen that it is conducted rather in a restricted area, Salihli and its
closest neighborhoods. Concerning this, interviewees think that:
It is very common in this region, Salihli. Even though Izmir1 is very close, they do not know bottle
tomato. (Participant A, 44)
It is very common in close neighborhoods. Our relatives in Izmir would like to do it. However, they did
not find the bottle closer. (Participant B, 67).
The physical location is convenient for this activity. We have free spaces. But it seems impossible in a
big city (Participant F, 42).
I do not think that metropolitan people can do it. They claim that they do not have free spaces. But I
think it is because of their laziness. They are accustomed to the convenience food. (Participant G,
29).
So, the reasons why this practice is restricted in this region can be categorized into two groups:
physical and habitual. People in near neighborhood cannot manage to conduct tomato bottling since
1
The third biggest city in Turkey
55
they do not have sufficient free space in their environment. Moreover, they cannot find bottle closer
even if they want to make bottle tomato. The other reason that one interviewee emphasizes is related
to habitual factors. Interviewee asserts that people living in big cities do not prefer this activity even if
they have convenient space and necessary tools.
All participants that were interviewed declared that they would continue this ritual in following years.
Some of them explained that it was a part of their life and tradition.
Conclusion and Discussion
When the outcomes of observations and interviews are evaluated, there are some points in tomato
bottling activity that corresponds to the theory of practice. They function as the components of the
nexus that Schatzki (1996) proposes. Figure 9 represents these components and their plexal
relationship.
Figure 9: A model for the components of the nexus
According to this inference, the nexus of the practice – tomato bottling – consists of five components;
practitioners, tools, materials, environmental factors and intrinsic motivation; and their
interrelationship. Each of these components has connection with each other that generates the
structure of the nexus.
Even if it is seen that practitioners dominate the whole process, in this system every component has
the equal weight. In other words, if one of these components or its connection is missing, the nexus
and then the practice would fail. For instance, if tools are missing in the nexus, practitioners cannot
manage to conduct the practice. Similarly, if they do not have intrinsic motivation on the specific
practice, the practice cannot maintain. Concerning tomato bottling; if practitioners who have intrinsic
motivation and competency do not find unused crown corks, they are not able to make bottle
tomatoes. This proposition is closer to Latourian concept.
In this case, the components can be explained as in the context of tomato bottling and thus practice
theory in the following:
56
Components
Tomato Bottling
Social Practice Theory
Practitioners
Competent housewives
Practitioners who have suitable
competencies for a certain
practice
Tools
Bottle closer, food processor,
caldrons, bowls, knives
Necessary and suitable tools for
the practice
Materials
Empty bottles,
corks, tomatoes
Necessary and suitable materials
for the practice
Environmental factors
Free space or big balconies,
convenient climate to grow tomato
Convenient environmental factors
Intrinsic motivation
The
motivation
that
the
housewives have as part of their
life
The
motivation
that
the
practitioners hold and that makes
the practice happen
unused
crown
Table 1: Components of Tomato Bottling and Practice Theory
Practitioners: Housewives who make tomato bottling are considered as practitioners. They have the
skills and knowledge required to be a practitioner..
Tools: Bottle closer, food processor, caldrons, bowls and knives are the essential tools for this
practice. Availability and accessibility of the tools affect its formation and dissemination.
Materials: Tomatoes, bottles and the unused crown corks are the main necessary materials. Materials
are the things that are consumed during the process, whereas tools can be used in several tomato
bottling processes. They become a part of the end product, bottle tomato.
Environmental factors: Free space or big balconies and convenient climate to grow tomato enable
tomato bottling to be conducted.
Intrinsic motivation: The already existing custom of homemade food preservation in this region
constitutes the intrinsic motivation for tomato bottling. In the region, people are accustomed to storing
food for winter period. For example, they prepare canned foods and pickles beside bottle tomatoes.
That is, they hold intrinsic motivation for home-made food preservation; in this specific case, tomato
bottling.
Briefly, all components include specific tasks and have relationships with each other. None of them is
more important than any of the components. Moreover, none of them covers any of the components.
For instance, environmental factors do not act as the provider of the other components. They all have
equal role relatively to each other. As well as the components, the connections among them are
significant for the formation and dissemination of the practice.
The dissemination of the practice is highly related to the connections among nexuses. If one
component is missing, the existence and the dissemination of the practice seem to be unlikely (Figure
10).
57
Figure 10: Relationship between nexuses
In the Sea Islands of Georgia and South Carolina, Gullah communities are able to pass on their
traditions, memories and specific skills via food preparation practices (Beoku-Betts, 1995). Likewise, a
similar approach can be applied to tomato bottling activity.
Implications on Design and Further Studies
The implications of this study on design can be traced on the meaning of food packaging. It is crucial
especially for beverage companies to constitute and sustain identity with their packaging design.
Since their products are in the form of liquid, the packaging design becomes more critical.
Figure 11: Historical Evolution of Coca-Cola Bottle (image from carrkamasa.co.uk)
58
Figure 12: Efes Pilsen Campaign (image from mediacatonline.com)
For instance, as Coca-Cola is celebrating its 125th year, its current campaign focuses on the
historical transition of the bottle (Figure 11). While Earl R. Dean was designing bottle in 1915, he
considered how anyone can touch and feel the form of the bottle even in the dark. In 1957, Raymond
Loewy redesigns the bottle by being loyal to the previous one. Since then, it has become an icon for
streamlining, Americanism, fast-food, consumption etc. Again in another current advertisement, it
declares that if Coca-Cola was not a beverage company; it would bring people together, would
transport fun to people, would be mediator for good feelings or would extinguish the fires. Similarly,
Efes Pilsen, a national beer company, runs a campaign focusing on its design of bottle especially its
silhouette (Figure 12). It is said that “the bottle that everybody knows well”. However, what it contains
is changeable from person to person; or from culture to culture.
As inferred from the outcomes, the local community in Aegean Region of Turkey perceives these
bottles differently. They use it as a tool for storing tomatoes; which is shaped under a particular
context. For instance, the housewives may prefer Efes Pilsen bottle due to its volume. In other words,
they are not interested in what it means before. Therefore, there is a shift in the meaning regarding
the context. Briefly, although the beverage companies try to become prominent with their packaging
design, for bottle tomato practitioners they are qualified in terms of its function; volume.
Further studies can be done regarding tomato bottling in terms of sustainability and social innovation
where different perspectives can be revealed.
59
References
Beoku-Betts, Josephine A. (1995). We Got Our Way of Cooking Things. Women, Food, and
Preservation of Cultural Identity Among the Gullah. Gender & Society 9(5): 535–55.
Bourdieu, P. (1990). The Logic of Practice. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Bugge, A. B. (2003). Cooking-as identity work. Paper presented at the 6th Conference of the
European Sociological Association, Murcia, Spain, 23–26 September.
De Vault, M. L. (1991). Feeding the family: The social organisation of caring as gendered work.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Fischler, C. (1980). Food Habits, Social Change and the Nature/Culture Dilemma. Social Science
Information 19(6): 937–53
Lupton, D. (1994). Food, memory and meaning: the symbolic and social nature of food events.
Sociological Review, 42, 664–685.
Moisio, R., Arnould, E. J., & Price, L. L. (2004). Between mothers and markets: Constructing family
identity through homemade food. Journal of Consumer Culture, 4(3), 361–384.
Reckwitz, A. (2002). Toward a theory of social practices: A development in culturalist theorizing.
European Journal of Social Theory, 5(2), 243-263.
Schatzki, T. R. (1996). Social Practices: A Wittgensteinian Approach to Human Activity and the
Social. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press
Schau, H., Muniz, A., & Arnould, E. (2009). How brand practices create value. Journal of Marketing,
73, 30-51.
Shove, E., Watson, M., Ingram, J. & Hand, M., (2007). The Design of Everyday Life. London: Berg.
Warde, A. (1997). Consumption, Food & Taste. Culinary Antinomies and Commodity Culture. London:
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Özge Merzali Çelikoğlu, Dr. Şebnem Timur Öğüt and Dr. Çiğdem Kaya for their
invaluable contributions to this paper. I am also grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their critique.
Thanks to all the participants involving in the interviews.
60
Unpacking the Pastoral Food
Package: Myth Making in Graphic
Design
Anna Kealey,
Design Criticism, School of Visual Arts
Abstract
We are living in a time when food is being rethought and common industrial food practices are under
scrutiny. The high number of serious recent health scares indicates that current food production
practices are unstable and unsafe. This has resulted in an increased number of consumers who are
willing to pay a premium for healthier and fresher food, often opting for organic products.
This expanding market has intensified food companies’ focus on visuals and verbiage that equates
their products to fresh, healthy, unprocessed foods. This has creating a new expectation for all
designers working with food clients to prioritize maintaining myths food production and the healthy
attributes of processed foods.
There has been a reemergence of exaggerated agrarian imagery that evoke notions of pre-industrial
America, even as production becomes more removed from traditional modes. Nature - often seen as
the essence of beauty and having served as inspiration to artists throughout history - serves to satisfy
both the aesthetic ambitions and commercial duties of the designer. Seemingly innocent design
decisions – such as natural colours and pastoral scenes - have created a landscape of fictitious
imagery that is completely disconnected from the realities of food production. Wheat sheaf by wheat
sheaf, sunrise by sunrise, the grocery store shelves have been redesigned to look closer to nature
than they really are.
It is ironic that the very food companies that fetishize the natural landscape on their packaging are the
same companies that simultaneously do such damage to the environment. Design and branding are
integral parts of the story of how companies obfuscate their practices and make packaged food
appear healthier and more sustainable than it really is. Food brand strategist Tess Wicksteed believes
“the role of food packaging is to make the food look real and fresh.” (T. Wicksteed, personal
communication, November 9, 2011). But the essential dilemma is that a food product even having a
package in the first instance is at odds with the idea of freshness.
Designer’s work for food companies has directly contributed to the obesity crisis through confusing
consumers with mystifying “healthy-looking” visuals. If a consumers see images of fruit on a juice
carton that contains little or no fruit, do most have the ability to discern fact from fiction? This would
ultimately depend on your visual awareness and education background, but considering that there are
direct links between low education levels and obesity, there is a duty to protect the more vulnerable in
society.
61
Most recent scholarship on sustainable design focus purely on materials and waste, and not the moral
implications of fictitious imagery. But visuals do have environmental implications; they can distract
people from the damage done to our environment by food companies and have contributed to the
development of a uniformed and unhealthy general public. This paper aims to extend the
conversation to include the most common aesthetic decisions designers make. It will deal with the
responsibilities, but also the limitations, of design and speculate on possible new roles for designers.
The conference proceeding will be produced as an electronic publication. Abstracts will be included in
the conference’s program. In the program one page is allocated for each paper submission. Each
page will include the following information: (i) Paper title; (ii) Author name(s); (iii) Author’s affiliation;
(iv) Abstract; (v) Keywords.
Keywords : packaging, sustainability, Heinz, Green Giant, Kellogg’s, honesty, myths,
designer’s responsibility
Introduction
One enters the ultimate consumer paradise–the modern American supermarket–through a veritable
garden of fresh fruit and vegetables. Logistically, it would make more sense for consumers to pick up
the vegetables last so they would be on the top of the shopping bag, but consumer enticement has
dictated this layout in almost every supermarket. Plus, the cornucopia of fresh food gives shoppers a
pleasant feeling of perceived healthiness as they add these first items to their baskets.
The cereal aisle encircles consumers in the verdant fields of the Cascadian Farm logo, the decadent
bowls of fruit on the Kellogg’s Special K boxes and the wheat sheaf motifs on Cheerios. The
farmhouses and picket fences illustrated on their cardboard coverings evoked a bucolic existence.
The supermarket lights added a shine to everything, like the sun that featured so prominently on
almost all the cereal packages.
Further into the supermarket, the boxed and bagged items become increasingly disconnected from
the hills of fresh food at the entrance– but the images of nature grow more insistent. The shopping
experience becomes increasingly emotional; conflicted between health concerns and the desire for
the speed and comfort that ready meals provide. Food packaging help alleviate some of this tension,
equating the product with the fresh produce through images of nature on package, making them feel
less distant from each other.
An unsettling sensation came over me when I was reminded me of a conversation with food brand
strategist Tess Wicksteed who believes “the role of food packaging is to make the food look real and
fresh.” (T. Wicksteed, personal communication, November 9, 2011). But the essential dilemma is that
a food product even having a package in the first instance is at odds with the idea of freshness.
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Slowly, I began to suspect that I was surrounded by murky cardboard illusions that were spinning a
pastoral fantasy.
Wheat sheaf by wheat sheaf, sunrise by sunrise, the grocery store shelves have been redesigned to
look more close to nature than they really are.
***
The food industry is a $32 billion marketing machine and spends $11 billion per year in the United
States alone (Singer and Mason, 2006), making it a huge part of the American visual environment.
Design director for Kellogg’s and Pringles, Matt Wickhert once joked that his role as a packaging
designer meant he “decorates the landfills.” (M. Wickhert, personal communication, November 22,
2011). Packaging is hugely wasteful, and it can be an expensive endeavor for food companies but
clearly they are willing to invest heavily in it because the myths created are essential to their success.
Large food companies have been successful at changing the layout of supermarkets so that
packaged and processed foods are placed next to fresh produce. These companies, including Kraft
Foods, put pressure on supermarket chains like Kroger when studies revealed that processed food
gained from the “halo of health” of being associated with the fresh produce near it (Naussauer, 2011).
Packaging design and branding are also integral parts of the story of how companies obfuscate their
practices and create myths about food production.
The imagery used to sell food–pastoral scenes filled with sunshine, green grass, red barns and picket
fences evoke notions of agrarian America. These subtle and seemingly innocent design decisions
have created a landscape of fictitious imagery that is completely disconnected from the realities of
industrial food production. And as the food industry moves further away from traditional modes of
agriculture, these images of pre-industrial, agrarian America are becoming increasingly exaggerated.
Currently, organic is not a health claim–the law severs an explicit link–but rather a system of
production that uses no pesticides to grow crops and feeds only organic feed to animals (Fromartz,
2006). For a company to receive the official USDA Organic certification, it must abide by strict legal
regulations. Many designers spoke about “organicness” a meaningless term of their own invention,
but this paper use the term organic only in its legal meaning. The term “natural” is more vague; the
U.S. Food and Drug Administration regulations stipulate that a “natural” product must be derived from
a natural source, though it can still be highly processed (“Code of Federal Regulations”, 2011).
Adjectives such as “real”, “fresh” and “homemade” have no legal definition.
Food critic Michael Pollan divides organic food into two main sectors “industrial organic” (or “big
organic”) and “traditional organic.” Traditional organic primarily involves direct selling from the farmers
in food co-ops and farmer’s markets. Industrial organic companies are larger and use some industrial
methods.
Since imagery on packaging is a representation of the food inside, all packaging design can be
classified as simulacra. Jean Baudrillard breaks simulacra’s sign-order into four stages. Most
“industrial organic” packaging operates in the second stage–“it masks and perverts a profound reality”
(Baudrillard, 1983). by exaggerating the pastoral. In industrial organic farming, animals are granted
“access to pasture” but spend a large amount of their time in large sheds. Mainstream food
packaging, operates in the third realm–“it masks the absence of a profound reality”. Mass
industrialization is so far removed from the pastoral that it conceals the dearth of traditional agriculture
altogether. But packaging design distorts this absence and sells organic and mass-market products
as if they are one to one.
63
Baudrillard predicted, “When the real is no longer what it was, nostalgia assumes its full meaning”
(Baudrillard, 1983). The supermarket is a visual environment racked with nostalgic clichés and
airbrushed memories. The stresses of modern life means nostalgia has a powerful allure, so
marketers mine the warm association of the past, and reproduce the results to sell us food. A ribbon
adorning the food company’s name floats gently in the breeze, flanked by an illustrated wheat sheaf.
Many semioticians, including Mieke Bal, argue that signs are socially active forces. Bal talks of the
“second message taken in subliminally” (Bal, 1994). and asserts that awareness of the influence of
these signs is a type of manipulation resistance. This essay aims to act as a form of consumer
protection by making people more aware of these signs and their intended meanings.
Designers should have an awareness of the myths created about food production and the consumer
beliefs and behaviors that result. An awareness of common food production practices is essential
because it makes the designer less susceptible to deception by corporate spin and encourages them
to ask the right questions.
Chapter 1. Changing Environments
Industrialization of the food chain over the past 50 years has radically altered how food production is
controlled. Unlike in nature, efficiency and speed is key to industry. Although the visuals on milk
cartons may lead you to believe otherwise, factory farms prevail; nationally, only 5 to 15 percent of
dairy farms graze their animals (Singer and Mason, 2006). Ironically, food companies are damaging
the agricultural landscape they idolizes on their packaging through drifting pesticides causing serious
groundwater contamination and atmospheric pollution.
There are 45,000 items on the average American supermarket shelf today–an increase from 7,800 in
1970 (“Supermarket Facts”, 2011). This variety obscures the fact that the actual number of species in
the modern diet is shrinking. More than a quarter of these items contain corn and seventy-five percent
of all vegetable oil comes from soy (Pollan, 2008).
Highly processed foods are the most profitable and therefore the most heavily marketed. With the
intent of driving consumer desire and increasing sales, food technologists process food to make it
particularly hedonic using fat, sugar and salt to stimulate basic cells of the brain. The fiber and gristle
is removed along with its capacity to satisfy quickly (Kessler, 2010). Poor quality produce, coupled
with intense processing methods creates food with high calories but very few nutrients and has
produced a generation that is overfed yet undernourished. Today, two thirds of Americans are overweight and a quarter have metabolic syndrome (Pollan, 2008).
At the same time as the industry is making this unhealthy processed food available, it is also
responding to consumers’ concerns about health. This paradox is reflected in food companies
supplementing their products with often-dubious health claims. One industry expert, who refused to
be named, admits that these claims are often “an exercise in creative writing” (Kessler, 2010). Terms
like “homemade” and “fresh” that increasingly adorn our food packages are losing their original
dictionary definition, becoming simply marketing jargon. Extreme processing methods have damaged
our notions of freshness. Modern shipping containers allow companies to send frozen salmon to
China, where it can be cheaply thawed, filleted and refrozen, before traveling back to the United
States where it is sold in supermarkets as “fresh” fish (Murray, 2007).
The high number of serious recent health scares (Fromartz, 2006; Pollack, 2000; Pollan, 2008)
indicates that current food production practices are unstable and unsafe. The rapid growth of organic
food’s popularity closely mirrors consumers’ rising worries about the conventional food supply; every
food scare is followed by a spike in organic sales (Pollan, 2001). In 1989 CBS 60 Minutes aired a
report on Alar, a pesticide that the government kept on the market even though it was a probable
human carcinogen. The show caused what Newsweek called a “panic for organic”. There were
64
shortages of organic food, leading to fraudulent items, which caused congress to pass the Organic
Food Production Act in 1990 (Fromartz, 2006).
These organic regulations are largely at odds with how most mainstream agribusinesses operate so
their packaging design compensate with visuals that simply imply organic methods of production. This
has created a new expectation for all designers and marketers working with food clients. Food brand
strategist for Pearl Fisher, Tess Wicksteed, explains, “organic food was able to command this
incredible price point, and all the mass market brands got very jealous. … So, how can we pretend to
be organic or take some of the organic cues?” (T. Wicksteed, personal communication, November 9,
2011).
Chapter 2. Written on the Carton: A Visual Analysis
Packaging design adds a level of emotional resonance, connecting consumers to a natural
environment and tradition far removed from the reality of a boxed, processed package. Images of
nature are often used persuade the consumer of healthy eating credentials. Fast food chain
McDonald’s heavily markets its salads and fruit worldwide (figure 4 and 5), but whether they are
selling or not is apparently irrelevant: “Who cares? You’re going to build your image,” one industry
executive commented (Kessler, 2010).
Many designers reiterated the age-old idea that photography strongly relates to truth and honesty.
Jessica Ely, Business Development Manager at the design firms Pearl Fisher, discussed how for the
Heinz baby food redesign (figure 50), the designers combined photography with illustration because
“often mothers need to be reassured that it’s real food” (J. Ely, personal communication, November 9,
2011). Illustration also plays an important role in packaging and logo design because the places
pictured rarely exist to be photographed. Instead, designers opt for faux woodcarving (figure 16 and
17), etchings or letterpress styles, adding a double layer of nostalgia.
The color of the “green movement” isn’t simply green: there has been a general trend towards using
any other color commonly found in nature. White has become a symbol of sterile unnaturalness and
companies are opting for colors that symbolize concepts of sustainability. Seventh Generation, a
brand of eco household projects, actually adds brown pigmentation to its recycled fibers to make its
diapers (figure 21) “appear eco” despite that additional process being worse for the environment.
Louis Chapdelaine, product director of fibers at Seventh Generation Inc., said that consumers need
an “eco signifier” to differentiate the product (Naussauer, 2012).
Fast food chains have converted to brown napkins (figure 22). Many companies are surprisingly
candid about why they changed from white to brown: the color has been shown to “make people feel
like they were doing something good for the environment” (Naussauer, 2012). Jan Burger King also
moved to brown paper bags. Instead of their previous emphasis on the BK logo (figure 23), the
packaging (figure 24) features quirky illustrations highlighting the tomatoes, lettuce and pickles, while
more unhealthy ingredients such as the bread and the beef blend into the brown background. Design
director at Sterling Brands, Debbie Millman, who worked on Burger King’s previous identity
commented, “This looks more suitable to a local fast food chain. But I guess that’s what they’re going
for” (Naussauer, 2012). These changes can certainly be seen as a form of Greenwashing. The
term applies when companies spend more money asserting their green credentials than they do
changing their practices. Since Greenwashing often involves overhauling the look of a company,
design and branding often plays a key role.
On dairy packaging, it’s common to see cows enjoying acres of rolling green pasture, often with their
calves nearby. In reality, cows rarely get to graze in the grassy meadows; even organic cows only
have “access to pasture,” and mother and calf are quickly separated (Singer and Mason, 2006).
65
There is a striking resemblance between the aesthetics of organic and non-organic milk cartons, such
as the Tuscan milk logo (figure 25) and the Horizon Organic logo (figure 26). Often, cheaper brands
simply emulate larger brand’s aesthetics, thus perpetuating imagery chosen by larger companies.
An important part of every pastoral scene is sunshine. The sun also has associations with the
outdoors, health and fun and, because of its links to childhood it is often used on food packages
targeted at children. Sunny Delight (figure 29) is a fruit juice marketed to children as a healthy
alternative to soft drinks, despite having similar levels of sugar. The logo (figure 30) has gone through
a huge number of redesigns but always maintains the image of the sun, which often doubles as an
orange. Fruit is featured prominently on the label, half an orange, a lime and grapefruit wedge,
despite the fact that 97% (Delett, 2011) of the ingredients are water and high fructose corn syrup. The
product also includes vegetable oil and thickeners to give the gloopy texture and “mouthfeel” that
children enjoy (Teather, 2004).
Naturally, most consumers assume that sun is an essential part of growing fruit and vegetables, but
most produce is harvested prematurely, then shipped to the United States and ripened with ethylene
gas for speed. Companies are mass-producing our food as if they were artificial objects. Jean
Baudrillard’s idea that “a commodity’s ability to imitate reality” threatens now what Michael Pollan calls
“a notional tomato”; ripened with ethylene gas and with far less flavor, nutritional value and 30 times
more sodium than those grown 30 years ago (Estabrook, 2011).
There are regulations regarding the naming of fruit juice products, but not the visuals used on the
carton. In the United States, “fruit juice” can only legally be used to describe a product that is 100%
fruit juice (“Examples of Misleading Packaging”, 2012). However, since consumers read visual cues
before words, abundance of fruit on the carton can distract the consumer from the lack of actual fruit
in the product.
Although images of fruit are becoming increasingly important in packaging design, they’re
disappearing from the products themselves. Kellogg’s Frosted Mini Wheats (figure 31) come in a
blueberry variety, with fresh blueberries prominently featured on package. The side panel of the box
features pictures of blueberries followed by “The Whole Truth”. Public awareness of the benefits of
whole food is growing so using the word “whole” is misleading as it has strong connotations with
food’s unprocessed nature. There are no blueberries in the product, instead it includes “blueberry
crunchlets” made from sugars, soybean oil, red #40 and blue #2. Special K Blueberry Fruit Crisps
have a similar packaging design (figure 32). Kellogg’s claim the bars are “filled with blueberries and
drizzled with vanilla icing” but they contain only a small amount of blueberry puree concentrate mixed
liberally with sugar.
Studies by Perception Research Services (figure 34), which compiles research for companies such as
Campbell’s Soup, Johnson and Johnson and Target, has shown that people do not respond
emotionally to cutlery or crockery. Therefore, these elements have been removed from a number of
food packages, taking the food further out of its domestic context. The social value of sharing food
gets lost; where food was once about family and socializing, it is now about the individual. Yet, this
imagery of the natural environment gives us the illusion of being connected to the earth as food is
severed from its association as a connector of people.
During the 1950s, even the Green Giant icon could be seen sitting at the dinner table (figure 37) with
a napkin around his neck, making his proclamation that he hasn’t “Sat Down Since 1925” now a false
claim (figure 38). Green Giant’s advertising from the 1950s emphasized the social quality of food and
family (figure 39). Now, contemporary advertisements and the company website (figure 41)
emphasize food production.
The Green Giant logo (figure 19, 20 and 21) has gone through a number of redesigns in the past, but
in 2009 its logo (figure 22) was updated radically to include the green giant standing in green rolling
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hills. The giant stands like a proud owner of all he surveys–smooth grasses, abstract bushes: a
landscape void of signs of any actual agricultural produce. The exaggerated green color adds to the
abstract quality of the scene. This logo reflects anthropologist Barbara Bender’s ideas from her essay
“Landscape and Politics”, where she argues that Westerners think of landscapes in terms of views:
“something seen, usually at a distance.” Bender calls for Westerners to have a more holistic
understanding of landscape and see it as something that we engage with and rely on. The landscape
in the Green Giant logo is there purely for its aesthetic value not for the food it produces; the land,
which was once seen as the ground of life is now a commodity turned into an aesthetic abstraction.
In the United States, there is an increased public awareness about the dangers of HFCS, which are
the third and fourth highest ingredients in Heinz tomato ketchup. Considering this, it’s no surprise that
Heinz recently introduced “Reduced sugar’”, “No Salt Added” and “organic” versions that uses cane
sugar instead of HFCS to the US market. Mothers in the United Kingdom also had concerns about the
unhealthy nature of ketchup; “the whole reason we had to do a redesign was that mothers started to
move away from the product,” said designer Ray Armes, who undertook the Heinz ketchup redesign
at the London branding firm Vibrant. Armes did not approve of the new reduced sugar and salt
products, saying they reflected poorly on the original ketchup. Instead, Armes spearheaded the new
brand strategy for Heinz to “eliminate their perception of too much sugar and salt”.
In 2008, Vibrant began an in-depth research project and discovered that Heinz grow its own tomato
seeds, which was the “amazing story” that inspired the new slogan “Grown Not Made”. The label
design (figure 51) introduced the image of a tomato on the vine and the word “Tomato” was enlarged
for emphasis. The thin green line was changed to a more natural looking green; “we’re great believers
in semiotics. If you’ve got an artificial green, the consumer’s mind will tell them it’s an artificial product”
(R. Armes, personal communication, 22 January, 2012). The redesign attracted attention from the
Heinz USA branch, which adopted the same label design. It was Heinz ketchup’s first significant
packaging redesign in 65 years. When I asked if the company had been concerned about any
backlash, Armes replied, “That was the clever twist. We didn’t say natural. We said grown not made,
and we could prove that through some marketing copy on the back … it’s about perceptions without
being deceitful.” (R. Armes, personal communication, 22 January, 2012).
Organic brands and companies that do use primarily natural ingredients are, understandably, more
overt with their use of pastoral imagery. But many mainstream food companies use pastoral and
natural cues, but in more subtle ways, understanding that using this kind of imagery explicitly could
seem disingenuous. These symbols operate in abstraction and add a new meaning to the idea that
“signs allow us to communicate what is absent” (Bal, 1994). One such company is Tyson Foods.
Tysons have avoided using imagery of chickens grazing; probably knowing that as one of the world’s
most notorious factory farms, they could never get away with it. At first glance, Tyson’s branding
seems quite neutral and honest. However, the company uses very subtle cues. In product photos
(figure 54) the chicken is repeatedly wrapped in lettuce representing healthiness and nutrition but also
standing for the grassy field that the chicken never grazed on.
Another reoccurring motif is the use of the typographic mountain, whereby the letterforms are
arranged to suggest a mountain or hill. These undulating shapes–much like the Coke ribbon–the
Hidden Valley (figure 56) or Dairy Milk logo (figure 57) - represent naturalness, but also solidity. The
redesigned Minute Maid logo (figure 58) by Joe Duffy introduces a curved shape to the logo with a
thin green line suggesting the mountain. Often these shapes have a duality, such as the plate
operating as a mountain in the Huhnerfrikassee package (figure 59).
Naming conventions like “Farm”, “Market,” and “Valley” are becoming increasingly common, as many
products have reintroduced the terms. British food chain, Marks and Spencer invented a geographical
area with their “Lochmuir” salmon (figure 62); a locale that simply “sounds like it had the most Scottish
resonance” (Twilley, 2011). Food critic Nicola Twilley believes that this example takes the “abstract,
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yet powerful, geography of food labeling to its logical, imaginary conclusion” (Twilley, 2011). The role
of geography in food description was originally intended to reconnect consumers to the producers of
their food but this misleading use of geographical terms may end up further disguising the industrial
chain.
Chapter 3. Design and Denial: The Designer’s Role
Most scholarship sustainable design practices focus purely on materials and waste. The responsibility
of designers’ to use accurate representations in imagery is rarely discussed. But visuals do have
environmental implications: they can distract people from the damage done to our environment by
these food companies and have contributed to the development of a uniformed and passive general
public. This paper aims to extend the conversation about sustainable and ethical design to include the
most common aesthetic decisions designers make.
Considering the widely accepted archetype of designers as left-leaning and hip characters, the lack of
conflict they bear about their prominent role in the myth making for large food corporations was
puzzling. However, typically designers work on food packaging earlier in their career (R. Sheer,
personal communication, January 6, 2012) and don’t have the power or confidence at this early stage
in their career to reject work or challenge clients.
A designer’s priority is to make something beautiful, striking and clever, or a combination of all three.
Nature, then–often seen as the essence of beauty and having served as inspiration to artists
throughout history–serves to satisfy both the ambitions and commercial duties of the designer. The
designer and the client each have a vested interested in the product’s success. The allure of natural
and pastoral imagery aligns the company and designer’s priorities and so the judicious use of such
visual themes serve to help everyone achieve their goals.
In psychology, cognitive dissonance is one way to explain situations wherein individuals work against
their true understanding of what is good for themselves or society. People feel a discomfort when
holding conflicting ideas, beliefs and values simultaneously. This discomfort causes the designer to
reduce dissonance by altering existing cognitions or adding new ones to create consistency (e.g. “If I
don’t design it, someone else will.”) When Matt Wickhert joked that his role as a packaging designer
meant he “decorates landfills” his dark humor illustrated a subtle awareness of this cognitive
dissonance.
Conclusion
Designers working for food companies have the added dilemma that their work may directly contribute
to the obesity crisis by misleading consumers through mystifying “healthy-looking” visuals. A recent
study from the University of Copenhagen found that food labels showing plenty of fruit in their
products are often “deceptive”, “out of touch with reality” and “lure consumers into believing that
unhealthful products are actually nutritious” (“Danish exposé finds fruit”, 2011). A consumer’s ability to
separate symbolism from reality would ultimately depend on their visual awareness and education.
But considering that there are direct correlations between low income and education levels and
obesity, there is a duty to protect the more vulnerable in society.
In The Culture Industry, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer argue that the general public “insist on
the very ideology that enslaves them,” (Adorno and Horkeimer, 2001) which reaffirms the notion that
many consumers are actually complicit in the pastoral myth. The proliferation of fast food and
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microwaves meals has produced a culture of laziness with regard to food and cooking and thinking in
that manner. Since there are few alternatives, and those that do exist can be expensive and timeconsuming, many consumers have come to rely on this false imagery for reassurance instead of
making the more difficult effort to change their eating habits. In a sense, designers are doing people
the service of assuaging their guilt. But the pastoral myth that has been created is both deceptively
comforting and an insidious danger, as the general public becomes increasingly reliant on it.
Terms like “homemade” and “fresh” are in serious danger of becoming empty marketing jargon with
no relation to their original meanings. These concepts have already begun to enter the realm of
Baudrillard’s “hyperreal,” where such words have “no relation to any reality whatsoever” (Baudrillard,
1983). It is reasonable to imagine that future generations may forget the traditional farming scenes
depicted on food packaging were, not that long ago, a true reflection of how all food was produced.
The transition to sustainability and health is not about messages but about activity. Most professional
designers are in the representation business, but there are still some alternatives that fall within the
scope of design. Designers are in a position to suggest new company behavior. Consumers are
become increasingly savvy, and the Internet makes a company’s conduct more accessible. This
makes it easier for designers to argue for actual change, as opposed to using simple marketing
jargon. QR codes, abbreviated from Quick Response codes, are a matrix barcode that can be used to
link to information through the use of a smart phone. These are a potential new option for
transparency and have started to show up on menus in a variety of restaurant establishments.
Peter Cheeke, a professor of animal science, does not approve of the “discouraging ways the food
industry try to keep Americans in the dark as the less they know the better” (Singer and Mason
2006). Designers have played a key role in this by perpetuating consumer confusion through
mystifying visuals. We must not ignore that designers are complicit in this deception, and the damage
stemming from it. They have played, and continue to play, a major role in the spinning of this pastoral
fantasy.
References
Adorno, T. & Horkeimer, M., (2001) “The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception”, The
Culture Industry: selected essays on mass culture, London: Routledge.
Bal, Mieke. On Meaning Making: Essays in Semiotics. Oregon: Polebridge Press, 1994
Baudrillard, J. (1983). Simulacra and simulation. (p. 4). Ann Arbour: The University of Michigan Press.
Bender, Barbara. Landscape: Politics and Perspectives (Explorations in Anthropology). Berg
Publishers, 1993.
Delett, C, “Worst food of the week: Sunny D”, CTF, August 9, 2011, Retrieved 9 November 2011,
from http://www.consumethisfirst.com/2010/08/19/worst-food-of-the-week-sunny-d
Estabrook, B. (2011) Tomatoland: How modern industrial agriculture destroyed our most alluring fruit,
(p. x) New Jersey: Andrews McMeel Publishing.
Fromartz, Samuel. Organic Inc.: Natural Foods and How They Grew. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2006.
Kessler, D. (2010). The End of Overeating: Taking control of the insatiable American appetite. (p.
130) New York: Rodale Books.
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Naussauer, S. (2011 October 20). A Food Fight in the Produce Aisle. Wall Street Journal.
Naussauer, S. (2012, Jan 25). Trying On Shades of Brown to Scream Green, Wall Street Journal.
Pollack, Andrew, Kraft Recalls Taco Shells With Bioengineered Corn, New York Times, September
23, 2000.
Pollan, Micheal, In Defense of Food: An Eater’s Manifesto, (New York: Penguin Press HC, 2008), 10
Singer, P. & Mason J. (2006). How We Eat: Why our Food Choices Matter, (p. 4) New York: Rodale
Books.
Teather, D. (2004, April 2) P&G offloads controversial Sunny Delight”, The Guardian.
Twilley, N. (2011, November 23). The Atlas of Aspirational Origins, Edible Geography, Retrieved 9
December, 2011, from http://www.ediblegeography.com/the-atlas-of-aspirational-origins
“Code of Federal Regulations Title 21”, (2011, April 1) U.S. Food and Drug Administration, Volume 2
“Danish exposé finds fruit on food labels is deceptive”, (2011, September 9) Food Chemical News.
“Examples of Misleading Packaging” (2012)
http://www.ourfood.com/Food_Advertising.html#S07660000
“Supermarket Facts” (2011), http://www.fmi.org/facts_figs/superfact.htm
70
“We just keep on getting wrong
consumer research results” A case study on new product
development failure on convenience
food sector
Toni Ryynänen1, Annaleena Hakatie2
1`
Postdoctoral researcher, Consumer Economics, Dept. of Economics and Management, University of
Helsinki, [email protected]
2`
Creative Specialist, Verso Finland ltd, [email protected]
Abstract
The motivation for this article is linked to the increasing attention to new product development in
convenience food sector world wide. The purpose of the case study is to present an ongoing research
which explores in detail an unsuccessful food development project that took place in 2008-2010. The
article concentrates on analysing the critical elements that led to a food development project failure. A
traditional Finnish dish was planned to be updated and introduced as a mass manufactured high-end
convenience food. The project included new convenience food development, packaging design and
both a consumer market research and a sensory study to back up the food development for a newly
found company. Theoretical ground for the case is based on the “new product development” (NPD)
research tradition on food sector.
The method applied is explorative and interpretive single within-case study. Case study method was
chosen because the phenomenon under scrutiny is complex, context bound, and context sensitive.
The research materials collected during the project included various types of quantitative, but mostly
qualitative materials ranging from marketing plans and cost calculations to case study field notes
compiled by the researchers.
Instead of interpreting and highlighting the famous success story for benchmarking purposes, the
results of the study is a description of the consequences that lead to an unfavourable results and a
considerable waste of resources. The goal of the chosen research design is to bring forward silent
knowledge generated in the failure situation, which is typically buried and quieted down in
participating organisations.
The results of the study show that the failure of new product development was connected to a
multitude of directions and to divergent characters of the actors. The critical issues identified were
various mindsets concerning the starting point of the project, mixed interests and diverse attitudes
towards the information generated during the project. Five phenomena having effect to product
development failure was identified: (1) path-dependency, (2) “information condensations”, (3) the
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illusion of mutual knowledge and understanding, (4) practices of problem definition and (5) window-ofopportunity effect. Transferability of the results is presented in a form of analytical generalisation that
can be applied, with certain restrictions, to other contexts of the new food product development.
Keywords: case study, consumer research,
development, package design.
convenience food,
NPD, new
product
1 Introduction
New product development (NPD) is perceived as one of the most important success factors for food
industry. However, research indicates that most of new food products developed does not appear to
the market in the first place (Rudolph 1995: 3). It is also documented that failure rate for new products
on consumer food markets is somewhere between 60 and 80 percent (Grunert and Valli 2001: 83;
Lord 1999; Rudolph 1995; Stewart-Knox and Mitchell 2003: 58). The purpose of this article is to take
part to discussions concerning the low rate of food product innovation and the high failure risks
involved in convenience food sector. The article challenges a traditional view to food product
development, which describes and analyses successful processes of NPD. Case studies are applied
in comparative research settings, for benchmarking purposes or to describe and analyse food product
development projects that have succeeded on the market (e.g. Rudder 2003; Rudder, Ainsworth and
Holgate 2001). Detailed analyses of failed food products or development projects are mainly missing.
An unwritten rule seems to be that in a successful NPD project all of the relevant factors are done
well. In a failed project critical elements are missing or alternatively conducted poorly.
There are clear reasons for applying success stories as research material: they are easy to recognise
and generally available. People are willing to reveal the successful processes and to share their
positive experiences. Companies also perceive the positive attention and publicity as marketing mean
to communicate with interest groups. “Best practices” thinking and “winner takes it all” attitude are
also favourable towards analysis of successful food product development projects. The strengths and
benefits of analysing successful projects are evident. However, our approach is chosen partly to
challenge the current model. The purpose is to study an unsuccessful project in order to interpret and
understand better the dynamics it embodies. It is hard to resurrect ideas that had been once
discarded in an organisation. On one hand, it seems that nobody would work on anything that was
tagged as a failure. On the other hand, there are plenty of expressions referring to valuable aspects of
human flaws and failures: “learning the hard way”, “learning by trial and error” and “learning by
failing”. It is suggested that analysing failures can be, at best, more informative or illuminating than
repeating descriptions of success stories.
2 NPD and the food sector
Anderson (2008: 553) classifies the general evolution of NPD into three stages. Starting form 1970s
and 1980s, the emphasis was heavily on development processes. In the 1980s and 1990s emphasis
shifted to strategy issues. The particularities of product development process were still perceived as
important, but defining an appropriate direction for product development was a rising theme. The third
stage taking place over the recent years is an increased attention to measuring the results and
performance of development projects. Also qualitative and in-depth analyses have increased. It
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seems that researchers and practitioners of NPD know what a successful process is, but the problem
lies in how one is to detect the elements during an on-going project. Another issue is that while the
success factors are known, there are other phenomena taking place during the NPD project.
Frequently stated success factors are static, while the processes in development projects are mostly
dynamic and evolving.
NPD research is mostly about process descriptions proceeding in a quite similar manner regardless of
industry or a product (Rudder, Ainsworth and Holgate 2001: 659). Major types of new product
development descriptions are structured, sequential process models or simultaneous and overlapping
models. It is mentioned that a good food product development process is flexible and continuously
evolving. It is also typical to list key factors or major drivers for a new product success. The first
stages, especially planning and evaluation phases, are emphasised. In these stages the viability of a
new product should be decided. Another frequently mentioned issue is a sharp and early product
definition. A detailed project definition in terms of market needs, market preferences and product
specifications enables the developer to arrive at a sound stop or go decisions. Other issues are crossfunctional team approach, focus on evaluation and decision points, quality execution, quality
management of development process and a multi-stage and –gate approach (Cooper 1994).
Most process models of NPD define four to twelve success factors. The most general factors driving
success are related to market, company, project, and product (e.g. van der Panne, van Beers and
Kleinknecht 2003: 3). These entities are at different levels and they call for different approaches to be
understood. The ultimate challenge is to bring all of the relevant aspects of the related factors
together in a meaningful way. This means that unit or level of analysis is different in each entity. In a
real world product development all of the four entities co-exist and they cannot be conveniently
separated for detailed analysis. To complicate the issue further, each of these entities is usually
divided into various sub-categories. They are connected to each other in a way that if one changes, it
will probably have an effect to other entities and factors as well. However, other researchers have
also arrived somewhat divergent results (ibid. 9).
Hoban (1998) found that lack of strategic focus, limited understanding of market, priorities not set or
communicated, lack of financial resources, and focus on short-term profitability are perceived as
having the highest negative impact on NPD. Also poor quality, limited creativity or vision and lack of
support for risk-taking were rated as having high impact on NPD failure. Lord (1999) concludes that
the major factors, including the sub-factors, that have impact on NPD failure are planning (strategy,
competencies, distribution, market and consumer analysis), management (organisational culture,
support, resources, expectations and focus, development processes, decision processes), concept
(lack of consumer benefit or unique characteristics, defined market target, introduced at wrong time,
incorrect positioning: price, package, marketing) and execution (failure to deliver the promise, lack of
taste or texture, non-functional packages, failure to execute the sales plan or to achieve appropriate
display or retailer support).
Despite the shifting focus of the research, NPD in food sector is still a risky business. There is
absolutely no lack of research on NPD processes, strategies, management and best practices. It
seems that research have repeatedly “verified” information on how to build successful new products.
Although, a small amount of the research literature is devoted solely to the food industry, the most
fundamental practices and principles of NPD is claimed to be common across most industries
(Anderson 2008: 553). Despite the fact, the failure rates have roughly remained the same during the
last 30 years (Suwannaporn and Speece 2010: 365). We argue that through analysing product
development failures, an organisation can build up explicit knowledge on their NPD. We are not
proposing an absolute solution for problems new food product development faces, but to take a
different stance and to take advantage of knowledge cumulated in a failed project. The line of
argument is that when something gets labelled as failure, valuable information is lost in this very act of
negative stigmatisation.
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The anatomy of failed project depends on the definition of a new product. The term NPD is applied to
describe a range of food product developments. It is summarised that main types of new foods are
me-too products, line extensions, repositioned, new form of and reformulation of existing products,
new packaging of existing products, innovative products (changes in an existing product otherwise
than mentioned) and creative or “never-seen before” products (Linnemann, Benner, Verkerk and van
Boekel 2006: 186-187). Fuller (1994) suggests that a broad definition is most useful incorporating the
development and introduction of a product not previously manufactured by a company or the
presentation of an existing product into a new market.
It is also somewhat unclear how a new food product success or failure is defined. Is it a product
concept developed but not launched? Or a launched new product which fails to meet the expected
targets? Or a launched new item generating revenues but losing distribution and revenues fast in
defined period of time after the launch? (Lord 1999). This study concentrates on the firstly mentioned
situation. The analysed development project was cancelled during latest stages of the development,
before a mass-manufacturing and a launch stage. Most of the NPD done in private sector is aimed to
produce a successful products distributed and sold in the market. This was the intention also in the
project analysed in this article. Following the mentioned definitions, the development project can be
labelled as a failure. However, we maintain that description and analysis of the particular project,
tagged as failed or not, can serve as alternative way to map the uncharted terrains of unsuccessful
NPD.
There are welter of categorisations of new products, success factors, and successful product
development processes. How, in fact, one guarantees in a middle of a hectic development process
that all of the mentioned issues are dealt properly? Haphazard and undefined terminology
complicates the field of NPD even further. What is, for example, market potential of a product, or how
a manager can assure that the needs of customer or consumer are met? (cf. Hernard and Szymanski
2001). Researchers have also found indications that managers do not fully understand the causes of
success highlighted by the literature (Suwannaporn and Speece 2010: 375).
Factors causing the NPD failure (or success) are diverse, context sensitive and unexpected. All of the
above discussed issues can cause problems in a development process. In a crucial case just one
factor can cause significant problems. But the fact is that all of the mentioned factors are already
known and well established in current innovation and product development research. They are
certainly known in the practice of NPD and among the consultants working with the product
development.
3 Research materials, methods and case description
3.1 Materials and methods
The method applied is explorative and interpretive single within-case study. Case study method was
chosen because the phenomenon under scrutiny is complex, context bound, and context sensitive to
be studied in any other way (e.g. Yin 2003; Stake 1995). The phenomena were also evolving during
the NPD project. In a typical case research, the case is not an empirical project or any similar set of
events as such, but a phenomenon a project is example of. Therefore, the case is about the dynamics
of the failed food product development, not the NPD project itself. The sampling of a single case was
based on pragmatic and convenience considerations. The project is an extreme exemplar.
Researchers had a rare opportunity for unusual research access.
The research materials collected during the project included various types of quantitative, but mostly
qualitative materials. Case study field notes, case study documents and tabular materials were
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collected during the project. Also ‘narratives’ or notes compiled by the researchers during and after
the data collection was written. These notes include case analysis materials generated during the
interpretation stage of the study. Notes were taken about the interactions between the players in the
product development process under study. These were later analysed to determine where tensions,
disagreements and problems arose in the project. The attention was also placed to the issues that
seemed to cause drag or hindrance to the project. Other naturally occurring research material include
marketing materials, product positioning plans, cost figures and sales estimations, research reports
created during the project and presentations of the key participants.
Qualitative materials were collected by drawing on methods of participant observation. The
methodology of participant observation has been utilised, providing information about interaction in
relationships. During observations, the researcher has obtained the role as observer-as-participant.
The researcher and data triangulation has given the benefit of an in-depth understanding and a
ground for analysing multiple aspects and perspectives. One of the authors is educated as designer
and she is a representative of a product and marketing development consultant that took part to the
development project from the beginning. She was also participating to the consumer research and
sensory study, and she was responsible for collecting the case materials during the project. Another
author is unpaid academic researcher who did not participate in the development project. His
contribution is to bring consumer research and case study knowledge to the study.
The unit of analysis is particularly problems in NPD: how these were framed and how problem solving
unfolded. Following Wilke and Ritter (2006), the level of analysis is related to actors as organisations,
and the level of observation is related to how individuals of one organisation interpret and perform
tasks in collaboration with individuals representing another organisation.
3.2 Case description
Because of confidentiality, the names of persons and companies involved in this study have been
omitted or disguised. For purposes of confidentiality the participants will simply be referred as (1)
brand owners (a new food company), (2) a product and marketing development (including packaging
design) consultant, (3) a public funding organisation, (4) a marketing research company and (5) an
university based food development and research organisation. All but the first are so called
complementors of the product development since their input was acquired outside the food company
to be found.
The developed food product was a traditional dish produced and consumed mainly in the eastern
parts of Finland. The food is typically hand-baked in households or produced in small amounts by the
small local bakers. The original products are mainly sold in market trade or to a lesser degree in
grocery shops as a special product. The product development idea was to introduce a traditional dish
into a convenience food sector. The product was planned to be a mass-produced and sold in large
quantities in super and hyper markets. The food was positioned as high-end ready-meal product with
distinctive quality characters communicated through professionally designed branding and packaging.
Following product strategy, the product was positioned to a premium price category. The context for
developing the updated traditional food as convenience food was to start a new food company with
distinctive brand elements. This article deals with the first product that was planned to be expanded
later with line extensions and other traditional Finnish foods.
The leading figures of the product development were two persons with considerable work record in
leading product development positions in large food companies. The persons were brand owners of
the new (to be founded) food company. The original development idea was reasonable and welljustified. The idea fitted well temporary food trends as locality and lack of domestic food exports. In
the late 2008 brand owners applied funding from a public funding organisation promoting inventions in
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order to be able to proceed a product development for a new company to be founded later.
Substantial funding was granted, and in summer 2009 a product and marketing development
consultant was hired to develop both product features and brand characters (including marketing and
packaging) of the new company. The project management was left to the product and marketing
development consultant. However, the brand owners reserved implicit right to intervene whenever
they wanted. In a fast pace, the marketing development consultant organised co-operation with
university based food R&D organisation in order to create recipes and test the concrete features of
the new food product. At the product optimisation phase, five “works like, looks like, tastes like”
product prototypes were developed (Rudolph 1995: 6). These five prototypes embodied different
product forms and various recipes, requiring breakthroughs in both formulation and processing. One
of the prototypes was brand owners original recipe and it did not meet the taste expectations. The
product was perceived as bulk and taste was described as uninteresting both a professional and a
consumer panel. The brand owners rejected and understated the results claiming that participants of
the panels: “…are not real; they do not represent the true clientele or even potential buyers of the
product, because there was too many university students”. However, the students are considerable
consumer group for ready meals.
One of the prototypes was chosen for further development by the brand owners. The prototype was
the original idea of the brand owners, not the one recommended by the research results and the
consultant. The prototype was also heavily contested by the consultant hired to develop the brand
and package design. Later in the same year a consumer research on product features, the brand and
packaging design was conducted by an international marketing research company. Based on the
consumer research results, the project funding was reconsidered in April 2010. The main reasons for
the reassessment of the funding were price (too expensive for everyday usage), position of the
product in the market (high-end product, suitable only for celebration and occasional consumption)
and consumer willingness to buy the product (once or twice in a month on current price, 4€, a 250
gram package). The representative of the international marketing research company formulated the
result to the following phrase: “There is no consumer interest towards a product tasting like the tested
one.” Research material collection and the product development ended as it is described in April
2010. The developed product have not appeared to the market in the end of 2011.
Explicitly announced goal was to produce a significantly different food product that drives consumer
benefit. The objective was to develop a product that would introduce a new food company to the
market and to offer higher margins to the producer and for retailers. This was planned to be achieved
through providing consumer value by mixing tradition and novelty, convenience and taste satisfaction.
The package development was one of the major means to communicate the new brand cues.
However, the brand owners wanted to have a package that followed the dominant packaging design
format. These types of packs are widely used by the rivals.
Based on the literature on NPD, the reasons for the failure can be easily categorised. One can
conclude that the food product development was product driven, not consumer or market led. This
caused hindrance, because the business plan accepted by the funding organisation was not followed.
It came evident that the product definition was formulated in advance by the brand owners, and
therefore consumer requirements, business objectives, delivery requirements and safety and
regulatory issues were fixed. In the beginning, consumer information and market situation analysis
was based on presuppositions of the brand owners. Research shedding light to market and consumer
demands put the project on hold. Following traditional markers of successful product development,
the results of the consumer research can be defined as factors that resulted in the failure (positioning
of the product, price category, consumers willingness to buy).
Cross-disciplinary product development teams are typically referred as one of the success factors of
NPD (Sherman, Berkowitz and Souder 2005; Suwannaporn and Speece 2010). However, internal and
external communication, management and power relationships can ruin otherwise functional
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teamwork. All of the participant organisations, were treated as complementors or “outsiders” who
should obey the representatives of the food company. This was not the case in the initial stage of the
project where the network of the development organisations was gathered. Many of the participating
specialists wanted to be involved in the project. They saw it as an opportunity to create an interesting
food product and a brand rather than just one of the usual business cases.
4 NPD case in the food sector – what happened?
Based on the project meeting documents, the participants did not perceive the starting point of the
project similarly. The fixed ideas of the brand owners became evident during the project. The ideas
became especially visible when the research results were introduced in the project meetings. This
was most evident in situations where new information introduced did not fit easily to the original
product concept. Although, the product was presented as “novel, trendy, updated and probably
achieving major international demand” by the brand owners, there was practically no room for creative
product development. The information introduced was also perceived differently by the participant
organisations. The participants also integrated new information to the project differently.
The problems were mainly generated when complementors offered their professional views and ideas
of how to improve the product development. The brand owners would be better of if the
complementors had just backed up the viewpoints presented in the kick off meeting. During a brand
and marketing development meeting this point was raised by a member of the brand consultant: “Why
would anybody hire a consultant just to repeat the ideas that are already determined?” The question
was left unanswered, but it is noticed that outsourced functions are used in many cases as to back up
the ideas generated in a mother organisation.
The NPD project turned to be more complex after each “dragging” issue was recognised. It is typical
to state that a project has to be evaluated after a crucial new information appears. This is in line with
the stage-gate thinking (Cooper 1994). Whenever a problem appears, an extensive evaluation of a
product development project is practically impossible to realise. Long-lasting NPD teams have
developed various procedures to deal with changing situations, but still problems are dealt with
implicit ”gut feeling”. The issues causing hindrance can eventually cripple the project.
“Information condensations” was found to introduce hindrance to project. Basically new and
mismatched ideas originating from complementors, new information provided by the researches
(result presentation meetings), unsuccessful product feature experiments (changes in ingredients)
and communication between the participating organisations were examples of these condensations in
the current case. One of the biggest drags was problem definition practice in the project. When issues
causing hindrance emerged, some of the team members saw it as a serious problem, others defined
it just a minor detail. Creating a mutual understanding about the “problem” at hand seemed to be
difficult in a given context. For example, the numerous rounds of developing the sensory properties of
the product caused increased friction between the participating organisations. A similar set of events
took place when the package design started: a distinctive premium package was decided to be
designed in the assignment. Later, after the several re-design rounds guided by the brand owners, the
package looked like the dominant design in the market.
Surprisingly, professionally conducted work can also stir discussions that can turn out to create
problematic characteristics. The implicit idea of packaging was to follow dominant design in the ready
meals food market. Brand and packaging consultant brought new ideas to build a distinctive and
distinguishable brand through cutting-edge package design. However, the brand owners did not like
any of the ideas. This resulted in justification and counter argumentation rounds between various
representatives of participating organisations. Some of them took biased stance against packaging
designer, others backing up the distinctive design as being innovative. This is an example of a clique
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of professionals having power over other participants which in turn can cause a hindrance during NPD
project. The result was a partial withdrawal of the designer. She copied partly the existent bulk
package design that followed the original idea of the brand owners.
A certain kind of path dependency can also turn out to be a problem. The choices made early in the
project will have an effect on decisions that will be made in the future. The written project plans and
presentation in the kick-off meeting described the project as creative, innovative, and open-minded.
On the contrary, the project was revealed to be quite fixed in the beginning with. In this context, new
opportunities or ideas can suddenly turn out to be major hindrances. When a certain path is chosen
and executed, it is not easy to change the direction. And when the direction of a project is changed, it
will add costs and calls in major redoing of already done solutions.
One of the indisputable problems in the current project was consumers’ attitudes and the market
situation. Or put more accurately: the apparent mismatch between the overtly positive expectations
and the acquired research results on consumers’ willingness to buy the new product. This was a
major issue concerning the whole project. The brand owners claimed repeatedly that “we have wrong
consumers” and “consumers must be estranged from the reality” when research results not
compatible with fixed presumptions emerged. The consumer researches were especially directed to
the potential customers of the new product. The aim of consumer research early in the NPD process
is identified to make the voice of the consumer heard up front to advance and steer the concept
development (van Kleef, van Trijp and Luning 2005: 197). Consumers can generally give reliable
judgements about new products that are relatively similar to products already in the market (van
Kleef, van Trijp and Luning 2005: 197). An intent-to-purchase score was turned out to be low when
the price was brought to the desired level. The premium marginal profit desired seemed impossible to
achieve. Consumer involvement improves product development, but it may also bias efforts towards
incremental innovation (van der Panne et al. 2003: 17). Radical or completely new ideas can be
falsely judged as fruitless. In these cases, consumers fail to perceive the benefits of the product.
Sensory testing with consumers can also produce biased results, since the eating situations as such
may also impact the intake and choice of convenience food products (Ahlgren, Gustavsson and Hall
2005). The brand owners were not willing to make changes to the product that was identified as weak
in the research.
The typical problem rising from relatively lately conducted consumer research is that the product is
almost finished when consumer-tested. In these cases possible alterations are costly and time
consuming. However, this was not a problem in the project, since consumer researches were
conducted in the early phases. The problem was interpretation of the results and unwillingness to
react upon the new information. Finally, impatience of the financial sponsor put the project on hold. A
rational analysis would state that the major factor for the failure was unsuccessful positioning of the
product. A high quality image was maintained artificially: The product did not taste as such, and the
price category was determined based on this image. Repositioning the product was seen too costly
because of the path dependency effect. The high-quality character would have been lost if the
ingredients would have been changed to cheaper options available.
Collaboration and communication between the participants and organisation taking part to NPD
turned out to cause light but enduring dragging. Positive atmosphere and mutual respect diminished
during the project. We interpreted that this was related to the differences in company cultures and
working methods. The brand owners were advocates of a traditional product development culture,
whereas consultant and representatives of the sensory study organisation were pushing a different
cross-functional model of product development. When problems become critical, the personification of
the issues emerged. The issues tend to turn into stereotypical, organisational or personal traits, when
negative outcomes and hindrances surfaced. It is suggested in the literature that product development
teams make better stop and go decisions than individuals, and teams make better decision when
members are located in different offices or spaces (Schmidt, Montoya-Weiss and Massey 2001). This
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was the structure of cross-functional product development team in the current project, but problems
rose because the participant organisations were individual actors rather than a seamless product
development team committed to the same objectives as the brand owners.
Strong project leadership and top management commitment to the project are mentioned as success
factors in NPD. Project management was scattered to various actors in the case project. Although,
the general management was assigned to brand and packaging consultant, the participating
organisations were managing their own processes. Also implicitly, the management was in the hands
of the food company whose somewhat stubborn views guided the project. Also certain kind of “buyer
attitude” characterised the relationships between the brand owners and the complementors. The
brand owners positioned the complementors as outsourced assets. This was unfortunate, since the
complementors were experienced professionals in their own fields. In the initial stage of the project
they thought the project aimed at ground-breaking creation in the ready made food sector. Taking
advantage of the full potential of the professionals would have probably resulted in a more positive
outcome.
Cooper (1994: 71) points out that a lack of criteria against which to judge projects is crucial element in
NPD. It is hard for project management to indicate what constitutes “a good product development
project” being at the same time in the middle of a project. Again, one can make a criteria list for a
successful product development, but it is no easy to “see” if these elements of success exist in an ongoing development project. What managers involved in the NPD process believe to be the important
success factors cannot always predict success rates (Suwannaporn and Speece 2010). van der Valk
and Wynstra (2005: 692) argue that visible evaluation processes need to be in place at different
organisations and organisation levels to allow learning experiences to be passed on. In the analysed
convenience food project these procedures were mainly missing.
5 Results and the lessons learned
Given the exploratory nature of this study and the corresponding need for insights into the dynamics
and occurrences of product development failure, the case study method was applied. The detailed
analysis of the NPD project leads to a range of observations contributing to knowledge of how the
project turned from successful beginning into a failed project. The case analysis shows that
knowledge divides do matter for identifying problems and drawing on NPD collaboration (Andersen
and Munksgaard 2009: 216). When focusing to managers “dimensions of thinking” instead of singular
success factors, Suwannaporn and Speece (2010: 375) found that the role of marketing research,
strategic and communications issues, and company experience and competencies were considered
as dimensions driving success.
Listening to the consumer does not end with the birth of the product idea. The case showed that
information acquired from consumers needs to be applied in a meaningful way and as early as
possible. The question is about what parts of the information is valuable from the NPD point of view.
That is, how the information will be turned into knowledge that is useful in a particular NPD situation?
There is evidence that consumer research has limitations, and sometimes the information provided
can steer the development project out of the course (Linnemann et al. 2006; van Kleef et al. 2005;
Costa and Jongen 2006; Trott 2001). The consumer research results are heavily context bound.
Surprising problems arose, as it occurred in the analysed project, when consumers perceive the new
product in a different light than expected. This kind of a situation calls for changes to a concept. As
indicated, the choices made earlier are hard to change later. In any event, corrective actions will
generate extra product development costs. If the path dependency effect is strong enough, and it
usually is, it will be manifested as downplaying the various elements of research (e.g. “consumers
must be estranged from the reality”) or as questioning of the validity of the research. Another tactic is
79
to downplay the influence of consumers (“They [consumers] cannot know what they want, because
this product is completely new. There are plenty of examples of succeeded products the consumers
disliked when asked in advance”). Also other external factors are typically drawn in: costs, time
constrains, already planned phases of the development processes cannot be postponed, required
workforce to conduct the changes is missing and if subcontracted, new contracts have to be
negotiated and executed. There can be also accusations that are subjected to project management,
or the problems can turn out to be personal or organisation-bound.
It can be concluded that two different methods of developing new food products caused frequent
collisions in the project: a traditional product driven development represented by the company or
brand owners and cross-functional development team approach represented by the complementors.
“Not invented here” attitude and traditional course of action was serious drag what came to the brand
owners. The process of NPD got considerable drag or hindrance every time new information was
provided. This took place in the form of new research results and information provided by the hired
specialist organisations and the consultant.
It is suggested elsewhere that rather than providing room for creative imagination and construction of
new product ideas, external knowledge and information from collaboration partners are primarily used
for testing one’s own ideas and further corroboration of existing ideas (Andersen and Munksgaard
2009: 216). In the discussed project a similar set of interpretation can be easily drawn. The original
idea was firmly established before the collaboration took place, and external actors were employed to
cement the fixed decisions and to develop state-of-the-art packaging and branding for the new
product. However, valuable information generated in various meetings and research created
unfavourable twist to the original plan. The project started to gain negative hindrance, because the
new information that needed to be reacted upon was neglected or downplayed by the brand owners.
Disparity of the information and different interpretations of various issues during the project caused
silent drag.
First, the path-dependency was evident in the project. This means that the start and especially the
early phases of the product development project will evidently structure the later phases. The
beginning of the NPD is often called as “fuzzy front end” because of its unstructured and unclear
nature. However, when the fuzziness appears to decrease, the chosen path starts to guide the
project. The decisions made in early stages will steer the future decision making, and it becomes
harder to change the chosen direction. Or at least the experiments are more time consuming and
costly in the later stages. The minds of the people involved, including management, are also harder to
turn and justifications for large changes become problematic. Path dependency, or the path a project
is on, is hard to define. It is more visible beforehand and even then members interpret it differently.
Path dependency describes how history or past activities have an effect to forthcoming events. The
influence of path dependency is seldom perceived and it is probably implicit. It is a feeling that already
developed and perhaps completed stage of product development may have to be redone. The further
the development project advances, the more difficult it becomes to change the direction. Researchers
have found that crucial decisions should be made early on in the process, when the changes are
more easily conducted (Grunert, Verbeke, Kügler, Saeed and Scholderer 2011: 252).
Second, ”information condensations” are specific situations occurring in the stream of NPD project. In
these situations new information or otherwise relevant issues emerge suddenly, and caused drag to
the project. These moments will change the nature of the NPD project, and typically they call for fast
and radical intervention. Situation labelled as ”information condensation” can be characterised. For
example, when a project proceeds as planned, there is just an occasion in which the participants of
the project realise that something is going wrong or something unexpected happens. In analysed
project new information provided by the consumer researches, diverging ideas of complementors and
numerous product feature tests did by the sensory study organisation provided such an unwanted
drag. The dragging issues were not paid attention to, and project started to gain friction. The drag can
80
turn out to be a problem in a project where iteration is not tolerated or when project managers want to
stick strictly on plans made earlier. New products take a long time to design, develop, and launch.
During the project requirements change, and so the original idea must be changed to accommodate
new needs.
Third, the illusion of mutual knowledge and understanding was visible in the project. This is related to
the illusion of the product development project as a clear and manageable whole. Participants of the
analysed project seemed to share a uniform vision of the roles and goals of the project as well as the
product under development. However, the perceptions differed in various senses. The analysis
revealed that there were divergent opinions how a product development ought to proceed. A
traditional product centred development model met a cross-functional product development
procedure. Development project was perceived as a logical process, but several functions happened
simultaneously and on various levels. The participants came from different backgrounds and had no
previous working experience as team adding negative effect on collaboration. There was also certain
ambiguity about project management which had a negative effect on atmosphere. The full potential of
capabilities and experienced professional know-how of the team was not utilised fully. Valuable time
and resources was misspent to negotiations concerning professional roles and power relationships.
Andersen and Munksgaard (2009: 218) suggest that both multiple knowledge contexts and balanced
relationship atmospheres are necessary prerequisites for developing new marketable ideas. They
propose that imbalanced relationships lead to dominance of one actor’s ideas and perspectives, and
excluding alternative problem framings.
Fourth, practices of problem definition were noticed in the project analysis. NPD can be seen as a
problem solving activity. NPD processes are seldom clear and straight forward. Especially
development of innovative and radical new products face multitude of challenges during the stages of
development. The difficulty in problem framing in NPD is the complex nature of a creative practice.
The bigger the product development team the harder it is to define the problems. It also has to be
defined who owns certain problems in an organisation. Issues of responsibility, complexity and
problem framing practices are vital in a fast moving NPD project. Problems should be seen in
bundles, since solving single problems whenever they emerge is putting out small fires. Therefore,
proactive problem framing calls for professional experience.
Fifth issue identified can be summarised as window-of-opportunity effect. It became evident that a
NPD project has to move forward in a fast pace. Time is a strong enemy not only in terms of product
launch and the actions of the rivals, but more so internally. It was noticed that if a problem or a
hindrance was not solved in time, a problem tend to escalate. For example, the sensory study and
design of concrete product features stretched because the brand owners wanted to do a “perfect”
product. However, most of the later prototypes or tests with different ingredients were only minor
details of the development. Considerable amount of resources and especially time were spent on
doing basically nothing. Similar issue was faced with the package design which was redone various
times. The lengthened designing process resulted in a compromise package and the major elements
were negotiated with non-professionals. The innovative elements were cut down one by one and the
package ended up looking like typical convenience food packages sold on the market. It seems that if
an issue under development lengthen, the focus can get lost, resources are spent in vain, and the end
result will be a tedious compromise.
There are common denominators for successful NPD. Some of the frequently repeated crucial factors
in one project, say consistent top management support, can turn out to be totally irrelevant in another
context. A downside is that one can define the significant factors for a certain NPD project afterwards.
It is beneficial to create knowledge base that can aid participants to notice potential failure factors as
early as possible. This is the reason why reviewed research suggests that the first stages of a NPD
are most important. The same stages are typically most fuzzy.
81
What can be claimed based on just one product development project? The framework to analyse
negative cases or failed product development projects are suggested to be a catalyst for general
improvement of NPD. The purpose of introducing a challenging approach to analyse food product
development is to provoke discussions between research community and industry. Better
understanding the factors in food NPD remains an important issue, because all of the products
developed cannot be introduced into the market. Failing quickly avoids failing big.
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Insight, ideation and implementation
for easy open packaging.
Birgitte Geert Jensen1, Helle Antvorskov 2
1
Aarhus School of Architecture
2
Danish Technological Institute
Abstract
Most consumers have experienced occasional problems with opening packaging. Tomato sauce from
the tinned mackerel splattered all over the kitchen counter, the unrelenting pickle jar lid, and the
package of sliced ham that cannot be opened without a knife or a pair of scissors. Easy to open, or
ease of packaging, is a global problem that affects consumers of all ages and abilities although it
does not affect all segments of the population. What is a minor irritation for some is a loss of
independence for others. The Danish research project “User-friendly Packaging” aims to create a
platform for developing more user-friendly packaging. Apart from studies by Orth & Malkewitz (2008)
and Hestad (2006) there are not many qualitative and holistic approaches to package design. The
majority of the existing research is based on quantitative surveys or eye-tracking studies, and
therefore leaves out questions concerning the needs and preferences for package design from the
user’s perspective. As package design spokesmen Gerstman and Meyers (2005) and Young (2004)
suggest, there is a need for more qualitative understanding of packaging.
The outcome of the project is a guideline that industry can use in development efforts. The project
also points the way for more extended collaboration between companies and design researchers.
The paper outlines, the user-centered approach taken to address better packaging design and
explores the potentialities to deliver innovation from the user's perspective.
A concrete case from Tulip Food Company shows that video observations is a tool for user
understanding and that the first step towards better packaging, goes through consensus in the
organization regarding the need for more easy-opening packaging.
Keywords: User Friendly packaging, user research, Inclusive design
84
Introduction
The proportion of elderly people in Denmark aged 65 and over increased by 76 percent until 2042,
when there will be 1.54 million. against 875,500 today.
In Denmark it is a key to the vision of the age-integrated society, and when people experience either a
major or a minor loss of performance, that they remain independent and not dependent on
assistance, so they can stay in their own homes as long as possible. This calls for design and
technical solutions of everyday technology, aids and appliances, and construction of dwellings.
We should not forget that users with diminished hand strength and weakened eyesight are not the
only ones benefiting from better packaging design. Packages that are easy to open and display
legible text make everyday routines easier for all consumers.
Furthermore it is estimated that nearly 20% of people over 55 have stopped buying certain food
products because they have experienced difficulties opening them. (Galley et al. 2005)
Easy-open packages may become an important selling point for companies in the future.
Case – Tulip Pålækker
Tulip Food Company is a leading food producer in the DK and UK, supplying to retail and food service
markets and providing the consumer with a huge variety of food products. Tulip Food Company, is
part of the research project steering committee.
Tulip Food Company, wanted to improve the user-friendliness of their product, a cold cuts package.
The motivation for initiating the development process was the massive demand from consumers and
div. interest groups for easy packaging - especially from the elderly and people with arthritis.
The first step towards better packaging was to establish consensus in the organization regarding the
need for more easy-opening packaging. This process was started with a workshop with the
participation of all departments of the company in knowledge-sharing and practical activities. The food
products in focus for this workshop were cold cuts.
Aim
The aim of the project was to re-launch the product known as Pålækker and that Pålækker should
gain a leading role in the sliced cold meat category resulting in a market share increase from 11.6 %
to 20 % and an increase in the product volume from 8 % to 15 % by the end of 2013. Tulip,
furthermore, wanted to achieve an increase in loyal consumers of 3 % (from 12 % to 15 %).
To start the workshop a Practical assignment was given. The aim was to understand user groups by
simulating reduced visual capability, manual dexterity and use of force.
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Glasses with the wrong strength (decreased vision). The exercise demonstrates that vision is not
always perfect. After age 40, eyesight deteriorates; making it becomes harder to focus on objects in
close range. The result is that people can not see the finer details on the package, making opening
difficult. Special glasses can simulate this condition.
Tape on the hand and fingers (decreased movement) The exercise simulates how users with arthritis,
Parkinson's disease, multiple sclerosis both find it hard to freely move their hands completely and that
the use of force can be painful. The exercise is only partially effective in simulating loss of dexterity
and the discomfort of using force.
Skin Cream applied to fingers (decreased strength). This attempts to simulate how users with reduced
strength in their fingers have difficulty gripping various packages. The vast majority of packaging is
opened with tweezers grip between thumb and forefinger. The difficulty lies not in that consumers do
not have the strength to pull, twist or open. The problem is to apply enough friction the packaging.
Gathering insight and research
The preliminary work consisted in analysing which of the competing products Tulip would gain the
most from testing in comparison with the existing type of packaging: Pålækker.
Tested packaging types
Three types of packaging were selected for testing:
Bordpak Pålækker, manufactured by Tulip: hard plastic bottom and hard plastic top, click seal lid with
knob
Bordpak Budget: hard plastic bottom and soft plastic top
Bordpak: hard plastic bottom and hard plastic top, click seal lid without knob
1
2
3
Figure 1 Three types of packaging were selected for testing
Mechanical testing
On a previous occasion the Danish Technological Institute had measured the mechanical force
necessary for opening Pålækker in order to assess whether the force used for opening the packaging
was a critical parameter for the target group of Tulip. The mechanical test showed that the force
necessary for opening the packaging was low (measured as 9 N based on 10 items) - 95 % of all
users without any particular disabilities aged between 10 and 80 could easily open it.
Observations of users
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Before the workshop took place video ethnographic studies were conducted with five people where
Tulip’s packaging was investigated and compared with similar package types. The package samples
were chosen to represent different opening mechanisms and shape in order to provide the test person
with a broad view on packaging for a particular product. The three packaging types were tested in a
user-based study. It is important for Tulip that everyone, including the aged, who generally have less
powerful hands and fingers, is able to open the packaging of their products. For this reason the users
participating in the user survey consisted of young as well as old people, with and without physical
ailments.
The user survey was intended to give Tulip a basic understanding of problem areas in existing
packaging as well as an insight into other opportunities for development. Furthermore, the user
survey also provided Tulip with an insight into the attitudes of various users toward different
packaging types.
Plan for the testing: test subjects were asked to open and re-seal packaging. They were asked to
think aloud while doing so and to look for instructions and other guidance on the packaging before
opening the packaging. After opening and resealing the test subjects were interviewed briefly; during
the interview they answered the following questions:
What type of packaging was the easiest to open, why?
What type of packaging was the most difficult to open, why?
Did anything located on the packaging help you open it – instructions, graphics or markings on the
material?
What product would you prefer to buy, why?
Workshop and ideas generation
Tulip had gathered employees from the entire organisation in order for them to participate in
a day of workshops. The workshop provided an opportunity to gather knowledge about the
user and analyzing all the information two identify key themes and opportunities.
In the course of the workshop, videos recorded during the user study were analysed. In the
following we have gathered the insights identified on this day.
Insights from the user survey
Re-seal is important - users expect to be able to store cold sliced meat in the packaging after opening
it.
Re-seal ensures that the product will appear”exciting” after the first day it has been opened.
The size of flaps on the packaging should be increased (in particular in the upper layer).
The choice of material is very important (a hard material is better!)
Make sure that the joints on the top part of the packaging are not too hard, as this makes the
packaging unnecessarily difficult to open.
It is important that the opening is clearly visible.
A rough/granulated surface makes getting a grip easier
It may be a good idea to attach a ring to the opening
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A mechanism which ensures the separation of flaps should be attached
Ideas/focus from the workshop
During the workshop, in which employees from different Tulip departments participated along with
packaging suppliers and an advertising agency, it was, among other things, noted that:
Consumers rarely read instructions; the opening mechanism, consequently, has to be clearly visible.
Consumers are prejudiced with regard to packaging types according to their own experience.
During the workshop different ideas for new packaging types were generated. It has been very
important for Tulip to preserve the tray-based solution, as is evident from the proposals below. The
different ideas incorporate different flap and ring-based solutions which utilise different materials and
for which the flap/ring can be bent and pulled. Furthermore, different design solutions for the tray itself
were suggested in order to make the location of the opening mechanism more obvious and to allow
the consumer to get a better grip on the flap.
Figure 2 Illustration of the prototype formation made at the workshop at Tulip
Concept development and prototypes
In June 2008, in connection with the development of the packaging, Tulip, aided by Research Int.,
carried out an analysis of the key drivers of purchase. This study showed that "product display" is the
most important factor, indexed at 100, while "useful for storage" indexed at 70, and "easy to close"
and "easy to open" indexed at respectively 64 and 54.
For this reason, packaging development has been focusing on the aforementioned parameters. After
ideas generation during the workshop, Tulip has continued their work on the new type of
packaging; the central point being the development of a type of packaging with larger flaps which will
make it easier to get a good grip on the packaging. Although the mechanical test showed that the
packaging requires slightly more force to open (13 N based on 10 items) the consumer can transfer
greater force due to improved grip. The knob in the packaging ensures that the consumer is able to
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separate flaps without using his or her nails. Furthermore, consumers can open the packaging from
two corners instead of one. The new type of packaging is shown below.
The development process has included deliberations on which solutions are feasible in relation to
technical possibilities with regard to implementing changes to the packaging, purchasing new parts for
existing packaging equipment, estimating the costs for materials, etc.
The result
Based on this process, Tulip has, in week 47, 2011, launched the product Pålækker in a new type of
packaging for cold sliced meats with larger flaps (see images below). This packaging must provide
the best possible protection during transport, storing and when it is stored by the consumer. At the
same time, the packaging should differentiate the product and offer convenience to the consumer,
including ease of opening and presentation when the product is served in the packaging type meant
to be placed on the table.
Figure 3 Illustration of the final packaging design for Tulip Pålækker
In addition to the direct result: a new type of packaging, Tulip has, furthermore, gained a better
understanding of the various considerations which are necessary for developing new types of
packaging. Video-taped observations, in particular, proved to be effective tools for increasing
the understanding of the user's behaviour and needs. The process has also created a higher degree
of cohesion between the different departments of the company. This has been important as Tulip is a
large company characterised by a high degree of efficiency. The process has, consequently,
increased the internal cohesion of the company and created a better understanding of the objectives
and motivations of different departments.
Research Methods
Bannon (1991) points out that there is a need to see people as actors in situations, to seek new
ways of understanding of the relationship between people and products. In this research project we
have looked at the human factors such as strength and power needed to open the packaging.
Additionally, we looked at users as Actors, studied how and why they open the packaging as they do.
To understand the context of the meaning that the users ascribe to the product or service and to focus
on possible gaps between what is said and what is done. The design researchers have been using
interviews, focus groups and video recordings to study how various user groups perceive various
types of packaging.
The methods for achieving this take their starting point in the following:
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Participant observations, Semi‐structured interviews and Context observations (site tours). The
methods were combined with design competences such as sketching, visualization, scenarios and
prototyping in order to share knowledge and understand the user’s needs.
The project is based on how understanding consumer behavior, perception and physical forces can
be used to improve packaging.
Questionnaire
Consumer attitudes to user friendly packaging were examined through a questionnaire survey. The
study included 285 people, half of whom had a disability and the other half were healthy people. This
basis has been chosen in order to determine how widespread the attitude is in the general population
and whether the problems in question are relevant "for the old and sick only”.
Consumers were asked if they look for easy packaging when shopping. The chart shows, not
surprisingly, those who have most problems with packaging also are those who are most motivated to
buy products with user-friendly packaging. 80% of the most vulnerable group deselects bad
packaging when choosing products. This group is not insignificant! This should be compared with that
population in Denmark becomes older and older, and more than 700,000 people have arthritis-related
illness.
The most frequent causes for problems with opening the packaging is that the package requires too
much effort to open and / or opening possibilities have too little to address. It is particularly common
for
those
who
daily
or
weekly
experiencing
problems.
It is interesting that a major cause of problems for all consumers is that they do not know how the
package should be opened (possibly due to poor graphics and instruction).
The consumers motivation for buying userfriendly
packagin devided among frequency of difficulties
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
Daily
Avoid bad pack
Weekly
Monthly
Rare
Brand or price more important
Never
No significance
Figure 1 Consumer motivations for purchasing products with user-friendly packaging by how often intermediate consumption
are experiencing problems with packaging
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Consumers without diagnosis divided
among frequenzy of difficulties
1%
Daily
19%
Weekly
20%
Monthly
25%
35%
Rare
Never
Consumers with diagnosis divided
among frequenzy of difficulties
9% 1%
1%
Daily
Weekly
34%
Monthly
55%
Rare
Never
Figure 2 who are experiencing problems: The groups are divided according to how often they experience problems with
packaging.
Reasons for difficulties with packaging
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
Daily
Weekly
Monthly
To little power
Flap too small
How to open?
Other reasons
Rare
Never
Where to open?
Figure 3 where problems occur: Distribution of causes of problems grouped according to how often consumers experience
problems with packaging
Mechanical and Physical strength
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Beside a questionnaire survey a Danish group (29 males and females, 60-90 years old) were asked
to open and to evaluate the easiness of a can. This showed that 70 % judged the pack as easy to
open, while10 % were not able to open the pack at all. Scaled up, this means that 120,000 individuals
in Denmark (total population is 5 mill.), as a guideline, have difficulties in opening the can.
Mechanical test was used in connection with strength measurements of consumers.
The research was centered on understanding the correlation between mechanical opening strengths,
physical strengths of a population of people and the actual conducted user evaluations of a given
product
The use of this study is to guide the company to point out the range of difficulties for a certain target
group, but only if the problem is concerned about lack of strengths to open. Video ethnographic
studies, however, provide an overall view of the sources of the problems with opening packaging.
Design research
The task of the design group of the project is to identity the paths or mental models that guide the
users’ actions, beliefs and values. Dishmann (2003) points out that observing real people in real
contexts is a critical complement to asking, to help identify patterns and extremes of behavior,
unarticulated needs, and places where peoples actions and stories about what they do differ in
important ways.
To obtain a detailed knowledge of the user and use of the product, video recording was used to
observe specific activities associated with the use of the product. Video was also used to gain insight
into the broader consumer context i.e. the physical, cognitive, social, emotional and cultural aspects
associated with the purchase and use.
The insights from the video ethnographic research showed that users have above mentioned
problems.
• Visual problems
Users found it difficult to understand the opening instructions on the package. Either they were
described in a way that was difficult to interpret or they used icons that were not intelligible.
•Cognitive problems
Disabled consumers report deficient hand-strength as the main problem while consumers with
normal strength report that the main problem is in understanding the instructions for opening.
• Physical (strength):
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It was very hard to open packages which required great force. Users deployed tools such as scissors
or knives when they didn’t have the strength to open the package. Some used their jaws and teeth.
The categories are sorted hierarchy, meaning that the consumers should, first of all, be able to
identify the position of the opening mechanism, then, to understand how to open the packaging and,
finally, be able to grip and apply the required force in order to open the packaging successfully. If any
of these tasks are not meet, the consumer will very likely experience problems with accessing the
product inside the pack. The insights from the video ethnographic research can be used to evaluate
the nature of the problems in each case.
Proposal of an eight-stage design process
The Messenger Package Project (Heinö 2008) showed that, more effective and wider collaboration
between different functions of the company improves the efficiency and effectiveness of development
projects, as different parties come on board early in the process, resulting in higher flexibility in
reacting to market needs as well as new creative and more customer-focused package design
solutions.
Many companies have their own development process as they use to develop new products. User
centered design or inclusive design can be integrated in these models. This way you add a peoplecentered approach, without changing significantly on existing practice.
The user‐centered design process can help you create new products and services in a world where
the population is aging and businesses must cater for new user‐needs.
Number-centred techniques (statistically-driven approaches) can be added with people-centred
methods and give a deeper insight into consumer behaviour and bring marketing to life. In Innovating
with people- the business of inclusive design (2010) showed that market segmentation defines people
according to how you want to see them, but people-centred techniques allow them to express
themselves.
In this research project we have developed a generic eight-stage design process. The design process
has the users’ and the market’s needs as pivotal point and gives both strategic advantages for the
producer and utility value for the consumer.
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Phase 1 Insight
Purpose: To initiate the process that will culminate in a more user-friendly packaging.
Result: Determination of the product / products to be worked with, and whether there is a modification
of an existing package or design a completely new one.
Involved: Project in collaboration with management / decision-making responsibility
Phase 2 Researce
Purpose: To gather information which will form the basis for selection of packages and questions to
user studies.
Result: A clear description of the purpose of using the studio and work plan for this.
Involved: Project and Marketing Department
Phase 3 User Observations
Purpose: To identify consumers' actual use of its products and inspire innovation through interview /
video observations.
Result: Video clips with important insights about its products and approaches that can be used for the
workshop for the entire company.
Involved: Project and interviews
Phase 4 Workshop
Purpose: To start the first project development to more user friendly packaging, and to have common
knowledge and understanding of user-friendly packaging throughout the company.
Outcome: Shared understanding of the company for problems, and practical ideas for more user
friendly packaging.
Affected: All parts of the organization must be represented: Development, production, sales and
marketing, packaging suppliers and representatives from the management.
Phase 5 Concept
Purpose: To gather knowledge and work on ideas from phase 4, and down which ideas can be
realized.
Result: The selection and detailed description of feasible concepts.
Involved: Project manager, marketing department, production department and packaging supplier,
any. Designer/graphic artist.
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Phase 6 Prototype
Purpose: Production of prototypes that can be used in tests.
Result: Prototype coming so close to the final packaging that can be tested in relation to function,
reclosable, durability, graphic communications, etc.
Involved: Project Manager, production, packaging suppliers, and marketing, perhaps. Designer.
Phase 7 Evaluation
Purpose: To evaluate the usability of the final solution as well as initiate any adjustments to
implementation in production is possible.
Result: Final solution that is ready for deployment in production
Involved: Project and leadership / decision-maker
Useful advice
By studying the users we have listed 17 tips on the development of user-friendly packaging. Five
development projects have been started within the project “user friendly packaging” in order to
produce practical knowledge in how to use the guideline in practice. One of the outcomes is useful
advices for the industry mainly collected during testing of existing packaging with the consumers
during the project. These are shown below:
Graphics and colour
Use contrasts to highlight the opening.
Use simple and easy to read instructions on opening the packaging (texts/illustrations).
Large amounts of information can be difficult to take in – think about what is essential.
Design
Choose a form which clearly highlights the opening.
Use a large size of flaps, pulls and screw caps.
A square form is easier to grip than a round form.
Material
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Use material which will not break when the packaging is opened.
Use grooves/structure and different materials to ensure the consumer a good grip of the packaging.
The strength of users
Use a packaging which does not require inordinate strength or fine motor skills.
Avoid double packaging.
Use a type of packaging which can be opened in several ways.
Re-seal
You should only incorporate a re-seal function if it works and makes sense to the user.
You should test re-seal functions on users.
Tests
You should test the packaging on users throughout the entire development process.
You should test the packaging on elderly or children to ensure that the majority of these will be able to
use it.
Users
You should pay attention to the fact that users are accustomed to opening certain types of packaging
in certain ways.
You should keep in mind that the users of your products have different preconditions – cultural as well
as physical.
Conclusions
3 importance findings were observed.
Video observation is a tool for user understanding in the company.
Bringing different multidisciplinary groups together helps obtaining different solutions.
Prototypes and conceptual design makes concept tangible.
Video observation
In designing for the new old, Dishmann (2003) argues that observing real people in real contexts is a
critical complement to asking, to help identify patterns and extremes of behavior, unarticulated needs,
and places where peoples actions and stories about what they do differ in important ways.
To obtain a detailed knowledge of the user and use of the product, video recording was used to
observe specific activities associated with the use of the product. Video was also used to gain insight
into the broader consumer context i.e. the physical, cognitive, social, emotional and cultural aspects
associated with the purchase and use.
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Insights were successfully gathered and many important quotes from the users could be transformed
into design. We found that it is possible to transform ethnographic observations into insights for
design, which can be directly applied.
Multidisciplinary groups
Being truly interdisciplinary is rarely easy, as it is all about fuzzy boundaries and being in between
established categories (Nissani 1997). Being able to create multidisciplinary groups that can work
together, brings different points of view – that helps obtaining different solutions. We found that when
everybody in the team is active and open in the process, it enhances innovation and common
understanding of a problem in the organization.
Prototypes and conceptual design
There are different specific views on how the visual approach to a design process can contribute to a
product solution. Through their work in the design profession Van Patter & Jones (2009), have shown
how a visual approach can make sense out of large amounts of data, and help groups see and create
new opportunities together.
In this research Visualization and prototyping techniques had a significant impact in the process of
understanding vast amounts of information, and making decisions on which factors it would be
relevant to focus further on. Visual representations and specific proposals in concept form, can make
decisions more comprehensible, and thereby inform further discussions in the organization about the
possibilities for change.
Fact box
The project “User-friendly Packaging” is a collaborative effort involving, among others, the Danish
Technological Institute, the Aarhus School of Architecture, the Danish Rheumatism Association and a
number of trade organizations and enterprises. The Danish Enterprise and Construction Authority
have provided a 5.6 million DKr grant for this four-year project which was launched in the spring of
2008.
References
Bannon, L (1991) “From Human Factors to Human Actors” in Greenbaum, J. & Kyng, Design at work.
Cooperative Design of Computer Systems. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 25-44.
Dervin, B. (1992) From the Minds Eye of the User: The Sense-Making Qualitative, Quantitative
Methodology, In J. D. Glazier & R.R. Powell, Qualitative Research in Information Management,
Englewood, CO: Libraries Unlimited
Dishman, E (2003) “Designing for the New Old” In Design Research, Methods and Perspectives. The
MIT Press, Cambridge London. Pp.41-48
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Galley, M., Elton, E. and Haines, V. (2005). Packaging: a box of delights or a can of worms? The
contribution of ergonomics to the usability, safety and semantics of packaging. FaraPack Briefing
2005, New Technologies for Innovative Packaging
Heiniö ET. al. 2008, Easyopenpack, http://www.vtt.fi/inf/pdf/tiedotteet/2011/T2586.pdf
Hestad, M (2006). "Pure shape - To realize intended meaning in practice". Design and semantics of
form and movement (DeSForm), Northumbria University.
Innovation with people (2010) Published by Norwegian Design Council, ISBN 978-82-991852-2-6
Jones, P. & VanPatter, GK (2009) Design 1.0, 2.0, 3.0, 4.0 - The Rise of Visual SenseMaking,
NextDesign Leadership Institute
Meyers, H. and Gerstman, R. (2005) The Visionary Package – Using Packaging to Build Effective
Brands, Palgrave MacMillan, New York.
Nissani, M (1997) “Ten Cheers for interdisciplinary: The case for for Interdisciplary Knowledge and
Research”. Social Science Journal, 34, 201-216
Orth, U. R. and Malkewitz, K. (2008) Holistic Package Design and Consumer Brand Impressions.
Journal of Marketing, vol. 72, no. 3, pp. 64–81.
Young, S. (2004) Breaking Down the Barriers to Packaging Innovation, Design Management Review,
vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 68–73.
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Synaesthesia
Fabio Scotto di Clemente
Abstract
The name
Synaesthesia is a project that aims at promoting tourism in any kind of territory using food design as
an instrument of communication. As a rhetorical figure, Synaesthesia means the association of two
terms that refer to different sensorial spheres. In general, synaesthesia can be defined as a situation
where a sound, smell, taste, touch or vision is perceived as two distinct but coexisting events,
enhancing the overall experience.
The aim of the project
The Synaesthesia project wants to offer a new way of interpreting the culinary tradition of a certain
place thanks to a close cooperation between designers and chefs. In this context, food design is the
main communication instrument as it implies culinary tradition, creativity and cooking skills. The
cooking tradition is first analysed and divided into its different sensorial components, and then
reassembled in a modern and contemporary way. In other words: if the consumer is offered
synaesthetical experiences through ‘polyglot’ products which, for example, let him ‘see a taste’ or
‘smell a sound’, the act of consumption will be a unique experience which he will like to repeat.
The project
Imagine using all five senses while you eat just one food. Imagine taking just one bite and being
plunged into a unique sensorial experience expressly designed to enhance one or more senses. The
Synaesthesia project is a multisensory instrument: it defines the various sensorial characteristics of a
culinary product by dividing the adjectives that describe it into a holistic system of four concentric
circles.
1) The outer circle considers the senses of smell and taste. It contains a lists of adjectives linked to
these two senses: from salty to sweet, from hot to aromatic, from balsamic to ethereal and so on.
2) The second circle analyzes the texture of a food product, which can be perceived by using the
sense of touch. The adjectives reach from crunchy to liquid, passing through creamy, gelatinous, etc.
3) The third circle, analyzes the esthetical aspect, referred to sight: some adjectives are irregular,
smooth, wrinkled, linear, etc.
4) The fourth circle, placed in the centre analyzes the esthetical aspect, referred to hearing: some
adjectives are crunchy, fluid, soft, etc.
The process
Synaesthesia needs a close cooperation between designers and chefs in order to create a product
efficient under four aspects: aesthetics, function, quality and emotion. During the initial phase of the
projects, the local cuisine must by analyzed in order to find recurring characteristics, which we could
define ‘culinary isotopies’, and collocate them in the circles described before. At this point, the
designer can begin to delineate the morphological particularities of his food design products while
leaving unchanged the culinary isotopies of the place in question. Based on these sketches, ideas
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and characteristics, a chef can create an infinite variety of interpretations in order to promote the
territory and its traditions.
Conclusion
Synaesthesia is an innovative concept which, if applied systematically, can produce unique
experiences that involve all five senses.
Keywords: Senses; Multisensoriality; Synaesthesia; Traditions; Designers; Chefs
Introduction
“A creamy blur of succulent blue sound smells like week-old strawberries dropped onto a tin
sieve as mother approaches in a halo of color, chatter, and a perfume like thick golden
butterscotch.” Ackerman (1991:289).
This project in food design reflects my on-going research interest in the five senses and how they
might generate a product and system based on food. It is an extraordinarily interesting area that has
still not received much attention. Design has been with us in the industrial sector for decades, but
food design still has no proper status or history, especially when viewed in experiential and emotional
terms. There have been industrial design projects featuring food for as long as there has been a
catering industry treating food-based projects like normal mass-production processes. Just as there
have always been chefs who have tried to beguile their clients with dishes that were designed to
impress for their ingredients, preparation or aesthetic content. And yet it is only in recent years that
work has been done on food design and the elaboration of sensorial architectures associated with
food. Even the current trend of using food design to excite and impress is strictly linked to the current
economic, generational and above all cultural and anthropological circumstances.
In the Middle Ages, for example, the tendency was to mix sweet, savoury and spicy foods together to
obtain a special gustatory experience. Today, on the contrary, we tend to separate out tastes so as to
be able to distinguish and appreciate the ‘quality’ of the individual ingredients. In fact taste, and in
general the experience associated with it, is a cultural concept, as the food historian Massimo
Montanari (2007:73) explains: “Food is not ‘good’ or ‘bad’ in absolute terms: someone taught us
to identify it as such. The organ of taste is not the tongue but the brain, which is culturally
(and thus historically) determined, by means of which we learn and pass on the evaluation
criteria. Thus these criteria are variables in terms of both space and time: what is considered
positive in one period can be negative in another; what is considered a delicacy in one place
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may be rejected elsewhere as something disgusting. The definition of taste is part of the
cultural heritage of human societies”.2
In my opinion the screenwriters of the popular film Ratatouille gave an extremely clear image of the
current trend to make taste the over-riding factor in our choice of food linked to strong emotions and
experiences. “Surprise me, thrill me!”: so says the much feared gastronomic critic Anton Ego in the
Pixar cartoon film, and Remy the mouse chef responds with a ratatouille which reawakens long lost
sensations in the critic.
Against this background, and in view of the considerable interest both in the media and in the public in
what is largely unexplored territory, I have developed a system of food design called Synaesthesia.
The project’s genesis
Synaesthesia was conceived as a tool for territorial enhancement to be applied to gastronomy in Italy
but which is, as we shall see, applicable to cuisine anywhere. The underlying concept is to increase
(and improve) tourism in a certain area by means of an up-to-date approach such as food design. In
speaking of food design and experimentation in the food sector we must bear in mind that the
passage from an industrial to so-called ‘post-industrial’ society has shown that the daily experience of
food is associated with a multitude of meanings and values which often interact with other spheres
and experiences. As a result, food’s exclusively nutritional function is at least in part displaced to a
more explicitly symbolic sphere. We eat symbols, we have experiences and we savour sensations:
these are the trends that now characterise the domain of food.
Even the mention of food design in a country like Italy, where regional gastronomic traditions are very
strong, tends to meet fierce resistance. Certainly there are more and more food design projects linked
to the vast resources of regional gastronomy (one only has to think of examples featuring Parmesan
cheese or Bologna mortadella), but they are invariably one-off initiatives and are not viewed as
possible drivers of tourism. People generally believe that promoting gastronomic tourism in Italy
means staying as faithful as possible to tradition, trying not to modify it and certainly not reinterpret it,
whether technologically or morphologically. In fact food design projects tend to be viewed either as
disconcertingly ‘original’ or simply as ‘pie in the sky’, with no true cultural or practical significance.
This combined gastronomical and philosophical rigidity all too often rule out any experimentation
linked to the Italian culinary culture, whereas this really could be a trump card for alternative tourism.
The diversity that characterises Italian regional cooking actually proves to be a handicap as well as an
asset. On one hand it has contributed to the distinctive character of Italian cooking, but on the other it
has made for rigid demarcations, ruling out attempts at innovation. Diversity prevails not only from
one region to another but also between one town and another and even from one household to the
next. For example, one type of pasta will be served with a different sauce depending on geographical
location, while the same sauce will have different ingredients according to the traditions of the city in
which it is being prepared, while each cook is convinced that his or her own method is not only the
best but the right one!
I believe that both the traditional and the more ‘up-to-date’ philosophies can exist side by side and
reinforce each other, and my aim has been to apply food design to the latter approach, reinterpreting
tradition so as to affirm and renew it, offering the consumer a new and original product.
Proposing innovative products with a solid design foundation will bring a whole series of collateral
benefits (not only economic) for the local economy. It will be possible to attract tourists and people in
2
Translated by the author.
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search of novelty who already have an interest in Italian cuisine and offer them new experiences
which do not culminate in the same old dishes they have been familiar with for years.
“The true journey, as the introjection of an ‘elsewhere’ that differs from our day-to-day reality,
implies a total change of alimentation. We have to swallow the country we are visiting, its
fauna and flora as well as its culture (and this means not only its ways of cooking and
seasoning but also its various tools and how flour is ground or the pot is stirred), passing
them between our lips and through the gullet. This is the only way to travel which has any
sense nowadays, when you can seen everything there is to be seen perfectly well on television
without stirring from your armchair.” 3 Calvino (2000:24).
The name
The word synaesthesia derives from the Greek syn (together) + aisthanesthai (perceive), and
indicates those situations in which a single stimulus involving hearing, taste, touch or sight is
perceived as two distinct but contemporary sensorial events. However, the term has taken on a much
wider meaning, ranging from the medical to the literary spheres. Although there are synaesthetic
people who experience the condition as a difficulty (causing sensorial overload), synaesthesia is also
a rhetorical figure used by many poets and writers to indicate the juxtaposition of two terms belonging
to different sensorial planes.
The Synaesthesia project exploits the latter semantic area, where the juxtaposition of two or more
features leads to a new experience and sensation whose memory is also enriched. But what is the
point of providing a new experience and sensation? Why should so much importance be given to the
five senses? Wouldn’t it be enough just to come up with a food design project? If you think about it, an
activity like wine tasting involves attempting to isolate an object from its customary context. Imbibing
with mere sips while concentrating on the object and its sensorial qualities means rarefying the
material and temporal dimensions of the wine, its ‘substance’, and setting taste and smell to work as if
they were sight and hearing, denying their innate transience by means of exercises of memory that
tend to photograph and fix the gustatory perception itself. What is more, the sensorial separation is
itself an abstraction with respect to the meaning and use of the senses in everyday life: when we
approach food we usually take in its overall effect, involving all our senses at once, and only
subsequently may we perhaps proceed to analyse it.
How the project functions
“One day in winter, on my return home, my mother, seeing that I was cold, offered me some
tea, a thing I did not ordinarily take. I declined at first, and then, for no particular reason,
changed my mind. She sent for one of those squat, plump little cakes called ‘petites
madeleines’, which look as though they had been moulded in the fluted valve of a scallop
shell. And soon, mechanically, dispirited after a dreary day with the prospect of a depressing
morrow, I raised to my lips a spoonful of the tea in which I had soaked a morsel of the cake. No
sooner had the warm liquid mixed with the crumbs touched my palate than a shudder ran
through me and I stopped, intent upon the extraordinary thing that was happening to me. An
exquisite pleasure had invaded my senses, something isolated, detached, with no suggestion
of its origin. And at once the vicissitudes of life had become indifferent to me, its disasters
3
Translated by the author.
102
innocuous, its brevity illusory - this new sensation having had on me the effect which love has
of filling me with a precious essence…” Proust (1913-27:48).
The Synaesthesia project aims to create a series of edible products, catering as far as possible to a
public interested in discovering the gastronomic traditions of a specific place in a modern and
innovative way. There is no doubt that we are confronted with ever more demanding consumers to
whom we cannot simply offer a ‘traditional’ product (or at least not one that is merely traditional). We
have to be able to offer memorable, stimulating experiences that can trigger memories and
expectations, rather like Proust’s petites madeleines.
Synaesthesia analyses the gastronomic tradition of a particular area and reinterprets it in a
contemporary way. The tool for this reinterpretation is food design, and the agents who make it
possible are the designer and chef, while the public is involved as ever demanding consumer.
For this process to get under way there has to be close collaboration between designer and chef as
they define the various features according to their specific competencies and professionalism. To put
it more simply, the designers will take care of form and function, investigating the visual, tactile,
ergonomic and experiential aspects, while the chefs will deal with smell and taste and the realization
of the recipe. Obviously this distinction is only indicative, since in fact projects which are functionally
and gustatorially valid will be the outcome of the joint sensibility of designers and chefs. Exploiting this
collaboration in the sector of Italian cuisine for promotional initiatives will lead to new and interesting
developments for Italy’s vast resources of regional gastronomy and give essential impetus to tourism.
But why should we focus on the collaboration between designer and chef to bring new dynamism to
gastronomic tourism? The sociologist Giampaolo Fabris (2003:170) provides the key: “Today
experiencing pleasure, aspiring to something..., is considered practically a universal right and
duty for each individual; one only has to look at how intensely people pursue it. The first
spheres to be involved are the traditional ones: sexuality, eating and drinking, intimate
physical sensations, well-being, with all this implies in terms of the acquisition and
consumption of goods”.4 Thus the supplier is confronted by a consumer who is constantly looking
for increased pleasure. This results in five fundamental obligations:
1) to provide only the highest standards of quality, since the basic standards are now taken for
granted: it goes without saying that a dish has to contain good quality food. In this respect the chef
has a fundamental role to play in ensuring a selection of raw materials of the highest class together
with a well-judged combination of flavours.
2) to provide ever greater quantities of services.
3) to avoid wasting time and effort throughout the whole consumption cycle.
4) to create highly gratifying experiences around the consumption itself. In this phase the designer is
required to come up with some unique experiences (in terms of both the venue and the consumption
itself).
5) designer and chef together must make a point of appealing to all five senses.
I believe that it is above all point 5 that makes Synaesthesia such an interesting resource for territorial
enhancement. To cite G. Fabris (2003:193) once again: “It is precisely the senses that ignore the
cultural artifice of lying and are able to provide us with a more immediate and authentic vision.
For they enable us to relate to the world around us, sending impulses to the brain which
elaborates them as emotions, information and sometimes as pleasure experiences”.5 Western
culture has always given the greatest importance to sight, but today this sense no longer
predominates. Now the emphasis is on poly-sensualism in which all the senses are taken into
consideration and given the same importance. The aim of Synaesthesia is to provide a
4
5
Translated by the author.
Translated by the author.
103
methodology and approach to the food product in which all five senses are considered
separately in order to create a product that is aesthetically, functionally, gustatorially and
ergonomically valid. In other words, the consumer must be enabled to experience synaesthesia
while consuming the product by observing it through touch, listening to it through sight and tasting it
through smell. The products must be polyglot, able to dialogue with all the senses; only then will we
have created a memorable and significant experience that the consumer will want to repeat.
The project
So what is Synaesthesia? In practical terms Synaesthesia is a framework comprising four concentric
circles, each representing one of the senses involved during the consumption of a product. Each
circle features a series of adjectives/characteristics which different foods can represent for that
particular sense. Using this framework, designers and chefs can identify a series of distinctive
features which will then be realised in the design phase proper.
Let’s see how the framework is structured (figure 1). The first, outer circle focuses on taste and smell
which can conveniently be considered together. The second circle features adjectives referring to
touch and contains descriptions of the texture and consistency of a product. The third circle, focusing
on sight, presents some of the possible morphological features: it deliberately features fewer
adjectives so as to leave an ample margin for elaboration (as we shall see below). The fourth and
innermost circle refers to hearing. Although this type of attribute is particularly difficult to handle,
hearing does play a fundamental role in the choice and quality of a foodstuff. It is undoubtedly an
interesting field of experimentation; as Sonja Stummerer and Martin Hablesreiter (2010:103) ask:
“what would happen if one could create a substance that triggers ever louder, instead of softer,
sounds while being chewed?”.
The aim of the framework is to be able to see at a glance all the possible distinctive features in
a food design project. This provides designers and chefs with a universe of adjectives they can refer
to during the design phase. Clearly the framework cannot contain all the adjectives that could be
attributed to a specific food, and nor does it set out to be in any way scientific, such as giving
chemical data. The terms have been chosen on the basis of the most common characteristics, and
not for example by referring to the tables that wine tasters use to describe a wine. The function of
this framework is to provide a fairly general instrument of appraisal and interpretation for
designers and chefs to use in the gastronomic context. Approaching the proposals in this way will
ensure that the proper importance is given to the five senses, making them fundamental in
constructing a 'polyglot' project in which all the senses are involved. A poly-sensual approach should
be indispensable in any quality operation.
104
Now let us take a closer look at the three circles.
Figure 1: Framework with the three circles (taste/smell; touch; sight; hearing).
Outer circle, focusing on taste & smell.
Features:
- bitter
- fragrant
- delicate
- savoury
- subtle
- airy
- balsamic
- aromatic
- hot
- acid
- sharp
- fatty
- sweet
105
- intense
- lingering
- spicy
- neutral
Second circle, focusing on touch.
Features:
- crunchy
- firm
- thick
- doughy
- tender
- gelatinous
- liquid
- viscous
- soft
- creamy
- compact
- granular
Third circle, focusing on sight.
Features:
- irregular
- smooth
- non linear
- fine
- regular
- wrinkled
- linear
- gross
Inner circle, focusing on hearing.
Features:
- crunchy
- soft
- fluid
- viscous
How Synaesthesia functions
“Yet experience teaches us that although different shapes of pasta are identical in terms of
substance, they actually give different results in sensorial terms. Let us rule out any
seasoning, which will obviously affect the outcome. We shall serve the pasta with just butter
and grated parmesan (which was in fact the ‘classic’ preparation for any sort of pasta from the
Middle Ages through to the 18th century) and proceed to a tasting. A forkful of spaghetti will
106
not have exactly the same taste as a forkful of maccheroni, or gnocchi. Chewing a thin
spaghetto is not the same as chewing a thick one, and a smooth maccherone does not taste
like a fluted one. The form gives rise to different tastes. And in fact what is taste if not the
substance of the foodstuff itself? [...] So with all due respect to those who maintain that form
is one thing and substance another, pasta seems to exist on purpose to demonstrate the
contrary: that the two aspects interact in the closest fashion until they practically come to
coincide. There is no form without substance and no substance without form”.6 Montanari
(2010:16).
How is the framework to be used? As we said above, the aim of Synaesthesia is to stimulate
gastronomic tourism in a particular area once it has been duly analysed, creating food design projects
associated with the local culinary tradition and exploiting the five senses. Before the framework can
be used you have to carefully analyse the local gastronomy, taking into consideration history, how the
raw materials are transformed, ways of cooking, ingredients, combinations, tastes, colours, textures,
morphologies and so on. The next step is to organize all the data and identify a number of constants
which we can call culinary isotopies, i.e. distinctive features which recur in the typical foods and
dishes of the area in question. What are these culinary isotopies in practice? To give an example,
when you analyse the history of a local gastronomy you may come across the following isotopies:
prevalence of liquid foods (e.g. soups, creams, purées, veloutés, etc.) or recurrent typologies of
particular tastes and condiments (e.g. very hot flavourings, sweet, savoury, sweet and sour, and so
on) or again recurrent textures (e.g. dishes comprising ingredients which are mostly granulous,
crunchy, porous...). This analysis will bring out three fundamental factors:
1) How to overcome once and for all the ingrained belief that tradition and experimentation belong to
two different worlds. Study of the history of food reveals that what we call ‘tradition’, something that
has purportedly always been the same, is in fact in continual transformation. Tradition is actually fluid,
taking on the form in which it is contextualised. Culinary tradition changes, is modified and
transformed according to the historic, economic and cultural circumstances. In fact gastronomic
tradition is none other than an uninterrupted succession of changes that gradually modify ingredients,
recipes, ways of cooking, conservation, and so on. Thus in semantic terms the word ‘tradition’ is
actually very similar to ‘innovation’. And there is no doubt that food design can be a valid instrument
and catalyst of transformations and innovations.
2) Even though tradition is in continual transformation, analysis of local gastronomy will reveal trends
that remain constant over the course of time, such as particular tastes, condiments, ingredients,
forms, methodologies for conservation and so on.
3) A clear indication of the strong points to be exploited in developing innovative products. At this
point designers and chefs will work together to construct one or more projects of food design based
on this analysis. The relevant isotopies will be inserted into the framework, identifying for each circle
the adjectives that are most relevant to them. The groups of adjectives thus formed combine the
various sensorial features and can characterise the projects elaborated. In all probability this will lead
to a design system rather than a single product, since the interpretation of the framework will be open
to infinite variants that depend both on the sensibility of the designers and chefs and on the
impossibility of including all the features in a single project
In constructing the concept it is advisable, if not absolutely necessary, to use different methods of
elaboration so as to involve the two figures of designer and chef who are apparently very different. I
suggest drawing on the method of lateral thinking to develop the project.
This can be done by using four boxes containing a number of images illustrating the project. The
boxes should not contain images of foods, drinks or ingredients, nor should images refer to a specific
food. In this way the project will not be immediately characterised but can be constructed gradually by
6
Translated by the author.
107
choosing images from parallel spheres. In this phase the aim is to collect all sorts of images able to
tell a story and describe what we wish to obtain without making specific reference to food.
The four boxes will contain images representing:
1) Typology, drawn from analogous sectors explaining the purpose of the project.
2) Context, to do with the place where the project is to be enacted.
3) Behaviour, explaining how the body relates to the project, the gestures and modalities involved in
the food’s consumption.
4) Materials, concerning the product’s identity, describing surfaces and textures.
Once these images (say ten for each box) have been collected, designer and chef together will
choose 2 or 3 from each box. The aim is to use the selection to build up a visual narrative based
on the different languages represented by the various images. The result will be a story board in
images illustrating the project, starting from its morphology, going on to the modalities of
consumption, and culminating in the context for which it is designed; an example, in fact, of visual
writing. These story boards will enable designers and chefs to visualise textures, morphology, tastes
and smells by means of a sort of ‘short circuiting’ of the brain prior to arriving at the definitive project.
Then the designer and chef will set to work, each in his or her own sphere of experience, on
proposals and sensations. The outcome will be sketches or key words serving as the concepts to be
analysed one by one in the engineering phase of the food design projects.
In particular the designer will focus on morphology and textures, sketching forms to submit to the
chef. For his part the chef will study these sketches and suggestions in order to define the tastes and
sensations involved in a particular creation. In practice the chef is responsible for what in industrial
design is called the ‘engineering process’, i.e. creating the recipe. It is important for designer and
chef to work together, overcoming their own limitations but without trespassing on the domain of the
other. In this respect I can not help citing (from his website) the famous Spanish food designer Martí
Guixé, referred by Inga Knölke: "A food designer is somebody working with food with no idea of
cooking".
Some of the concepts to be constructed will remain just that, proving impossible to turn into products
because they are too complex or laborious. In any case the designer-chef collaboration should give
rise to innovative and stimulating ideas that can provide added value.
It is important to emphasise how the Synaesthesia system remains open to infinite possibilities and
solutions. For example, the starting-point of the gastronomic analysis can produce infinite design
combinations and interpretations simply by changing the protagonists; the projects elaborated will
obviously change according to the individual designers and chefs involved, because their respective
sensibilities and experiences are bound to lead to different and unexpected results.
Nonetheless it is interesting to note how these two figures will be able to collaborate on the same
design method. In this case we are speaking of design as a process in which the products that are
analysed, modelled and realised are to be submitted to public appraisal. The idea is to let the two
professional figures, with a common design method, interact to come up with unexpected results: this
is the secret of Synaesthesia.
A practical example: an Italian case study in Synaesthesia
108
To give a better idea of how the Synaesthesia system functions I shall now illustrate its application in
a specific Italian culinary context, in the area of the Campi Flegrei, situated to the north of Naples.
The project for territorial enhancement linked to food design starts out, as we have said, from an
analysis of the local alimentary history. Gastronomy in the Campi Flegrei has its origins in the best
culinary traditions in the world of classical Roman, as for example in the celebrated meals offered by
Lucius Licinius Lucullus, described by Plutarch, or again those of Petronius in the Satyricon. In fact
the Phlegraean area was the summer resort for Ancient Rome, where generals and emperors lived in
total luxury. However, after the end of the Imperial period and the decline of the Roman Empire, the
gastronomy in this area (for the population at large) became extremely modest, based on legumes
and pasta simply made in the home from flour and water. In other words it was characterised by foods
and dishes that derived directly from what the earth and the sea had to offer. Autochthonous products
such as the variety of apples known as annurche, the lemons of the Island of Procida, vegetables and
legume such as broccoli and cicerchia, together with fish including mainly anchovies, sardines and
mackerel, were the staple fare for the local population. Cooking was mostly either brief or nonexistent, except in the preparation of a few ingredients like the legumes.
What’s more it is interesting to note how the use of cutlery in the sense we give the term today, as
personal tools avoiding having to touch food as it is transported to the mouth, is in fact an extremely
recent invention. Formerly you would use a ‘tool’ only to eat something very hot or liquid. In practice
there was just a spoon for soups, and knives for cutting up large hunks of meat into smaller pieces
that could be eaten using hands. Forks only came into use in Europe from the 18th century, and at
first only as a new-fangled gadget for a chosen few. In fact the tactile relationship with food was very
important, and texture played a fundamental role in the appreciation of foodstuffs. In other words, to
improve the project this element should be incorporated into the central scheme, designing foods that
can be picked up using hand and fingers so as to revive a tactile approach to food.
Bruno Munari (2009:3) has this to say about his celebrated tactile laboratories: “We have a multisensorial knowledge of the world, and touch is the sense we use most. Touch completes a
visual and auditory sensation, and gives us other useful information about everything around
us. However, conditioned by a limited education exclusively oriented in terms of sight and
hearing. adults come to view the sense of touch as unimportant. We are accustomed to the
notion of ‘visual education’, but not tactile education. It’s not that we have lost the sense of
touch, just that we make too little use of it. Touch should be exercised not just with the
7
fingertips but with the whole surface of our body (including the mouth, of course)”.
Having analysed the history, selected the most common ingredients, methods of cooking, morphology
and typical dishes, we also have to find a new approach to consuming the food, linked to local
tradition. This will involve touching the food directly, raising it to the mouth using the fingers, and
sampling its quality, freshness and above all genuineness, without however putting the clock back or
losing the appeal that distinguishes many industrial products.
Thus in our practical example, a series of features, tastes, smells, textures and forms have been
filtered by the designer and chef giving the following results, duly inserted into the sensorial circles in
our framework (figure 2):
- taste/smell: hot and cold, bitter, acid, sharp, lingering and savoury foods
- touch: granular, compact, soft, viscous and liquid foods
- sight: irregular, wrinkled textures
- hearing: most of the time soft, with some crunchy ingredients
7
Translated by the author.
109
The next step was to collect images describing these features, leading to sketches and concepts,
which have produced 4 typologies of foods, 3 savoury and 1 sweet. It is interesting to note how,
although the morphology in the 4 projects is always the same, it leads to different experiences based
on touch, taste and smell. The intention of maintaining the same form for the whole system highlights
one fundamental element in the design process: greater importance is given to the ‘inferior’ senses
(taste, touch, smell and hearing) than to sight. The aim of this is not to shock consumers by means of
old-fashioned or strange customs but to get them to experience synaesthetically starting from one
form that is common to the whole system. This form has to be functional and ergonomic so that it can
be picked up, held and consumed without cutlery. The process that led to the formulation of these
four typologies of food was interesting and stimulating, but also complex and by no means
straightforward. Although I believe that the two figures of chef and designer are in practice
interchangeable at the design stage, this does not mean it proved easy to apply the Synesthesia
scheme. It was fundamental to ensure a mediation and balance between chef and designer in order
to come up with food products with an appealing look and an attractive taste. It happened, for
example, that the chef concentrated too much on the aspect of taste, while the designer regarded the
project as if it was simply an industrial product requiring an ergonomic and tactile function. In fact
creating a food design project meant reaching a compromise, searching for the right ingredient or
material that could fulfill the requisites of a harmonious taste on the part of the chef and of tactile and
morphological appeal on that of the designer.
Many drafts had to be abandoned because they were too complex or because it proved impossible to
find the right compromise between taste and form. Others were changed at the implementation stage,
while in others the ingredients remained the same but the function was changed. The important thing
was never to lose sight of “what the project aimed to communicate”. If the aspect, ingredients, cooking
methods or texture were changed during the implementation stage but the aim of the project
remained intact it meant that the product was strong enough in sensorial (or synaesthetic) terms to be
able to take on board the modifications.
Figure 2: Framework with the selected isotopies.
110
Now let us look at the projects in detail:
Project n. 1 – Savoury (figure 3)
Figure 3: Project n. 1.
First/Bottom layer:
irregular - wrinkled - with ridges
granular – crunchy
savoury - room temperature - fragrant
Second/Middle layer:
porous - wrinkled
compact - soft – moist
savoury - room temperature - tart - bitter
Third/Top layer:
smooth with even layers
moist - crunchy – fragrant
savoury - room temperature - lingering
Recipe:
First/Bottom layer:
Second/Middle layer:
Third/Top layer:
Crispy crust of savoury biscuits, pistachios, sesame and parsley
Blended lemon pith, dry bread, water, lemon juice
Shallot, whole
111
Project n. 2 – Savoury (figure n. 4)
Figure 4: Project n. 2.
First/Bottom layer:
irregular – regular
compact – soft
savoury - hot - delicate
Second/Middle layer:
smooth
soft – tender
savoury - hot - greasy - lingering
Third/Upper layer:
fine
crumbly - granular – dry
savoury - room temperature - fragrant
Fourth/Top layer:
smooth – irregular
viscous – oily
savoury - hot - fatty - lingering
Recipe:
First/Bottom layer:
Second/Middle layer:
Third/Upper layer:
Fourth/Top layer:
Filo pastry
Sliced anchovies
Crust with breadcrumbs
Sautéed mussels
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Project n. 3 – Savoury (figure 5)
Figure 5: Project n. 3.
First/Bottom layer:
irregular - chaotic - smooth – stringy
compact – soft
savoury - hot and fatty
Second/Middle layer:
wrinkled - irregular – stringy
tender
savoury - hot - greasy - moist - spicy
Third/Top layer:
regular – smooth
compact – stringy
savoury - hot
Recipe:
First/Bottom layer:
Second/Middle layer:
Third/Top layer:
Blend of spaghetti, cream and bread coating
Rapini (brassica rapa)
Melted cheese
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Project n. 4 – Sweet (figure n. 6)
Figure 6: Project n. 4.
First/Bottom layer:
wrinkled - chaotic - fine – stringy
crunchy
sweet - room temperature
Second/Middle layer:
wrinkled – irregular
granular – crunchy
sweet - room temperature
Third/Upper layer:
regular – smooth
compact - creamy – floury
sweet - room temperature - sharp
Fourth/Top layer:
regular – smooth
granular - firm – crunchy
sweet - room temperature - bitter
Recipe:
First/Bottom layer:
Second/Middle layer:
Third/Upper layer:
Fourth/Top layer:
Caramel in thin strands
Malleable dough of caramel and almonds
Apple purée
Plain chocolate teardrops
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These are the four products to have emerged from the analysis of the gastronomy of the Campi
Flegrei and the subsequent collaboration between designer and chef. The last stage in this process
was to propose these products in a tasting session. Since it was a trial project, and this was the first
application, we received contrasting opinions. Some food types, such as numbers 3 and 4, got a very
positive reaction, while the first two had mixed results. It is important to emphasise that the system is
open to infinite possibilities and interpretations. Far from being a drawback, this represents an added
value, for the system can always come up with new outcomes without departing from a correct
fundamental analysis.
Conclusion
Synaesthesia is an approach to food design, a research project in which food is not seen simply as
something edible but as a means of communication charged with history, sensibility, emotions,
sensations, information and experience. If we can succeed in incorporating these characteristics in a
food design product, this will e an important step forward in designing sensorial architectures.
Just like reading a book, eating becomes an experience involving the analysis and comprehension of
the present. Raising food to the mouth, biting into it, discovering that it contains tastes, textures and
smells that have been designed for a specific motive, is like telling a story. I believe that at this stage
the most important thing is to make a method available which can illustrate the contemporary reality of
alimentation, ensuring products that genuinely stimulate the emotions.
For these products the engineering process is only the final phase in a sequence of analysis and
research: Synaesthesia aims to favour an approach and mode of research that resemble those of the
sommelier. This means transferring to the edible end product the sorts of features and information
that characterise the appraisal of a wine. Whenever you order a bottle of wine in a restaurant, the
wine waiter will begin by detailing the specifics of that particular bottle, then pour out just enough for a
tasting and wait for confirmation (or otherwise) that it meets up to the expectations, as if nowadays
everybody was really able to assess the quality of wine. In this research project I have set out to add
information and emotions to a dish, and to tell a story during its consumption. The idea is not to
explain a gastronomic reality but to let the ‘taster’ grasp its nuances and emotions through touch,
sight, smell, hearing and, of course, taste. Naturally, being an open system, Synaesthesia is a ‘work
in progress’ susceptible to being modified and improved, but one that should gain recognition as a
possible new perspective for food design. There is no doubt that the system will be improved during
the trial stage, and once a series of applications have been made, it will be possible to analyse the
critical values at the design level and consumer responses. Other aspects could be identified that do
not currently feature in the circles (for food cultures that are very different to the European ones, with
tastes/textures/aspects that elude description with the attributes included here), and others can be
reduced.
As for the response of consumers, feedback actually appears to be a two-edged resource: although it
tends to be the decisive factor, in practice giving products the thumbs up or down, in my opinion it
should not be allowed to exert a negative influence on project development (at least at this
experimental phase). Consumer feedback should be used to identify the weak points in the design,
deriving from the collaboration between designer and chef, in order to improve the system and give
the public products which are always superior in terms of design and taste. It is important to note that
Synaesthesia is a flexibile system, able to be applied on various scales: it can be used to highlight a
limited geographical area (e.g. taking a particular gastronomic reality as the object of analysis) or it
can investigate a culinary culture on the macro-scale (e.g. applying the project to the cuisines of
different European nations). This will ensure projects with a strong cultural valence, interesting from a
design viewpoint and good to eat.
115
“I enjoy peaches and apricots more since I have known that they were first cultivated in China
in the early days of the Han dynasty; that Chinese hostages held by the great King Kaniska
introduced them into India, whence they spread to Persia, reaching Roman Empire in the first
century of our era… all this makes these fruits much sweeter on my palate”. Bertrand Russell
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116
ARCHITECTURAL MEALSCAPES.
A paradigm for Interior Design for
Food
Tenna Doktor Olsen Tvedebrink1, Anna Marie Fisker2, Poul Henning Kirkegaard3
1
M.Sc. in Eng. with specialization in Architecture & Design, Ph.D. student, Department of Civil
Engineering, Aalborg University.
2
, Architect maa, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Division Leader, Food+Design, Department of Civil
Engineering, Center for Food Science, Design & Experience, Aalborg University
3
M.Sc. in Eng., Ph.D., Professor, Department of Civil Engineering, Aalborg University.
Abstract
Since the beginning of humanity, food and design have been inseparable. When the first primitive
tribes with an interest in cooking established a food-preparing fire they created the first meals,
established the first eating environments and built the first primitive shelters. Back in 1852 the
German architect Gottfried Semper developed a theory on the “four elements of Architecture” tracing
the origin of architecture back to the rise of the early human settlement and the creation of fire. With
the notion ‘hearth’ as the first motive in architecture and the definition of three enclosing motives;
mounding, enclosure and roof, Semper linked the cultural and social values of the primordial fireplace
with the order and shape of architecture. He claimed that any building ever made was nothing but a
variation of the first primitive shelters erected around the fireplace, and that the three enclosing
motives existed only as defenders of the “sacred flame”. In that way Semper developed the idea that
any architectural scenery can be described, analyzed and explained by understanding the contextual,
symbolic and social values of how the four basic motives of hearth, mounding, enclosure, and roof are
jointed together.
The purpose of this paper has therefore been to test the idea of a new paradigm for ‘Interior Design
for Food’ taking into account the reflective perspective and critical thinking of architectural theory like
for instance developed with Semper, when studying the eating environment.
We set out, by arguing that in the specific situation of a meal the four motives defined by Semper
encapsulates and almost “primordial space”; an ‘Architectural Mealscape’, that from the scale of the
dinner table to the enclosing dimensions of floor, wall, and ceiling forms an architectural scenery that
symbolically and culturally stages the meal, and therefore becomes an important part of the eating
environment. We pursued the idea of the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ in an analysis of how the
architecture of a hospital eating environment influenced the patient’s meal behavior.
The material analyzed was based on a field study performed in a Danish hospital ward in 2010, and
preliminary results showed that due to the spatial configuration and overall meal scenery the patients
was often enforced to eating alone. We concluded this was partly due to the lacking dimension of a
hearth fostering a sense of community during mealtime, as well as the lacking ability of the interior
design to establish a scenery supporting the sensual, social and cultural qualities often associated
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with an enjoyable meal. On that basis we suggested that the dinner table had the potential of
becoming the contemporary hearth fostering a communal forum, as well as motivating the order and
shape of the overall architectural scenery in the hospital ward. Furthermore, we argued that the
concept of the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ not only could be used as a design tool to create better
eating environments in hospitals, but possibly also be used to improve existing research
methodologies within the paradigm for ‘Interior Design for Food’.
Keywords: Interior Design for Food; Architectural Mealscape; Architectural Theory
Introduction
The rise of an ‘Interior Design for Food’
During the period of Enlightenment one of the major breakthroughs in European history was the
theory of evolution and the claim that early human beings, contrary preceding biblical writings, did not
descend form Adam and Eve but had evolved from animals. What, among others, had advanced
human beings from animals was their ability to create fire and cook food (Freedman 2007). However,
another significant advancement was the ability to build small shelters for protection against climate
and wild nature (Pile 2009). According to architect Gottfried Semper (born 1803) the origin of
architecture can be traced back to these “primordial” abilities of early human beings. With the theory
“the four Elements of Architecture” and the concept of the ‘hearth’ Semper claims that architecture
exists only as defender of the hearth’s “sacred flame”, and is shaped and ordered accordingly
(Mallgrave 2011). With this higher significance ascribed the hearth, Semper, in our point of view,
points at a deeply rooted ontological and symbolic relationship possibly existing between the arts of
cooking and the arts of building. A relationship which might affect our way of eating and building, but
which also has made the foundation for an entire branch of ‘Interior Design for Food’.
The term ‘Interior Design for Food’ has by the International Food Design Society, been defined as the
products of interior design conceived for food spaces, considering all the characteristics of the eating
environment such as interiors, materials, colors, lighting, temperature, music, behavior, and
employees clothing (ifooddesign 2011). One of the points made by the Food Design Society is, that
even if food itself is not involved as a specific material, the methodology used in ‘Interior Design for
Food’ involves knowledge regarding food, food preparation, and food consumption to be able to
design spaces providing an aesthetic eating experience (ifooddesign 2011). Complementing this,
increasing studies related food and consumer research recently treat the subject of eating
environment and food behavior. (See among others: Bell et al. 1994, Edwards & Gustafsson 2008,
Gibbons & Henry 2005, Gustaffson 2004, King et al. 2004, Meiselman 2008, Sobal & Wansink 2007,
Stroebele & Castro 2004) With the risk of misjudging the significance of these studies, we find that
few studies consider the eating environment as ontological and symbolic scenery, taking into account
the theoretical knowledge produced with disciplines like Architecture or Interior Design and thinkers
like Semper (Olsen & Fisker 2011). The purpose of this paper is therefore to test a proposal for a new
paradigm for ‘Interior Design for Food’ taking into account the reflective perspective of architectural
thinking when studying the eating environment.
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This is done by applying the theoretical framework proposed by Semper and the idea of the hearth to
a hermeneutic analysis of how the architecture and interior design of a hospital ward influence the
patient’s meal behavior.
METHOD
The material used for the analysis is based on the preliminary results obtained in a field study
performed in 2010 in a Danish hospital department. The field study comprise a minor series of
observations using sketching and note-taking to capture the situation of patient eating, as well as
informal talks conducted with associated nurses. The field study is part of a larger case study
performed on patient eating environments in general, and which further includes semi-structured
interviews performed with nurses, doctors, hospital nutritional staff, hospital dining room designers,
and hospital architects; historical studies of state-of-the-art European hospitals; as well as a fictional
essay written on the basis of several personal experiences with hospitalization within the last two
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years. All of these studies are based on an architectural research perspective and with the
dimensions of the architectural scenery as primary focus.
Only the material obtained from the field study in the Danish hospital department will be used here.
Furthermore, with this paper we have intentionally focused on Semper’s concept of the hearth in the
explorative attempt of adding an architectural-theoretical perspective to the paradigm for an ‘Interior
Design for Food’. Consequently, other parts of Semper’s theory as well as a wide range of relevant
theoretical perspectives on architecture and experience of space developed by other architectural
theoreticians have deliberately been left out of the analysis. Finally, we would like to emphasize that
this study has been limited to patient eating environments and their architectural scenery. Whereas
this paper does not deal with neither anthropological or social theories related eating, nor the spaces
of food production or selling food as otherwise defined as part of the ‘Interior Design for Food’ by the
International Food Design Society.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The four elements of architecture
In 1852 the German architect, engineer and historian Gottfried Semper published the book: “the four
Elements of Architecture”. With this book Semper developed a model for four basic elements
underlying the making of architectural form. This model was based on the theoretical understanding
that the design of architecture, like nature, is based on the endless variation of a few, basic elements.
Those basic elements are what Semper chose to call motives. In an almost evolutionary manner
Semper pose that every piece of architecture stem from infinite variations of these motives and that
contemporary differences in building style and interior design is the evolutionary result of these
motives responding to contextual circumstances such like site and climate, as well as culture (Semper
1863, Mallgrave 2011).
According to architectural historian Harry Francis Mallgrave (2011) Semper’s thinking is significant
and almost revolutionary for his time. So far the architectural discipline had mainly been dominated by
laws of proportion, symmetry, and harmony based on a strong interest in the classical Greek and
This case study is part of the on-going PhD project “Hospital Foodscape Design“,
established at Aalborg University (see http://personprofil.aau.dk/112265#/forskning )
8
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Roman architecture (Mallgrave 2011b). However, influenced by contemporaries like Immanuel Kant
(“Critique of Pure Reason” in 1781), Charles Darwin (“The Origin of Species by means of Natural
Selection” in 1859), and Gustav Klemm (“General Cultural History of Mankind” in 1843), Semper
grows an interest in anthropology and the early prehistoric societies as motivation for understanding
the origin of architecture (Mallgrave 2011). The studies by Darwin and Klemm are some of the first in
western history to study man outside the religious framework. The entire foundation for how human
beings perceive, read, understand and appreciate the external world is up for debate, and the
anthropological idea that man is defined by his family, social life, eating- and burial habits, dwellings,
dress and decoration, tools, weapons and utensils, religion and language are groundbreaking and
world-shattering.
Inspired by the novel anthropological definitions of ‘culture’ and ‘man’ Semper adopts the idea that no
human culture ever has managed without fire for heating, light, cooking or defense, and that fire is
therefore the force that stands at the beginning of all cultural development (Mallgrave 1985, Mallgrave
2011). The idea is that around the fireplace early human beings gathered for food and relaxation after
hunting. In this way language developed, small communities unfolded, the first religious rites were
performed and so customs, traditions as well as celebration came into being. From there on society
developed, including the act of building shelters. The fireplace, in Semper’s thinking, is therefore not
only a functional interior element for heating, light or cooking, but a central social object, spiritual
center and cultural symbol on human settlement and the establishment of communities. It is the germ
of tribal life and the “embryo” of social forms in general (Semper 1863).
The hearth as an underlying motive for architecture
To capture the higher significance and epistemological role of the fireplace, Semper introduces the
notion ‘Hearth’. The hearth should here be understood as a metaphor for the social, spiritual, and
cultural value the primordial fireplace encompass as a communal forum and origin of human
settlement.
Semper makes the hearth the first motive of architecture, and claims that all other elements of
architecture exist only as defenders of the hearth (Semper 1853, November). These other elements
can in Semper’s viewpoint be narrowed down into three basic motives protecting the sacred forum
and underlying the creation of architecture. Those motives are: ‘mounding’ (floor or terracing),
‘enclosure’ (walling) and ‘roof’ (ceiling). The motive of mounding raises the hearth of the ground, and
joins it with the roof and enclosure. The motive of roof is an overhead protection of the hearth. The
motive of enclosure is the vertical spatial divider, which should not just be understood as an “ordinary”
wall, but as an enclosure defining a new spatiality or an inner world separated and protected from the
outer (Mallgrave 1985). The numbers of possible combinations for these four motives are manifold.
The motives could be altered or transposed between both elements and materials, evolving into more
elaborate metaphors and symbols. What is important, according to Semper, is that the different
variations of the motives evolve according to the special contextual influences they are under. How
the motives are shaped and ordered accordingly is a result of differences in time, differences between
races and nations, political and religious tendencies as well as changes in nature and climate.
Relative hereto, Semper emphasizes that sometimes parts of
the motives are more developed than others or perhaps just
maintained symbolically (Semper 1854).
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Figure 1: In the Colonial division of the Great Exhibition in 1851 Semper is faced with the core of his theoretical speculations.
Here he sees a full-scale model of a small Caribbean hut, originating from the island of Trinidad. The hut displays the four
“primordial” motives in their simplest expressions and combinations; hearth, mounding, enclosure and roof. (Semper 1853,
November)
What is furthermore important in Semper’s theory is that the hearth is the only part of the architectural
construction which is self-existing and has a meaning without the coexistence of the other three
motives (Mallgrave 1985). The hearth can exist without the protection of a ceiling, without being
included by walls, or elevated on terraces. The hearth constitutes in itself the fundamental idea of a
communal forum. It is in its highest significance the focal point where to all other things relate, both
the elements of architectural construction as well as the forces of society. The hearth is therefore not
only an architectural element. It is an epistemological object working as the “moral element” of
architecture (Semper 1863).
As presented above, Semper argues that throughout all phases of society the hearth formed the
sacred focus around which the whole took order and shape. He exemplifies this by posing that in
prehistoric times, the hearth was perhaps just defined by a small fireplace on the ground, but
throughout history it evolves into a religious object and transitions into an altar (Semper 1854). On the
background of a study of classical Greek architecture Semper argues that not only tribal dwellings,
but entire cities originally developed on the model of the hearth as central motive. In the development
of the city, the hearth is then a communal forum set apart from the dwellings of the individual families
(Mallgrave 1985). For instance the classical Greek temple. According to Semper this is an abstraction
of the early shelters originally established around the sacred fire of the hearth. He argues that the
cella, which is the sacred inner chamber of a Greek temple and which often contained a cult image or
statue representing the goods worshiped, was meant to symbolize the state of the universe before the
act of creation and was thus considered the most important and sacred communal point in ancient
Greek culture (Semper 1854). This was further emphasized spatially by the use of a table or plinth to
receive offerings, and the cella often working as a treasury. Following Semper’s thinking the cella is
the hearth in classical Greek society and the first motive of ancient Greek architecture, domestic as
well as urban.
Furthermore, Semper in one of his studies distinguishes between the type of dwellings developed in
the cold north and the warm south. His point is that in the warmer climates early shelters evolved into
a dry mound or tent-like structure, whereas in the northern or colder mountainous regions they
evolved into timber constructions (Mallgrave 1985). Semper thus describes how in the north, in a
farmer’s house, the hearth in the shape of a fireplace and chimney was constructed from massive
stone, acting as a heat store. Around it was arranged benches for the family to assemble during the
coldest times, and often bacon, hams and sausages were hung next to the fireplace to be preserved
by the smoke. In the warmer climates, the hearth as a fireplace was often separated from the main
part of the dwelling, placed in the open or in close to the open due to the undesirable amount of heat
released with cooking (Semper 1853, Davey 2007).
The symbolic and social ability of architecture
We find there are two points made by Semper with the descriptions of the Greek temple and the
archetypes of the peasant house. One is the importance of the cultural context in the physical
manifestation of the hearth. The other is the idea that architecture everywhere is based on those four
“primordial” motives initiated with the establishment of the hearth. In that way Semper presents some
very early semiotic considerations on how the elements of architecture become devices through
which we can read and interpret culture. And the hearth is as such not a specific interior or structural
element, like the three other motives, but instead a metaphor with higher significance and a
representative role as a symbolic designation for the “original communal forum” which is the driving
force of social life and establishing community. When linking the anthropological and social ideas of
the heart with the order and shape of architecture, Semper, in our opinion, moves the prevailing
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contemporary understanding of architecture from being an object towards the idea of architecture as a
phenomenon.
Throughout time the understanding of architecture has been widely debated and various perspectives
exist seeking to describe and explain the nature, experience and purpose of architecture (Bek &
Oxvig 1999). Some have described and explained architecture as an aesthetic object (the art
historians); a medium of power and discipline (the marxists); a language (the structuralists) or for
th
instance an institution (the social scientists) (Nygaard 2011). Before the late 18 century, architecture
was mainly understood as a product of geometry and proportions and as an abstraction of the human
body (Nygaard 2011). The idea of architecture as a spatial scenery (a “Raum”) is not developed until
around 1893 with the German artist Adolf von Hildebrand and German art historian August
Schmarsow (Nygaard 2011). The theoretical work and writings developed by Semper during the
period of 1833 – 1879 incorporates the idea that the social, cultural, anthropological and symbolic
values embodied in the built environment are important for how we experience, describe and explain
architecture (Semper 1863). So, even though, Semper not directly uses the term “scenery”, we find
that his theory on the four motives in the order and shape of architecture is an early and almost
revolutionary example on the understanding of architecture as phenomenon; as scenery, instead of
an object assigned strict geometry and proportions.
If we accept this reading of Semper and agree to adopt his early anthropological-theoretical
understanding of architecture, it is possible to imagine that an inseparable cultural connection exists
between the architectural scenery and the everyday rituals of eating and having a meal. Based on
Semper’s concept of the hearth and the theory on the “four elements of architecture” we would
therefore like to advocate that in the specific situation of a meal, the four primary motives of
architecture; the wall, the floor and the ceiling, encapsulates an almost primordial space- an
‘Architectural Mealscape’.
The ‘Architectural Mealscape’
The suffix ‘-scape’ is traditionally defined as the spatial arrangement of artifacts, or the specific view of
a scenery (Mikkelsen 2011). So, the notion ‘Architectural Mealscape’ is here to be understood as the
description of the specific architectural scenery established around a given situation of eating and
having a meal. The architectural scenery framing a meal situation is a complex ever-changing
phenomena in which a large number of artifacts, people and ideas are present and interact. The
notion ‘-scape’ offers the advantage of incorporating the tacit dimensions of those unevenly
distributed interactions occurring between space, people, ideas, and artifacts (Mikkelsen 2011).
Following the above reading of Semper’s theory, the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ is thus ordered and
shaped by the underlying motive of the ‘hearth- of- the- meal’ and the three enclosing motives of
‘floor’, ‘wall’ and ‘ceiling’ framing the meal. Together those four motives create a scene, that from the
smallest architectural scale of laying the table with plates, bowls and glasses, into the spatial
arrangement of table and chairs, to the enclosing dimension of wall, floor and roof stage the meal.
A paradigm for an ‘Interior Design for Food’ must, in our opinion, in addition to existing theories
include the concept of the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ and its’ four underlying motives to take into
account some of the ontological and symbolic architectural values of the eating environment.
With this theoretical framework, we will move on to the presentation of the investigated case and an
analysis of its specific qualities as an ‘Architectural Mealscape’.
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PRESENTING THE CASE
The material analyzed in this paper is based on a minor series of observations and informal talks
performed in the department of infection medicine at a public hospital in Denmark. The department is
part of a larger research project initiated back in 2008 by a small group of doctors, nurses and
9
nutritional staff . Their goal was to improve patient’s treatment outcome and healing process by
focusing more on the nutritional well-being, and as part hereof the individual nutritional needs and
food desires when hospitalized (Olsen 2010). The motivation behind this goal was that health related
research recently had shown that modifying diets and nutrition to support the needs of each patient as
part of the hospital treatment could possibly help prevent the risk of undernourishment, as well as the
risk of complications, higher rate of infections, increased length of stay, and diminished quality of life
(Olsen 2010). The group initiated nutritional therapy with direct improvement of meals and a focus on
how to increase nutritional values obtained during eating through initiatives of screening, monitoring
and developing nutrition plans, as well as introducing “in-between snacking” (MORE 2010). Based on
studies speculating that problems of undernourishment in hospitals are not just matters of wrong
nutrition and poor diet, but as well a social and cultural matter bound to the entire eating situation and
the act of consuming a meal as part of a larger community, the group further had ideas about
improving the meal situation by altering the specific scenery of the dining facilities. Yet, this has not
been fully implemented, partly due to lacking economy, but also due to lacking knowledge on the
influence of the eating environment and how to design these dining facilities to improve patient’s meal
experiences (Olsen 2010).
The specific department is located on the 7th floor of a newly built extension (2006) to the original
th
hospital dating back to 1970 (Aalborg Sygehus 2012). In the 7 floor the department shares
centralized kitchen facilities and a larger common dining area together with the department of
hematology. However, each of the two departments furthermore have their own minor living area in
the ward, encompassing a small dinner table, some armchairs and a bulk trolley for the service of
patients during meal times, as well as for drinks or lighter snacks during the day. Additional to the bulk
trolley the department is part of an initiative offering patients drinks, snacks and sweets in-between
meals from a small tea trolley strolling around the ward three times a day. Finally, it should be noted
that all meals are prepared in a large decentralized kitchen located in a separate building in the
hospital area. The centralized kitchen facilities are thus mainly used for storing of drinks, snacks,
tableware and dishwashing, as well as heating of foods prior to mealtime.
Figure 2: Conceptual plan-drawing of the7th floor at Aalborg
Hospital, the departments of Infection Medicine &
Hematology.
1) is the shared common area with dining facilities and a
small central kitchen
2) is the ward’s living/ dining area
3) is the patient room with a small bed-table for eating.
The black “boxes” are the locations of the bulk trolley. (Olsen
2012)
The research project is called “MORE” and is established at Aalborg Hospital, located in
northern Denmark. (www.aalborgsygehus.rn.dk)
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DISCUSSION OF PRELIMINARY RESULTS
As seen from the above plan-drawing the layout of the ward is based on an archetypical model of a
“modern”’ hospital, where patient’s rooms are aligned at one side of the ward, separated from staffand service functions such like elevators, staircases, washrooms, nurse-offices, and the nurse-station
by a long hallway. In this specific department the only patient-related facility located in the right side of
the ward, is the small living-/dining area. From the observations made in the field study it became
evident how the patients in this specific ward, by the means of the spatial configuration and overall
architectural scheme, are often “forced” to eat in manners contradictory with our cultural heritage and
fundamental understanding of sharing a meal as part of a community, as emphasized with the
theoretical framework. This is for instance seen with the scenery and behavior occurring during
dinnertime, as recorded with the notes from the observation:
“During the day the bulk trolley is used to store all relevant kinds of tableware and china…furthermore
the bulk trolley is equipped with a wide range of soft drinks available for the patients . However, they
are not allowed to touch it themselves due to contagion risks. …During mealtime an additional bulk
trolley with hot food is brought in and placed in the small living area. The patients slowly trickle in and
align in front of the bulk trolley. … food is served from large steel containers… and handled to each
individual on plastic trays …. Each patient can then choose to sit in the living area in the ward, in the
patient rooms or in the common eating facilities of the overall department. …there is only room for
about 4-5 patients. The rest looks rather nervous and in doubt where to go? Some return to the
patient rooms… an old man heads for the common area… others quietly wait for a free seat, or sit at
the end of the hallway in the armchair” (Olsen 2012).
The missing hearth – a lack of motive in the architecture
As presented above, according to Semper the sense of community rises with the higher significance
of the hearth as a communal forum and its ability to gather people around for activities like cooking
and eating. However, as seen from the field-study notes there is not enough room for all the patients
to sit down and eat together in the ward. Consequently, several patients are forced to wait or eat
alone in other locations and thereby become “detached” from the overall ward community.
Furthermore, the eating environment is part of a small living area located in-between elevators,
storage rooms, offices and the nurse-station. Here trolleys with dirty laundry, cleaning utensils or
medical equipment are often temporarily stored. So, even though the space physically is located in
the middle of the ward it quickly becomes “hidden” in the daily activities of busy nurses and doctors,
or the scenery of visitors and co-patients watching TV. Finally, the patients are not invited to interact,
as it is not even allowed for them to touch parts of the meal scenery and each patient meal is sharply
separated by the boundaries of the serving trays. One could argue that the activities of patients, staffs
and visitors are mixed up, and there is as such no communal forum fostering social events and the
sense of a community during mealtime. There is no hearth-of-the-meal.
If we continue with the idea developed by Semper that the hearth is the first motive of architecture,
and that the three other motives exist only as “defenders of the hearth”, one of the problems we think,
is that there is no specific architectural scenery to support the existence of a hearth-of-the-meal. The
existing scenery of the meal is squeezed in-between other ward activities and their spatial scenery as
described above. Consequently, providing no coherent sense of an underlying motive for the order
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and shape of the architectural scenery of the meal. Clearly the underlying architectural intention is
instead an optimization of space, ordered to facilitate the rhythm and demands of the hospital and its
staff. This can be seen from the obvious distribution of space in the hallway allowing for clear passage
as well as quick and efficient transport of patient’s beds or the hasty movements of medical personal
in cases of emergency, as well as the general interior design. The interior of the ward is, like rest of
the hospital, striped down to the minimal requirements of interior decorations and furniture. Despite
the staff’s deliberate effort to create a more “homely” or “restaurant-like” atmosphere by use of white
table cloths, napkins, candles, flowers and small decorative artifacts, the overall meal scenery is
dominated by the naked, prefabricated white-greyish walls, ceilings and floor, as well as the
standardized hospital furniture; armchairs, small coffee tables, the bulk trolley and tableware specially
manufactured for these kinds of public institutions.
We could claim that the architecture of the ward has been turned into a scene for an “industrialized
process” or “manufacturing line” where time and motion are measured and rationalized according to
reduce “wastage”. No care has been given to the specific design of the walls, ceilings or floors in the
architectural scenery. They are instead “results” or “leftovers” of the construction of the overall
hospital design. In that way it also seems, in our opinion, like the specific facilities for eating and
social gathering has been given low priority in this hospital ward. And no architectural attention has
been put to the careful design of the ward interior to establish a scenery for eating. They simply lack
to establish an architecture supporting the sensual, social and cultural qualities associated with the
significant values of a ‘Mealscape’, as argued for in the theoretical framework.
The meal as motive for ward architecture
Throughout western history, as hunter-gatherers developed into settled farmers and later city
dwellers, the first primitive eating environments established around the fireplace eventually grew into
smaller kitchen areas, lavish dining rooms, fancy restaurants, and numerous design proposals for
spaces supporting the production, preparation, and consumption of food and meals. In our western
societies human beings eat everywhere; private or public, indoor or outdoor. Today, we could argue,
that the primordial significance of the fireplace as hearth, sacred altar, and cooking utensil has been
taken over by various other means. Time has provided us with the knowledge to invent devices for
heating, electric lighting, and for cooking. So, the fundamental needs of the fireplace are replaced by
technical devices, often built into different rooms not being physically or epistemologically connected
any more. The fireplace has lost its significance as communal forum and as hearth.
Following the thesis developed by Semper, it makes no sense to try and re-introduce the fireplace as
an interior element in the hospital ward to begin fostering social events around eating and motivating
dining room architecture. Instead we must find out what constitutes the significance of the hearth in
the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ today. And doing so by understanding the context of the specific eating
environment; the site, the time, and the cultural values of the meal.
To do such a contextual analysis is a comprehensive and widespread task, which we will not perform
here. However, preliminary results of the overall case study point towards the scene of the dinner
table as a significant interior element in the staging of a communal forum during mealtime. The scene
of the dinner table is a unique possibility at a hospital for gathering patients around and fostering a
situation of relaxation and a sense of community. During mealtime the patients have time to talk and
interact without necessarily having to think about or being reminded about the downsides of being
hospitalized. The dinner table thus has the potential of becoming the communal forum that creates a
moment of spare time and enjoyment in the everyday of being hospitalized. We would there like to
purpose the possibility of the dining table as the contemporary hearth-of-the-meal, and the underlying
motive that generates the architectural scenery of the eating environment. From the idea of the dinner
table as the hearth and first motive in architecture the rest of the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ – the
design of the enclosing walls, floors and ceilings, can evolve.
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CONCLUDING PERSPECTIVE
With the above claim that most studies related food behaviour and ‘Interior Design for Food’ fail to
take into account the ontological and symbolic values of architecture, we in this paper engaged in the
pursuit for a paradigm incorporating these values. We did so, on the basis of Semper’s theory on “the
four elements of architecture” and the concept of the hearth as a central motive in the order and
shape of architecture. Following his thinking we outlined the concept of the ‘Architectural Mealscape’
and suggested that the order and shape of the architectural scenery of a meal can be described,
analysed and explained with the four basic motives of hearth, wall, floor, and roof.
What is significant about Semper’s theory, in our opinion and the reason for why we looks at his work,
is how it links the order and shape of the architecture with the cultural and anthropological
understanding of a communal forum like for instance the situation of a meal, through the concept of
the hearth and the three motives of wall, ceiling and floor. In that way we find, that Semper’s theory
provided important clues on architectural perception and creation which elaborates on some of the
tacit and symbolic dimensions of architecture and how the scenery of a given built environment is
both a phenomena and a representational image supporting our collective cultural memory. However,
the theory presented in this paper represents only a very small part of Semper’s elaborate theory on
form-making. There are other parts of his theory that would be highly relevant to include in the
definition of the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ and a paradigm for ‘Interior Design for Food’. Also, there
are some lacking aspects in Semper’s theory. The anthropological interests and close examination of
style overtook his architectural study and he never got to write more specifically about the relating of
the four motives to the development and design of architecture. How the more anthropological, social
and cultural values of the hearth, wall, floor and ceiling influences the specific making of architecture
are left rather untouched in Semper’s theory. And what Semper’s theory does not provide is as such
an answer for what the architecture might look like? This is still a consideration to be made by the
individual architect or interior designer.
Still, our claim is that Semper’s idea of architecture as a cultural phenomenon, elaborated here with
the concept of the ‘Architectural Mealscape’ can be used to create better eating environments in
hospitals. But possibly also in the future can be used as a design tool to improve other public dining
domains such like schools, kindergardens, workplaces, elderly homes and of course more
commercial places like restaurants, bars and hotels. Furthermore, we suggest that the concept of
‘Architectural Mealscapes’ possibly can be used to improve existing research methodologies related
studies on eating environments. In our opinion, the anthropological, social, symbolic and cultural
values in architecture implied with the theoretical considerations developed by the architect Gottfried
Semper affects the standards for how we as researchers investigate, describe, analyze and explain
the eating environment. We find that the concept of an ‘Architectural Mealscape’ is therefore an
important dimension in the overall paradigm for ‘Interior Design for Food’.
AUTHOR NOTES
Research limitations or implications to the work presented in this paper are first of all the hermeneutic
character of the analysis and the crude claim to proposing a paradigm for ‘Interior Design for Food’.
More research obviously needs to be done in order to better understand the relationship between
intentionally staging patient’s meals by means of architectural scenery. This must include both
developments within research methods, a preferably larger sample of patient eating environments in
the field study, as well as the possibility in the future to perform design interventions within this
particular research area. However, we find, that the particular exploratory effort to apply the theory of
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Semper to better understand the architectural means and interior effects on patient eating behavior
have been fruitful and original. And we find that the paper is of value to architectural theoreticians,
food designers in general, interior designers, food and consumer researchers, as well as
professionals related hospital design and patient care.
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Nourishment: a meeting of cooks
1
Inês Laranjeira , Adriano Rangel
1
2
2
Universidade de Aveiro / ID+
Universidade do Porto / ID+
Abstract
This paper presents O Alimento, the first project in the research: Nourishment as a Feast: conviviality,
design and culture. The theme embodies the topic area: Experiential knowledge.
We intend to analyze this broad and multifaceted proposal – always implying food – to question what
is culture, design or commodity. The point is not to frame each of these categories as they merge
together resulting in a hybrid territory while they operate as mediators for social relations.
In this context O Alimento integrated the Haja Noção! action line of Manobras no Porto – a collective
construction and action program. Haja Noção (Be Aware) is dedicated to promoting a new
understanding of the most essential dimensions of the historical center of Porto from which we point
out: the daily routines, the land, the food items, the sociability in public spaces and the personal
accomplishments. The project aims to explore gastronomy as a tool for conviviality based on Ivan
Illich´s concept of convivial reconstruction. Different actors are engaged: 1) tascas, 2) chefs and 3)
students.
Built upon the ethnographic research of Porto´s tascas we proposed a meeting of cooks. An open air
lunch took place at the old horse pen of Soares dos Reis National Museum in Porto. We challenged a
network of cooks to become agents of the historical center´s gastronomic regeneration. Collaborative
work allowed for an exchange of knowledge mindful of its heritage to value its cuisine as well as its
role in the community through a contemporary prospect.
This paper is part of a doctoral research project being developed at Universidade de Aveiro / ID+
Instituto de Investigação em Design, Media e Cultura.
Keywords: Gastronomy; Conviviality; Experience; Design; Tradition; Culture.
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Introduction
O Alimento aims to analyze gastronomy as a tool for conviviality based on the concept of “convivial
reconstruction” (Illich, 1973). Different actors are engaged: 1) tascas, 2) chefs and 3) students. To
illustrate what we mean by “chefs”, we offer the example of Ferran Adriá, author of the vanguard
cuisine movement and his relation with the artworld (Giménez, 2011). To explain what we mean by
“tascas” we should go into further detail.
The Portuguese word tasca or tasco is of popular origin. This same place could be called adega,
taberna, casa de pasto, pomar or botequim and similarities can be found with the pubs in England
and Wales as well as Ireland and Scotland, the bodegas and bodegones in Spain, the tavernas in
Greece or the small bistrots in France. According to Hélder Pacheco (Pacheco, 2007), a Portuguese
researcher of popular cultures, the tascas are considered the manifestation of a popular mentality
which is relevant and unique to the urban nature of the city, because they acted as centres of
dissemination of culture for workers, fishermen, artists and anonymous people who used them as a
recreational and a living space and as an escape.
In the study Porto, La Ville dans sa Region, François Guichard (Guichard, 1992) defined the tascos
as “a small wine house, that communicates with the street through a swinging door, imposed by a law
established in the days of Salazar for public morality reasons (it should, however, be possible to
recognize the patrons from the outside). This is where, at night, good friends meet and can talk in
much better conditions than at home or in cafés, that are too open, about serious matters: politics,
love, social issues, matters of honour or money; naturally long conversations discussed around a sort
of round table. There are numerous tascos where true friendly societies of mutual aid are born; in
these one helps or comforts friends in need, or organizes group trips...”.
In essence, we can say that the tascas were characterized by a certain type of atmosphere, food, vice
and conversation, where people ate lunch or dinner from menus restricted to two or three speciality
dishes. And also where people sung fado and other improvised songs, verses were made, stories
were told, jokes and expressions were invented, and games of cards and dominoes were played.
Discovering the tascas will be like visiting an old, popular and authentic version of Porto.
The third group of actors, the students, as in all academic cases, are developing a process wherein
they question and interlink traditions to introduce new proposals for contemporaneity. In this project
they will also serve as a connecting point between both of previously mentioned actors: 1) the tascas
and 2) the chefs.
While presenting an objective, a typology is also defined. Each of these types equates to a tradition.
O Alimento unites but also confronts these traditions. In consequence there is a second objective:
through this event we wish to reflect on processes of human interrelations and fields that favour new
forms of conviviality, of transfiguration, and of bringing together empirical and academic experiences.
Gastronomy is included in the keywords differently in a different from the remaining words, because it
aims to be an empirical motto and not a scientific concept to be explored.
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Context and Process
1. O Alimento´s project
O Alimento (September, 2011) was a project created for the action and collective construction
program Manobras no Porto1 with the aim to study the gastronomy of the city's historical centre and
its authors. This program attempts to challenge normal citizens and cultural agents to participate in
the present and the future of the historical centre through urban creativity initiatives, where we find an
intersection of the popular and the erudite, the traditional and the alternative, the ephemeral and the
long-lasting. The result is informal events, scattered over time and space in the areas of visual arts,
music, theatre, documentary, dance, performance, debate / ideas, gastronomy and objects. O
Alimento is integrated in the gastronomy area, although, as we shall see further on, it is related to
some of the previously indicated areas in an interdisciplinary way. In turn, this project is part of the
Haja Noção2 action line of the main program, which is dedicated to discovering and stimulating other
customs in Porto, concentrating in actions that are more pragmatic than reflective, but that still allow
for a discussion of other concepts of the historical centre through its essential dimensions: the daily
routines, the land, the food items, the sociability in public spaces, the commerce, subsistence, and the
personal accomplishments.
With Porto's cuisine as a starting point, tascas, culinary students and a chef from the city took part in
a deconstruction of taste. By deconstruction we mean playing with tradition, regarding the way food is
cooked and the techniques used as well as the way it is appreciated and shared by the local
community. Historically, and as an anthropological and cultural issue, taste has denoted subjectivity
and intimacy. In her study El Sentido del Gusto, Carolyn Korsmeyer (Korsmeyer, 2002) wonders if our
taste's discriminatory ability allows for a defense of its aesthetic importance; if the gustatory
experiences can be considered aesthetic experiences. We wonder how these experiences can be
widened to the collective realm of a community, in testing gastronomy as a tool for conviviality.
Along with Manobras no Porto program, our intention was to explore and discuss a physical, human
and daily reality of the city; a desire to bring to a public and visible space the lesser known
characteristics of its diversity. The project would try to feed the emancipation of groups and people
through the discovery, intersection and the reinforcement of their own forces, and the contribution to
the city's ability of self-acknowledgement, position and public emancipation10.
O Alimento proposed a meeting of cooks to fight the waste of experience and was presented at an
open air lunch, in the country's first public museum. We want to adopt and consider tascas experience
by integrating it into culinary academia. The research aimed to conduct an exploratory dialogue which
would welcome the ways of preparing food in the historical center´s gastronomy, reconnecting the city
with its cooks´ different backgrounds. We aimed to enhance memory and experience heritage.
Considering the gastronomical territory of the city's historical centre, we followed a route to visit the
tascas. The book As tascas do Porto: estórias e memórias servidas à mesa da cidade (Pinto, 2008)
was our guide to this route. The project's methodology was based on the Social Science qualitative
research system, through the research-participative action and ethnographic research.
1 Manobras no Porto Presentation. Retrieved 20 January, 2012, from http://manobrasnoporto.com/#manobras.
2 Manobras no Porto Action Lines. Retrieved 20 January, 2012, from http://manobrasnoporto.com/#manobras.
10 Que cidade é esta? Que cidade pode ser esta? (What is this city? What could this city be?): Guia Temático: Manobras no Porto.
Retrieved 20 January, 2012, from http://manobrasnoporto.com/#manobras.
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Survey of the tascas
We searched for the 26 tascas in the historical center referenced in the book/guide: As tascas do
Porto: Estórias e memórias servidas à mesa da cidad (Porto´s tascas: Stories and memories served
at city´s table.) (Pinto, 2007). Seven of these tascas were closed down. One of them has become a
small tourist hotel. Two had been renovated, under new ownership. One of these renovations is
designed as a contemporary recreation of the traditional tasca; the second renovation went into a
different direction and is now a restaurant. Another tasca can still be visited since, even though it's
closed down, it is the home of the owners, and therefore, its doors are open to anyone who wishes to
have a glass of wine in the room where meals used to be served. The remaining 3 closed down
tascas are still inactive. By talking with neighboring establishments we conclude that these tascas
were in a process of declining business model until they ended up closing down. Two of the
mentioned tascas would integrate the project: A Canastra Azul, the renovated tasca; and Casa
Domingos, the place that can still be visited but is no longer open. The initial visit happened in August
2011 without presenting the project or identifying the researcher, in order to chose 10 places to whom
we would present the project and then invite to participate. This choice would be based on the criteria
of the authenticity of the space and dishes, and the empathy with people. Empathy with the cooks
would also be important, since this project would assemble several cooks in the same work space
(which would not be very big), allowing for an exchange of knowledge as well as techniques. Base on
this criteria, we entered, and in some tascas we tasted some of specialty dishes, met the cooks,
observed the clientèle, spoke casually to the people working and, sometimes, to some of the patrons.
A few notes were taken, but no audiovisual record. Some of these visits were conducted with a
culinary student who would later coordinate the kitchen team of the project, together with a chef from
the city.
Figure 1: Cooks from the tascas Adega O Alfredo Portista and Casa Domingos. Photography: Morsa.
Handing the invitation
The 10 selected tascas were now revisited and the project was presented. The documentation used
was the same as for the first visit – written notes and informal exploratory interviews (still no
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audiovisual record, so as not to intimidate the people, since they still seemed ill at ease with visual
documentation). Once again, some of these visits were accompanied by the same culinary student
from before. This was an important presence since this meant the invitation would be delivered by a
cook, showing professional respect. The cooks from the 10 tascas are also the owners of these
establishments. The project was, in the most part, well received by the cooks. The greatest limitation
for the tascas to accept the invitation was fatigue. Another limitation was the fact that, on the day of
the event, they would need to close/transfer their businesses to the museum. This presented difficult
logistics for some, which we could fully understand. Out of the 10 tascas whom we invited, 4 accepted
to participate. Posters were placed in the chosen tascas. Besides revealing their pride about the
invitation, the tascas also appeared happy with the open air situation and the space's proximity to
nature. The full program was not yet given, but we asked what dishes the cooks would like to show
and share with the public. We received suggestions based on the most popular dishes of each place.
The 4 tascas were visited once again to discuss the food and also to book a guided visit to the
museum and to the kitchen where everyone would be working together. This time a photographer
came to document the event. We understood that introducing new people during the visits favoured
the well-being of the cooks, since we would all be together on the main day. This visit served as a
commitment and an opportunity for everyone to feel more involved in the project. We handed to each
tasca cook a printed invitation. Another poster was placed, to inform and invite the clientèle to the
lunch: “We would like to inform our customers that we have been invited to share our recipes in a
meeting of cooks at a lunch on September 29th (Thursday) in the yard of the Soares dos Reis
National Museum. On the 29th, we will be open at the Museum and not here, in our usual location.
We would like to invite you to share this day with us. Make your reservation! The tascas: Canastra
Azul (formerly O Radar), Casa Domingos, Rei dos Galos, Retiro da Sé, Shis Restaurant, students
from the Culinary Management course, Museum's cafeteria.
Guided tour to the museum
This would be an important day because the entire cooking team would finally meet and so there was
some expectation: tascas, the culinary students, the chef and the museum officials. A thirty minute
guided tour of the museum was arranged with all the participants, followed by a visit to the kitchen
and the yard where the lunch would be taking place. The museum's representative tried to show and
inform everyone about the rooms which would be particularly interesting to the cooks, especially with
artifacts, chinaware and tableware from days gone by. The cooks seemed curious e interested with
this visit, which took place under an atmosphere of general good humour. One of the cooks showed
surprise with the artifacts and would touch them frequently as if he could hardly believe their beauty.
Another one asked “I heard the museum has a razor from the last century. Can we see it?” We
noticed the cooks had done their homework for this visit. The tour to the kitchen took place under
some enthusiasm and difficulty in managing all the participants, mediated by the kitchen coordinators,
who tried to hear everyone, while planning out what would be prepared, all the logistics and a work
plan for the day, as well as figuring out who would arrive first, what would have to be brought, who
needed transportation, etc etc. This task would not be simple, given the size of the kitchen and the
fact that the people working together hardly knew each other. This visit served as the all-important
exploration of the work space as well as the integration of all the ideas. We noticed a positive impact
on the tascas cooks while the chef and the students helped with the planning, all done with general
enthusiasm.
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Figure 2: Guided visit with the cooks to the Soares dos Reis National Museum. Photography: Morsa.
Students’ workshop with city´s chef for planning the dishes
The choice of the main dishes was based on each cook's picks from the 4 tascas. As previously said,
each cook had chosen the specialities from each tasca that represent its history and pride. The
museum's cafeteria works as a cafeteria/restaurant and has two main cooks. These cooks were at the
visit to the kitchen and they presented their space, offering any support needed for the lunch. Both
cooks were also invited to integrate the project and chose a recipe to participate. Fifteen cooks would
prepare the lunch. With the dishes decided, the students and the chef thought up their proposals to be
tested during a workshop on the day before the event. We accompanied the workshop from the
preparation to the final tasting, so we could know about the choices which would later be presented.
The museum and the chef offered the necessary material: tables, chairs, dishes, cutlery, etc. Each
tasca cook, as well as the team of students and chef, received an identical sum of money to buy
ingredients. The lunch would have the support of a small regional wine producer from the Douro
region.
There had been a plan to integrate music in a contextual perspective. The idea of using kitchen
utensils as percussion instruments was presented to three musicians. The concept was to create
music for the meeting more than an actual concert. The main characters of this meeting would be the
cuisine, its authors and the sharing of this experience with the city. Music should work as a tool for
conviviality and experience. Our work with the musicians was fast and fluent. Its integration in the
project was essential during the process.
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Figure 2 (top left and right): Students and chef working in the workshop.
Figure 3 (bottom): Musician playing with kitchen instruments.
Photography: Morsa.
2. Lunch in the museum
The day was sunny and bright. Lunch was scheduled for one o’clock but work was to begin earlier, at
eight in the morning. History tells us, and Sílvia Malaguzzi says (Malaguzzi, 2006), “In antiquity, lunch
was a plain meal that was often eaten away from home before midday, but it could also be an
occasion for joyful gatherings of family and friends. (…) in accordance with medieval exegesis, lunch
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is a symbol of one´s present life and times (…) eaten during the hours of daylight, is suggestive of the
sunny, life-giving nature of the day, while dinner is related to sunset and is therefore bound to
symbolize death” (Malaguzzi, 2006).
The cooks started arriving in the morning, following the work plan. But the whole O Alimento team
would arrive at the same time. We had audiovisual documentation from the beginning. Therefore,
from the very start, both the kitchen and the yard were filled with people taking photos, cooking,
tasting, setting tables and doing interviews, as well as curious museum visitors. Music accompanied
the hustle and bustle. The metallic sound of pots and pans seemed to come, not only from the
kitchen, but from everywhere. In order to inform people arriving at the museum, a small presentation
of the project was placed at the museum's reception. A few days before the event, the museum and
the cafeteria's public had been informed of the event and warned that it would be necessary to book a
place, according to availability. All the necessary information was posted in the museum.
Although the cooks had an order to start working, the kitchen filled up quickly and the atmosphere
was of gluttony, joy and general good humour. All cooks shared the same space – the working
kitchen in the museum – so they could observe each other while working and promote an exchange
of knowledge and sociability. It was hard to enter the kitchen without taking a bite of something, but
the space outside needed to be prepared. The cafeteria's outside terrace, the museum's old horse
pen, is located right next to the kitchen. Seventy five people were expected to participate in the lunch
where cooks and students would prepare food while sharing their knowledge for an experience with
the city – an invitation for a gastronomic community. Each tasca could invite 5 people, friends,
relatives, customers and chosen vendors. Member of the public from the museum and the city would
join in, sharing food with local cooks.
Ten long tables took up the museum's old horse pen with 10 to 12 set places at each table, over an
orthogonal distribution, favouring the interaction and visibility between people, to remove hierarchies.
The food was placed on two medium-sized round tables, located on the side closest to the kitchen in
order to facilitate the arrival of food. Contrary to what is suggested by convention, at medieval
banquets there was no fixed seating, and people could sit freely where they desired, naturally
accompanied by their friends and family and mingling spontaneously. Still, similarly to the evolution of
Renaissance’s etiquette concept of “when the the criterion for distinguishing the person of highest
rank at table should be based not on the place he occupied but rather on the approach to food”
(Malaguzzi, 2006), some of the cooks and the wine supplier sat at the table closest to the food.
Champagne was offered upon arrival while some of the entrées prepared by the cooks were served.
The round tables started to fill with colours and shapes. Starting with their presentation, the difference
between the suggestions from the students and from the cooks was made evident. There was a
certain harmony to the diversity, as if it were a championship where all the authors are winners. The
menu was handwritten in white chalk on a small blackboard: rissoles, codfish fritters, Portuguese
sausage and smoked meats appetizers: alheira and turnip greens, blood sausage from the
Beira region with cottage cheese and onion and tomato compote, caldo verde toasts, pingo de
mel figs with ham. Omelet, cod soup, Portuguese preserves, grilled squid, braised chicken,
rojões. For dessert: queijadas, orange cake, abade de priscos pudding, Retiro da Sé pudding,
queijo da serra ice cream. For wines: Vale da Poupa, Douro 2010 and Quinta de Naide, Loureiro
2010.
At the tables, each place was marked with a stamp print of the Manobras no Porto logo, with the
cutlery, water and wine glasses, and paper napkins. Each table also had bread baskets, a jug of
water and wine bottles as it is traditional in Portugal. For Filipo Picinelli, “bread represents fruitful
labour that provides spiritual strength when completed”. More people than expected arrived, but the
space offered conditions to receive more visitors, who where welcome to the event, and were
naturally integrated by sitting on the steps or standing. The public was diverse: the cook, the
fisherman, the priest, the dancer, the architect, the directors, the drummer, the sculptor, the teacher,
136
the supplier, the researcher, the cousin, the mother-in-law and the neighbour, fat and thin. However,
we noticed that the sounds of children were missing. Music surrounded the atmosphere, so that
operated as a live and active tool of the meeting. The sound of instruments: pots, lids, bowls and
graters, surrounded the scene and communicated in understanding. In the chapter The Sense of
Taste, Sílvia Malaguzzi refers “The sensory perceptions obtained through the body are seen as
underlying our vital functions, but within the soul they also provide a basis for intellectual activities
such as imagination, thought, and hence understanding. According to Aristotle, the passage from
perception to knowledge is achieved by mean of the sensus communis, whose task is to coordinate
all sensory impressions.” (Malaguzzi, 2006). We asked a participant to comment on the experience:
"A tasco is a reflexion of a public sphere. In this sense, it presents differences from country to country
and from each part of the city. What they all have in common is that they are a place as informal as it
is dynamic and relational. Between food and drinks, people relax and discuss life in the
neighbourhood, as well as the public order itself, the way social and political aspects are understood
and accepted. Around the table, lunch at the museum created a dialogue between different worlds
and the way we function within them, making us think about what the word ‘tradition’ means.”
With gastronomy the museum becomes more
than a convention
First of all, O Alimento can be analyzed as an empirical experience. It adopts an anthropological
perspective according to which Soares dos Reis National Museum (MNSR) is considered a field
where different actors interact following the typology previously described. These actors also
contributed their individual and heterogeneous experiences. Traditions, customs, ways of thinking and
doing, ways to face and live with the public, memories, personal histories, the history of each
profession or even the history of the academic institution some of them still attend, are all different for
each of these actors. It was, hence, a propitious field for dialogue or possibly for differences to meet.
If no conflict occurred is because we worked on conviviality tools, as will be explained.
This multifaceted encounter recalls the “total social fact” as described by Marcel Mauss in The Gift
(Mauss, 1995): he describes the participation of different social groups in rituals that evolve around
the exchange of gifts, material goods, and where each group would contribute its culture, memories,
traditions, lived experiences, customs, habits, symbolic and economical dimensions. He argues that a
ritual is a symbolic exchange celebrated with material gifts, that strengthens each group through ritual
interaction. In a setting of symbolic transformations, there is space for dynamics that reinforce and
transform traditions. Rituals strengthen unions, they give sense to differences and to the very place of
the encounter.
Memory is history, as a discipline. Memory is also made of personal histories written at a specific
social, political or personal time. Memory and tradition can adopt new dynamics, inclusively new
emotional temperatures if they are worked on. It can be redesigned, re-contextualized and gain a new
meaning, becoming a means to build projects. Memory can therefore foreshadow future and,
eventually, new traditions.
In anthropology, tradition and memory go hand in hand. Regarding this, it is important to refer to Marc
Augé' s book Non-Places (Augé, 1994) in which he portrays and compares both. In this book, though
not based on field work, Augé follows the empirical tradition of anthropology to understand and
interpret tradition and memory, referring to past experiences to understand them as living spaces. For
Augé, a place is defined by its history and it maintains memory and traditions alive. The individual is
part of a society. The individual's roots, kinship and personal stories are embedded in that society.
137
O Alimento is closely related to this analysis as a nearly “total fact” taken that there is always
something missing for it to be complete. For instance, the meeting place is neutral for almost all the
actors involved: it is not a place of belonging in the anthropological sense but we can say that it is a
neutral place for all the guests. The guests are people who visit museums frequently, museologists,
academics, professors, designers. Insofar, it is the rehearsal of a “total social fact”. O Alimento is a
project to reflect on the possible transformations this place can live, it is a space for the differences
between the actors to meet, a place to bring new dynamics. The project also intends to go beyond
and reach the city of Porto. On the other hand, O Alimento is not about material exchanges, it is about
making another kind of immaterial exchange: the exchange of different traditions between groups.
The anthropological focus given to the project requires that, in a later stage and with a distant
perspective, the study of this empirical experience continue in the light of other theories . It will require
the identification of the tools for conviviality (Illich, 1973) that could be used to create a dynamic that
will transform the traditions of the actors, of the place itself – the MNSR – and the city. In Tools for
Conviviality Ivan Illich refers (Illich, 1973) “I believe that society must be reconstructed to enlarge the
contribution of autonomous individuals and primary groups to the total effectiveness of a new system
of production designed to satisfy the human needs which it also determines; “I intend it to mean
autonomous and creative intercourse among persons, and the intercourse of persons with their
environment”. Considering that conviviality is multiform, the question raised is what kind of
possibilities can a local gastronomy perform while acting as a tool for conviviality? In this project we
defend a proposal for an intersection of experience between Porto's tascas and the city's new cooks.
We have tried to cherish memory and cultural heritage, by rethinking the self-acknowledgement of the
concepts of traditional and avant-guard tastes, by involving and sharing with the community, in order
to build new psychogeographic realities.
The production conditions determined content and form for O Alimento project. We wished to
represent the world of Porto's cooks by demonstrating the knowledge shared between the actors,
musicians and the public in the participation at a gathering and tasting event. This initiative marked a
change which was generated in this action as an escape from the preconceived schemes of the
traditional definition of a museum space. In an unconventional way, this collective of creative authors,
which includes the public, was able to build a performance as a register of what became known as the
O Alimento project. Artistic research projects cannot evolve from the indifference and passiveness
with which works and authors relate to the museum space. In this circumstance, we demonstrated
that the museum is not a mere place where knowledge is propagated, but that it can be a place of
transition to a higher state of learning, as was the case. It intended to show that the space of a
museum is also a method that goes beyond the scene and the patrimonial surrounding. Participants´
action converted it, with innovation, in a field of energies, emotions and mental operations. This
experiment of cuisine and conviviality resulted in an awareness that the venue is more than a
convention and an ideological codification.
We understand, naturally, that the space of a museum is a complex spatial structure in terms of its
operation. But, by experiencing this space beyond the borders of its daily use, we were able to
introduce a new function which turned it on a different axle, more precisely, that of society and culture.
The result was satisfying, because this action resulted in a new and catalytic image for gastronomy
and a new contemporary image for a museum associated to the universe of art from the last century.
We set off from a Dadaist logic, according to which a critic can be included to the slightly abstract
possibilities of models and programs of museological representation when expressed exclusively in
the artistic exposition.
Naturally, there is a risk this performance had an autonomous character in relation to the artistic
whole exposed at this museum. But it was worthwhile, even if it was to demonstrate that a museum
space can be converted in the most abstract of abstractions.
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Followed by O Alimento: a meeting of cooks (September, 2011) new actions are taking place by
Cozinha do Manobras (Manobras Kitchen), a project section from Manobras no Porto program. For
celebrations of Porto´s historical center day (April 11, 2012), Cozinha do Manobras intended to make
11
a point by “sitting people around the table” through a guided tour titled “The kitchen and the meal in
the houses of Porto´s historical center". We expect that during the present year, this same section as
well as other Manobras no Porto gastronomy events will take place in Porto, considering memory and
experience heritage.
References
Augé, M. (1994). Não-Lugares: Introdução a uma Antropologia da Sobremodernidade. Venda Nova:
Bertrand.
Freitas, J. (2012). A cozinha e as comidas ajudaram a conhecer o centro histórico do Porto. In
Público Local, April 1, 2012.
Giménez, C. (2011). El Arte del Comer. In S. Plans, Coord. El Arte del Comer. De la Naturaleza
Muerta a Ferran Adrià. Barcelona: Obra Social de CatalunyaCaixa.
Guichard, F. (1992). La ville dans sa region. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian.
Illich, I. (1976). A Convivencialidade. Estudos e Documentos, n.º116. Lisboa: Publicações Europa
América.
Korsmeyer, C. (2002). El sentido del gusto. Comida, estética y filosofía. Barcelona: Editorial Paidós.
Malaguzzi, S. (2008). Food and Feasting in Art: A Guide to Imagery. Los Angeles, California: The J.
Paul Getty Museum.
Mauss, M. (1995). Ensaio Sobre a Dádiva, Lisboa, Edições 70.
Pacheco, H. (2007). Uma certa cidade. In R. S. Pinto, As tascas do Porto. Estórias e memórias
servidas à mesa da cidade. Porto: Edições Afrontamento.
11 Freitas, J. (2012). A cozinha e as comidas ajudaram a conhecer o centro histórico do Porto. In Público Local, April 1, 2012.
139
Applying intercultural markers
obtained from cooking in the design
process
Miguel Bruns Alonso ([email protected]), Oscar Tómico Plasencia, Johanna Kint
Designing Quality in Interaction Group, Department of Industrial Design, TU Eindhoven
Den Dolech 2, 5612 AZ Eindhoven, The Netherlands
Abstract
In post-modern society industrial design has lost many of its cultural values as products are directed
to a global market and everybody can understand and use them in the same way. In contrast to the
globalization of design, cooking is an activity that is very much embedded in culture. Cooking attracts
and polarizes people; ingredients and tools are context dependent. Traditional cooking is very much
influenced by the availability of local ingredients and the preparation methods influenced by the local
context and climate.
This paper argues for a more experience-based design, where the designer and place influence the
design of a product, system or related service. It elaborates on the concept of cultural markers, which
are those elements that are most prevalent, and possibly preferred within a particular cultural group
(Barber & Badre, 1998). In addition it discusses how designers can be inspired by cultural values
obtained through a process of cooking and how they could translate these values or qualities in the
design of culturally identified products for a cooking context.
An exploration was conducted with nine groups of three or four Industrial Design master students
representing different cultures (Cantonese, Czech, Italian, Japanese, Mandarin, Spanish, Surinamese
and Taiwanese) as well as the Dutch culture. Students representing the foreign culture prepared a
meal according to their traditional customs. The process was observed from multiple perspectives, i.e.
one of the local students explored the process first hand by preparing the meal together with the
foreign student whilst the third member was an objective observer. During the process the foreign
student pointed out the markers that were of importance to their culture, while the local student
pointed out the concepts that he or she found most remarkable from the cooking experience. The
overlapping observations regarding cultural markers and salient aspects where consequently
employed to inspire the further design process. Through an iterative design process, each group
designed a tool that would allow applying the most outstanding cultural marker, the intercultural
marker, from the other culture in the local cooking culture.
The proposed process yielded various products that supported the local cooking tradition but clearly
represented the cultural markers previously defined by the students. The most remarkable
observation regarding this exploration was that the designers experienced cooking as a means to
learn from and reflect on each other’s cultures. In addition a culturally embedded activity such as
cooking allowed them to design products respecting the values of the other culture. Thus, going
through a cooking process together with a person of a different culture can support designers in
exploring various inspirational techniques that consequently serve as inspiration for a culturally
inspired design.
Keywords: Intercultural
perspectives, Making
Markers,
Cooking,
Design
Process,
Co-reflection,
Different
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Introduction
In post-modern society, industrial design has lost many of its cultural values as products are directed
to a global market where everybody should understand and use them in the same way. Globalization
in design can be observed in the exchange of design, manufacturing and market development
between companies and design agencies in Asia, Europe and America (Bürdek, 2005). Therefore,
products seldom carry the trademark of a specific cultural tradition. The origin of designs is often
difficult to differentiate, while a national trademark may in some cases be beneficial for their marketing
(Haucap, Wey & Barmbold, 1998).
Cross-cultural differences are becoming increasingly recognized as a factor in the successful
adoption of new products in the current globalization of the marketplace (Lee & Harada, 2000).
Therefore, designers need to consider the role of culture in design and to develop methods and
processes for taking cultural aspects into account when designing new products. Various studies
address the cultural effects of cooking (De Leur, Drukker, Christiaans & De Rijk, 2006) and eating
(Zampollo, Wansink, Kniffin, Shimizu & Omori, 2011) on design. In this paper we discuss how
designers can obtain cultural insights from cooking and eating to inspire their designs.
Eating and culture
In contrast to the globalization of design, eating and cooking are activities that are very much
embedded in culture (Mennell, Murcott & Van Otterloo, 1992). Culture is perhaps the most obvious
influence on food preferences and choice. It has strong historical antecedents, rooted in unique
combinations of environment, e.g. in the Mediterranean climate the presence of olive trees favours
the use of olive oil versus the use of butter in northern European countries due to the large availability
of pastures. Secondly, it addresses rituals and belief systems, e.g. the catholic opposition towards
Jewish and Islamic religion in the early renaissance Spain increased the consumption of various types
of cured pork meat. Thirdly, the community and family structure, human endeavour, mobility, are of
relevance e.g. in Spain, which was conquered by the Northern-African Muslims in the 8th century, the
Islamic influence can still be observed in the variety of sweets combining honey and almonds,
traditionally eaten during Christmas time. Finally, one may consider the economic and political
systems, which are integrated in different cuisines (Furst, Connors, Bisogni, Sobal & Winter Falk,
1996).
Research on food and meals focused on dealing with preparation, cooking and eating, both from
historical and current viewpoints (Gustafsson, 2004). Food is a major source of pleasure for almost all
humans (Rozin, 1998 cited in Pettinger, Holdsworth & Gerber, 2006) and is known to play an
essential role in strengthening social ties in Southern Europe (Volatier, 1995 cited in Pettinger et al.,
2006). But, while in France the kitchen has been described as a room where everyone meets and
lives together (Volatier, 1995 cited in Pettinger et al., 2006), in England, many may just regard food as
a necessity (Wright, Nancarrow, Kwok, 2001; Burnett, 1989). Douglas (cited in Gustafsson, 2004)
thinks that food and eating are symbolical parts of a social system and she has studied a British meal
in detail, focusing on its structure and composition. Traditional dishes may have special functions and
symbolical meanings in certain rituals. Culture also has a major role in determining where and how
foods are consumed (Fischler, 1998; Mela, 1999) and food is a way of expressing sociability and
hospitality (Fieldhouse, 1996), as mealtimes bring groups together, both physically and symbolically
(Mennell, Murcott, van Otterloo, 1992; Marshall, 1995). These culturally embedded concepts may be
used to inspire the design of products.
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Cooking and design
Cooking and design have a lot in common as cooking is often considered to be a creative process like
design is. Many ideas need to be developed before one can come up with the right concept. This can
be clearly observed in a quote by master chef Ferrán Adriá “Last year we ran 4,000 tests and only
about 300 of them panned out. Everyone learns from his or her mistakes - it’s a necessary
consequence of being creative. The important thing is to have lots of ideas simmering. Some of these
ideas will work, and from these we build our new dishes.” (Hoffman, 2009:267). Food and designs are
generally developed along a certain design process or recipe. Both activities require creativity and
inspiration to combine ingredients or materials to make something that enhances certain experiences.
Furthermore, both processes require various moments of evaluation and reflection through e.g.
tasting or confrontation. As cooking is so embedded in culture, and it shows so many similarities with
design, cooking may inspire design from a cultural perspective.
Intercultural markers in the design process
In this paper we explore the relationship between design and cooking, and how designers may benefit
from engaging in a cultural activity such as cooking while designing with a certain culture in mind.
Previous work in the design field addressing culture focused on the use of comparisons, typically
involving information gathering about cultural differences through questionnaires or interviews using
previously validated and standardized items, to get in-depth insight into cultural differences (Tomico,
Karapanos, Levy, Mizutani & Yamanaka, 2009). However, by experiencing a culture through the act
of cooking together, designers may learn more about that culture than by taking the aforementioned
questionnaires or interviews (Papert, 1991).
We investigated an experienced-based approach to culture in an educational module in which
industrial design students had to design a cooking tool for their own culture that would respect the
values of another culture. The setup of the module was inspired by various design methods that are
used to gain insight into user groups. However, its central theme was to identify cultural markers that
would allow for both cultural differentiation and acceptation of a new design. Cultural markers have
been defined as design elements and features that are prevalent, and possibly preferred within a
particular cultural group (Barber & Badre, 1998). The concept has been explored extensively in the
context of web page and interface design (Reinecke & Bernstein, 2011). We take cultural markers as
a starting point, but consider which elements are regarded to be most salient when viewed from the
perspective of another culture. We define these salient cultural markers, i.e. those elements that are
most prevalent, and possibly preferred within a particular cultural group and are considered as
surprising and remarkable by another cultural group as intercultural markers.
The intention of this paper is thus to determine whether an experience-based design process will
allow the designer and place to influence the design of a product, system or related service. It
describes how designers can be inspired by cultural values obtained through a process of cooking
and how they could translate these values or qualities in the design of culturally identified products for
a cooking context. Finally, it will discuss why the act of cooking can be considered as an excellent
topic for student assignments to get a better insight in design processes.
Approach
An exploration of applying the concept of intercultural markers in design was explored in a one-week
module at the department of Industrial Design of Eindhoven University of Technology. Two one-week
modules were conducted, with a total of nine groups of three or four industrial design master students.
The groups consisted of two to three students representing the local Dutch culture and included one
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student from a foreign culture (Cantonese, Czech, Italian, Japanese, Mandarin Chinese (twice),
Spanish, Surinamese and Taiwanese).
Process
During the first day, students representing the foreign culture prepared a meal according to their
traditional customs. The process was perceived from multiple perspectives, i.e. one of the local
students explored the process first hand by preparing the meal together with the foreign student whilst
the third member was an objective observer. In the groups of four the fourth member was responsible
for recording the process. Students were requested to observe actions (cooking methods, rituals, etc),
locations, ingredients, equipment (utensils, storage, etc) and comments (stories, senses, etc). During
the shopping and cooking process the foreign students pointed out the markers that were of
importance to their culture, while the local student pointed out the concepts that he or she found most
remarkable from the cooking experience. In the evening the teams joined for dinner and the results of
the cooking were savoured and discussed. The intention behind the set up of first day was to
compare the results coming from different ways to explore in context. The cooking process and
reflections from the foreign student could be considered a cultural probe (Gaver, Dunne & Pacenti,
1999) because it shows the execution of a daily activity in first person. A local student helping the
foreign student to prepare a meal could be considered a co-experience session (Battarbee, 2003)
because both share the activity of cooking. The third member was an objective observer in the
tradition of ethnographic observations (Simonsen & Kensing, 1997), documenting the process without
intervening.
Figures 1: Savoury pie prepared according to traditional customs (left) and the same recipe taking into account the Japanese
intercultural markers regarding byte size, colour composition (presentation) and prepared at a tranquil pace (right)
The intercultural markers were consequently employed to inspire the cooking process on the second
day (see figure 1). During this day the roles switched, and the local student had to prepare a
traditional Dutch meal together with the foreign student, while implementing the intercultural markers
that had been defined the previous day. This resulted in a first design iteration in context in which the
“chef” embodied the to be designed artefact. Again, the results of the cooking were savoured and
discussed in the evening. The set up for the second day allowed comparing the information obtained
from different ways of ideating in context. One of the Dutch students took the perspective of the “chef”
from the foreign culture. This activity can be considered as an emphatic design practice (Koskinen,
Battarbee & Mattelmäki, 2003) as they employed the intercultural markers within their own cooking
process. The foreign student was in continuous dialogue with the newly assigned chef building up on
each others values behind the intercultural markers in the same way it happens in a co-reflective
session done in context (Tomico, 2011). The local student that took the observer role could
experience what it meant to run a co-design session (Sanders, 2000). The comments and behaviour
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of the foreign student helping the Dutch chef were documented and used as requirements for the
product to be designed.
Throughout the third and the fourth day the students followed an iterative reflective transformative
design process (Hummels & Frens, 2008), to design a tool that would allow applying the most
outstanding cultural marker from the other culture in the local cooking culture. This process is
characterized by the fact that the designer goes through various cycles of process activities regarding
analyzing, making, exploring and envisioning. Each change in activity required the student to reflect
on his or her actions (Schön, 1983), the summaries of which were used to evaluate their learning.
Tools such as experience prototyping (Buchenau & Fulton Suri, 2000; see figure 2) and sketching
were employed in context and finally a working prototype was made that had to be used in context.
On day five the final results were presented and tested during a cooking workshop. Consequently, we
will discuss the intercultural markers that were defined by the students as well as the concepts that
emerged from the design process.
Figure 2: Experience prototyping experiments by the Japanese group with the traditional Dutch dish, kale with mashed potatoes
and smoked sausage to support the design process
Results
Cantonese
Identified intercultural markers
A balanced and varied Cantonese meal consists of a neutral basis (rice) and various plates based on
the tastes sour and sweet, sweet and salty. Regularly a small amount of ingredients is used and
combined in different plates to achieve the variety in tastes. Another observed marker was the multifunctional use of utensils. The Dutch students found it remarkable that the chopsticks are not only
used for eating, but also throughout the cooking process for clutching eggs, stirring vegetables and
turning meat in the pan. Hygiene was another remarkable aspect of the Cantonese cooking habits as
well as the clear planning and control in the preparation of the dishes. Furthermore, the quality of the
ingredients was constantly evaluated and everything was prepared with extreme care. In the
discussions care for the family was also as an important component of the Cantonese lifestyle.
Concept
The concept developed by the Cantonese group was mainly inspired by the balanced composition of
the Cantonese meal. It consisted of a cutting board that is placed over the plate (see figure 3).
Ingredients can be slid onto the plate after being cut. A peek hole allows the cook to see what
ingredients have already been cut. The chef is stimulated to explore new combinations by turning the
cutting board, and combining ingredients on the board with the ones already on the plate through the
peek hole.
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Figure 3: Peek, a cutting board inspired by the intercultural Cantonese marker on combining a small amount of ingredients in
different plates
Czech
Identified intercultural markers
The intercultural markers that were presented after evaluating the cooking and dining process of both
the Czech and Dutch traditions were the special attention that was given to hygiene, e.g. the cooking
equipment was washed before starting the preparation. Furthermore, the Czech showed a very strict
planning and time efficiency while preparing the different courses. Finally, the Dutch students
remarked that the Czech have a different approach or use of the same products and tools that are
used in The Netherlands e.g. the two spatulas to sweep up the ingredients in the pan, rather than
using one to stir.
Concept
The final concept presented by the Czech team is a chopping board and reservoir made out of beech
wood (see figure 4). The board has a grid of diagonal lines to guide the fluids of the meat and the
water that is left behind after cleansing the ingredients. 81 holes at the end of the diagonal lines serve
to drain the water of the board. In addition the grid provides grip to the meat, making it easier to keep
everything in place while cutting. At the upper long side of the board a thicker piece of wood provides
guidance for the food while sweeping it from the board into a pan. The engravings provide an
indication on how to measure one portion of meat without tools. Additional attention is given to
hygiene by the fluid canals and by separating the parts that will be used and the parts that have to be
disposed of after use. A stricter planning and better time efficiency is provided by the separation of
food and garbage offering a better overview on the food.
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Figure 4: Czech cutting board evaluated in context
Italian
Identified intercultural markers
The Italian cuisine distinguishes itself by its high demands on ingredients and preparation such as the
use of fresh herbs and complementing ingredients to achieve attractive creations. Furthermore, an
important aspect is that cooking is done by intuition, requiring a lot of tasting the food during the
process. Finally, a salient marker was the fact that Italian meals are composed of various courses,
such as antipasti, primi such as pasta, secondi or main dish and dolci or desert.
Concept
The final product of the Italian group is based on the intercultural marker of tasting the food while
cooking. Through their design the students want to motivate and enable the Dutch to taste often while
cooking by offering a specialized tool. Because in the Dutch kitchen food is often bulky, the device
has a cutting blade specially designed to cut a small portion out of for example a potato or a piece of
meatloaf. Because in the Dutch kitchen food is often boiled, the tool has holes to drain the cooking
fluids. The shape is such, that it is perceived as a spoon to inform users that it is meant for tasting.
Furthermore, the direction of the spoon, which is perpendicular to the handle, suggests how it has to
be held in relation to the mouth. By squeezing the handle the blade chops of a piece of food, and
when released the blade retracts to a safe position allowing the user to sample the food without the
risk of cutting him- or herself.
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Japanese
Identified intercultural markers
The Japanese groups identified three main and interrelated intercultural markers that all relate to a
value that is very important for the Japanese culture, hospitality. The food has to look pleasurable for
the guest and easy to consume. Because Japanese people eat with chopsticks, it is important to cut
the ingredients in byte size. Also the Japanese portions are smaller compared to the Dutch portions.
The way they eat is with more attention and in smaller portions due to the chopsticks. Secondly, while
cooking the chef was very calm and had everything planned. Her work was very precise. For example
for a dish with burdock and carrot, she measured the carrot, so they would be of the same size as the
burdock. The taste also had to be very balanced, for which the different sauces were poured into the
pans with great care and sugar was carefully measured. Spoons of different sizes were used to get
the right amount of ingredients. Finally, the presentation of the food is also very important. The dishes
are prepared and presented with elegance. Already during or even before the cooking they consider
how to present the dish. Because the different dishes are presented on separate plates, each dish is
presented on their own way. For each dish a plate or bowl is chosen, based on colour and shape, as
there has to be a contrast between the plate and the food, to make it look fresher.
Figure 5: Japanese inspired serving plate for traditional kale with mashed potatoes and smoked sausage
Concept
During the exploration small scoops of kale stew were served on a piece of sausage, decorated with
bacon and pickle. The kale stew was easier to eat with the chopsticks, because the sausage
underneath provided more grip and the size was appropriate for one bite. Also the pieces looked very
neat and handled with care, compared to the traditional way of scooping the stew. The concept of the
Japanese group is to support the making of this kind of presentation (see figure 5). It consists of a
spoon, by which one can make de small scoops of stew. The size of the scoop matches the diameter
147
of the smoked sausages. Furthermore, the concept consists of a plate, which is a wooden board with
six tapered cylinders on top. The circles are of the exact size of the scoops of stew on the smoked
sausage for which they need to be handled with care. On the side of the plate there is room for a
small cup can be placed to present the gravy. To decorate the scoops with pickle and bacon one can
carefully use the chopsticks. There are two sides to the plate, a light and a dark one to provide the
highest contrast between dish and plate.
Mandarin Chinese 1
Identified intercultural markers
In contrast to the Dutch culture, the Chinese use many dried food and ingredients used throughout
the cooking process, the quality of which is judged by the smell. It was remarked that specific
ingredients are added to improve the smell of a dish instead of its flavour. It appeared to be a salient
aspect of the Chinese preparation to understand the taste of the food by smelling it rather that tasting
it throughout the process.
Concept
The final concept presented by the first mandarin group consists of an ingredient mixer. The mixer,
which is made out of ceramics, can be fixed on regular bowls. It has five tubes in which the dried
ingredients can be placed. Tubes can be covered to test and evaluate different combinations of
ingredients. As soon as the appropriate combination is found, users can open the sieves on the
bottom to let the ingredients flow into the bowl. The tool supports users in smelling the ingredients and
combining them in new combinations.
Mandarin Chinese 2
Identified intercultural markers
Within the second Mandarin Chinese group different markers were observed. First of all a singular
use of the stove was remarked, as everything was placed next to each other. In terms of hygiene,
everything was washed before it was used. Chinese do not seem to throw anything away, as they
seem to be very thrifty when dealing with leftovers and fresh ingredients. Furthermore, as was also
observed in the first Mandarin Chinese group a lot of effort was placed in the flavour control with
spices. Finally, an important aspect of Chinese culture is to share the food with family and friends,
even when still cooking. They need to offer a wide variety of dishes to the guests, and plates are
shared in the middle of the table.
Concept
In the Dutch culture it is common to stack a large amount of food on ones plate and focus the
attention to the plate with little interaction throughout the dinner. The concept developed by the
second Mandarin Chinese group aimed to encourage social interaction and more communication
during the dinner (see figure 6). The prototype consisted of small plates with a semi spherical bottom.
Because the plates are small, diners cannot scoop a large amount of food on their plate and they this
encourages them to return to the centre of the table more often. Furthermore, the plates cannot be
placed on the table due to the imbalance of the sphere and they need to be held in the hand. Because
they can be brought to the mouth, the people dining maintain eye contact, in contrast to the situation
in which they focus on the plates, thereby stimulating more interaction and complying with an
important Chinese value.
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Figure 6: Mandarin Chinese inspired dinner plates that support social interaction while dining pace
Spanish
Identified intercultural markers
The Spanish group deducted various cultural markers from the cooking session. First of all many
Spanish meals can be prepared from a basic set of ingredients that one should always keep in stock
such as olive oil, eggs, potatoes, onions, tomatoes, canned tuna, dried meat etc. These ingredients
can be divided into two groups, i.e. products, which may be kept for approximately a month and
products that last for over a year. Therefore it is very important to use them in time, as students
remarked that it was not accepted to throw away products in the Spanish culture. Therefore, it is very
important to know what is in the inventory when buying fresh produce to combine with it. Also, the
stock needs to be refilled regularly. Besides this important planning component, cooking by intuition
was another aspect that appeared to be salient during the first cooking session.
Concept
The product developed by the group that allows people to keep their stock of basic products fresh, up
to date to cook the basic Spanish recipes. Additionally, it supports people to cook intuitively. The
concept is a rack, where the basic ingredients (eggs, potatoes etc) can be placed in containers. New
products are always added from the top, so the oldest products are always at the bottom of the
container, where they can be picked up. The containers can move to indicate the freshness of the
ingredients. When a container is low, the product is old and needs to be used very soon. Cooks are
visually guided to the products they need to use first, to create basic dishes with the ingredients that
need to be used first.
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Surinamese
Identified intercultural markers
In the Surinam cooking there is a short-term thinking rather than a long-term thinking as people start
cooking when they are hungry instead of at a fixed time. However, when dinner is prepared it
becomes a social happening where everybody is together. Dinner is generally prepared outside due
to the warm Caribbean climate and cooks always need to prepare enough food for unexpected
visitors. Everybody, also the children, help with the cooking, but there is a very strict hierarchy in the
kitchen, with the oldest mother in charge. During the cooking strict attention is paid to the quality of
ingredients and the food is often tasted during preparation to verify the quality of the flavour. Finally,
simplicity is an important intercultural marker defined for the Surinam cooking. Simplicity can be found
both in the tools that are used for preparing the food as well as in the fact that eating is done with the
hands requiring no cutlery.
Concept
The Surinamese group tried to integrate the concept of hierarchy in a tool that supports the chef to
delegate and pass his or her knowledge to the people that support in the cooking. The concept is a
rack with various cooking tools such as spatulas, knives, a shopping bag and a masher. The chef
holds the spatula to stir the pans and taste the quality of the food throughout the process. It is the tool
that supports commanding the other people to get ingredients or cut them in a specific way. Examples
on how to cut or on what ingredients to use are provided in small tubes that come with each kitchen
utensil.
Taiwanese
Identified intercultural markers
Because almost all ingredients need to be cut into small pieces before being fried, the cutting board is
the centre of the working space during the ingredient preparation process in the Taiwanese kitchen.
Because Taiwan was occupied by Japan it shares cultural elements with both Japan and the Chinese
mainland. In contrast to Japanese culture where everything precisely in fixed size, Taiwanese tend to
follow an appropriate proportion in terms of colour, cutting size, and amount of ingredients. These
three attributes are not extremely strict but always follow the overall principle of balance. If the
proportion is made correctly, a balance can be achieved regarding colour, taste and even nutrition.
Concept
The Taiwanese group decided to make round containers in three sizes for the ingredients (see figure
7). Functionally, these containers are handy for cooks to deliver processed ingredients to the cooking
space. On the other hand, the size of the containers is set to implicitly limit the amounts of ingredients
in balanced proportions. To give a reference of cutting sizes, grid patterns are burned in the inner part
of the container. The gap of the grid lines implies the cutting size for the ingredients in the container.
For example, big containers usually are for vegetables, which usually are cut in big pieces; small
amount of spices like garlic are supposed to cut into small pieces and put into small containers. The
round cutting board is a typical shape for cutting boards in traditional Chinese/Taiwanese culture and
all the utensils for the cutting part are designed in a proportional and aesthetic way. To have an
overview, create orders and trigger new combinations of ingredients, all containers can be stacked.
150
Figure 7: Taiwanese inspired cutting board for cutting, presenting and combining ingredients during the cooking process pace
Discussion
This paper describes a design exercise for industrial design students, intended to raise their cultural
awareness and support creativity through the act of designing in context. The exercise has shown
how industrial design students can be inspired by cultural values obtained through a process of
cooking. We will continuously elaborate on how intercultural markers may inspire design.
Furthermore, we will argue for a more experience-based design process as practiced through the act
of cooking and how industrial design students may benefit from such exercise.
Reflection on intercultural markers
Inspiration from intercultural markers to design kitchen utensils yielded a variety of designs
addressing three categories, products, processes and interaction. Two main types can be
distinguished on a product level; various cutting boards (Cantonese, Czech and Taiwanese) and
serving plates (Japanese and Mandarin Chinese) were developed. Four aspects can be distinguished
on a process level, being structure in the kitchen (Spanish, Surinamese and Taiwanese), combination
of ingredients (Cantonese, Mandarin Chinese, Spanish and Taiwanese), quality assessment
throughout the cooking process (Italian, Mandarin Chinese), and presentation (Japanese and
Taiwanese). Furthermore, another important aspect that was regarded as salient in various cultures,
but only found its way in the Mandarin Chinese design was social interaction.
In addition to the intercultural markers that were applied in the different designs, various salient
aspects were mentioned in the students’ observations of the cooking process that raised discussion.
In some cases it was unclear whether these salient aspects had to be interpreted as cultural markers
or as personal markers of the chef in charge. For example, in the Czech, Mandarin and Cantonese
way of cooking a high emphasis was put on hygiene. Furthermore, care for the food (Cantonese,
Japanese and Taiwanese), cooking by intuition (Italian, Spanish and Taiwanese) and quality of the
151
produce (Italian and Surinamese) were also pointed out as debatable cultural markers. One could
reason that these aspects were pointed out because the module involved students. However, when
looking back at the discussions a different reasoning could also be taken.
While the purpose of this module was to teach students how to understand different cultures and how
to design while being inspired by these cultures, many reflected that the approach also supported
them in getting a better grip on their own culture. As pointed out in the introduction, the Dutch culture
shows large similarities with the English in regarding food as a necessity (Wright et al., 2001; Burnett,
1989). This was very often observed in the reactions of the students during this module. The Dutch
are not well-known for their cooking habits and as the English they have a dish washing approach
which is often considered as unhygienic when observed by other cultures. Salient aspects pointed out
by the Dutch students such as care, cooking by intuition sense for quality and hygiene may therefore
not be a personal marker as suggested, but the opposite of those aspects could be cultural markers
of the Dutch. Therefore, the students might have been biased by their own culture and a follow up
study should involve the perspective from another culture.
The discussions with the students, in particular during the different dinners that were organized to test
the various explorations, clearly supported them in their cultural awareness. Not only did they
understand more of the culture of their peers, they learned more about their own culture and how they
could use cultural elements to inspire their designs. While culture is perhaps the most obvious
influence on food preferences and choice (Furst et al., 1996), it may also have a strong impact on
design. Aspects that are apparent in food choice, such as environment (Surinamese), rituals
(Japanese), community and family structure (Cantonese, Mandarin Chinese and Surinamese) were
all extensively discussed during the observations and applied in the designs. But other, more
aesthetic aspects such as balance (Cantonese, Japanese and Taiwanese), creativity (Italian and
Spanish) and structure (Czech and Mandarin Chinese) may also be applicable for design.
Reflection on cooking and design
In addition to the fact that a culturally embedded activity such as cooking allowed industrial design
students to design products respecting the values of a culture, they also learned some important
lessons regarding design. We already pointed out the similarities in terms of creativity between the
cooking process and the design process (Hoffman, 2009). However, the observations of the students
in this exercise can take this even one step further. Taking the reflective transformative design
process, in which designers go through various iterations of analyzing, making, exploring and
envisioning (Hummels & Frens, 2009), students realized that in a cooking process they went through
these iterations at a much faster pace. Envisioning a taste or combination of ingredients, thinking of a
new recipe, preparing it and evaluating it by tasting, could be done in a matter of minutes.
Figure 8: Different design explorations using sketches and scrap materials in context by the Italian, Czech and Cantonese
groups
Throughout the process we observed that students that took this design approach of testing in context
(see figure 8) while developing their ideas came to very concrete products (Cantonese, Czech, Italian,
Japanese, Mandarin Chinese 2 and Taiwanese). On the other hand, groups that returned to the
152
drawing board to think of design opportunities (Mandarin Chinese 1, Spanish and Surinamese)
remained in a fairly conceptual stage, addressing an opportunity for further exploration rather than
coming to an embodied design. Furthermore, the cultures that put a particular emphasis on care and
attention in the cooking process also made the students more aware of these attributes in the design
process.
The results of the Cantonese and in particular the Japanese and Taiwanese showed a sharp eye for
detail and finishing in their designs. Understanding and appreciating quality can also be considered as
an important lesson taken from the cooking and applied to the design process. One of the students
that was most prototypical for his Dutch culture regarding food as just a necessity remarked that he
was happy to make the prototype entirely by hand. He felt obliged to his Taiwanese group mate to put
the same effort and attention to detail into their prototype as he had put into his meal.
Conclusion on cooking, culture and design
Although the intercultural markers defined by the students may not seem as surprising when taking an
external perspective, engaging in cooking supported the students in both empathizing with the other
culture, as well as in reflecting and getting a better understanding of their own culture. It may not be
surprising that people actually know very little about other cultures. However, by engaging in the
cooking and making the dish supported by the foreign chef the students actually started to understand
what the other culture was about. This is very much in line with the constructionism approach (Papert,
1991). The reflections by the students indicate, that the co-experience of cooking with the foreign chef
supported a stronger empathic understanding than the act of documenting the process without
intervening. Thus, in contrast to taking questionnaires or interviews, the act of engaging in a culturally
inspired activity such as cooking may provide a stronger spark of creativity towards the development
of culturally inspired products. We believe that designers can achieve a more experience-based
design, when they take the cultural context into account while designing a product, system or related
service.
Finally, we argue that the cooking environment may serve as an excellent and inspiring context for
industrial design students to get a grip on culturally related design issues. Cooking allows for faster
design iterations, and therefore more easily triggers reflection on action (Schön, 1983). By going
through a cooking process designers will better understand the different activities of the design
process. In contrast to design thinking, the cooking particularly highlights that the act of making is as
an essential and inspiring element in the design process. Furthermore, by cooking together with
people from a culture that shows a high value for food students will develop a sense of delicacy and
subtlety. Therefore, we believe that cooking increases the appreciation for quality in design as
designers are forced to employ all their senses when preparing food.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank all the students who participated in this module and the Foodlab Eindhoven for
hosting us during the final presentation.
153
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155
Culturally-specific Product Design for
Serving Traditional Persian Breakfast
to University Students
Reyhaneh Sanei1
1
MA, University of Art, Tehran, IRAN
Abstract
Amongst nutritionists, it is widely believed that breakfast is the most important meal of the day
Therefore, it deserves a particular attention. However, in Iran, many who leave their homes early in
the morning for work, including university students, either skip this meal or have fast food instead: a
routine commonly regarded as an unhealthy diet, which is the main cause for many serious diseases
such as high-blood pressure and will eventually lead to obesity and overweight in the long term.
Moreover, the traditional Persian cuisine has been extensively regarded as one of the main
manifestations of Iran’s rich culture, which is in pointed contrast to the current eating habits of working
people. It is also held by many Iranians that Persian cuisine has been invaded by the idea of fast
food. The idea of fast food tended to be counterbalanced by the international Slow Food Movement.
The movement emerged so as to restore the traditional cooking methods as well as relying on local
food markets, which collectively result in the reduction of costs and energy to be used in production,
transportation and consumption of foods. This in turn, will reduce the negative impacts of cooking on
the environment. The basis of Persian cuisine is congruously in harmony with the Slow Food
Principles (SFPs) and Slow Design Principles (SDPs). Therefore, it is argued that the universities of
Iran should be equipped with a system through which the Iranian traditional foods (here breakfast)
can be appropriately served to students. This paper reports on a research endeavor through which
information is generated and compiled to develop a special stand for serving the Iranian traditional
breakfast to university students. In this investigation, the Iranians’ eating habits, Tehran’s traditional
breakfast providers as well as factors influencing students’ decision to whether or not have their
breakfast at campuses are identified.
The paper further investigates the factors influencing Iranian students’ decision to eat breakfast that
are consistent with the SFPs. Lastly, it develops a model to design breakfast for students at
campuses based on SFPs and SDPs. The pattern used in this paper was based on the principles
used at the Slow Lab Network. Mary Story model and some methods of IDEO firm (including Surveys
and Questionnaires, Extreme user interviews, Social network mapping and Fly on the wall) were the
methodologies used for observation and developing questionnaires. The result Shawn that Iranian
and students’ eating habits are consistent with SDPs. In addition, hot tea, bread, color and smell of
breakfast, seeing others eating breakfast and “commensality" are among the main factors influencing
students’ decision to eat breakfast.
Key words: Slow Design Principles, Slow Food Principles, Iranian eating habits, Students’
eating habits, Breakfast at campus.
156
Introduction
Amongst nutritionists, it is widely held that breakfast is the most important meal of the day (Zalilah
M.S, Mirnalini K, Khor GL, 2006) and, therefore, it deserves a particular attention. However, in Iran,
many who leave their homes early in the morning for work, including university students, either skip
this meal (Community Nutrition in Iran, 2007) or have fast food instead (Iran Food News Network,
2010): a routine commonly regarded as an unhealthy diet, which is the main cause for many serious
diseases such as high-blood pressure (Duyff, 2002) and will eventually leads to obesity and
overweight (Azizi, 2007) in the long term. Moreover, the traditional Persian cuisine has been
extensively regarded as one of the main manifestations of Iran’s rich culture, which is in pointed
contrast to the current eating habits of working people (Khaniki, 2010). Also many Iranians believe
that Persian cuisine has been invaded by the idea of fast food.
The idea of fast food tended to be counterbalanced by the international Slow Food Movement. The
movement emerged so as to restore the traditional cooking methods, as well as relying on local food
markets, which collectively results in the reduction of costs and energy to be used in production,
transportation and consumption of foods (Kaliwoda, 2008). This, in turn, will also reduce the negative
impacts of cooking on the environment. This is part of the Slow Movement and Slow Design. The
basis of Persian cuisine is congruously in harmony with the Slow Food Principles(SFPs). Therefore, it
is argued that the universities of Iran should be equipped with a system through which the Iranians’
traditional foods (breakfast) can be appropriately served to students.
The main purpose of this paper was to present a model consistent with the SFPs that are used to
design stand for serving the Iranians’ traditional breakfast to university students and influencing
students’ decision to have breakfast at campuses.
The core research questions that guided this study are follows:
1- What are the Iranians’ eating habits (especially eating traditional breakfast) that are consistent with
the SFPs? and 2- What are the eating breakfast habits and factors influencing them that are
consistent with the SFPs in students?
To answer these questions, three studies were done (Figure1). a) Studding Iranians’ eating habits
specially eating Iranian traditional breakfast. b) Identifying the factors influencing students’ decision to
eat breakfast at campuses and c) Studding students’ eating habits when they eat breakfast at
campuses Since Slow Food is a subset of Slow Design, the results of the above three studies were
1
compared to the Slow Design Principles (SDPs) used at Slow Lab , in order to identify which of them
is consistent with the SDPs.
157
Figure 1: Designing stages of eating habits model for students
1-
Since 2003, Slow Lab has been growing a network of 'Slow creative activists' to exchange ideas and resources, share knowledge and cooperatively
develop projects that positively impact the lives of individuals, the communities they participate in and the planet that we share (www.slowlab.net
,2012).
Mary Story Model
To identify Iranian eating habits and especially Iranian students eating habits, first one must
identify the factors that the eating habits could be studied by them. These factors have been
offered by Mary Story’s conceptual model. This model shows three categories of factors
influencing the eating habits of adolescents (Figure3): Microsystems, environmental and
personal factors. The influence of these factors on Iranian and students’ eating habits,
especially breakfast eating habits was identified in study 1 and study 3.
It is noteworthy that Persians and students’ eating habits were identified by all factors in this model,
but in this paper, only the Iranian and students’ eating habits that are consistent with SDPs have been
introduced. Since the main propose of this paper is providing a model based on SDPs for designing
students’ breakfast, so the factors that are influential in making these eating habits and the results of
research associated with the effect of eating habits will be investigated.
158
Figure 2: Mary Story’s Conceptual model for factors influencing eating behavior of adolescents, 1996.
IDEO strategies
IDEO is a firm that creates strategies for innovation and the design of products, spaces, services and
experiences. In this paper, four strategies have been used based on IDEO to identify the Iranian
eating habits as well as students’ eating habits and factors influencing their decision to eat breakfast
at campuses. The four strategies were: Surveys & Questionnaires, Extreme user interviews, Social
network mapping and Fly on the wall.
Extreme user interviews method were used to identify individuals who are extremely familiar or
completely unfamiliar with the product we asked them to evaluate their experience using it.
Fly on the wall method was used to observe and record the people’s behavior within its context,
without interfering with their activities.
Social network mapping method was used to notice different kinds of social relationships within a
user group and map the network of their interactions.
Surveys & Questionnaires method was used to ask a series of targeted questions in order to
ascertain particular characteristics and perceptions of the users.
To identify Iranian and students’ eating habits, and the factors influencing students’ decision to eat
breakfast at campuses that are consistent with SDPs, the data obtained from the studies 1, 2 and 3,
were compared with SDPs. So first we must identify the SDPs. In the coming paragraphs, the slow
design movement and the rlated principles are introduced.
Slow design and slow food
159
Figure 3: SDPs each followed by members of the Slow Lab’s Network.
Slow Food is an international movement founded by Carlo Petrini in 1986. In contrast to Fast food,
this was developed into a subculture in Slow Design and Slow Movement (Faud- Luoke, 2004). Slow
Food is an idea, a way of living and a way of eating that tries to achieve sustainable development
goals. Strauss and Faud-Luoke presented the six principles of Slow Design, Reveal, Expand, Reflect,
Engage, Participate and Evolve, each followed by concrete examples of design projects created by
members of the Slow Lab Network that demonstrate one or more of the principles in active use.
Figure 3 shows the results of studying Iranian and students’ eating habits and factors influencing their
decision to eat breakfast at campuses would be compared with Figure 4 to identify the Iranian and
students’ eating habits and factors influencing their decision to eat breakfast at campuses that are
consistent with the SDPs.
160
Figure4 presents the results of literature reviews of Iranian eating habits that are consistent with
SDPs.
Persian eating habits that are consistent with SDPs
Cultural groups and social / cultural norms and values:
1- Iranians believe that eating together and sharing food is Holy and social activities cement group ties.
Anthropologists call it as “commensality” (Koutlaki, 2010). This eating habit creates social interaction
and sharing food and enhances communication, which is based on the SDPs.
SDPs



2- In Iranian culture, the main foods are respected because they are known the God’s gift and not
permissible to use them in the waste. So Iranian eating habit is based on the economy and saving. It is
important to note that decoration the food must be edible (Darya Bandari, 2006). This eating habit is
consistent with SDPs in term of as changes in energy behavior by decreasing the consumption of
materials and energy.
3 - Iranians refrain from eating while walking (Darya Bandari, 2006). This eating habit forces them to sit
while eating with comfort, unlike the fast food. This eating habit is also consistent with SDPs.
4 - Iranians believe that the person who cooks food should be respected and praised. This eating habit
enhances social interaction.
5 - Feeding the animals while eating is of Iranian values (Aftab News, 2010). One of the SDPs as
awareness of the surroundings and its diverse ecologies (animals) are raised by this eating habit.
6 - In every culture of food, specific colors for food are appetizing and fun, so for Iranians, yellow and
orange colors are the appetizing and fun (Darya Bandari, 2006). Also clear glasses are preferred to
Chinese cups. Because the drinker can appreciate the color as well as the flavor of the tea (Koutlaki,
2010). Infused with layers of meaning of materials is consistent with the SDPs as well as with the SFPs.
Eating practice: Sitting around the “Sofreh 2” has been forgotten nowadays. Iranians sit around the table,
revealing that this experience is consistent with the SDPs (Koutlaki, 2010).
Reveal: Social interaction
Engage: Relying on sharing
Participate:
Enhance
communities
Expand: Change in energy
behavior

Evolve: Slow designs are
(behavioral) change agents

Reveal: Social interaction

Reveal: Raise awareness of
the surroundings and its
diverse ecologies

Reflect: Infused with layers
of meaning

Reveal : Reveal experiences
in everyday life that are
often missed or forgotten
Figure 4: Results of the literature review about Persian eating habits that are consistent with the SDPs.
Study 1
Methodology
Iranian eating habits that consistent with SDPs were identified from the related literature and two
methods offered by the IDEO firm were used to identify Iranian eating habits: required were Extreme
user interview and Fly on the wall. Then the data collected by informal interviews and Observation
behavior within in context interfering with extreme user’s activities. Then, the results were compared
with SDPs to identify Iranian eating habits including food production and distribution systems, food
preferences and eating practices that are consistent with the SFPs. Participants in this study were: 1Tehran’s traditional breakfast providers and 2- Non-students that eat Iranian traditional breakfast
outside the home environments.
161
Results and data analysis of study 1
Persian food production and distribution systems: In traditional Iranian market, breakfast food
such as bread, cheese and fruit are produced in a form that is usable for more than one person, but
some bakeries and supermarkets cut and pack them in a bag for the use of one or two persons,
because the foods are respected Iranian culture (Figures 5, 6, 7 and 8).
These food production and distribution systems such as packed food in large dimensions and
crushing process done manually in selling phase reduces the consumption of packaging materials
and food processing. It also reduces the transportation energy.so it is consistent with SDPs.
Persian Food preference and eating practices: Figure 9 shows the three men (non–students) that
eat traditional Persian breakfast at work.1- They say every morning all of us are responsible for the
preparation of food for breakfast; one buys bread, and others buy cheese and fruit. This eating habit
as cooperation with the food habit is consistent it with the SFPs. 2- They reveal experiences in
everyday life that are missed or forgotten like spread “Sofreh” 2, which is consistent with SDPs. 3They use affordable and local materials such as newspapers instead of table so it is consistence with
SFPs. 4 – They share the dishes are used, so a kind of “Commensality” is created. This eating habit
causes social interaction and sharing, which is according to the SDPs .5- They select and assemble
the foods components themselves that is consistent with SDPs.
162
Study 2
Methodology
In this study, factors influencing students’ decision to have breakfast, especially Iranian traditional
breakfast at the campus were identified. The method was IDEO’s Surveys & Questionnaire's method.
The question was “What factors that influence your decision to have breakfast, especially Iranian
traditional breakfast, at campus?” This question was e-mailed to 32 students who studying in the
university Tehran.
Results and data analysis of study 2
Figures 12 and 13 present two groups of information obtained from the study 3: Food and
Conditions that influencing students’ decision to have Iranian traditional breakfast at the campus.
More answers included seeing hot tea, bread, colors of breakfast and smell of breakfast food’s
fresh bread, seeing others eating breakfast and "commensality" with other students, which
were among the factors influencing students’ decision to eat breakfast.
Figure: 12
Figure: 13
Study 3
Methodology
163
In this study, the data required were collected by questionnaire and observation. Environmental and
personal factors in Mary Story’s model were measured by questionnaires and the two IDEO methods
of extreme user interview and observation based on the fly on the wall method were used. The pilot
for the questionnaires, included 30 students (16 females and 14 males) studying at the University of
Art and University of Tehran, and the activities and behaviors of two categories of extreme users were
observed: 1- students who ate Iranian traditional breakfast and fast food at campus 2 – the buffet
vender at campus. The results were compared with SDPs in order to identify the students’ eating
habits that are consistent with these principles.
Results and data analysis of Study 3
Students food preference: 1- Figure 14 Shows that 78% of females (n=12) and 58% (n=8) of males
liked to eat breakfast with their friends at the campuses. This eating habit enhances communication
and social interaction. So it is consistent with the SDPs.
2 - Figure 15 presents that talk with others, listening music and thinking are the activities that students
liked to do when eating breakfast. However, watching TV, doing activities and preparing to go out
while eating food are harmful to health so they are not consistent with SDPs. However, creating
conditions to talk with others, enhancing communication and social interaction, unexpected aesthetic
pleasures created by conditions to listening music while they eating breakfast and creating conditions
to think about the effects of consume products, are consistent with the SDPs.
3 - Figure 20 shows two students sitting side by side, eating breakfast of a shared “Sofreh “and share
dishes and eating sharing traditional breakfast at the campus. This is also consistent with the SDPs.
4 - Figures 16, 17 and 18 show if students buy over a cup of tea, they use empty and waste packages
of foods, to take breakfast out of buffet. This eating habit using affordable material is consistent with
the SDPs.
5 - Cooperation is seen to provide food for breakfast (Figures 16 and 17). Breakfast and tea are
bought for a few students which is consistent with the SDPs.
What do you do when you have breakfast?
The social context that you are intrested in
to eat breakfast at the campus?
77%
58%
Femal
23%
Agree
Figure : 14
29.00%
Neutral
40%
22%
20%
22%
11%
0%
6%
11%
11% 16%
Male
13.00%
0%
Female &…
Disagree
Figure: 15
164
Students self-efficiency: Figure 15, shows that in the corner of the buffet, the Kettles are available
to the students, and the students can pour boiling water into the cup themselves; this eating habits
encourage the students to become active participants in assembling their breakfast and it is
consistent with the SDPs, Also Figure 22 shows that 71% of females (n=11) and 100% of males
(n=14) can prepare their own breakfast.
Students’ personal health, values and beliefs: Figures19 and 21 Show, the students for eating
breakfast avoid to putting food on public for health issues and need an environment such as “Sofreh”
and “food packaging”. This eating habit is change in energy behavior and can reduce power and
material packaging according to the SDPs.
165
Who prepares breakfast for yuo?
100%
71%
29%
Femal
0.00%
0%
Male
0%
I prepare
myself
My partner
Mother &
Father
Figure: 22
Food production and distribution for students: There are two methods for students to eat Iranian
traditional breakfast at campuses: A1 and A2.
Method A1: 1) Students shop and prepare traditional breakfast food from outside the campus such as
bakery, supermarket, buffet vendor grocery, 2) bring purchased food to the campus and 3) eat Iranian
traditional breakfast at any point they wish (Figure 23).
Method A2: 1) Buffet vendor shops and prepares traditional breakfast food from outside the campus
such as bakery, supermarket and grocery, 2) Buffet vendor brings food purchased to the buffet, 3)
Students shop traditional breakfast food from the university buffet and 4) Students eat Iranian
traditional breakfast at the buffet and are not allowed to take out the dishes (Figure 24).
Figure 23: A1 method
Figure 24: A2 method
These two methods were analyzed and then in the present work, we designed a third method (B
method) for distribution of Iranian traditional breakfast for students at the campuses which does not
have disadvantages of A1 and A2 methods and is consistent with the SDPs. If further enjoys the
advantages of the above two methods, including: a) The possibility of eating breakfast at any point of
campuses to exposing the food and eating and resulting in time saving and creating sharing as well
as. “commensality”, b) Shopping and bringing the breakfast to the campuses by vender that is to time
saving for students, c) Preparing breakfast from local and traditional markets to saving energy of
transportation and d) leaving some process of assembling foods to students, which saves packaging
and transport costs.
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Figure: 25 B Methods
Method B: 1) Buffet vendor shops and prepares traditional breakfast food from outside the campus
such as bakery, supermarket, Buffet vendor grocery, 2) Buffet vendor brings food purchased to the
campus, 3) Students shop traditional breakfast food from the campuses and 4) Students can eat
Iranian traditional breakfast at anywhere in the campus .
Results and data analysis:
Through analysis of the results of studies 1, 2 and 3, we came up with developing a new model
(Figure 26) that can be used to design a SDPs-consistent breakfast for Iranian students.
Model to design breakfast for Iranian students that is consistent with the SDPs
Designing conditions for students to reminding them the holiness and social values in food sharing and
“commensality”.
Designing conditions for students to reminding them the sacredness of food during eating breakfast.
Designing conditions to establish “commensality” and sharing breakfast among students.
Designing edible decorative elements for students’ breakfast.
Designing conditions such that students respect those who prepare breakfast for them.
Designing conditions for students to feed animals from the waste of their breakfast.
Designing conditions to establish cooperative breakfast by students.
Designing conditions to expose the color and the smell of breakfast for students.
Designing conditions to use large packs of food for students’ breakfast and cut it in to small edible
pieces in the sales phases.
Designing breakfast dishes from affordable and recycled materials for students.
Designing situation for students to coin and think about reflection of consumption products during eating
breakfast.
Using local and traditional foods for students’ breakfast.
Designing conditions for students to do some processes of preparing breakfast themselves.
Designing conditions for students to eat breakfast at public places encourage to influencing other
students to eat breakfast.
Figure 26: Model to design breakfast for students that is consistent with SDPs
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Discussion
The main purpose of this paper was to present a model consistent with the SFPs (SDPs) that can be
used to design Iranian traditional breakfast to students and influencing students’ decision to have
breakfast at the campuses. The paper consists of studying Iranian and students’ eating habits that are
consistent with the SFPs. The paper also identifies the factors influencing students’ decision to eat
breakfast that are consistent with the SDPs. The paper also identifies the influencing students’
decision to eat breakfast that are consistent with the SDPs.The results from Iranian and students’
eating habits, showed that cultural group and social / cultural norms and values, food production and
distribution systems, their food preferences and self- efficiencies of students were consistent with the
SDPs. On the other hand, seeing hot tea, hot and fresh bread, color and smell of breakfast food,
seeing others eating breakfast and “commensality " with other students are among the factors
influencing students’ decision to eat breakfast.
Some limitations might be related to collecting the data. The first limitation was the pilot study for the
questionnaires, which included it was 30 students studying at the University of Art and University of
Tehran. This research could be repeated for more students at the others universities and other
nationalities. Another shortcoming in the study was using one single method (Mary Story model) to
identify Iranian and students’ eating habits. Maybe, there are other models that can be used to identify
eating habits. In addition, the principles used in this study, as SDPs, are only in the range of Slow Lab
Network principles. Like other countries in Iran, many folks of people leave their homes early in the
morning for work, including employees, workers, school students and alike, so this research can be
repeated to identify their eating habits to develop a model for designing Iranian breakfast for these
groups to promote SFPs.
Conclusion
The aim of this paper was to propose a model to design breakfast for students at the campuses
based on SDPs. It is important Slow Design movement and SFPs are for designing food. because
they emphasize on local foods and traditional eating habits, as well as slow consumption of energy
and natural resources. In addition, Slow Food, unlike Fast Food, helps to preserve the cultural
aspects of eating.
For this purpose, Iranian students’ eating habits and the factors influencing their decision to eat
breakfast at the campuses were investigated through questionnaires and observations in three
phases (study 1, 2 and 3).
The results showed that the some aims of Slow Design and Slow Food can be achieved by the
following 1) Designing conditions for students to reminding them the holiness and social values in
food sharing , “commensality” and the sacredness of food, 2) Designing conditions to establish
“commensality” and sharing breakfast among students, 3) Designing conditions such that students
respect those who prepare breakfast for them, 4) Designing conditions for students to feed animals
from the waste of their breakfast, 5) Designing conditions to establish cooperative breakfast by
students 6) Designing conditions to expose the color and the smell of breakfast for students, 7) Using
local and traditional foods and Designing conditions to use large packs of food for students’ breakfast
and cut it in to small edible pieces the sales phases, 8) Designing breakfast dishes from affordable
and recycled materials for students, 9) Designing situation for students to coin and think about
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reflection of consumption products during eating breakfast and 10) Designing conditions for students
to do some processes of preparing breakfast themselves.
It is suggested that these studies ( 1,2 and 3) are repeated for other groups of people who leave their
home early in the morning for work, including the employees, workers and school students and
identify the eating habits of others cultures.
Acknowledgment
The author would like to thank all the students and Tehran’s traditional breakfast providers who
participated in the interviews and filled in the questionnaires, also appreciate the buffet venders of
University of Tehran and University of Art for giving their valuable time and allowing others to benefit
from their experiences and opinions. Special Thanks to Dr. Mohammad Razzaghi for his helpful and
constructive comments.
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Designing emotional triggers for food
experiences
Ms. Ricardo Yudi Akiyoshi
[email protected]
Dr. Filipe Campelo Xavier da Costa
[email protected]
Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos - UNISINOS
Abstract
How often do we hear that eating chocolate, drinking wine or eating our mom’s cooking make us feel
happy, in peace or even nostalgic? What’s the reasoning for our emotional responses? Is there a way
to test and validate, from a Design perspective, the emotions evoked in our food experiences? In this
paper, we investigated how the Design field of research could contribute to enhance our food design
projects. More specifically, we studied if it was possible to develop or adapt triggers for emotional food
experiences. Throughout a series of two experiments and a survey, we manipulated taste and sound
as the variables, while on the survey we asked participants to associate shapes, taste and emotions.
Our findings show that intense positive emotional responses were triggered by working with the
expectancy, assimilation/contrast of each individual while manipulating the taste variable. In the
second experiment, we manipulated the sound variable in food experiences. We tested three groups
with 30 participants each, applying forest sounds, sea sounds and no sounds while participants tried a
bowl of seafood consommé. Our data shows that, while using sound stimulation, the experience was
rated as more pleasant and the participants presented themselves with more intense positive
emotions. In our survey, we asked 250 participants to correlate shapes to different types of taste and
shapes to a set of emotions. The data collected suggests that it is possible to associate shapes,
tastes and emotions to a certain extent, which could be another potential trigger to be further
investigated. We believe that working with expectancies, aesthetics and application of external stimuli
– such as scent or sound – could aid designers in order to deliver better, more enjoyable and more
emotional food experiences.
Keywords : design emotion, emotional triggers, food design.
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Introduction
Eating in new, unusual, better and more engaging food experiences. This has been the motto for
many consumers around the world due to modern day life, health issues and/or cultural preservation.
Alongside the search for better and newer types of food, we also find ourselves searching for better
food experiences. Since the time available for sitting down and having a proper meal is getting shorter
each day, every experience should count; and, as designers, how could we make sure that our end
user is getting exactly what he wants and maybe more?
We believe that emotions could be one of the main aspects capable of enhancing food experiences.
In order to achieve that, this paper focuses on understanding how emotions could be triggered and
how the Design field of research could benefit from it.
Experience
The framework used to conceptualize experience is the one proposed by Wright et al (2005) following
Dewey’s and Bakhtin’s theories regarding experiences. According to the authors, to define experience
in a single word or even in a small expression could be naïve. Experience has also been confused
with subjective feelings, behavior, activity, social practice, and knowledge. The definition of
experience relies on the relationship between self and object, where personal interests and beliefs
set, partially, the outcome of the experience. The experience itself is fluid, moving, and fragile due to
its nature of trusting, identifying, believing and committing with the moment. Bakhtin (1986, 1993) also
focuses his thoughts about experience in terms of quality, where it can be absorbing, captivating,
irritating; it is what we experience of ourselves, our culture and our lives.
The framework proposed by Wright et al (2003) is composed by four pillars:
Figure 1: the four pillars of an experience. Font: Authors.
1)
Compositional: that aspect which is concerned with part-whole structure of an experience.
2)
Sensual: the ‘look and feel’ of a physical (or virtual) artifact. The sensations in an experience
might range from fear to excitement.
3)
Emotional: the emotional thread ranges from joy, anger, desperation and son on. Emotions
are not just passive responses to a certain situation; they can also be the ‘drive’ or the motivational
aspect of the experience itself.
4)
Spatio-temporal: all types of experience unfold in a particular time and place, this is what
Wright et al describes as the spatio-temporal thread.
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User experience design
According to Norman (2008), Forlizzi (2000) and Hassenzahl (2003), user experience could be
defined as perceptions and answers obtained throughout use and anticipation of use of a certain
product or service. As mentioned before, components like emotions, composition, senses and space
are intrinsic of any kind of experience. It is also important to mention that any type of previous
experience before the actual and present experience could influence the appraisal of use. In other
terms, the experience itself could be completely different according to previous exposed information.
Figure 2: Time spans of user experience. Font: Dagstuhl Seminar on Demarcating User Experience,
(2011)
User experience is about an encounter with a system, it has a beginning and an end, it relies upon
memories and perceptions in order to provide the outcome, the feedback, the experience. As shown
above, the time spans of user experience can be divided in four moments: Anticipated UX,
Momentary UX, Episodic UX and Cumulative UX.
Experience Design
The Experience economy context proposed by Pine and Gilmore (1998), in which a new era of
modern consumerism was being developed, suggests that the success of entrepreneurs could be
achievable by creating and staging memorable experiences to the consumers. The authors claim that
experiences are not static; they are dynamic, real and most importantly they should not be treated as
a commodity. To stage and deliver memorable experiences, one should carefully plan its projects
alongside a more innovative approach, such as combining efforts with areas like Design Research,
Marketing and so on.
For this research, we chose to investigate the emotion component of an experience, more precisely,
the emotions involved in food experiences. We believe that with a better planning, design and
execution, we could offer food experiences that are more enjoyable, more emotional (in a positive
way) and long lasting. Therefore we will now discuss how emotions are or can be elucidated and how
the Design field could be aided with the results.
Emotions
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In favor of how designers might approach their projects regarding the emotional aspect, it is relevant
to understand what in fact emotions are and how these types of responses occur. Izard (1977)
discusses that emotions cannot be treated as a single phenomenon, they cannot be defined with just
an emotional experience report and they also cannot be only defined for the electrophysiological
responses from the nervous system. Besides Izard (1977) we selected authors that, while having
emotions as their main theme of research, their active role would be towards the Psychology or
Design field of research. This step was taken to make sure we could connect our research to both
fields.
Figure 3: Emotion literature used on this research. Font: Authors.
The authors mentioned above suggest that emotions could be the result of an appraisal between
interaction or perception of a user and a certain context. According to Tomkins (1962), emotions could
also be triggered upon certain stimulation (mental state, image, action). It is based on the appraisal
theory and potential emotional triggers that we built our experiments on this research.
Emotional triggers
Tomkins (1962) mentions in his research that emotions are activated upon changes on the density of
the neural stimulation and it could be initiated by triggers. According to his theory, these triggers could
influence individual emotional states. He considers images, moods, motivation and previous
experiences to be potential emotional triggers. In a related topic, Sengers (2003) discusses the
perspective of the arts and humanities area where it suggests that trying to formally an experience is
futile. Many humanists and artists defend the idea that complexity, mess, enigmas are vital to human
nature of being and thus, any formal representation would not be truthful to the event. So, the idea
behind our experiments is not to try the representation of complexity, instead we tried to trigger it
inside the mind of the user. By doing that we dealt with his expectations, perceptions and potential
emotional responses.
Design Emotion
Norman (2008) discusses that humans are complex animals with even more complex structures: they
are conscious of their role in the world and are capable of reflecting upon past experiences for the
175
sake of learning and future success. The Design Emotion field of research has the purpose of
understand the role of emotions inside this complex reality and aid designers in pursuance of better
and innovative emotional designs
.
Figure 4: Model of appraisal. Font: Desmet and Hekkert (2002).
Desmet and Hekkert (2002) claim that we could design a certain object to evoke neutral emotions, it
is, however, uncertain that the product would actually evoke neutral emotions. The appraisal involves
cognitive processing of the user’s concerns and the product (including performance, aesthetics, and
usability) in order to obtain a certain emotional response.
Emotional scales
In order to evaluate the emotions evoked during the food experiences, we chose and adapted King
and Meiselman’s (2010) EsSence Profile tool of measuring emotions. We considered that the
EsSence Profile tool was complete enough to answer our questions, and it was specifically developed
for food quality and preference studies.
Our adaptation is justified by the fact that it is not part of this study to identify and quantify specific
emotions. It is, in fact, to understand if there would be a difference of intensity between positive and
negative emotions. Thereunto we reduced the number of emotions, always keeping in mind the range
that would be available to our interviewees express their emotional states.
That said, these were the emotions that were evaluated on the experiment I (in alphabetical order):
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Table 1: Scale of emotions. Font: Adapted from King and Meiselman (2010).
Expectation and perception
Expectation can be described as subjective notions of things or events that are about to come. An
expectation is like a hypothesis formulated by an individual and his final response will be given upon
his appraisal and perception accordingly to the experience that has transpired.
Perceptions can be described as individual mental impressions of a certain object, product or
stimulation. According to Anderson (1973), perception presents itself with four major characteristics: it
is selective, relates to symbols and meanings, depends on stimuli and could be influenced by
personal motives.
Whenever a user tries a certain food product in real, daily contexts, his perception towards the
product is not only based on the sensorial characteristics. His perception is composed by many
factors, including ideas and beliefs regarding the properties of the product, also information received
from third parties such as advertising and word-of-mouth play a major role on building his response
towards the actual performance. These types of information are stored on our memory and will be
used whenever another experience is about to happen.
Whether we have already stored information about a certain product or not, there are at least five
theories (Anderson, 1973) that explain our expectation behavior regarding product performance
evaluation:
a) cognitive dissonance: the cognitive dissonance creates a psychological state of discomfort in
which the user is forced to evaluate the incongruities of the experience towards reducing or
distorting some of the information in order to make as close as what one had expected
(Festinger, 1957).
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b) Contrast: when expectations are not met with the actual performance of a certain product,
the contrast theory presumes that the surprise or contrast between expectation and result will
cause an effect of exaggeration.
c) generalized negativism: Product perception will always be negative when there is disparity
between expectations and actual product performance, and the degree of negativity will vary
directly with the amount of disparity.
d) assimilation-contrast: this theory suggests that individuals have ranges or latitudes of
acceptance, rejection and neutrality. The discrepancy between expectation and performance
of the product would be responsible for categorizing the experience or performance as
accepted, rejected or neutral (Hovland, Harvey and Sherif, 1957).
e) prospect theory: when a user expects less from a certain situation and receives more, he will
gain – his experience was better than expected. When a user has high expectations from a
certain situation and receives less, he will lose – his experience was worse than expected
(Kahneman and Tversky, 1979).
Methodology
To answer our initial question - if it would be possible to develop or enhance emotional triggers for
food experiences -, we developed a set of two experiments and one survey. Our experiments and
survey were built upon extensive research on how the academy has dealt with emotions and food
experiences. Also, we used Wright et al (2003) theories regarding the pillars of experience:
compositional, emotional, spatio-temporal and sensual.
These four pillars were vital to determine our variables and isolate them in our experiments. From
what we have discussed so far, experiences are structured by several parts, they involve our senses,
unfold in a particular time and place and are able to provoke different emotions for different people.
Keeping this in mind, we chose to evaluate variables of taste (dealing with expectations and the
sensual pillar) in experiment I; sound stimuli (dealing with the spatio-temporal pillar plus the appraisal
theory) and to investigate the relationship between geometrical forms, taste and emotions in order to
correlate it with the compositional and emotional pillars. After concluding our analysis we paired the
collected data with the phases of user experiences proposed by Dagstuhl (2011) and selected a few
topics to further develop our research.
Experiment I
In our initial experiment, we manipulated the variable taste. We were inspired by chef’s Heston
Blumenthal (2008) work, in which he developed a set of fake fruits: the aesthetics simulated a fresh
fruit, but the inside was filled with a meat compound. In our experiment, we developed similar fake
fruits; in this case, we created fake grapes. The casing was made from gelatin, agar-agar and purple
coloring. The filling was made from condensed milk and sugar, forming a rich and creamy paste, as
shown in the picture below.
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Figure 5: The fake grape. Font: Authors.
We interviewed 60 individuals divided into two groups: control and experimental. The experimental
group was conducted in a waiting room, located at the Unisinos Design Campus in Porto Alegre.
The participants were asked to enter the room and fill out a questionnaire about personal information
regarding food preferences. To give the idea that they were going to taste a grape, a bowl containing
a real fruit was being displayed in front of the interviewee while they were filling out the initial
questionnaire, as the photo below illustrates. After they finished filling out the form, they were asked
to move to another table, taste the fake grape and answer another questionnaire regarding the
emotions elucidated during the experiment. We repeated the same script for the control group, except
that we switched to real, regular grapes instead of fake ones.
Figure 6: Questionnaire and real fruit. Font: Authors.
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Results Experiment I
Maximum
value
for
mean
=
5.00
Table 2: Descriptive statistics for experimental and control group. Font: Authors.
Our findings show that it is possible to achieve more intensive positive emotions while manipulating
the variable taste. Emotions like Loving, Joyful, Adventurous, Merry, Challenged, Enthusiastic, Happy,
Steady, Worried (as in less worried) were all significant p < 0.05. Other items questioned such as
Texture, Color, Taste and Memory (memory of product) was also significant with p < 0.05.
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Table 3: Anova for experimental group vs control group, experiment I. Font: Authors.
According to the theories discussed earlier on, we believe that the disconfirmation of expectancies
could be interesting topics for designers to focus on. More specifically, the assimilation-contrast
theory is particularly relevant due to the nature of the discrepancy being small enough so the
performance of the product would fall upon the latitude of acceptance and not rejection. If the
discrepancy presented itself with a particular large variance, the performance of the product could fall
upon the rejection latitude, thus the experience itself would evoke more negative emotions rather than
positive ones.
Experiment II
In our second experiment, we manipulated the variable sound. More specifically, we added the
variable sound to a specific food experience: soup. This experiment was also inspired upon chef’s
Heston Blumenthal from the restaurant The Fat Duck. In his restaurant, Blumenthal (2008) created a
dish called Sound of the Sea trying to represent the sound and taste of the sea. The dish consisted of
toasted grains, miso oil, malt dextrin and a seaweed consommé, as shown in the picture below:
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Figure 7: Sound of the Sea. Font: Blumenthal (2008)
The innovative aspect of this dish is that it was served with a pair of earphones. They were presented
to the client inside a seashell and connected to them was an iPod, which would play the sound of the
sea in order to match the taste proposed.
Figure 8: Sound of the Sea – earphones. Font: Blumenthal (2008)
To evaluate the sound variable and check if it was capable of evoking more intensive positive
emotions, we decided to present our participants with a clean and simple version of the dish. To
guarantee that no other stimulation would influence the interviewees, we chose the Laboratory of
Sensorial Analysis located at the Unisinos Gastronomy Campus to carry out the experiment.
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We chose an industrial type of seafood consommé called Hondashi to prepare the dish. This
ingredient is worldwide available - mainly in Asian cuisine grocery stores. The reason behind our
choice is that by evaluating an industrial type of consommé, it would be easier for other researchers
to replicate this experiment.
The sounds that we chose for the experiment were two: Forest and Sea. To measure the resulting
emotions we reduced the scale used in experiment I. By reducing the number of emotions, we
eliminated a problem encountered during experiment I: the length of the questionnaire and the
number of emotions questioned could be influencing our participants in a negative way. Therefore, we
reduced the set of emotions to eleven, always respecting the range of emotions that would be
available for the participants to express their emotional state after the experiment.
We asked our participants to sit down one at a time and taste the consommé (presented in a plain,
white small bowl). If the participant was from the control group, no sound stimulation was added.
However, if they were part of the forest or sea group, the conductor of the experiment would hand a
pair of earphones to the participant wear during the food experience. We interviewed 30 participants
for each group, totalizing 90.
Results Experiment II
Maximum
value
Maximum value for performance = 7.00
for
emotions
=
5.00
Table 3: Descriptive statistics for control, forest and sea group. Font: Authors.
Table 4: Anova for control vs forest, control vs sea and sea vs forest group. Font: authors.
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According to our data, we verified that in the majority of the emotions that evaluated the higher means
were found in the Sea Group. This includes variables like happy, bored (as in less bored), worried (as
in less worried), interested, secure, free, calm and pleasantness of experience.
We also found significant data when using One way ANOVA to compare means. In the Control versus
Sea Group, we found p < 0.05 for disgusted, happy, bored, worried, interested, secure, free, calm and
pleasantness of experience. After checking the descriptive statistics for both groups, we concluded
that the experience for the sea group was far more pleasant comparing to the control group. It was
also evident that positive emotions (with p < 0.05) were more intense for the sea group.
The data also concludes that even though the forest group didn’t have the highest means for positive
emotions, it was still more positive while comparing to the control group. The same aspect was shown
in Pleasantness of experience when, even though the forest sound was not congruent with the dish
proposed, the experience itself was more enjoyable than the control group one.
Survey
The survey we carried out as our final data collection aimed for association between shapes, tastes
and emotions. One particular study that inspired our survey was the Bouba and Kiki effect
(Ramachandran and Hubbard, 2001). In this particular study, the researchers asked several students
from the United States and India to name Bouba or Kiki these two geometrical forms as shown below:
Figure 9: Bouba and kiki effect. Font: Ramachandran and Hubbard (2001)
The authors found out that in the majority of cases (95% for USA and 98% for India), the rounded
shape was named Bouba, while the pointy shape was named Kiki. From these results and others
(Köhler, 1929; Maurer 2006), the authors proposed theories that the human brain is capable of
extracting abstract properties from shapes and sounds. One of the explanations for these results is
that when someone pronounces Bouba, the mouth would make a more rounded shape in order to
produce that sound, while a more taut, angular mouth shape was needed to make the sound kiki. The
sound of the letter B is softer compared to the K, as well. These authors also suggest the presence of
synesthesia-like mappings, which are likely to be the neurological basis for sound symbolism, in
which sounds are associated to object and events in the world. Thereunto, if our brain is actually
capable of making such associations, it would be reasonable to suggest that we could also make
associations between shapes, tastes and, why not, emotions.
Having that said, we built two questions for our survey: first we asked our participants to associate
shapes to taste and then shapes to emotions. The set of shapes selected for this questionnaire is
composed mainly with basic geometrical forms: square, circle, triangle (represented by a star), free
form and spiral. The set of emotions used were the same used to evaluate the experiment II.
The platform used to collect responses to our questionnaires was Qualtrics.com. The number of
responses we received, excluding the ones that were incomplete or invalid, summed up 250.
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Survey results
Table 5: Results for survey. Font: Authors.
Our findings show that it might be possible to correlate tastes, shapes and emotions to a certain
extension. The frequencies regarding positive emotions and tastes like sweet, spicy, salty and sour
are encouraging enough in a way that our future work may go towards this direction. It is unclear,
however, why some of the negative emotions were mostly associated with Do Not Apply. One might
say that it is easier to face and deal with positive emotions, while negative ones on the other hand
might be a bit more complex. The Do Not Apply frequencies under tastes also presented us with
fairly intriguing data. Bitter and sour were the most voted items with Do Not Apply. This result might
be associated with the fact that historically humans did not fed themselves with sour or bitter
ingredients. Those types of taste were mainly associated with spoiled, fermented or poisonous items.
Humans are naturally predisposed to eat things that are sweet because they can provide enough
energy to sustain a certain individual.
Discussion
To correlate our three data collections and to answer our initial and main topic of discussion we will
discuss the theory behind our experiments and the survey that was carried out. Regarding triggering
emotions, we could affirm that it is possible to develop, enhance or adapt such a component in order
to promote better emotional food experiences. The following picture sums the steps we took in order
to reach our conclusions.
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Figure 10: Framework of research. Font: Authors.
The experiments that were held collected significant data to support the theories suggested by
Anderson (1973), Wright et al (2003), Desmet and Schifferstein (2008) and Tomkins (1962). This
means that it is possible for designers to focus on intangible aspects of food experiences, such as
expectancies, perception and phases of user experience.
The main aspect of experiment I was to discuss if manipulating the variable taste, positive emotions
would be elucidated in a stronger sense. The results can be explained through the assimilationcontrast theory, which suggests that users might be aware of certain fluctuation of performance of
products, and would ignore small deviations from what they were expecting. In this case, if the
discrepancy between the expectation and performance is sufficiently small (or large enough), a
product’s performance might fall upon the latitude of acceptance and by contrast, it would also be
significantly better than what they expected, labeling the experience as more enjoyable, more
emotional, and more positive.
Regarding the second experiment, we found out that sound stimuli are capable of enhancing food
experiences. Even though the forest sound was not congruent with the dish proposed, it was still
better than expected by the participants. This means that food experiences could be enhanced to a
certain extent by applying sound stimulation. It would be better, though, if the sound stimulation was
chosen to match the food that was being served, as seen in the Sea Group. However, it remains
unanswered what would it be the saturation point, in other words, how much stimulation or contrast
would still be acceptable by the users while maintaining the positive feedback of the food experience.
As Sengers (2003) discussed, instead of representing complexity, we should trigger it in the mind of
the user.
This complexity can be tied with our last data collection, our survey. Our results showed that it is
possible to correlate shapes, tastes and emotions to a certain extent. If we take what we have
concluded so far, it would be possible to start designing a framework to aid the development of food
experiences and resulting emotions that involve expectations, perception and sensorial associations
(e.g. shapes with taste). We also found out that the overall performance would normally range from
being unacceptable to overwhelming.
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.
Figure 11: Range of performance. Font: Authors.
In order to discuss emotions elucidated within food experiences, we split our conclusions into three
“windows of time”: 1) Imagining the experience, 2) Experiencing, 3) Reflecting and Recollecting.
Figure 12: The first window: imagining the experience. Font: Authors.
In this initial phase, prior to a situation of consumption of a certain product or service, the user would
gather all relevant information – from their past experience and third party advertising – to build their
overall expectation of the experience. Here the concern (Desmet and Schifferstein, 2008) play an
active role of weighing which attributes would be more relevant to the experience that was about to
come.
In the next window of time – experiencing – all of the attributes and expectations brought up within the
consciousness of the user would be evaluated throughout their appraisal.
Figure 13: The second window: the experience. Font: Authors.
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We suggest that during this appraisal moment, the expectancies created prior to the experience itself
and along with the user’s concern, would encounter a threshold of discrepancy which could lead the
resulting emotions towards acceptance (positive emotions) or rejection (negative emotions).
Figure 14: Latitude of acceptance and rejection. Font: Authors.
This hypothesis was built upon pairing our data with theories of expectancy (Anderson, 1973). More
specifically, we believe that assimilation, cognitive dissonance, generalized negativity, contrast and
prospect theories could aid designers conceptualizing new products and services by investigating
users beliefs and expectations prior and post usage. While not all theories are applicable to a specific
range of products or services, we are positive that one of the keys to foster innovation of product
development is to better understand our user in order to promote their well-being.
Figure 15: threshold of discrepancy. Font: Authors.
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Figure 16: The third window: reflecting and recollecting. Font: Authors.
In order to pair our data with the third window of time - reflecting and recollecting -, we took a step
back to evaluate our research and to think about why designers should focus on emotional properties
st
of food products. In a recent event, held at UNISINOS in January of 2012 – 1 Brazilian Seminar on
Design & Emotion -, Pieter Desmet discussed with the audience about the responsibilities and
objectives of designers or Design – in a larger point of view. According to Desmet, Design should be
an act of love, dedicated to enhance the overall well-being of users. This way of thinking led us to
realize that whenever we promote better and more positive food experiences, we would be fulfilling
that role which the author suggested.
The following picture sums up our discussion so far, during our experiments and survey we dealt with
expectations, perception and tangible aspects of a product. This information is evaluated through
users’ appraisal and could be recollected or remembered over an extended period of time. Our
suggestion for further development on this topic is to attain our efforts on building frameworks and
guidelines that supports fellow chefs and designers to conceptualize more engaging and long lasting
food experiences.
Figure 17: Overview of the research. Font: Authors.
Also, why do most people associate square forms with salty foods and emotions like Bored and Safe?
What would happen if we design triggers to break that expectancy? Would be acceptable to add
stimulation such as scent or sound? What kind of experience would that be? While some of these
questions remain unanswered, we believe that designers and chefs are capable of taking this matter
onto the next level. It is by understanding our user, his beliefs and concerns that we will become more
apt to deliver better, more enjoyable and more emotional food experiences.
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Bokantú: re-contextualizing traditional
recipes of the Caribbean coast of
Colombia
Tania Delgado1, Lía Reyes2 and Ana Linda Monroy3
1
PhD candidate Design and Technologies Exploitation for the Cultural Heritage, Politecnico di Milano,
[email protected]
2
Industrial Designer, Universidad del Norte, [email protected]
3
Industrial Designer, Universidad del Norte, Industrial Designer, Universidad del Norte,
[email protected]
Abstract
Nowadays the exuberant characteristics and roots of the Traditional Cuisine of the Colombian
Caribbean are considered outdated by the new generations; furthermore this part of the cultural
heritage has an intangible character that makes it delicate, because these practices have been
passed orally and transformed through generations, but there are not tangible records of this process.
From this analysis Bokantú was created as a strategy capable of recovering culinary knowledge of the
Caribbean coast of Colombia, without forgetting the importance of the modern consumers. The
general idea is to use cultural resources in the creation of an innovative industry capable of
safeguarding, transmitting and valorising the inherited cultural practices of the Traditional Cuisine of
this region.
With the help of traditional cooks the dough for preparing the traditional “bollo de plátano” (a kind of
tamale), was transformed in a flexible sheet for wrapping different salty and sweet stuffs, which are
also typical dishes in the Caribbean coast. The main goal of the product is to respect the essence of
the traditional recipes adding new values, like new presentations and aesthetics for capturing the
attention of contemporary consumers and satisfying the requirements of their modern lifestyles,
without forgetting the importance of a communication strategy for spreading the traditional knowledge
behind this Cuisine.
Somehow, the results of this research-project represent a balance between past and modernity,
where traditional cuisine gets the opportunity of continuing alive in the Colombian territory, evolving
according to the unexpected and sometimes aggressive challenges present in the context and its
markets.
Keywords: Traditional gastronomy; Intangible Heritage; Safeguarding; Valorisation; Colombia
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Traditional Cuisine: an expression of the intangible
cultural heritage
Traditional Cuisine is one of the inherited expressions, which has built the identity of a territory
through the time; behind each recipe there is a hidden knowledge about perfect mixtures, doneness
and ingredient qualities among others, that have been passed from one generation to other creating a
unique hallmark in the food of a place and a sense of belonging to a territory and a community.
As other expressions that make part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, the know-how of the
craftsmanship cuisine is one of the aspects that builds the cultural diversity around the world, and also
a resource that has a significant role in the sustainable development of a territory. In fact, cultural
heritage is not just a treasure that must be preserved intact, because its value gets stronger when
contemporary communities are able to use it for their own good, projecting appropriate forms of
development.
From a cultural perspective, preserving these traditional practices is important not only for the
community that has inherited them from centuries ago, because they have also a role in the
construction of a cultural diversity where the differences are encouraged and respected, but currently
this is a challenging task because throughout the globalization and the new scenarios, that inevitably
interconnect communities, there have appeared phenomena of intolerance, which have threatened
the Intangible Cultural Heritage of different places. Preservation strategies should allow people from
other cultures to appreciate these differences and somehow stimulate an enriching connivance and
dialogue among them, which as Lévi-Strauss (2000) has affirmed: “At a time when social diversity is
everywhere leading to fragmentation, it is only this cultural memory that will maintain the
indispensable social bonds that enable a mosaic of people with different origins and cultures, and of
different generations, to live together”.
On the other hand, for the communities their Traditional Cuisines reflect their creativity for answering
to the challenges that their environment has set up through their existence, therefore these practices
are a significant part of their past, present and future, and their performance and dissemination keeps
alive in their memories who they are and where they come from, which helps to structure a future
where cultural identity, social cohesion and the cultural practices themselves are strengthened. This
relation between community and environment is also relevant because is unrepeatable, even though
the characteristics of some environments are similar, the tissues created with the inhabitants are
unique in each territory, making the cultural expressions, that emerge from this relation, irreplaceable.
Therefore, safeguarding Traditional Cuisine (among other intangible expressions) has a local and
global relevance. Although before the UNESCO Convention in 2003 these practices were isolated
without the appropriate attention, resources and instruments for its preservation, because the interest
was focused on tangible heritage - “Monuments and Sites”; for this reason nowadays most of the
intangible cultural resources are threatened and there is an international concern in the
implementation and development of strategies that look for the Intangible Cultural Heritage
safeguarding and reinforcement. Since the risk of disappearance is still present, the UNESCO
suggests that this situation should be confronted throughout approaches that ensure the sustainability
of the culture in the core of the community that carries them.
Additionally, this part of the cultural heritage has an intangible character that makes it delicate and
vulnerable, because these practices have been passed orally and usually there are not tangible
records of this process, in fact as the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible
Cultural Heritage has affirmed: language is considered the vehicle for transmitting the Intangible
Cultural Heritage. Through dialogues among the members of a group with the use of gestures and
expressions among others, the language reinforces the meaning of certain matters (Rosenberg,
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1987). Nevertheless, these experiences get accumulated in the memory of the communities, and are
confronting the risk of a natural forgetting. Hence, language becomes a complex and fragile element
of the culture and therefore the entire heritage carried by it, faces the same situations.
Without exception, the use of language in Traditional Cuisine is an important part of the accurate
transmission of a recipe. The whole atmosphere that creates a kitchen, where older members of a
community teach typical recipes to their descendants, is a scenario where ingredients, quantities and
cooking times are well understood thanks to the use of the voice, like when the word “pinch” is said,
which can mean different measures depending of the intonation of the voice.
All these immaterial resources are facing challenges due to the globalization phenomena (Mak,
Lumbers and Eves, 2012), which not only project enriching dialogues among communities around the
world, but also threatening situations that could cause the disappearance of this part of the Cultural
Patrimony. Some of the positive aspects of this confrontation can be the awareness of the importance
of the aesthetics and the sanitary quality, which can increase the value and the demand of the
traditional food in the contemporary markets.
In the case of Traditional Cuisine mass production is one of the current challenges that food artisans
have to confront (Wilhelmina, 2010 and Murdoch and Miele, 1999), because the market becomes
more competitive in terms of prices, production times and quantities, which are completely opposite to
the essence behind the traditional handmade food. Actually, the mass industrial processes do not
require the precision and dedication of a craftsmanship labour, therefore the production times and
prices of traditional food get out of the competition settled by large corporations.
Another challenge brought by globalization is related to the transmission of the inherited knowledge to
new generations (future bearers and continuers of intangible cultural expressions), which are
immersed in an overwhelming reality that offers an accessible mass consumption that easily captures
people’s attention, causing a lost of interest in the lengthy trades that have built their cultural identity.
Summarizing, the safeguarding of Traditional Cuisine with a modern view could be useful not only for
the positive conservation impact on the worldwide cultural richness (that has a local and global
relevance), but also because these strategies try to understand the influential role of the
contemporary reality in our culture, and this process can reveal the key points for encouraging new
generations to be active performers of their folklore as bearers or consumers. Additionally, it is
important to manage the intangibility of this heritage through the implementation of innovative
strategies that create a tangible memory, for knowing deeply the characteristics of these resources,
which potentially could help in the development of a territory.
Intangible Cultural Heritage: a resource for sustainable development
As other cultural expressions Traditional Cuisine has become relevant for a community not just for the
flavours and other perceptive stimuli that connect people with the memories of a romantic past, but
also because this knowledge has a value for the present and future of the bearers.
As an example, traditional food has become one of the tourist attractions, which has showed an
interesting potential within the processes for sustainable development in a territory (in economic and
cultural aspects among others), this strategy has recognized the importance of the inherited
knowledge in the present and future of a community, and creates a balanced integration between
conservation and innovation. The results obtained in different countries have encouraged artisans and
bearers of traditional cuisine to be active creators and re-creators of this intangible heritage through
processes of selection and improvement related with cultural values and global influences.
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The whole structure behind this strategy constitutes a complete example of “safeguarding without
freezing” (as the UNESCO has recommended in several opportunities), where first the essence of the
inherited knowledge is preserved without denying its inevitable evolution and second there is a
participation of the community, which as bearer of this heritage must have an active role in this
process, for giving continuity to its cultural practices and strengthening its identity. Simultaneously,
when people realize the value of their inherited knowledge their self-confidence gets stronger
motivating their creativity, which is the human engine for the evolution of the cultural heritage, its
sustainability and a parallel territorial development.
Increasingly, the connection between traditional culture and sustainable development is better
understood, and now it is clear that these domains need to be fully integrated, because sustainability
means more than keeping an economic floatability. Every place needs its own models of
development, and the traditional practices of a community reveal how human creativity generates the
adequate responses to the challenges of each environment. Inhabitants are the ones that know better
their own territory and their inherited knowledge is a precious archive that accumulates experiences
for the future, as the Indian Chef Manjit Gill has affirmed: “We need to believe in the practices of the
past and follow them. They are based on sustainability”.
Traditional Cuisine, Innovation and Sustainable Development: some cases
“There’s no need to create anything new when India has such a rich and diverse cuisine. Regional
cooking has such a large repertoire that you can keep on discovering new dishes forever”. Indian
Chef Manjit Gill
Traditional Cuisine brings a past full of perceptive stimuli where smells, tastes, sounds, colours,
textures, etc., create a stronger and delightful connection with the cultural identity; however, the global
context influences bearers to transform their cultural practices, because as any living body our
practices must evolve for answering the requests of our changeable bodies and souls, and the ideal
scenario is a transformation without altering the essence that awakes the mentioned connection. At
this point, the creativity of the bearers has a crucial role because with the influences of the local and
global context and their self-consciousness, which recognizes the relevant elements (that should be
kept and the ones that can be changed), the cultural practices can evolve keeping their core and
surprising bearers and consumers with an innovative and fresh vision.
International chefs like the Indian Manjit Gill innovate after an enriched and emotional research in
their own roots, Gill’s research team goes to different Indian villages searching for new recipes and
ways to cook, which is the starting point of creative processes for taking traditional plates to luxury
restaurants without loosing their authenticity. These approaches are also starting to be exploited in
Colombia, and an outstanding case is the one developed by the chef Leonor Espinosa in her
restaurant Leo Cocina y Cava, where her Caribbean origins are a resource for the creation of
innovative dishes that keep the gastronomic authenticity of a region with a balanced understanding of
the contemporary consumers, that demand an improvement in the aesthetic and sanitary qualities of
the traditional products. Despite not having a noticeable regional impact, these chefs are in synchrony
with an international trend that cares about Traditional Cuisines, in fact the Indian chef Manjit Gill is
part of the Slow Food initiative, which is committed with the preservation of the traditional cuisine of
the world among others.
There are also cases that have transcended the doors of restaurants with positive outcomes for the
communities that carry this intangible heritage. One example is the Fundació Alícia, which is a
Catalonian centre of research dedicated to study different areas of food (food and health, eating
habits, techniques, optimization of processes, etc.), including Food Heritage. Throughout these
specific studies there is an initial approach to the Traditional Cuisine of a territory from a historic
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perspective, which has led these researchers to re-interpret traditional recipes for adding them new
values. As a complement of this work there are several workshops and publications, made by this
foundation, that look for spreading into different sectors this knowledge, with a special attention to
schools where new generations can be touched and committed with the continuation of their own
cultural heritage. Thanks to this scheme, the community is encouraged to have an active role in the
safeguarding and valorisation of the Catalonian Traditional Cuisine, the purpose is stimulating the
continuous performance of these culinary practices not only for their preservation, continuation and
transmission but also for the creative results that the continuous practice can generate, which are a
significant material that enriches the Cultural Patrimony in the gastronomic field.
Slow Food is another interesting example of an organization (internationally spread), committed to
preserve traditional and regional cuisine, a purpose that is connected to the support and promotion of
local small businesses of traditional food products, that besides competing in the market with unique
and authentic characteristics, show the economic potential of this kind of resources in the
sustainability of a territory, which simultaneously makes possible the sustainability of the culinary
practices themselves.
It is also important to underline the labour of the Colombian Cultural Ministry, which throughout the
competition “Premio Nacional de Gastronomía” – National Prize of Gastronomy – has encouraged the
preservation and valorisation of the traditional culinary knowledge without forgetting the UNESCO
idea of: “safeguarding without freezing”. For this reason, the competition,(in the category of
innovation), calls for teams conformed in the following way: a.) A bearer of traditional cuisine,
because in the process of re-creating cultural practices it is crucial the involvement of the community
for consenting the transformation of its own cultural heritage; b.) A chef, for its contemporary vision
able to help bridging the gap between past and present, and c.) A sociologist who has also a key role
in the process of evaluating what should be kept and what can be changed. In the end, the Ministry of
Culture organizes workshops, where the winners socialize the recipes and the concepts behind each
culinary project, and as it was mentioned before, the idea is to encourage the participants to be active
bearers of their culinary traditions.
These cases are valuable examples that besides achieving the preservation of the culinary heritage
have also opened new possibilities for a conscious and permanent sustainability of these inherited
practices; however this stage can be accomplished just when people understand that culture is a
resource for the generation of creative industries that can offer products with a unique hallmark, which
contrasts with the homogenized products found nowadays in the global market.
Nevertheless, the Colombian territory is just having some initial approaches to this area, in fact the
Ministry of Culture (which has been the main encourager of these projects), was founded in 1997 and
despite having good results there is still a wide field that needs to be explored and stimulated.
Bokantú is an academic initiative that shows how the Design perspective can have a notable role in
the safeguarding and valorisation of Culinary Heritage, which is an aspect that is in synchrony with
the international trend and the goals of the Colombian Ministry of Culture. The main idea is to show
how traditional food can be re-created as part of a bigger strategy of territorial development and
cultural preservation with sustainable principles.
Traditional Cuisine in the Caribbean coast of Colombia: the
resource of Bokantú’s creativity
The geographical position of the Caribbean coast of Colombia has made this region an unavoidable
entrance to the rest of the country; different cultural groups have passed throughout this area leaving
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traces that have created a cultural synergy rich for its diversity. Migrations of Europeans, Africans and
people from Middle East have added a wide amount of techniques, tastes, textures and ingredients
among others to the Traditional Gastronomy of the Indigenous settled in this area centuries ago,
before the first arrival of the Spanish conquerors in the XV century.
Several elements (products, techniques, ways of using ingredients and cooking habits among others),
brought by each culture have established numerous characteristics that structure the gastronomy of
the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Products like maize, spicy peppers, some tuberous roots as
cassava and potatoes, and a long list of tropical fruits, were part of the Indigenous diet, which with the
Spanish arrival got the cattle’s meat and dairy and some citrus fruits and seeds (from the Arabs); and
with the African slaves the banana, sprouts, coconuts, ñame (another tuberous root), and some
beans (like chickpeas and lentils).
Some of the indigenous habits that are still part of the culinary tradition are the storage and cooking
(of some typical dishes), in earthenware pots, the use of the leaves that cover the maize for wrapping
and cooking some Caribbean delicacies, grinding in stone mortars, the use of shells of turtles or
hollow calabash for serving the food and the almost daily consumption of fish and seafood.
The rich legacy of the Africans left products like el sofrito, which is a sauce prepared with abundant
oil, onions, garlic, peppers and tomatoes that is used as a base for different dishes, which are not
necessarily fried; additionally there is a common tendency to fry the food, like the plantain for making
the patacones accompanied by fried fish, typical dish in the whole Caribbean. From the Africans
comes also the use of spices like anise, cloves and cinnamon that add to the gastronomy of the
region strong aromas, the coconut milk for cooking rice, and techniques like the steam cooking with
banana leaves and the grinding in pestles for mixing dried ingredients.
In this region is also found a strong Arabic influence that arrived with a massive migration to this area
from Syria and Lebanon at the end of the XIX century, then products like the aubergine, almonds and
dates, among others, appeared and were integrated in the gastronomy of the Colombian Caribbean.
The Arabs had to adapt their seasoning to the ingredients found in the region, and currently there is a
clear synergy where Arabic dishes like the kibbeh is filled with some additional ingredients like egg
and raisins, or the case of the mote de queso (traditional Colombian soup made with cheese), which
is also made with aubergine in some places of the Caribbean. It is also important to mention the
Arabic sweets, which have incorporated in their recipes fillings of tropical fruits, and nowadays
constitute a palpable archive of the multicultural diversity integrated in the Colombian Caribbean.
Challenges and opportunities that have delineated Bokantú
This amalgam of cultures and knowledge is confronting the same risks of disappearance that other
expressions of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, and after exploring the current situation of the
Traditional Cuisine of the Colombian Caribbean, it was clear the large amount of products that need
to be safeguarded and valorised; however this research-project just worked with a part of this field
with the idea of establishing an experience that could encourage future initiatives. In this decision
process the research team selected the plantain for being one of the most emblematic products of this
cuisine.
The general idea was a transformation according to the new standards of lifestyles, which determined
three focal points in the development of this research-project: a.) Aesthetics for improving the
perceptive qualities of the products; b.) Sanitary standards requested by the government and global
markets, and c.) Communication strategies as part of the continuation of the cultural knowledge and
as a key factor in the presentation of the re-created products.
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In the first place, it was important to understand the general idea of a transformation according to the
modern lifestyles, because the research revealed not only that the traditional food of the region was
certainly experiencing an intrinsic evolution (natural aspect of any cultural expression), but at the
same time showed that in this process the expectations of the markets are not taken into account,
creating a growing gap between products and consumers, which in the end aggravates the delicate
situation of this cultural patrimony, because this phenomenon can mean the disappearance of this
traditional products and therefore of the intangible richness behind them.
As part of this transformation it is important to understand that aesthetics has a significant role
nowadays; in fact the practices (dressing, eating, etc.), and objects (homes, cloths, etc.), that make
part of the contemporary life are considerably shaped by aesthetic values (which are the result of a
local perspective that carries the cultural background of a territory, with the global influences present
everywhere), and as Welsch (1996) has affirmed: “More and more elements of reality are being
aesthetically mantled, and reality as a whole is coming to count increasingly as an aesthetic
construction to us”. The presence of aesthetics in the definition of different products makes them
complex structures that go further than a practical function, and in the case of food all the senses can
be stirred by an aesthetic composition where perceptive stimuli like sounds, smells, colours and finally
flavours are perfectly positioned for creating a whole experience around eating that is deeper than the
merely act of feeding, because also brings the members of a community to have a delightful
encounter with their past.
The challenge of sanitary quality is another crucial point in the evolution of these traditional products,
because usually they have been prepared, stored and sold in conditions that do not reach minimum
standards for guaranteeing safe products; for this reason it is important to improve this aspect and
look for the necessary qualities for an adequate introduction into the markets. Nowadays, consumers
are more critical and even thought there is an emotional attachment to this kind of traditional products,
the current sanitary characteristics are a weakness, which affects their demand and consumption.
Certainly, this situation is a problem that makes producers (which are the bearers of the Traditional
Cuisine), to loose their interest around their culinary knowledge, which is a risk that directly threatens
the continuation of this intangible cultural heritage.
In the case of the communication strategies it was important to establish two paths, the first one
focused on innovative ways of transmitting this knowledge to new generations, without forgetting the
relevance of creating archives that help to have a tangible record of these cultural practices. On the
other hand, it was necessary the creation of a brand and the design of its image for communicating to
the consumers the entire concept behind these unique products that are part of the cultural heritage
with a renovated image.
Bokantú: a process of re-creation and re-contextualization
After this initial exploration the research team realized that it was necessary to include some new
members in the group, for this reason a chef and some traditional cooks of the region were called for
helping to define an adequate path in this project. Following the concept of the National Prize of
Gastronomy, organized by the Colombian Ministry of Culture, the chef was invited for helping to
understand the contemporary demands and legal requirements of the market (presentation, hygiene,
etc.), and the traditional cooks because in every process of safeguarding and valorisation the bearers
must have an active role in the re-creation and re-contextualization of their own inherited practices
(Figure 1.), since in first place, they are the ones that know better their own cooking traditions, and
also because their involvement is the only way for them to express their consent and for remaining as
the main creators and re-creators of their folklore .
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Figure 1: Traditional cook showing to the research group the preparation of some recipes.
The essence of the culinary traditions and the requests of contemporary
consumers/bearers
For Bokantú the plantain is the main character of its products, for its exotic flavour adaptable to
different seasons. Taking advantage of the properties of its dough, traditionally used for preparing a
typical dish called Bollo de Plátano, the research team explored new possibilities and found that this
dough could be more malleable for making new presentations without altering its typical
characteristics, like flavour and colour, because those are the hallmarks that make it a traditional dish
of the region.
Since always, the soft flavour of the Bollo de Plátano has made it an excellent companion in meals
were there is a strong season, and the research team decided to keep this aspect in the general
concept of the Bokantú products. For this reason the renewed dough has been used for making a thin
sheet for wrapping sweet and salty fillings that are also traditional dishes of the Colombian Caribbean
(Figure 2). Thus, salty stews with sea food, different meats, rice, spicy peppers, garlic and tomatoes,
and sweet fillings made with tropical fruits like papaya, guava, coconut, corozo, etc., are just some
examples of the large amount of possibilities that Bokantú can wrap.
Figure 2: The Bokantú dough ready for the filling.
On the other hand, after an analysis of the market the research team decided to develop small
presentations, which can be eaten during short breaks of busy days, with the idea of giving
consumers more possibilities of eating their typical dishes without the need of having a family
occasion. Also the dough sheets can be bought without filling for letting consumers to create their own
Bokantú wraps at home, for a quick snack during the day or a fancy meal for a celebration. The
versatility that offers Bokantú products (some examples can be seen in the Bokantú website), aims at
encouraging consumers to interact in a deeper way with the product and their cultural heritage, for
creating a connection that goes further than an eating moment.
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Figure 3: Some presentations, package and visual image.
Aesthetically, the products of Bokantú were created for offering new possibilities of presentation, able
to be adjusted to the changeable trends of the contemporary context, for this reason the sheets can
wrap the fillings in different forms, some of them suggested by Bokantú and others created by the
consumers themselves. The package is also part of this aesthetic renovation, and through its image
the designers aim not only at connecting consumers with the cultural synergy behind Bokantú, but
also to create a kind of presentation dress, able to overcome the degraded image that is currently
covering most of these cultural goods, because usually they reflect poor sanitary standards from their
production to their storage and sell.
Bokantú and the transmission of the inherited culinary knowledge: the
sustainability of the traditions through the time
The consumption of Bokantú products also involves the transmission of the culinary knowledge alive
in the recipes, because in the package the designers transcript the recipes of the sweet and salty
fillings, which can be collected for creating a cook booklet. Additionally there is a website for the
people who want to know more secrets of the preparation of these dishes, the idea is to show some
videos with the traditional cooks performing their art and transmitting some secrets that most of the
time cannot be expressed by writing.
The instructions given by the traditional cooks in the videos and recipes added to the plantain dough,
structure a strategy that intends to stimulate consumers’ creativity, the idea is to encourage
consumers to be involved in the creation of their own Bokantú products, because in this way they can
be part of the safeguarding, transmission, continuation and reinforcement of the cultural knowledge
behind the Traditional Cuisine of the region. The participation of the community/consumer in the
preservation and evolution of their own cultural goods is an important matter, because they need to
become active bearers of their traditions, and throughout the continuous performance of these
culinary practices they will be able to transmit them and make them evolve, creating a sustainable
cultural cycle. For this reason the communication strategy of Bokantú is connected with the cooking
trades, which consumers can creatively and emotively perform in their homes, for achieving a
spontaneous sustainability of the Gastronomic Heritage.
Conclusion
This research-project intended not just to have a historic and practical approach to the Traditional
Cuisine of the Colombian Caribbean, but also to propose a safeguarding practice from the Design
200
perspective, which gives an innovative view in the implementation of strategies for the preservation,
transmission, continuation and reinforcement of this part of the Cultural Patrimony.
Bokantú is considered for us an initial example for this Colombian region, where the cultural heritage
becomes a resource for the creation of innovative industries that take advantage of the inherited
knowledge of a community, for an economic benefit and specially for revealing the value of the
Intangible Cultural Heritage in the development of a territory. These parallel aspects intend to
encourage the implementation of similar safeguarding and valorisation strategies that help in the
continuous sustainability of the traditional practices, which construct the identity of a community and
the worldwide cultural diversity.
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Webpages
http://www.alicia.cat/en/
Bokantú home available in http://bokantu.webcindario.com/files/inicio.HTML
Bokantú videos available in http://bokantu.webcindario.com/files/Videos.html
Gastronomía available in, http://www.colombiaaprende.edu.co/html/etnias/1604/propertyvalue30520.html
http://www.slowfood.com/
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Aquaculture fish products – cooking
strategies to increase its acceptability
Marcos C, Dias M, Viegas C, and M Guerra
Escola Superior de Hotelaria e Turismo do Estoril, Av. Condes de Barcelona, 2769-470 Estoril.
E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
Introduction: Consumer’s perceptions about the quality of meals are increasing, and they include
aspects such as food safety, ingredient freshness, the environment in which meal is taking place,
among others. Consumers are seeking unique dining experiences, which rely more and more on the
skills and art of the chefs. These are also a major element also for adding value to products that
otherwise could be considered of lower commercial value, for example aquaculture products. This
study aimed to both determine consumers’ understanding about aquaculture products and to quantify
the perception of organoleptic differences between aquaculture and sea products after the cooking
process.
Methods: An e-questionnaire was completed by 200 responders. An experimental assay was
developed, in which two samples of Gilthead seabream (Sparus aurata), (Aquaculture vs sea capture)
were cooked using two different culinary processes (boiled in salted water vs a chef’s creative recipe)
followed by sensory evaluation using a panel of 30 testers. Hedonic tests were performed for colour,
texture, flavour and global appreciation using a 1 to 9 scale (dislike very much to like very much).
Results: 87.5% of the individuals were frequent consumers of fish and that 54% usually ate fish 3 to 5
times a week, 36% at it more than 5 times a week and only 10% ate it less than 3 times a week;
species eaten more frequently were: 66% Salmon; 63% European hake, 59.5% Gilthead sea bream,
40% Atlantic horse mackerel and 31% European sea bass. The majority ate grilled fish (57%); 20%
usually ate it boiled and 15% roasted. Although 72% considered not having enough information about
methods of aquaculture producing systems, 63% preferred sea captured fish and just 1% preferred
fish of aquaculture origin. 47.5% believed that aquaculture fish was a less healthy product than sea
fish. The first culinary test gave a higher rating for colour and lower one for texture and flavour for
samples of sea captured fish, albeit overall appreciation was the same for both types. When
submitted to the second culinary test, the differences between all parameters were lower, with both
types of fish receiving similar scores, although there was even a slight preference for the aquaculture
fish recipe in overall appreciation.
Discussion: Consumers use very few culinary options to eat fish although evidencing a reasonable
fish intake. In spite of results showing a clear preference on sea fish, consumers admitted not having
enough knowledge about the main differences between sea and aquaculture origins. The culinary
tests underlined the important function of the chef skills in the acceptance of aquaculture fish
products. When using aquaculture fish products or developing recipes based in these fish products,
particular attention should be given to the cooking method and to the choice of seasoning, pushing
creativity to increase acceptability.
Keywords: Aquaculture, Chef, Consumers, Fish, Hedonic, Evaluation
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Introduction
Portugal is a country with a long fishing tradition and high fish consumption having the fourth largest
number of fishing vessels in the EU after Greece, Italy and Spain, who occupy the top three places
(MADRP-DGPA, 2011a).
Aquaculture presents itself as an alternative to traditional methods of supply. The Government
considers aquaculture as a strategic sector for Portugal, since domestic production is insufficient to
meet the high levels of consumption, because Portugal is the third largest consumer of fish worldwide,
next to Japan and Iceland, and the largest consumer in the European Union. The Portuguese
consume around 58 kg per year per capita, while the EU average fish consumption is around 23 kg
per year per capita (Eurostat). Portugal’s climate and geographical conditions enable the
development of this sector, along with modern technology and dedicated business professionals.
Aquaculture development strategies encompass many of the recommendations that are in codes of
responsible aquaculture practice. In Portugal, aquaculture companies and professionals share the
same concerns and principles advocated by their European counterparts (MADRP-DGPA, 2011b).
Efforts have been made to improve coordination between the authorities and to direct the
development and implementation of policies, regulations and procedures towards improving the
environmental, economic and social sustainability of aquaculture systems (Váradi, 2011).
In April 2009, the European Commission reinforced the strategy for sustainable development of
aquaculture, supporting the previous guidelines, aiming to increase job creation, providing consumers
healthy and high quality products, promoting standards of health and welfare for crop species and
ensuring the development of environmentally balanced aquaculture activities. It is known that, in
recent years, in the whole of the European Union, Portuguese fish production has recorded losses,
mainly due to the deteriorating situation of natural resources. This means that the maximum levels of
capture are set to be consistent with the preservation of species. These difficulties present an
opportunity for aquaculture as a viable method for sustainable production. Aquaculture can also serve
as a support for traditional fishing or contribute to repopulating the ocean. Thus, it is possible to offer
the consumer alternative products, while restoring the wealth of a particular fishing area and/or
relieving pressure on some species (Henriques, 1998).
Between 1990 and 2008, the production of European aquaculture increased from 1,622,000 tons to
2,518,000 tons, which was mainly attributable to the growth of marine finfish aquaculture, while
freshwater aquaculture production declined. European finfish culture is dominated by salmonids, sea
bass, sea bream and common carp, but significant growth has come from higher-value fish species,
particularly turbot and tuna (Váradi, 2011).
Fish consumption presents clear nutritional benefits. Fish provide high-quality protein, minerals and
trace elements, fat-soluble vitamins and essential fatty acids (FAO/WHO, 2011).
Public health organizations in various countries recommend that fish should be consumed at least
twice per week (Food Standards Agency, 2009; American Heart Association, 2012). Differences
between countries related to fish consumption are due not only to quantities, but also to presentation
of the raw material. In Mediterranean countries, whole fish is sold in bulk, whereas on North European
markets, fish is sold after being processed. In the United Kingdom, 90 percent of all fish is packaged
and branded, whereas in Spain this proportion drops down to 35 percent (Monfort, 2007).
The total amount of fish consumed and the species composition of the food supply are influenced by
levels of availability, food traditions, tastes, demand, income levels, prices, seasons (FAO, 2010) and
access to education or information (Moreira, 2004).
204
Grigorakis (2003) compared wild and cultured gilthead sea bream and determined organoleptic
differences among them. The tests showed a preference for wild fish, with most common descriptors
given for wild fish being “more pleasant taste” and “more firm texture”.
With the significant improvement of living conditions and increased economic capacity, the consumer
has become more demanding. Eating is not only satisfying a physiological need, but also, or even
mainly, a unique sensory experience. Eating a meal in a restaurant has become a symbol of social
status, a lifestyle, or a way to indulge ourselves. Consumers are seeking for unique dining
experiences, not only to eat the meal, but also to experience the environment in which the meal is
taking place, the restaurant concept and most of all the sensory experience, which rely more and
more on the skills and art of the chefs and thus increasing the pressure on the creative capacity of
these professionals (Gustafsson et al., 2006, Horng & Hu, 2008). In fact, considering the importance
that food has on our lives, there are authors who describe the culinary arts, among all art forms, as
the most important and vital one stating that chefs should be compared to classic artists such as
painters or composers (Hu, 2010).
To meet this growing need and demand for new experiences, restaurants, chefs and the food industry
should be able to develop innovative products and food preparations, and empower their cooking
professionals with the proper, through research and incorporation of new knowledge and new
technologies (Hu, 2010).
These abilities include not only the use of high quality products, but also a major element for adding
value to products that otherwise could be considered of lower commercial value, as for example
aquaculture products. This study aimed to both determine consumers’ understanding about
aquaculture products and to quantify the perception of organoleptic differences between aquaculture
and sea products after the cooking process.
Methods and Materials
Survey
To identify and understand the habits of fish consumption a 17-question survey was constructed and
previously validated using an academic sample (30 students and professors). The survey was
delivered online (www.kwiksurveys.com) in order to increase the geographic coverage of the sample.
It remained online from May 10th until September 30th, 2010 and it took around 10 minutes to
complete, covering preferences of fish species, cooking methods and perceptions about fish
production.
Cooking tests and Sensory analysis
Two cooking tests were performed to determine the impact of the cooking process on the acceptance
of wild fish and aquaculture fish. Fish, both wild and aquaculture, were boiled cooked in water and salt
in the first test and in the second test both fish were used in a chef’s creative recipe based in the use
of specific seasoning.
A panel consisting of 30 judges (randomly selected, including female and male subjects and smokers
and non-smokers, with ages between 19 and 50 years old) performed a hedonic evaluation in both
tests. The judges assessed the colour, texture, flavour and overall liking using a 1 to 9 scale (dislike
very much to like very much).
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The two tests were conducted as follows:
st
1 test
The day before the test both sea bream were prepared (gutted, scaled-up, removal of fins), washed,
placed separately on different boards, cove red with a moist paper and wrapped in cling film and
stored in the refrigerator for 18 hours.
On the day of sensory analysis, two equal pots, each with 22.5 litres of water with 17.5 grams of salt,
were placed in the stove. When the water in both pots reached 100.5°C, the fish was introduced. The
sea bream needed 18 minutes to cook while the aquaculture sea bream took 11 minutes to cook.
Following the cooking procedure the sea bream were removed from the pan with the aid of a slotted
spoon, placed in stainless steel trays and transported to the test room, which was at constant
temperature of 27°C. At this stage, a small amount of each of the sea bream was placed on plates.
The different sea bream had a coded number identification, so that each tester could not detect the
source of each portion.
nd
2
test
The same procedure as in the first test was followed for the preparation of the fish, the day before the
sensory analysis test. Leeks and cherry tomatoes were washed. Onion, carrot, garlic and celery bulb
were peeled. The onions were cut into rings and the celery, carrot and leeks into thin strips. All the
vegetables were stored in the refrigerator in a stainless steel tray covered with moistened paper and
wrapped in cling film.
On the day of the sensory analysis, the fish was seasoned with lemon, orange juice, salt and white
pepper.
A pan with about 60 ml of olive oil was placed on the stove. The onion, celery, carrot, garlic and leeks
were stewed with 4 bay leaves. When the onion was translucent, the stew was divided to another
pan. The previously prepared sea breams were placed on each pan. Water was added to cover the
fish and left to cook with the lid on.
When the water reached 104°C the lid was removed from the pan and the cherry tomato quarters
were added and salt and pepper were rectify.
Both sea bream were cooked for 45 minutes and were placed in a stainless steel tray and transported
to the test room. Preparation of samples for the sensory analysis was the same as described for the
first test.
Results and discussion
Consumer survey
The e-questionnaire reached 200 respondents, of which 69% were women and 31% were men, with
most individuals (84.5%) aged below 40 years.
In terms of educational background 80% had higher education qualification, 39% secondary
education and 2% had only a basic education.
Most of the respondents were frequent consumers of fish (87%), with 36% consuming fish more than
five times a week, 54% with a consumption of three to five times a week and only 10% consuming
three times a week or less. This data reinforced previous studies showing the Portuguese as frequent
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fish consumers (FAO, 2007). This reality as been used by the tourism sector and other fish
associations in marketing and promotion campaigns, publicizing Portuguese gastronomy as an
important factor of our culture and tourism.
The most consumed fish species were salmon, mackerel and sea bream, with 66%, 60% and 40%,
respectively, followed by sea bass with 31%. Although the majority of respondents affirmed their
preference for grilled fish (74.5 %), the most frequent forms of consumption included, apart from
grilled fish (57%), boiled (20%) and roasted (15%). Grilled fish appeared to be both the most
appreciated and one of the most used cooking processes by this group of respondents, who apart
from this, used only two other cooking methods, which reflected the limited capacity for cooking by the
population (Leal et al, 2011).
At the point of purchase, consumers reported being influenced by the price (58%), appearance
(77.5%) and size of the fish (10.5%). The source, considering the type of production was also a factor
influencing the choice of 25.5% of respondents, whereas 63% preferred wild fish and 36% indifferent
to the origin. The hypothesis that knowledge about the origin of the fish interfered with consumer
choice was tested. This hypothesis was not rejected (chi-square = 0.0647, p-value = 0.7992), leading
to the conclusion that knowledge or unawareness about aquaculture production systems could not be
the justification for the preference of wild fish.
When asked about their knowledge concerning aquaculture production systems, most respondents
(75%) said they did not feel enlightened. A wide range of responses was obtained relating the
characterization of aquaculture systems, (Table 1). About half of respondents believed aquaculture
fish to be less healthy and to have lower nutritional value and 40% considered this to be a type of
production with greater environmental impact when compared with sea captured fish. Regarding the
culinary performance, 27.5% thought that aquaculture fish would produce worse results, while 23.5%
claimed to be indifferent, and 46% believed that the result would vary according to the cooking
process applied.
Table 1: Knowledge on aquaculture production systems
Respondents who claimed to
no to feel enlightened
Type of production system
No.
%
Freshwater
50
25%
Saltwater
76
38%
Tanks
139
70%
Natural environment
60
30%
Fish feed
63
32%
Feed supplements
80
40%
Growth promoters
79
40%
Antibiotic-laced feed
36
18%
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Sensory analysis
1st test
The objective of this test was to understand if there were differences with respect to the colour, taste
and texture, between the wild and aquaculture sea bream. For a better reading of the results, these
were grouped by quartiles for all tested descriptors using boxplots (Figure 1).
For the three descriptors, the differences between the two types of sea bream were not consistent.
For colour, wild sea bream was scored higher compared with the aquaculture sea bream, while for
taste it was the other way around. Texture had similar results, aquaculture sea bream had a wider
classification range (between 4 and 9) than the wild sea bream (between 5 and 8) (Figure 1). This
meant that the wild sea bream colour had greater acceptability, but in terms of texture and flavour
most judges gave higher hedonic values to aquaculture sea bream (p values shown in figure 1).
These last two parameters are closely linked with experiences throughout life. Texture and taste
receptors are "educated" by a succession of experiences (Rolls, 2000) and assigning higher hedonic
values to these two descriptors may be indicative of a greater habit to eat aquaculture fish.
Figure 1: Hedonic evaluation of the descriptors colour, texture and flavour of wild and aquacultured (farmed) sea
bream
COLOUR
TEXTURE
TASTE
WILD
FARMED
p-value = 0.1121
WILD
FARMED
p-value = 0.09538
WILD
FARMED
p-value = 0.009257
In terms of overall liking, as shown by the boxplots (Figure 2) the two types of sea bream had the
same minimal and maximum value, as well as the same 3rd quartile. The first quartile and the median
differed by one point (the differences are significant, p<0,05).
Figure 2: Hedonic evaluation of wild and cultured sea bream (overall liking)
This result may have been due to the fact that, for each sample, the scoring of three descriptors was
not balanced: colour had a higher score in the wild sea bream, but texture and flavour had lower
scores, which might have biased the final result. Another influence could be that the sensory
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experiences include not only the physiological and behavioural mechanisms, but also previous
experiences and levels of satiety and hunger (Chandrashekar, 2006).
nd
2
test
The second test was aimed at understanding the extent to which the techniques and procedures used
by a professional cook could influence and enhance the differences between the raw materials.
As before the results were grouped in boxplots (Figures 3 and 4).
After the cooking procedure the differences between both types of sea bream were even less evident
and none of them seems to be significant (p>0,05).
Figure 3: Hedonic evaluation of the descriptors colour, texture and flavour of wild and aquacultured (farmed) sea
bream
COLOUR
WILD
FARMED
p-value = 0.2971
TEXTURE
WILD
FARMED
TASTE
WILD
p-value = 0.2592
FARMED
p-value = 0.73
Figure 4: Hedonic evaluation of wild and aquacultured (farmed) sea bream (global appreciation)
In terms of overall liking, the values were similar, except for the minimum values of different
descriptors and the median. As before, colour assessment continued to have lower ratings for the
aquaculture sea bream.
It is possible to see that the cooking procedure diminished the differences between the two types of
sea bream, both of them getting better assessments in the second test.
These results showed that not only do chefs have the ability to enhance or minimize the supposed
second-rate quality of a raw material, but also that when using aquaculture fish products or
209
developing recipes based in these fish products, a particular attention should be given to the cooking
method and to the seasoning selection, pushing creativity to arise acceptability. In fact, as stated in
the introduction, consumers are increasingly looking for unique experiences when consuming a meal
at the restaurant (Gustafsson et al., 2006, Horng & Hu, 2008).
This also emphasises the fact that chefs should be bold and dare to experience, seek knowledge and
technology to discover gastronomic properties of food and increase culinary potential.
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211
Designing food for young adults –
increasing vegetable consumption
using the sous vide method to
enhance sensory appeal
Marcos C, Viegas C, Oliveira V and M Guerra
Escola Superior de Hotelaria e Turismo do Estoril, Av. Condes de Barcelona, 2769-470 Estoril.
E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
Introduction: The World Health Organization recommends a minimal consumption of 400 g of fruit and
vegetable a day. Nevertheless, recent data from different countries suggests that populations
consume less than recommended. Cooking methods that can enhance organoleptic characteristics
while maintaining food’s nutritional qualities might contribute to reverse this tendency, namely among
those in the population showing higher resistance to vegetable consumption (the youngsters).
Methods: A 9-question questionnaire was applied to 34 university students in order to determine
youngsters’ vegetable intake habits, in terms of: acceptance, frequency of consumption and the main
difficulties/advantages regarding vegetable consumption.
In parallel four types of vegetables (potatoes, carrots, onions, courgette) were assayed for the
establishment of the respective optimal cooking time/temperature binomium under sous vide
processing. Sous vide cooked samples were cooled to 60ºC, and sensory evaluated using a panel of
7-10 judges that performed a descriptive (scores for the colour, texture and flavour were given from 1
- not perceptible, until 5 - strongly perceptible) and preference test. The preferred sample of each
vegetable was used in a consumer test in comparison with boiled cooked (34 individuals); a 1 to 9
score (dislike very much to like very much) was used for hedonistic evaluation.
Results: Data from the questionnaires shown that 97.1% of the individuals affirm to enjoy eating
vegetables and that 35.3% eat them at every major meal; 32.4% eat them only one meal a day and
20.6% 2 to 3 times a week. The main reasons pointed out as difficulties considering vegetable
consumption were taste, low availability in restaurants when eating out, needing to buy them
frequently and time spent preparing before cooking. Considering the sous vide assay, an optimal
cooking time was set for each vegetable. In terms of flavour scores all consumers liked more the
vacuum processed samples.
Discussion: Data obtained in this study shows a low vegetable intake, which might be a motive of
concern. Attending to the main difficulties reported, food producers and caterers should invest in
terms of offering more vegetables in ready to eat/prepare packages. Also, different methods of
cooking vegetables should be used in order to enhance their taste. As observed, sous vide is a
consistent cooking method that may be used to achieve this objective. Authors also consider these
results can contribute to the increase of new food products (vegetable based) especially at the
restaurant level, gathering nutritive appealing meals with more sophisticated and organoleptic
enhancing cooking methods.
Keywords: Design; Sous vide; Vegetables; Youngsters
212
Introduction
The consumption of fruits and vegetables has recognized health benefits, including a protective role
on cardiovascular diseases and cancer (Van Duyn MAS and Pivonka, 2000; Hu, 2003; He et al.,
2006; Mirmiran, 2009; Jansen et al, 2011; Massala et al., 2012). Several studies have also shown
their beneficial role in the prevention of overweight and obesity, as well as in maintaining a healthy
weight (He et al., 2004; Matthews, 2011).
Additionally, the consumption of fruits and vegetables is inversely related to risk of type 2 diabetes,
and moreover has demonstrated a beneficial effect on glycemic control (Odegaard et al., 2011; Erber,
2010; Esposito et al., 2010; Carter, 2010).
The World Health Organization recommends a minimal consumption of 400 g of fruit and vegetable a
day as well as the American Heart Association, which recommends 2 or more cups of fruit and
vegetables in order to prevent cardiovascular disease (WHO, 2004, Gidding et al., 2005). The target
for Nutrient and Food Consumption from the Healthy People 2020 to increase the variety and
contribution of vegetables to the diets of the population aged 2 years and older is to achieve 1.1 cup
equivalents per 1,000 calories (United States Department of Health and Human Services ((HHS),
Healthy People 2020 (2011)).
Adequate intake of fruits and vegetables should start in an early age. Research also supports that it
plays a fundamental role in reducing inflammatory markers and oxidative stress, when the
consumption starts in adolescence (Holt, 2009). There are also studies showing that people who eat
more fruits and vegetables have a healthier lifestyle and engage more on physical activity, compared
to those who do not consume, which also benefit from health (Pearson, 2009).
Despite these recommendations, recent data from different countries suggests that children and
adolescents consume less fruit and vegetables than recommended (Birch 1998; Guenther et al.,
2006; Timperio, 2008; Savige, 2011).
Intervention strategies that aim to increase consumption of fruits and vegetables must go through
various aspects beyond nutrition education, including the enhancing and improving gastronomic and
culinary aspects of food (Rasmussen et al., 2006; Glanz et al., 2007).
Cooking methods that can enhance organoleptic characteristics while maintaining food’s nutritional
qualities might contribute to reverse this tendency, namely among those in the population showing
higher resistance to vegetable consumption (the youngsters).
Sous vide is a method of cooking in vacuum sealed plastic pouches at low temperatures for long
times, presented for the first time in the culinary context by Georges Pralus, in a class named “Des
techniques de caisson sous vide” which was held in David Bouley's test kitchen in New York in April
2006, although previous studies tested this method and presented results, particularly related with
food industry (Wiesel, 1987; Varoquaux, 1995; Bergslien, 1996).
Sous vide differs from conventional cooking methods in two fundamental ways: raw food is vacuum
sealed in plastic pouches and then cooked using precisely controlled heating (Baldwin, 2008).
Vacuum packaging prevents evaporative losses of flavour volatiles and moisture during cooking and
inhibits off-flavours from oxidation (Church & Parsons, 2000). Its safety comes from the fact that
aerobic bacteria cannot survive in such environment, so the useable shelf life of food is extended.
213
An especially flavourful and nutritious food results of the inhibition of oxidation processes (Ghazala et
al., 1996; Schellekens, 1996; Creed, 1998; Church, 2000; Lassen et al., 2002; García-Linares et al.,
2004; Stea et al., 2006).
Sous vide typically consists of three stages: preparing for packaging, cooking and finishing. In almost
all cases, the cooking medium is either a water bath or a convectional steam oven. To prevent under
cooking, it is very important that the pouches are completely submerged and are not tightly arranged
or overlapping (Rybka-Rodgers, 2001).
In order to keep unchanged the organoleptic characteristics of food, several studies have optimized
binomial time-temperature to low heat levels. Processing meat and fish at low temperatures leads to
satisfactory organoleptic results (Christensen, 2011). In this process, the microbiological safety of the
product is what influences the most the minimal threshold used. Regarding vegetables, its texture
requires the use of superior heat values. Starch is an intracellular component of importance in the
perception of texture. During heating, starch granules absorb cellular water and form a gel, raising the
viscosity. Beside starch, there are two other substances that contribute for the texture of vegetables:
pectin and cellulose. Cell wall is an organized layer of cellulose microfibrils embedded in a matrix of
pectin substances. When heat is applied to a vegetable tissue, cell cohesion becomes weaker and
viscosity higher. These two characteristics are correlated with the breakdown of vegetable tissues
(García-Segovia, 2008) and must be taken in consideration in cooking processes.
The objective of this study was to investigate the vegetable consumption among university students
and also to assess the suitability of the sous vide cooking method as a tool to improve value in terms
of vegetable consumption.
Materials and Methods
Survey on the vegetable consumption habits
A 9-question questionnaire was applied to 34 university students in order to determine youngsters’
vegetable intake habits, in terms of acceptance, frequency of consumption and the main difficulties
and advantages regarding vegetable consumption.
Vegetables sous vide cooking assay
Six vegetables were used for a preliminary establishment of the cooking temperature to be used
under sous vide processing.
Samples of potato, onion, french garlic, courgette, carrots and corn cobs were washed, prepared
(cut/peeled) and individually placed in a thermoresistant polyethylene pouch, with 200 mm wide by
300 mm long (Cryovac ZiOl 12) (Table 1) and vacuum sealed using a vacuum packaging machine
(Multivac (UK) Ltd.). Sous vide cooking was performed in a water bath heated with an immersion
circulator ROONER – ICC testing different temperatures, in order to establish an ideal cooking
temperature, similar for all samples, that allowed all vegetables to be cooked at the same time, using
the same rooner.
Table 1 – Vegetable preparation and portions per pouch
Vegetable
Potato
Onion
French garlic
Courgette
Vegetables preparation
Peeled and cut into 10mm slices
Peeled
Cut into 10mm slices
Cut into 10mm slices
Portions/pouch (apr.)
100 g
100 g
100 g
100 g
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Peeled and cut into 5mm thick and 50mm length
sticks
Whole
Carrot
Corn cobs
100 g
100 g
The starting temperature was 80°C for all vegetables, and trials were made, rising 1ºC the values of
temperature, up to 86° C.
All further sous vide cooking treatments were carried out using the same type of pouches and
equipment.
Based in the former assay, four types of vegetables (potatoes, carrots, onions, courgette) were
assayed at 85ºC for the establishment of the respective optimal cooking time/temperature binomium
under sous vide processing. Vegetables were prepared as previously mentioned and boiled for a time
as follows (Table 2):
Table 2: Vegetables boiling times at 85ºC under sous vide processing
Sample A
Sample B
Sample C
Sample D
Sample E
Vegetables boiling times (minutes)
Potatoes
Carrots
Onions
40
35
35
45
40
40
50
45
45
55
50
50
60
55
55
Courgette
10
15
20
25
30
Sensory Analysis
For the preliminary assay, 3 assessors, all with culinary skills, analysed texture of the boiled
vegetables cooled to 60ºC rejecting the raw or over cooked samples and electing the perfect textures.
The four sous vide vegetables cooked at 85ºC for the determination of the binomium time/temperature
were cooled to 60ºC, and sensory evaluated using a panel of 7-10 judges. The preferred sample of
each vegetable was used in a consumer test in comparison with boiled cooked (34 individuals); a 1 to
9 score (dislike very much to like very much) was used for hedonistic evaluation of each attribute.
Statistical Analysis
Statistical analysis was performed using the computing environment R (R Development Core Team,
2005). The survey was analyzed using descriptive statistics. For sensory data descriptive statistics
was calculated (mean, standard deviation and quartiles) and paired t-test was performed in order to
measure the differences between the two cooking methods.
Results
Vegetable consumption habits
Data from the questionnaires shown that 97.1% of the individuals affirm to enjoy eating vegetables
and that 35.3% eat them at every major meal (both at lunch and dinner); 32.4% eat them only one
meal a day and 20.6% eat vegetables 2 to 3 times a week. 2.9% affirmed never eating vegetables.
215
Considering the ways the enquired individuals used to eat the vegetables, 38.2% referred to eat them
cooked while 20.6% eat them raw. Only 11.8% affirmed to consume vegetables in both ways. Also
67.6% indicated to eat vegetables both in the soup and in the plate although 14.7% only eat them in
the soup and 2.9% only in the plate.
For seasoning raw vegetables, olive oil is the preferred ingredient (97.1% answers) followed by salt
(73.5%), vinegar (41.2%) and lemon (8.8%).
The main reasons pointed out as difficulties considering vegetable consumption were: the difficulty to
buy them (17.6); the need of buying vegetables frequently (17.6%); taste (14.7%); low availability in
restaurants when eating out (8.8%); and time spent preparing vegetables before cooking (5.9%)
(Table 3). Only one individual referred having a health condition that restraints vegetables
consumption.
Table 3 – Difficulties in the consumption of vegetables pointed out by 34 young individuals
Questions
Difficulty to buy vegetables
Needing to buy vegetables frequently
Taste
Low availability in restaurants when eating out
Time spent preparing before cooking (unprocessed
vegetables)
Need to be washed
Price
Doesn’t know/doesn’t answer
Number of
individuals
6
6
5
3
%
17.6
17.6
14.7
8.8
2
2
1
9
5.9
5.9
2.9
26.5
When asked on the easiness of consuming vegetables, individuals pointed out the fact of being
simple do prepare (29.4%); vegetables’ taste (17.6%); health benefits (14.7%); variety (14.7%); colour
(11.8%) and texture (5.9%) (Table 4).
Table 4 - Easiness in the consumption of vegetables pointed out by 34 young individuals
Questions
Simple do prepare
Taste
Health benefits
Variety
Colour
Texture
Freshness
Price
Number of
individuals
10
6
5
5
4
2
1
1
%
29.4
17.6
14.7
14.7
11.8
5.9
2.9
2.9
Vegetables sous vide cooking assay
Tested samples of corn cobs and french garlic revealed to be undercooked under all of the used
temperatures, being excluded from the assay. Assessors considered that all of the other samples
presented a good texture at 85ºC, and for that reason that was the selected working temperature.
216
Considering the sous vide assay, optimal cooking times were set for each vegetable, rejecting the
times leading to under or overcooked samples: Carrot – sample A, B and C; Potato – sample B, C
and D; Onion – sample B, C and D; Courgette – sample C, D and E.
Sensory analysis
The sensory profiles obtained for each attribute of each vegetable crossed with the preference test
revealed that the optimal cooking times at 85ºC were: Carrot – B (40 min); Potato – B (45 min); Onion
– C (45 min) and Courgette – E (30 min).
The results of the consumer test, in which these samples were compared with boiled vegetables,
were grouped by quartiles for all tested descriptors using boxplots, for a better comprehension of the
results (Figure 1-4).
Differences between the two cooking methods used are constant on all vegetables. Samples cooked
by the sous vide method present better results for all of the quartiles. The only two exceptions are in
the potato and onion’s colour, in which first quartile values are identical between the two samples
(boiled and sous-vide) and minimum values for the sous vide sample are lower than for the traditional
cooked one.
Figure 1: Hedonistic evaluation of carrot samples; A - Traditional cooking; B - Sous-vide cooking
217
Figure 2: Hedonistic evaluation of potato samples; A - Traditional cooking; B - Sous-vide cooking
Figure 3: Hedonistic evaluation of onion samples; A - Traditional cooking; B - Sous-vide cooking
Figure 4: Hedonistic evaluation of courgette samples; A – Traditional cooking; B - Sous-vide cooking
218
The mean values and standard deviations were calculated for all of the descriptors (Table 5).
Compared with the boiled ones, the mean ratings of the samples processed by the sous vide method
are higher and standard deviations are, in general, inferior, revealing a lower range of given
classifications, which is consistent with the information gathered in the boxplots.
Table 5 – Mean value and Standard deviation
Carrot
Potato
Onion
Courgette
Colour
A
μ
6.029
5.4
5.343
5
s
1,44
1,03
1,37
1,43
B
μ
6.829
6.314
5.8
5.771
s
1,18
1,59
1,55
1,33
Taste
A
μ
4.857
4.571
5.2
3.514
s
1,46
1,85
1,89
1,73
B
μ
7.257
6.4
6.743
4.857
s
1,29
1,63
1,56
2,01
Texture
A
μ
s
5.514 1,74
5.086 1,56
5.457 1,31
4.657 1,57
B
μ
7.086
6.029
6.229
5.8
s
1,47
1,46
1,75
1,51
Legend: A – Traditional cooking; B – Sous vide cooking
Discussion and conclusion
Data obtained in this study shows a low vegetable intake, which might be a motive of concern. This
low vegetable consumption behaviour is frequently reported, especially among the youngsters.
Kimmons et al. (2009) found that the percentage of individuals who consumed the recommended
fruits and vegetables was very low in the United States: 0.9% of the adolescents, 2.2% of adult males
and 3.5% of adult women. The green leafy vegetables were the less consumed followed by orange
vegetables and legumes. For adolescents, the most consumed vegetables were fried potatoes and
tomato-based products, so when fried potatoes were not accounted for, vegetable consumption
decreased significantly.
From the questionnaire results it’s clear that among the different factors that have been identified as
being associated with the consumption of fruits and vegetables, are taste preferences, and also the
availability of this food item, which is in accordance to other reports (NeumarkSztainer et al., 2003).
Another study found that taste preferences are what best correlates to the intake of fruits and
vegetables during adolescence and persists through adult life (Larson et al, 2008). Hence these
authors refer the importance of establishing favourable taste preferences for fruit and vegetables
during adolescence.
NeumarkSztainer et al. (2003) also found that even if preferences are low on fruits and vegetables the
availability of these items at home increases its consumption. It might therefore be assumed that an
increase of acceptability and consumption of fruits and vegetables could be achieved if the access to
these food items and its flavour were improved.
Attending to the main difficulties reported in this study, food producers and caterers should invest in
terms of offering more vegetables in ready to eat/prepare packages.
Also, different methods of cooking vegetables should be considered as an approach to enhance their
taste. As observed, sous vide is a consistent cooking method that may be used to achieve this
objective.
Considering binomium time/temperature optimization, the option of selecting only one temperature
(85ºC) from a range targeting starch and pectin, was set on the possibility of varying times for the
different vegetables studied while restricting variables and at the same time assuring the possibility of
obtaining organoleptic variations. According to García-Segovia et al. (2008) the binomial
time/temperature exerts a major influence on the textural parameters of potatoes, a fact that was
observed in this study also for the other vegetables.
219
The results shows that, in most samples, the organoleptic differences between the boiled and the
sous vide cooking are significant for all descriptors, excepting texture and colour of onions and
courgette. It can also be observed that the largest differences occur in terms of flavour scores in
which all consumers preferred the vacuum processed samples (difference between 1,34 and 2,4 in
classification).
According to the results obtained, sous vide applied to cook vegetables can enhance its organoleptic
characteristics and therefore, if adopted, might contribute to increase the consumption of this food
item, namely among those in the population showing higher resistance to vegetable consumption,
usually the youngsters.
There are studies suggesting that in spite quality of food is the most important factor giving pleasure
to consumers when eating out, many extrinsic factors will have a much greater influence on affecting
their overall pleasure from the experience. In fact, Creed (1998) conducted a study showing that in
the laboratory, the sous vide meals were easily distinguishable from and less acceptable than the
conventionally produced dish. In the restaurant, few significant differences were found. Creed
concluded that the ecologically valid environment of the restaurant, where many extrinsic factors
affects consumers' perceptions, effectively masked differences between the sous vide and
conventionally prepared meals.
On the contrary, in this study, and considering sensory evaluation was never undertaken in a
restaurant context, the results obtained with both sensory test and consumer test have indicated that
sous vide is effectively a cooking method that enhances the attributes of vegetables.
Furthermore, authors consider these results can contribute to the increase of new food products
(vegetable based) especially at the restaurant level, gathering nutritive appealing meals with more
sophisticated and organoleptic enhancing cooking methods.
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Food culture and the landscape
through art: A comparative
dissertation between Italy and
Australia
Andrea Bosio,
Griffith University
Abstract
The paper investigates the role of food culture in art, its influence on society and its sociological
implications, aiming to demonstrate the significance of art historical studies and sociological theories
in food studies, through an historical analysis and comparison between the Italian and the Australian
realities during the twentieth century. Through the understanding of the depiction of food production
and consumption scenes we can analyze the history of the relationship between food, space, and
society, and therefore try to understand the design of the modern food system and its issues, relating
the disconnection between production and consumption and the consequent social and environmental
issues.
Following the approach of the Italian journalist and historian Emilio Sereni, who, in Storia del
paesaggio agrario (1961) analyzes the history of the Italian agricultural landscape through artistic
references, and the work of David Hansen, The face of Australia (1988), the paper explores, through
the analysis of agricultural and urban pictorial scenes, the different notions of landscape and urbanity
connected to food production and consumption culture.
“The preoccupation with the (empty) landscape can be seen as reflecting our society’s environmental
schizophrenia: we have to work through a conceptual division between culture and nature, a
demographic division between coastal metropolis and sparsely populated interior, and an economic
division between exploitation and conservation” (Hansen, 1988). Hansen stresses, through
contemporary artists like Wardle, Arkley and Searle, the contemporary Australian dichotomy of the
pastoral ideal landscape proper of the first settlers and still present in form of a “cherished social
myths reduced to the Kelly figure”(Hansen, 1988), and the new artificial landscape of metropolis,
mining towns and factories, together with the construction of a new notion of bush, more accessible to
city visitors and tourists, who consume the landscape in form of barbecues and fishing trips.
Sereni stresses instead that the Italian landscape has been dominated through the centuries by the
human work on the land, and therefore by a more intimate and work-based relation between man and
nature: however, although the farmers fights, depicted by the Italian painters Guttuso and Treccani,
happening until the 1950, brought to the dissolution of the archaic agricultural system in favor of a
more organized and planned system, the contemporary effect is a fragmented landscape of private
agricultural properties as shown by the Italian painter Borgonzoni.
In arguing, through the economic theories of Pierre Bourdieu (Distinction) and the cultural historical
approach of Michel de Certeau (The practice of everyday life), the persistence of the notion of
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overconsumption since antiquity as a common cultural habit through history, the paper stresses the
necessity to explore and understand its cultural shift that brought us, from the advent of the industrial
revolution and mass production, to the modern variables connected to the food system, and aims to
trace a direction for future development in a broader research examining the influence and the
significance of food surplus on the transformation of the Australian context through a cultural historical
perspective.
Keywords: Food; Culture; Landscape; Art; Italy; Australia
Paper
The paper addresses issues related to the history of the food system, its design through time, and its
connection with the built environment, aiming to demonstrate the validity of art as a medium reflecting
society and its dynamics, and therefore as a tool to understand its cultural, economic and social
change; in particular, the paper wants to demonstrate that through the depiction of scenes associated
to food production and consumption, work and leisure, urbanity and natural environment, within
different contexts, we can understand better our contemporary times and the social, environmental,
and economic issues related to food and its interaction with the environment. We argue the necessity
to focus our research on the twentieth century as the contemporary time we’re living in poses us
questions unknown to people living in previous times – connected to the contemporary food crisis and
population growth, the climatic evolution and the destruction of the natural environment due to the
irrational exploitation and overconsumption of natural resources, and massive urbanization-, and
induces us to understand the causes of these questions and the reason why they are specific to our
time. We then aim to analyze the dynamics regarding food production and consumption within the
twentieth century through iconographic images, paintings, photographs, and advertisements, following
a cultural approach considering art as a way to understand the world and considering an
interdisciplinary approach as a strategy to pursue.
Assuming the perspective of Ernesto Nathan Rogers (1961) - who stresses the necessity of looking at
the contemporary protagonists from a different temporal and cultural perspective - as the differences
then will blur in a whole cultural entity, still characterized by peculiar vibrations - the paper will analyze
the twentieth century through a selection of paintings regarding two opposite - but similar in some
aspects – worlds, Australia and Italy.
By considering paintings as historical windows, we then are able to perceive them as tools through
which understanding the logics of the historical period examined through them. We therefore compare
paintings from the twentieth century often very distant between each other for context, artistic
movement, artistic style and meanings, focusing on the depiction of scenes associated to food
production and consumption to understand the design of the food system through history until the
contemporary times. We choose to consider paintings from the twentieth century also because artistic
movements to which they belong, like the Italian Futurism and expressionism, or the Australian
contemporary current, influenced by abstract painting and advertisement, are all characterized by a
particular attention for political and social aspects of society, and by the consideration of the notion of
history as a critical variable, either to study and reprise – like in the Italian expressionism -, criticize –
like in the Australian contemporary artistic movement -, or even reject – like in the Futurism. They
presents also the notion of landscape as an inclusive entity, where – unlike movements like the
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French Impressionism, which was only concentrated on the scientific reproduction of the
instantaneous reality through light and color – social and political events are active influences for the
construction of the physical environment. Further more, these contemporary artistic currents involve
also a symbolism, which is not new in history – like some references to paintings from the past show
– but is explicitly expressed in them for the first time.
Through the comparison between the futurist painting Officine a Porta Romana (1910) by Umberto
Boccioni and West #6 (1990) by the Australian contemporary painter Ken Searle, we assume Carolyin
Steel’s point of view, according to which “The city we live in were shaped by modern food distribution
system” (Steel, 2008), stressing then the necessity of reconnecting food production and consumption
in our urban environment by assuming a cultural perspective. In both paintings we find the fusion of
antithetical entities, the industrial city and the periphery, the built and the un-built, work and leisure,
giving us a sense of completeness of the functions of the territory, a physical entity where production
and consumption are connected both culturally and physically. Boccioni gives us a view of Milan in
the 1920s, when the transition from a society mainly based on agriculture to a industrial system,
involved the coexistence of factories and open fields, nature and artifice, a situation which is not
present anymore, as the city grew and became more urbanized and characterized by transitional
places1, although we can still see today in the contemporary Italian city the traces left by its historical
expansion with industries and new residential blocks, symbols of the new rising workers class. In
Searle we find the same union of production and consumption, work and leisure, city and suburbs, as
he depicts “an intricate suburban infrastructure, an elaborate set of social and spatial relations”
(McAuliffe, 1996:31), through the depiction of typical elements of the Australian urban environment
during the 1990s. We therefore stress that while Boccioni gives us the understanding tool of the
mimetic relationship with machine and mechanization characteristic of the Futurist2 movement, Searle
questions the contemporary Australian resistance to high-density housing and therefore the ambition
to the “own little piece of earth with house and garden” (Hansen, 1988:79).
In our dissertation, therefore, the comparison between the Italian and Australian relationship of a
cultural approach to production and consumption and the economic capital of the territory and the
resources within is justified by a number of reasons. The first reason deals with the method of
analysis: under a cultural historical perspective we aim to understand the subject of our research
through a critical analysis of differences; only by acknowledging and comparing different situations
and subjects we will be able to let critical outcomes emerge, observing then surprisingly that the
similarities are more than one would expect. While Italy then is traditionally considered the country of
Slow Food, Australia is commonly associated with the images of private backyards, fast transport
systems and fast food, although, in spite having these stereotypes some historical grounds, the two
analyzed contexts are mutually influenced by external phenomena like the mechanization of
agricultural and food processing techniques or the more recent movements dealing with agricultural
and social sustainability.
The second reason deals with the cultural perspective we have to assume in our analysis, broadening
the single relative point of views by observing their relative realities through others perspective, for
then destroying it and reconstructing the systems in a completely new way. We then stress the
necessity, in analyzing contemporary Australia, to take the historical colonialist point of view
considering Australia mainly in a speculative way, and therefore defined by a certain fringe of the
early European colonists as “terra nullius” (land of no-one) – as shown in Eugene von Guerard’s
Tower Hill (1855) - for then assuming the opposite point of view, considering the aboriginal culture, on
purely cultural and anthropological ground, as the background from where to start our investigation on
Australia, as representing the original inhabitants of the Australian continent and constituting one of
the oldest civilized population on earth, and considering Australia as a complex multicultural
environment – like shown in Nicholas Nedelkopoulos’ The great Australian dream (1987). As we
investigate primarily on the twentieth century, we consider the contemporary Australian multicultural
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reality in light of this structural background, investigating on how contemporary Australians perceive
their territory and relate to it through cultural food production and consumption.
The analysis of the Italian reality follows the same structure, acknowledging the Italian context as a
place where historically food production and consumption and the territory are linked by a secular
relationship – as shown in Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s The allegory of the good and bad government- for
then critically examining the evolution of this relationship and the current situation through the
methodological perspective of Emilio Sereni, who analyzes the economic and territorial changes of
the Italian agricultural landscape through historical images and maps. Both in Italy and Australia the
twentieth century was characterized by a massive urbanization and the rapid sprawl of the
phenomenon of the suburbs with its suburban lifestyle; although common to both countries, suburbia
has different characteristics, different demands and different ideologies attached.
We then analyze paintings representing both the built and un-built environment within the two
contexts, focusing on the inner implications with food production and consumption and trying to
understand their differences. In considering Bourdieu’s economic and sociologic studies (Distinction:
a social critique of the judgment of taste, 1984), arguing goods economy to be dominated by two
variables, an economic capital - which determines the division in classes according to its quantity -,
and a cultural capital - which is essentially dominated by taste and deals with qualitative aspects -, we
stress food culture related to production and consumption activities to be visible in the physical
environment. However we stress that, while according to Bourdieu, products developed in a
competitive struggle meet naturally the demand of the appropriate class, influencing the cultural
capital, then a change in class structure or a change in supply or demand have an inevitable influence
on changes in taste. That proves that, over the centuries, the supply and demand has always been
constant in the food system, within which the variables of economic have been adapting to the
changes of the cultural capital: that is for example visible in the historical map showing the traces on
the Italian agricultural fields of Cesena (included in Sereni’s Storia del paesaggio agrario Italiano), still
maintaining the original Roman structure, modified over the centuries in its function, production and
use. On the contrary instead, the Australian painting East view of Mr Wiseman’s villa shows how the
culture brought to the new continent by the early European settlers was applied on the Australian
territory in the same way it was applied in Europe, constructing then large agricultural properties built
on the domestic model of Palladian and Georgian villas (Hansen, 1988:14). In our opinion it could
imply an historical balance between man’s culture and the changing material conditions within the
environment: however, although Bourdieu divides society in various classes, claiming the material or
cultural superiority of one over the other, it seems he doesn’t relativize this division in any historical
terms.
Considering Bourdieu’s scheme of classes, guided by the duality of economic capital versus cultural
capital, to frame society in a rigid and immobile structure, we argue instead class division and its
ethical attitude to be flexible and variable through times and cultures: up until the formulation of ideas
coming from the French Revolution, or a certain philosophical and social thought influenced by
Enlightenment, the division of society into classes and subclasses, with their duties and rights, was
not questioned. In our opinion, influenced by Yona Friedman (2009) – who argues an equal redistribution of resources is directly connected with the need of ethical equality - this cultural division of
society has always influenced the production and the distribution of material capital, as a basically
inequality within the society strata was determining a balanced redistribution of goods, like also Paul
Veyne explains in Bread and Circuses (1976) talking about the Greek and Roman phenomenon of
Euergetism, a redistribution system guided by moral and social codes causing “collective work to be
performed” (Veyne, 1976:17).
We therefore argue the possibility of the constant existence through history of the same food system
model, and its constant design modification through cultural strategies adopted by men, having
functioned basically in the same way until the advent of two movements which changed the physical
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and social conditions of the western man, the Enlightenment, which brought a social and cultural
evolution affirming the equity of all men, and industrialization, that brought mass production,
mechanization – the fascination of which still visible in the depiction of the Sydney Harbor Bridge in
Rolan Wakelin’s The bridge under construction (1928-29) -, increase of productivity. What we stress
is: in light of the consequences of both Enlightenment and Industrialization – alienation, urbanization,
an increase interest in the physical and social nature of man, more democratic and equalitarian ideals
-, visible from the eighteenth century up until the second half of the twentieth century, what did bring
us to the human and natural threat – uneven distribution of food, exploitation of natural resources - we
are facing in our contemporary time? Massimo Montanari tries to link social and economic changes to
the appearance of the physical environment, claiming the new notion of equality, raising from
Enlightenment, influencing a new perception of the territory as inclusive3.
However, if we try to contextualize Bourdieu’s rigid economic structure in our contemporary world, we
observe an inner contradiction. On one hand, we could argue that our world is still healthily
functioning, food supply and food demand meet spontaneously the appropriate class, and the
environment meet naturally the products demand of the market. This picture unfortunately doesn’t
mirror reality, as we know that today the urban and rural environments are not coping with our
demands and the contemporary food system is gravely affected by an unbalanced and uneven
distribution of goods, although Bourdieu’s picture could be considered as an utopian image of society,
probably represented by some urban experiments like garden cities of the nineteenth century,
workers citadels of the early 1900s – like the Italian Crespi d’Adda, for example -, or new urban plans
from the mid 1900s, like B.B.P.R.’s study for the regional plan of the Val d’Aosta Italian region in
1937, a Modernist approach that anyway will practically generate, from its utopian principles, the
contemporary Italian suburban reality. On the other hand, surprisingly, we recognize in Bourdieu’s
Distinction the environment of our modern society, characterized by rigid distinctions between
productive areas – producing economic capital - and other sectors dedicated to consumption producing cultural capital –, which, in spite of maintaining some urban principles drawn from the past,
has erased the interconnection between food production and consumption within the same
environment4, by creating specialized and efficient compartments eroding both the rural and the wild
landscape, or even by creating a place for the only sake of consumption like the Gold Coast in
Australia, characterized by residential suburbs and shopping malls, where the only visible
components of the food system is consumption. In Helen Holmes’ Cockatoos on Wardoo (2008) and
Burleigh Heads (2011) we observe the typical Australian landscape, where the only car-free place is
either the indoor space of shops or the outdoor space dedicated to barbeques and leisure.
To solve the inner contradiction in Bourdieu’s theory, we consider the sociological thoughts of Michel
de Certeau, who theorized a more flexible, open and inclusive model of society, justifying the
inclusion of the analysis of the everyday practices into the cultural realm as an inclusive approach
involving also marginal groups - like in Giuseppe Maria Crespi’s La sguattera (1710) or in Abi Altson’s
A fishboy (1887) – which are able to combine and re-use the already present modes of consumption
in different ways creating then cultural identities and relations of power, distinguishing themselves
from those who consume passively products. The difference between Bourdieu and de Certeau lays
in the fact that while Bourdieu sees the lower class prejudicially as the one having less social
instruments – having no economic capital and only symbolic cultural capital -, de Certeau
acknowledges the potentialities of the lower class by claiming the everyday life practices as tools to
understand and live the world and the power relationship with others.
Further more, rather than providing a social scale like Bourdieu, de Certeau analyzes man’s action
within society through strategies and tactics, posing then all social and economic classes on the same
level, and distinguishing them not by what they are, but by what and how they do; although he claims
strategies to be more commonly associated with the dominant class, that doesn’t imply that even the
lower classes could develop their own strategies, being those based on force relationship acted in a
specific space by subjects of will and power towards other exterior elements. A justification on this
227
assertion is given by the analysis of three paintings depicted scenes of the everyday life connected to
food, and supported by the gastronomic historical studies of Massimo Montanari 5: if we compare Il
mangiatore di fagioli by Annibale Carracci (1580-1590), Il mangiatore di spaghetti by Renato Guttuso
(1956), and The pie eaters by Yosl Bergner (1920), we can trace a common historical line between
them; while in Carracci it is evident an attention – maybe for the first time in history – to peasants and
labor work, shown in the painting by simple and honest food coming from the land, Guttuso depicts
instead, with the same honesty and simplicity of Carracci, a symbol of the new wealth of the Italian
post-war period, pasta, a symbol of the italianness also consecrated in the post-modern imaginary
through Alberto Sordi’s movie Un Americano a Roma (1954), an example of how the translation of
peasant food into new cultural environment can transform the cultural and physical territory. Bergner’s
painting, on the contrary, shows how the presence or the absence of economic capital influence the
cultural capital as well, by depicting two men, symbols of the immigration in Australia, seating at a
table in front of empty plates.
We therefore argue the twentieth century was a time when the consumer culture brought nor a
production nor an overconsumption revolution, but just different cultural modalities through which
consuming, as the increasing consumption of products implied an increase in production in a system
“driven not by local cultures, but by economies of scale” (Steel, 2008:59): the comparison between
Vincenzo Campi’s I mangiatori di ricotta (sixtieth century) and Alan Oldfield’s Suburban double portrait
with reflecting glass doors (1974) highlights how avidity for consumption is a common habit in history,
differing only for its modality , having modernity introduced the technological advancements happened
with the Industrial revolution. Quoting Carolyn Steel 6, we see that, while the notion of land as a
commodity has been common to all agricultural societies through history, the difference was in the
cultural way they used it and in the cultural activity they used to be engaged in: although all the
protagonists of both paintings are involved in some sort of quotidian activity, we observe that while in
Campi’s painting the protagonists are peasants involved in some sort of productive activity within
either the urban or rural environment, in Oldfield’s painting the two figures exemplify the typical
suburban lifestyle, characterized by isolation from the noxious urban environment and therefore
segregated in a self-complacent cultural and physical consumption. Here the cultural capital, contrary
to what happens in Campi’s painting – food culture and habits mirror the economic modalities of
working the land where the consumed products come from – is completely autonomous and proudly
disconnected to the productive economic activity that were necessary for the existence of the product
it is consuming.
The city, the countryside and the suburb are therefore the three variables involved in our dissertation.
Considering Sereni’s notion of landscape as an inclusive entity involving both physical and cultural
aspects, we assume the relationship between the city and the countryside, in terms of food supply
and demand, as a traditionally historical duality (Steel, 2008). While the ancient map of Bologna,
contained in Sereni’s Storia del paesaggio agrario Italiano shows how the traditionally walled city,
physically separated from the external agricultural fields was actively connected with the countryside
for food supply and cultural exchanges – which is also testified by the presence of agricultural patches
within the city walls, a sign that this relationship was mutual and interchangeable, although always
guided by the social and economic structure of society -, the suburban context represents the modern
evolution of this relationship, and is without any doubt a more ambiguous and complex environment,
nor city nor countryside7, as shown by Darren Wardle in Dust control (Yallambie) (1995), where a
giant rabbit – a foreign specie which was introduced in the Australian environment for then becoming
a pest - symbolizes the creation of an artificial ambiguous nature which has uncomfortably proliferated
in the modern urban context. Historically in fact, according to Montanari, by being into a net system
with other rural entities the city can be identified both as centripetal, since it concentrates the
countryside resources on the city market, and centrifuge, as it is opens to external trades with other
markets8. Consequently, while the countryside is responsible for the production of goods, the city
concentrates these goods on the urban market, validating them with its reputation and name.
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A constant problem during the twentieth century has been dealing with where and how to locate the
suburb or the periphery within this system, and what functions, social, economical, material, it should
have. Although, McAuliffe argue the suburbs are a place where economic production and cultural
production are inseparable9, which is the reason why the suburban environment and lifestyle have
always attracted an artistic fascination and have always been debated. Comparing McAuliffe’s image
of the Australian suburbs with Massimo Cacciari’s perception of the Italian city and its suburban
fringes10, characterized by a hybrid landscape composed by fragmented activities, we can trace a
common line between Australia and Italy, and a pattern of difference: as McAuliffe explains that in
these recent years artists have move towards a new appreciation of the suburbs after a phase of
great criticism, we argue the causes of this shift in perspective being of both political and cultural–
with the institutionalization of multiculturalism and a more general openness - nature, involving also
the architecture and planning discipline with projects characterized by both the attention to social
inclusion and respect for the environment. Moving to Italy, we can see a contrasting artistic sentiment
towards peripheries as well, starting from the Futurism, which considered industrial urban fringes as
the future, to more critical artists showing the social issues connected to that environment. Unlike
Australia although, Italy hasn’t been able to proactively criticize the suburban landscape for then rebuild it: while in architecture and planning there are moves towards changes, at least in the academic
world, Italian artists seem to be stuck at the traditional image of the suburbs from the 60s, incapable
of provide a vision for the future. Maybe due to a rapid and relatively recent transition from agriculture
to industry, and the from industrial to post-industrial, we see a contraposition between Pier Paolo
Pasolini giving a vivid and realistic portrait of the Roman urban periphery, still characterized by that
visible coexistence of countryside and urban environment seen in Boccioni, in Mamma Roma (1962),
and the contemporary photography of Gabriele Basilico, collecting individual buildings in the attempt
of understanding their significance providing a still life of our contemporary city11, although failing to
give new constructive guides for its future improvement.
In Art and Suburbia McAuliffe points out the duality between a constructed image of nature and the
urban life through the works by Tibbits and Streeton12. The question is: if Tibbits used to portrait
houses and urban landscape for a commercial purpose (as in Wando Dale Homestead, 1876) and
Streeton used to reject the urban landscape in focusing just on the natural picturesque aspect of the
landscape (as in Mc Mahon’s point ferry, 1890), does this mean the historical duality between
countryside and the city is a fiction? Does it mean that this cultural artistic process enhanced it? While
we argue the contemporary Australian perception of the duality of the countryside and the city being
an entity split in between a cultural construction coming from the myth of Arcadia and modern market
logics, we stress its reflection also in art, with modern and contemporary artist fascinated either by
suburbia (Howard Arkley) or Arcadia (Richard Woldendorp, saltwater affected dam, 1999), although
maintaining a critical perspective.
By reading Sereni’s work instead, considering his Marxist perspective on economy, we can although
observe that the dissertation on the history of the Italian rural landscape is only exposed through the
production perspective, without taking into consideration implication relating consumption. Further
more, although he is analyzing the Italian agricultural history under a cultural perspective, the manmade aspect of the analyzed landscape, and the paintings though which he analyzes it, is taken only
on a social-economic aspect, without taking in consideration cultural habits and rituals connected to
the artificial transformation of the landscape. In doing so, he fails to consider examples of the Italian
landscape where food production and consumption were strongly linked by the man-made cultural
artifice. Through the paintings of Giuseppe Canella (Veduta del canale Naviglio presa sul ponte di
San Marco, 1834) and Angelo Inganni (Veduta presa sul ponte di Porta Orientale con neve cadente,
1850) we can see how the city of Milano was up until the beginning of the twentieth century, when the
artificial water canals were replaced with a more efficient network of sealed road, an example of urban
environment traditionally linking food production sites, strategically located in the urban tissue and
within the countryside just outside the city, with food consumption places through an extended
network of distribution. Referring to Bourdieu’s theory, we can argue a cultural shift - due to the
229
influence of mechanization and the technological advancements - to be the cause for this major city
restructuring of the city of Milan: it is not in fact just the physical locations of food production and
consumption to change, but also their way of relating to each other and the medium through which
they relate. The economic capital represented by the exchange between production and consumption
places has been changed according to the new technological, mechanized cultural capital. Although,
while the slowness of the transportation of the past allowed the awareness in people of this exchange,
the fastness of modernity, beside accelerating the demands, has been producing cultural modalities
through which hiding one of more steps of the food system, for intrinsic reasons related to a new selfcentered and self-complacent consumption hunger.
One point of connection between the Australian and the Italian agricultural landscape is represented
by paintings like The stubble paddock by Kenneth MacQueen, and Scene at Doncaster (1940) by
Nutter Buzacott, which, compared with paintings like Potatore (1954) by Aldo Borgonzoni, or
Campagna a Monte Orobio by Cesare Breveglieri, used by Sereni to articulate his argument, show
the productive side of the Australian territory, which, as we already argued, has always been left
aside, apart from idealized images of farm work and the outback life, by the consuming aspects of
society. In The stubble paddock we observe that even if the landscape is always depicted in organic
formations, the man’s activity is clearly present as a celebration of a pastoral and agricultural reality,
showing a view on the agricultural landscape close to the historical notion given by Sereni 13, arguing
the agricultural landscape to be a form consciously and systematically created by the agricultural
activities of men, and stressing the need to consider the agricultural landscape nor just in its geologic
and climatic aspects nor just in its technical relationship with man, but instead in an integrated way
where new social relationships, new forms of property, new forms of powers, new forms of religions
emerge from, as already Giambattista Tiepolo was showing in Riposo dei contadini by Giambattista
Tiepolo (seventeenth century). Through these paintings however we can clearly see how the
agricultural activity adapts to the environment, being a flat countryside characterized therefore by rigid
grids like in Borgonzoni, or in a hilly territory like in MacQueen’s painting. Buzacott’s painting gives us
instead an image of suburban lifestyle where both the consumption of cultural products characteristic
of suburban areas and signs of the economic production of goods are present, acknowledging the
rural lifestyle as a complex integrated system.
However, while in Buzacott’s artwork we can observe an attention to the whole production and
consumption cycle, we observe in other paintings a more common fascination – or even an obsession
- for consumption. In McAuliffe re-emerges the theme of the picnic as an artificial construction of
landscape, easily consumable by the city dwellers. That is why we tend to associate, although we
can’t generalize, the Italian analysis with production, and the Australian analysis with consumption:
work and labor in Italy has always acted as a social and economical buffer, institutionalize it even in
the Italian constitution. That is why authors like Steel 14 or Montanari argue the resistance of Italy to
fast food and consumer culture and the tendency of countries like America and England, and
consequently also Australia, to approach a more artificial and industry-mediated relationship between
food and the living space. Although nowadays even Italy or France are not immune anymore to
consumer culture, we stress in those countries the obsession for overconsumption has historically
had mediators, of various nature, moral, religious, political and social, which justified overconsumption
through a hierarchic division of society, guided by the cultural capital; if we observe paintings like
Cristo nella casa di Maria e Marta (1580) or La fruttivendola (1580) by Vincenzo Campi, we can
observe that while in the first painting the everyday life activities showing a significant abundance of
food in the foreground are mediated by the religious scene in the background, which consciously the
painter doesn’t tell if it is a painting hang on the wall or an opening on another room, and offers then a
moral second subject, in the second painting labor in the open field seems to be the ethical buffer to
the displayed abundance. This habit however is not confined to past times, as we can see in Renato
Guttuso’s La vucciria (1974), which offers us a typical market scene with food on display, referring
however directly to Annibale Carracci’s La piccola macelleria (1582-83), which refers itself to religious
themes like the crucifixion in form of a piece of meat hang on a hook.
230
On the contrary, Australian paintings reflect a more direct approach to the world, displaying, either
with a positive or negative critical attitude, modes of consumption, by displaying products of
consumption without any cultural mediators; in Ultra Kleen (1992) by Howard Arkley, or Tent at Eildon
(1982) by David Kelly, we see mass products depicted in all their materiality: while in the first painting
the whole kitchen seems a consumable object, with edible recognizable food only being depicted on
the wall, creating then a confusion between production space and consumable object15, the second
painting deals with the natural environment becoming only an object of consumption, losing then its
characteristic of producing goods16. If then historically Australian painting has always been
characterized by a quite realistic and objective representation, we then argue the necessity to find
elsewhere a similar symbolism to the one see in the Italian painting: referring to Interesting times
(2005) we therefore stress the emergence of contemporary new themes and techniques of indigenous
art and its ability to integrate the depiction of the land with social and cultural values and stories
associated with them, beside the traditional stereotypical image of aboriginal painting, as Ricky
Maynard’s photographs testimony17; we can argue then the significance of the relationship between
aboriginal people and their land, as they perceive the territory non just in its physical form, but mostly
in its ability to incorporate cultural symbols and history.
By comparing Venturi Ferriolo’s notion of landscape18, considered as a nature-made entity connected
to and influenced by man-made culture, in its different cultural forms with the notion of the Australian
landscape depicted by Hansen, it appears that Australians have inherited a English picturesque
approach to nature they seem to find challengingly comfortable, finding themselves confused by the
duality between open landscape and the city. Therefore, upon our critical opinion on the meaning of
the Italian landscape through work, and the observation on the Australian segregation of the notion of
working land only to a restricted part of the human life and the physical territory, we observe three
main criticalities: the necessity of considering a picturesque background, remnants of the mythical
past of the outback, in the Australian cultural environment; the notion of the land as a canvas, where
work and leisure are integrated in the design of the food system - following Sereni’s definition of
landscape as a physical and cultural fabric the pattern of which is represented by food transformation
places located strategically and systematically within the production places in the territory, remnants
of the historical tradition of the countryside of the Italian landscape; the territory as a consumable
entity where the notion of consumption is expressed both through the integration of consumption
places with production places, and the acknowledgement of consumable spaces, emerging from
habits proper of our consumer culture. We can now return to those “transitional spaces”
characterizing the contemporary cities, and, referring to Gilles Clement’s the notion of ‘third
landscape’, consider them as positive constructive entities, fragments with a potentiality of creating a
new concept of landscape, where production and consumption, work and leisure find again, in a
hybrid way, more appropriate to the contemporary reality, their own singular significance and their
importance in the relationship between each other.
In conclusion, we have analyzed two different physical and cultural contexts through a critical
observation of paintings, stressing the importance of the history related to everyday objects and
everyday activities as a critical tool for the understanding of past dynamics and for the design of future
hypothesis and strategies related to the food system. In particular, we have demonstrated throughout
the paper how the study of the implications of the food system on the physical and cultural
environment through the visual medium of the painted documents might be useful to understand and
solve some criticalities related to the contemporary design of the food system.
Notes
231
1 “Today
hybrid and contaminated territories correspond to the three big environmental realms. They
are often composed by transitional and temporary landscape: agricultural areas becoming parks or
urban neighborhoods; industrial areas becoming natural reserves; squares and courtyards becoming
urban agricultural patches; infrastructures reclaimed thanks to temporary agricultural activities; natural
areas becoming cultivated fields or grasslands; rural areas re-naturalized in form of themed parks”
Translated from Boeri (2011, 106)
2 “The
unique urban landscape, dominated by chimneys, factories and buildings under construction, is
composed through an original perspective scheme, characterized by the exaggeration of lines
defining the structure of the composition. The street, traversing diagonally the whole space of the
painting until the horizon line, gives to the composition an extraordinary dynamism which it is
impressed also in the figures with long shadows, in a big contrast between light and dark zones”
Translated from Mazzocca (2011, 47)
3 Massimo Montanari stresses that the notion of regional cuisines is a modern construction, since a
single cuisine is composed by different fragmented elements often coming from other regions, where
traditional dishes, out of their original economic and social context, become symbolic of a new
gastronomic mentality, considering the territory as a spatial entity which, by virtue of all its differences,
is configured as inclusive. According to the author this inclusive character comes from the modern
liberal-democratic notion of equality, formulated between the XVIII and the XIX century; in the
medieval age in fact, the territory was considered just as the place where to grow products, without
having any social of moral value. Montanari (2010, 77)
“City-dwellers in the past had no choice but to acknowledge the role of food in their lives. It was
present in everything they did” (Steel, 2008)
4
5 Montanari stresses the diffusion of a poor popular culture even in the higher classes of the society,
whose gastronomy evolved from a traditional way of using the food surplus to fight starvation to a
method to create gastronomic specialties, to have contributed to the creation of the Italian
gastronomic culture, and even expanded its influence, especially in the use of vegetables, in the
French cuisine. According to Montanari, in the history of gastronomic culture it happens very often
that new products are used in traditional ways, or reinterpreted from personal experiences or cultural
and environmental factors: corn and the potato plant for example were imported from the American
continent and was known in Europe since the XIV century, but it was only in the XVIII century that,
thanks to agricultural crisis and consequent periods of starvation, farmers were induced to introduce
these products, stronger and more productive than cereals, in their normal diet, often processed and
cooked in traditional ways.
“Our rural hinterland will always mirror the way we live. Ancient cities were run on slave labor; so
were the farms that fed them. Medieval cities thrived in trade; so did their hinterlands. Modern cities,
like their industrialized hinterlands, have little respect for nature” (Steel, 2008)
6
According to the McAuliffe the suburbs are often defined as something marginal (‘out there’, the
fringes of the metropolis), or something in between known sites (something in between rural and
urban), or again defined by what they aren’t (not country, not city, not center).
7
Montanari stresses also that the Italian cultural and political identity has been formed in the past
through the identity of the city and its relationship with other urbanities: the city in fact, as fundamental
place of the civic and social life, was a container of different life styles, cultural identities and
knowledge, also connected with gastronomy and food production and consumption. In the Medieval
age the city as “comune” affirms its own independence and its own territorial dominance over the
countryside, and eventually over other minor cities.
8
232
It is difficult to separate the suburb (a physical site) from suburbia (the state of mind associated with
living at that site). The planning, promotion, settlement and habitation of suburbs are processes that
produce material places but also social, ideological, and psychic spaces” McAuliffe (1996, 58)
9
“The city is everywhere, there is no more city. We don’t dwell cities anymore, but territories. The
possibility of fixing boundaries to the city appears now impossible, or, better, has been reduced to a
purely technical-bureaucratic business. We call this city ‘area’ for purely occasional reasons. Its
boundaries are nothing but a mere artifice. The post-modern territory is a geography of events, a
practice of connection traversing hybrid landscapes” Translated from (Cacciari, 2004) in Bonomi, A.,
Abruzzese, A. (2004) La citta’ infinita
10
“Buildings, residential complexes, town houses, warehouses, detached houses, long complexes
towers, barracks…every volume is isolated, investigated, without distinguishing between monuments
and the prosaic multitude. A ‘still life’ of linear corps, overlapped, embraced, suspended. In the
immense work in progress of Basilico, the form of Italian cities is pictured as an anatomical table; the
result from dynamical samplings, ‘landscape sections’, themed biopsies” Translated from Boeri (2011,
98)
11
While William Tibbits “plied a trade as a topographical water-colorist, painting ‘portraits’ of houses
for proud owners or giving pictorial form to housing estates that existed only on the drawing board of
the developer or in the dreams of prospective purchasers” McAuliffe (1996, 44), “the Heidelberg
school painters chose to represent Australian culture through pastoral and bush myths”, as they, in
turning the back to the suburbs for concentrating on nature, “associated the city with materialism,
conformity and the debilitating side effects of industrialization. In doing so, they laid the foundations
for the ambivalent contrasting of country and city, nature and culture, that was to complicate artists’
vision of Australian identity for years to come” McAuliffe (1996, 46)
12
13 “If
the agricultural landscape means that form which man, through and for the productive agricultural
activity, consciously and systematically creates on the natural landscape, then it doesn’t seem we can
refer to a proper agricultural landscape, for our country, if not after the Greek colonization and the
Etruscan sinecismo“ Translated from Sereni (1976, 29)
14 The
cultural role of food played in countries like Italy and France has allow to contain the expansion
of fast food chains, seen as gastronomic imperialism, maintaining “vertical cuisines, in which different
levels of cookery – rustic, regional, amateur, professional – continue to inform one another” (Steel,
2008). Therefore, according to the author, the reason that brought countries like America and Britain
to approach so enthusiastically process food and fast food culture involves industrialization and
cultural identity: while in America the restaurant experience begun a replacement, a fake mirror of the
authentic experience of sharing a meal, yet most of the times eaten alone, Britain was the European
country where American fast food unraveled the most for the main reason that it industrialized earlier
than other nations, creating “the world’s first industrialized palate” (Steel, 2008)
“The flaring and flickering effects of line and colour have a metaphorical resonance; it is as if the
suburbs escape our gaze” McAuliffe (2005, 30)
15
“The three-dimensional continuity of the land is replaced by a linear sequence of clearly defined
destinations: places that can be recognized from the brochures, places to take photographs, meal
stops and motels” McAuliffe (2005, 90)
16
The work of Ricky Maynard is able to integrate the complex intercultural dynamics of the
photographed communities with the topography and the natural landscape. “The interaction between
nature and culture has arguably been the dominant theme in Australian art, both indigenous and nonindigenous, as artists continue to mine various landscape traditions in their work” Storer (2005, 10)
17
233
“Culture means connection to the earth: the landscape and the garden follow the man and his
lifestyle […] In this newly found context the metaphor of the garden is able to comprehend the city.
The city builder and the gardener can overcome their intrinsic contradiction, to realize the possible
equivalence garden-city through a process of identification of the vital components of the place”
Translated from Venturi Ferriolo (2003, 111)
18
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235
Getting Healthier: Creating interactive
cooking tools for kids
Manon Spermon ([email protected]), Miguel Bruns Alonso
Department of Industrial Design, TU Eindhoven
Den Dolech 2, 5612 AZ Eindhoven, The Netherlands
Abstract
Cooking lessons are believed to be the basis for a healthy lifestyle for both children and adults.
However, while children learn their eating habits during childhood, most people only learn to cook
from the age of sixteen onwards. Therefore, it is suggested that people should learn to cook during
childhood.
Current cooking classes aim mainly at the cognitive skills, with children learning about food in a
traditional setting, i.e. in class and from books. Children are taught that water boils at a hundred
degrees Celsius by using numbers and visualizations of thermometers, instead of what boiling water
looks like. This way of teaching contrasts very much with the rich sensorial experience that cooking
actually is. Therefore, we argue that learning about cooking should be aimed more at exploiting the
perceptual-emotional skills.
In the current paper we present the design and development of an interactive learning environment
that teaches children how to prepare healthy meals. The project was developed by means of a
process referred to as research through design, i.e. by iteratively ideating concepts, making
prototypes and evaluating them in context. A key element of this project is the facilitation of learning
by doing in the interactive learning environment. It is argued that performing an action is a more
effective way of learning than learning on a cognitive level. In addition, principles from tangible
interaction have been integrated in the design. Tangible interfaces are believed to engage multiple
senses, support natural learning and create playfulness.
The Supersous Game supports an interactive feedback loop with five different cooking tools; a knife,
a peeler, a masher, a scale and a rasp. The game guides the children through the process of cooking
by auditory guides and visual explanations.
Various prototype iterations have been evaluated on interaction and experience at an after school day
care centre with children in the age group of 7 to 11 years. The experiential results, which were
obtained by means of semi-structured interviews, suggest that after playing the game the children
have a more positive attitude towards cooking. In addition, children have greater confidence in their
ability to cook and have a better understanding of how they can eat healthier. Furthermore, all
children indicated that they wanted to play the game more often, and some even mentioned that they
would like to involve their parents in the process of cooking as well. Moreover, parents were surprised
by the cooking skills of their children, as well as of their willingness to try out new self-prepared
dishes. Finally, the evaluation of the interaction suggests possible improvements to the environment
such as applying inherent feedback and personalization of guidance.
236
The presented project suggests that interactive games may support a healthier lifestyle for children
and that interactive learning environments could offer new opportunities for health promotion
programs
Keywords
Designing for food, Interaction Design, Food Education, Children
Introduction
The kitchen is a mess; there is flower and icing everywhere, and the floor has become slippery. A pile
of different shaped cookies with coloured decorations shows the result of an afternoon cooking with
the kids. This is a common situation for most people. When we cook with children we use simple and
easy to follow recipes, often with lots of sugar or fat. However, recently more cookbooks for adults
and also children are focussing more on a healthier lifestyle. This shift to a healthier lifestyle is
necessary due to the growing amount of adults and children that are overweight. In the Netherlands
for example obesity is a growing health problem addressing 10% of the population (Hirasing, 2009;
Hurk, 2006). Authorities are taking steps to get people to lose weight and exercise more. However, far
less attention is given at preventing children and adolescents from getting obese by learning them
about a healthy lifestyle and nutrition (read in Bemelmans, 2004).
The Netherlands Nutrition Centre developed two interventions that focus on teaching children about a
healthy lifestyle and nutrition; Supershopper and Superchefs. The first intervention is aimed at
teaching children how to purchase healthy products from the supermarket; they are taught to read
labels, to interpret commercials and make the healthiest choice for food (Scheffers, Linden &
Zadelaar, 2009). In the Superchefs intervention children are taught several recipes for a healthy
breakfast, lunch, dinner and snack via twelve cooking lessons (Linssen, 2010). Both interventions are
aimed at children between 10 and 12 years old. Also, Jamie Oliver is trying to raise attention for the
same problem by organising a challenge together with open IDEO to “raise kids' awareness of the
benefits of fresh food so they can make better choices” (Oliver, 2010). Seventeen winning concepts
have been chosen, and are currently researched for further development.
Nevertheless, these interventions and concepts are mostly aimed at adolescent children or need
extensive guidance from teachers or supervisors. However, the researchers believe that children
should be stimulated to be able to create their own healthy dishes from a young age on, since their
eating habits are developed during childhood (Shepherd, Harden, Rees, Brunton & Garcia, 2006).
Therefore the challenge for the project was to develop a game that stimulates children of 8-10 years
to prepare a healthy breakfast, lunch or snack independently. This paper presents the development of
such a game and the first results of an exploratory evaluation of this game.
First, the theoretical background of the project will be described. Consequently, the design process
and a short explanation of the first iterations of the project will be explained. Finally, the actual
creation of the final concept and prototype will be described and the experimental evaluation done
with this prototype will be discussed.
237
Theoretical Background
Different elements in this project are coming together; food (preference, taste), learning and
interaction. In the following paragraphs we will explain the theoretical framework underlying the
project, leading to the different steps in the design process.
Food; taste, preference and behaviour
Food is a necessity for human beings. However, nowadays, food is treated differently than thousands
of years ago; we eat quickly and fast, and nutritious value is less of importance compared to the taste
and comfort. We adapt eating behaviour from our parents (Savage, Fisher, and Birch, 2007) and are
spoiled with food we like; we don’t have to eat foods we do not find tasty.
As Kelder, Perry, Klepp and Lytle (1994) state “children learn their eating habits during childhood and
pursue their consumption pattern into young adulthood”. However, these eating habits and
preferences of children are less stable and better susceptible than habits and preferences of adults
(Savage, Fisher & Birch, 2007). Therefore, children of different ages can still be taught to choose a
healthier lifestyle, but the younger a healthy eating habit is learned the larger the chance is that the
child will pursue this in his later life.
Also, during childhood the children become more autonomous and want to make their own choices,
such as choosing their own food (World Health Organisation, 2008). Nevertheless, they are also still
open for change in food choice (Birch, Gunder, Grimm-Thomas & Laing, 1998; Wardle & Huon,
2000). This suggests that, as a response, children could be taught healthy recipes, so they can
choose their own food, but still can be appointed in the healthiest direction. Also, during this age they
are becoming more aware of their own dietary pattern, which could be an ideal moment for education.
One of the key elements for children to actually eat healthier is the consumption of fruit and
vegetables. And although children might have a positive attitude towards eating healthy and know the
importance of a healthy diet, their choice of food is still dominated by taste (Shepherd, Harden, Rees,
Brunton &Garcia, 2006). Moreover, a study of Cullen, Baranowsk, Rittenberry & Olvera (2000)
describes that if children are allowed to choose what they like, they are not likely to choose any fruit or
vegetables. Therefore, it will be important to show and teach children recipes that contain a lot of
vegetables and/or fruit but tastes good.
Next to persuading children to eat more fruits and vegetables, it will be a challenge to let children eat
food that they do not know. As Cooke and Wardle (2005) state children like what they know and
therefore eat what they like.
An important role in the consumption of food and the development of certain food preferences and
eating behaviour is that of the parents. Children learn about food, which shapes their food choice, diet
quality and weight status later in life from their parents (Savage, Fisher & Birch, 2007). Therefore it
will be important to involve parents in this process as well.
A key element in getting children to live healthier is actual change of behaviour. A few determinants
influence the unwanted behaviour; unhealthy eating. Contento (2007) describes these determinants in
her work; she divides the determinants into three categories: food- related factors, person- related
factors and environmental factors.
Within the food- related factors two categories again are made, the first describes the biological
determined factors, such as taste preferences and the psychological reaction on eating. The second
category describes the experience with food, e.g. learned behaviour. Here we find the determinants
‘food preference’, ‘psychological consequences’ and ‘social affective context’ (Contento, 2007). The
second category describes the inter- and intrapersonal factors, e.g. interactions in the social
environment (Contento, 2007). Several determinants are listed under the intrapersonal factors;
attitude, self-efficacy, knowledge and social & cultural norms. Several studies have been conducted
on the different determinants within this group. Shepherd, Harden, Rees, Brunton and Garcia (2006)
showed that children have a different attitude towards healthy food as compared to unhealthy food,
e.g. children associate healthy food with parents, adults and their homes, and unhealthy food with
social environments, friendship, pleasure and relaxation. Moreover, children that have a positive
attitude towards fast food and junk food, prefer these kinds of food over fruit and vegetables (Cooke &
238
Wardle, 2005). Therefore it will be important to focus on influencing the intrapersonal factors during
the development of the interactive learning environment.
Learning
The learning in this project is twofold; learning new tastes and food, and learning about food and
preparation methods.
Learning new tastes and food
For long term adaption of food choice and taste several factors are important. Contento (2010)
distinguishes four factors that influence food choices and dietary behaviour: biological, perceptual,
cognitive and societal factors. Children's thoughts, perceptions, arguments for decision making and
abstraction capacities should be taken into account in the development of interventions that stimulate
fruit and vegetable intake among children (Zeinstra, Koelen, Kok & De Graaf, 2007). Therefore, focus
of this project should be on affecting the sensory-affective preferences (i.e. perceptual factors) to
teach children new beliefs attitudes and norms (i.e. cognitive factors) as children learn more by
experiencing (Piaget, 1964). In particular while learning about food, focus on the senses will stimulate
children to try unfamiliar foods (Mustonen & Tuorila, 2010).
Learning about food and preparation methods
Learning is a phenomenon that occurs when knowledge or skills are gained; this can be done via
schooling or study. Different views exist about teaching children. A variety of methods have been
developed, but the most common way of teaching is textbook based (e.g. training cognitive skills).
However, the researchers believe that learning about food cannot be done solely from textbooks; it is
a much richer experience and therefore perceptual emotional skills should also be addressed.
A relevant theory on the inclusion of perceptual emotional skills is that of off-line cognition (Wilson,
2002). Off-line cognition means that even when decoupled from the environment, the activity of the
mind is grounded in mechanisms, such as sensorimotor processing, that evolved for interaction with
the environment (Dijk, van der Lugt & Overbeeke, 2007). This suggests that learning via the mind, the
body and the environment, e.g. by using physical attributes, and provides a richer input for the
cognitive processes. Concluding, physical attributes can provide a richer learning experience.
Interaction
Learning about food is a rich experience and is therefore not only done via textbooks, but involves
physical interaction with food as well. As also suggested by the off-line cognition theory, this project
may well benefit from the physicality of learning tools, and specifically of the principles of tangible
interaction.
Opposed to interaction by means of graphical user interfaces as, the principles of tangible interaction
are based on physical interaction and manipulation of computational empowered environments.
Tangible interaction emerged from the field of Human-Computer Interaction (HCI). Fitzmaurice (1995)
introduced the notion of graspable handles used to manipulate digital objects. Ishii and Ullmer (1997)
presented a vision on turning the physical world into an interface for manipulating digital data. Due to
the physicality of tangible interfaces, tangible interaction soon attracted the attention of designers who
are educated to build and develop physical objects.
Djajadiningrat, Wensveen, Frens and Overbeeke (2004) presented a vision on tangible interaction
from a design perspective, stating that physical artefacts can provide the user with a grip of the
systems functionality and can guide user’s actions. These physical artefacts offer the user rich action
possibilities with immediate embedded feedback and therefore utilize every detail of a human’s motor
skills (Djajadiningrat, Wensveen, Frens & Overbeeke, 2004).
A large number of Tangible User Interfaces (TUIs) can be classified as computer-supported learning
tools (Shaer & Hornecker, 2010). Several learning systems relate to the categories of problem
solving, planning, and simulation systems, such as Illuminating light (Underkoffler & Ishii, 1998),
which is an optical prototyping tool simulating the optical elements selected by the user. Other
systems are referred to as Digital Manipulatives (Resnick, Martin, Berg, Borovoy & Collela, 1998)
these are computationally enhanced versions of physical objects that allow children to explore
concepts, which involve temporal processes and computation (Zuckerman, Arida & Resnick, 2005).
Also, Hengeveld, Hummels & Overbeeke (2009) state that tangible interaction appears to be useful
for learning because of several reasons. And Marshall (2007) addresses the emphasis on using the
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mind, the body and the environment in learning in his analytic framework on learning with tangible
interfaces. He suggests it is possible that since tangible interfaces often make use of concrete
physical manipulation, they might support a more effective or natural way of learning. In addition,
Zuckerman, Arida and Resnick (2005) describe the advantages of tangible interaction as a teaching
tool for abstract problem domains ; sensory engagement, accessibility and group learning. Moreover,
tangible interaction brings playfulness, which is an important contribution since fun is an important
factor for learning (Xie, Antle & Motamedia, 2008; Marshall, 2007).
Using tangible interaction for designing a tool for children to cook with and learn about food, seems a
natural way for learning and can be used to address perceptual-emotional skills as well as cognitive
skills. Moreover, by balancing these skills with reflection on action will stimulate a richer learning
experience in contrast to traditional focus on cognitive skills. We propose to achieve this balance by
stimulating learning by doing and reflection in action (Schön, 1984).
3 Design Process
In the presented project we developed an interactive system that enables learning by doing. The
system has been developed by means of a process referred to as research through design (Archer,
1995). We define research through design as an iterative process of ideating, building and validating
concepts in context. The central activity of the process was ideating, integrating and realizing
interaction solutions between the children and the interactive learning environment at an after school
day care. In this continuing process the designer researcher gained insight into the design
opportunities. During the process these insights are physicalized and result into a final solution. The
first steps in the process (e.g. the first iterations) are presented here.
Cooking workshop
A cooking workshop was executed at the after school day care, Korein Kinderplein Eindhoven.The
goal of this workshop was observing the cooking skills of the children, getting inside in their
knowledge and understanding of the process of cooking and gaining experience with cooking with the
children.
Set up workshop and evaluation
The recipe that was chosen came from the SuperChefs (Linssen, 2010) cooking book. The recipe
was altered with small logo’s to indicate specific tasks, and some assignments were formulated
differently for better understanding, as logo’s have been suggested as a good method for
communication with children(Markopoulos, Read, MacFarlane and Höysniemi, 2008).
The children would cook in pairs, and would have all ingredients and tools needed per pair. However,
the children were free to pick one of the three vegetables available: champignons, paprika and
courgette. Also, the researcher and leader of the group would help with cutting the onion.
The observations were done via direct observation (Markopoulos, Read, MacFarlane and Höysniemi,
2008). The participants of the cooking workshop were the children from the after school day care in
the age of 8 till 12 years old, both girls and boys.
Results & Guidelines
In total 12 children participated in the workshop and they were all enthusiastic about the cooking
workshop. The children were able to name all the ingredients that were brought. Using specific tools
was a problem for the children, both the usage of the tools as well as how to combine the tools with
the food. Many children had difficulties following the recipe; they did not know where they were in the
recipe, and what to do with the ingredients that were already prepared. Moreover, they took all the
tasks literally, e.g. if the image showed that they had to add the sliced vegetable to the bowl with a
knife, they did so. Also the children found it difficult to understand the quantities of ingredients; it was
hard to define half a paprika, and a teaspoon of spices for example.
The findings from this workshop suggest that the tools used for cooking should be altered for usage
by children. Also the recipes should be very explicit, and visual as well as auditory feedback should
be added for clearer understanding of the recipes. Furthermore, different ways for explaining the
amount of ingredients are needed, as well as showing which step of the recipe they are currently
performing need to be explored.
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Creating an educational cooking game
During the cooking workshop a lot of guidance from the researchers was needed, and the game
element was missing. Therefore, an educational cooking game was created by using the results from
the cooking workshop. The children from the after school day care participated in the evaluation of the
game.
Set up game and evaluation
The children were divided in pairs; each pair formed a specific team. Each team received a different
set of adapted tools, a set of assignment cards and a recipe. The adapted tools were a knife with a
squeezable handle, cartoon recipe, a comic book with only visuals of the steps of the recipes and a
stuffed toy with an mp3 player explaining the steps of the recipe. On the assignment cards all the
steps that needed to be undertaken were explained, as well as the usage of the tools. The children
were not allowed to ask the researchers any questions, unless they really needed to. After finishing
their recipe, the children would taste each other’s recipes and would rate the dishes on healthiness,
look and taste.
Figure 1: The different toolsets each team received during the cooking game. The Blue team received a knife with squeezable
handles, the yellow team received a cartoon recipe, the green team received a stuffed animal with spoken facts and the red
team received an auditory explanation of the game.
Initial observations were done via direct observation (Markopoulos, Read, MacFarlane and
Höysniemi, 2008). The entire game was videotaped, and the material was used for indirect
observation (Markopoulos, Read, MacFarlane and Höysniemi, 2008) afterwards. Next to
observations, the participating children filled in a short questionnaire after the game for evaluation of
the tools and assignment cards. The participants of the cooking workshop were the children from the
after school day care in the age of 8 till 12 years old, both girls and boys.
Results & Guidelines
Ten children participated in the game, so five teams were formed. The researchers observed that
most children benefitted from visual or auditory explanation of the recipe, although the preference for
either visual or auditory feedback differed per child. Also the stuffed animal was very popular;
everything the stuffed animal ‘said’ was adopted immediately by almost all children.
Moreover, it was noticed that the regular cooking tools, developed for adults, were hard to handle for
the children; they did not know how to handle them, or their hands were too small.
From the evaluation it was concluded that the adapted tools used during cooking should be improved
and embedded in the final game, and should be intelligent to actually give the children feedback about
the action they are performing. Specifically, the cutting and the measuring of the amounts needs to
embedded. Moreover, for following the recipe a visual and verbal explanation needs to be included,
as it was noticed that both teams used these tools, and it was noted by the teacher that each child
has different learning preferences, e.g. verbal or visual. For teaching the children about healthy living,
a buddy can be included in the game, since the stuffed animal was incredibly popular and the children
actually listened to what it said.
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4 Designing an interactive learning environment
By using the guidelines developed in the previous iterations of this project, an interactive learning
environment was developed. This environment consists of two agents, five interactive tools, four
recipe disks and a desktop to work on. This interactive learning environment, called the Supersous
game, was evaluated by ten children from the after school day care Korein Kinderplein.
Design of the interactive learning environment
During the cooking workshop and the cooking game it was apparent that the children needed extra
guidance during the preparation of the recipes. To include this extra guidance in the game, two
characters were added to the interactive learning environment. Different characters have been
developed and presented to the children at the after school day care. Via voting amongst twelve
children, two characters were chosen for further development. These agents were Peter Pear and
Mindy Mandarin, whom function is to guide children through the recipes. The two characters are
physicalized and included in the learning environment, and they guide the children through speech.
Next to the inclusion of extra guidance, it was observed that most regular cooking tools are too big or
hard to handle for most children. Therefore a set of cooking tools was redesigned for better use by the
children. These tools were a knife, peeler, masher, rasp and a scale. Each responding to the use of
the children, i.e. a child pushes to hard when cutting with the knife, the sensor in the knife reports this
and either Peter Pear of Miny Mandarin provided the child with useful tips and feedback on how to
use the knife correctly.
As was concluded after the evaluations of the cooking workshop and game, both auditory and visual
guidance is needed. The auditory guidance is included in the two agents, as described previously.
The visual guidance is done via images. These images are placed together on a disk and each disk
represents a recipe. The different elements are placed on a cabinet with extra expandable desktop
space.
Figure 2: The prototype with which the evaluations are performed.
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All recipes that are used within the Supersous game are following the health guidelines as set up by
the Netherlands Nutrition Centre. Moreover, all facts that are presented to the children while playing
the Supersous game have been adopted from the Netherlands Nutrition Centre. Examples of
concepts that are cited in the ‘Wheel of Five’ and ‘two pieces of fruit and 200 grams of vegetables a
day’.
Playing with the interactive learning environment
When the children want to prepare a recipe, they choose one of the recipe disks, loaded in the drawer
of the cabinet. To start cooking, the children have to place the disk in the drawer beneath the surface
and turn the disk until they see the first step. Then the cooking process starts and the two agents start
explaining what the children need to do. Also the image shows this step in the recipe. Once done with
a step, the child spins the recipe disk one step further and the agents start explaining the subsequent
step. The two agents guide the children through the recipe from gathering the ingredients until the
plating of the dish. Next to this guidance, the agents also explain important facts about food and
healthy lifestyles.
During the steps in which the children have to use the cooking tools, their usage is monitored. When a
child uses the tool inappropriately, i.e. a child is mashing potatoes by pushing really hard; the two
agents guide the child to using the tool properly via auditory feedback.
Technical specifications
To build the network of interactive tools within the learning environment, Jeenodes (Wippler, 2009)
were used. The JeeNode is a small wireless board with an 8-bit microprocessor and compatible with
the Arduino platform and programmable in Windows. The main Jeenode was built in the cabinet and
functioned as communicator between the interactive tools and two agents. Each interactive tool had a
Jeenode inside, as well as a battery pack and a specific sensor, depending on the function of the tool
and the sort of feedback. Via radio frequencies the signals from the Jeenode inside a tool was send to
the main Jeenode inside the cabinet. This main Jeenode was programmed to receive the signal and
act accordingly by using the Processing platform on top of the Arduino platform to be able to include
audio for the two agents.
Next to the network of agents, the main Jeenode also functioned as a reader of the recipe disk. Each
recipe disk consists out of two sides; one side with images representing the steps of a recipe, and
another side holding RFID tags representing the same steps of a recipe by holding a specific tag
number. These RFID numbers were read by an RFID reader, attached to the main Jeenode, after
which the according audio record was played, simulating the auditory explanation of the recipe by the
two agents.
Evaluation of the interactive learning environment
After the development of the interactive learning environment it was tested with a group of children on
fun, knowledge, interaction and attitude, confidence and self-efficacy.
Methodology
Each session in which children participated in cooking a dish within the interactive learning
environment, called the Supersous game, was recorded. This recording was mainly done for creating
a promotional video afterwards, but could also function as an extra tool for observation. During the
sessions the researcher was observed the children directly.
Moreover, for retrieving specific answers about the fun factor, knowledge, interaction and attitude a
semi-structured interview technique (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002) was used. To develop the questions and
structure of the semi-structured interview, the questionnaires developed and validated for
Supershopper (Scheffers, Linden & Zadelaar, 2009) and Superchefs (Linssen, 2010) were used.
These questions mainly focus on different parameters within behavioural changes, e.g. knowledge,
attitude, self-efficacy and confidence. The questions were adopted, and sometimes adapted for
retrieving deeper insight. Moreover, questions about the interaction were added.
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Ten children from the after school day care centre in the age group of 7 to 11 years participated in the
evaluation. The children were allowed to play on their own (single play), in a pair of even with three
children at a time. One pair of boys and two pairs of girls, one group of three girls and one boy alone
played the Supersous game. The children were allowed to pick one of four recipes that were
available.
Figure 3: Two boys participating in the evaluation of the Supersous game; preparing cruesli.
Results
The results will be discussed per category, e.g. fun, knowledge, interaction and attitude, confidence
and self-efficacy.
Fun
All of the children indicate that they would like to play the game again, and that they thought it was fun
to do. However, three girls (11 years old) did indicate that it was quite an easy game for them. A boy
said that he especially liked the jokes the male agent made, and that he liked the fact that he could
prepare the recipe all by himself and show his mother. This was also indicated by three other
participants. All girls indicated that they liked cooking, and they thought it was fun to do together. The
more experienced chefs, also indicate that is was more fun for them to prepare recipes that they have
never made before. Moreover, a boy said “Maybe we can prepare the salmon wraps or another
recipe next time and give these out to the others?”.
Knowledge
Six of the ten children indicated that they learned from the game, the other four claimed that the
interactive learning environment had taught them nothing new.
Eight out of ten children had noticed that the agents told them facts about food and healthy living. All
children knew the concept of the ‘Wheel of Five’, and knew roughly which parts are included in this
wheel. After having prepared a dish, four children indicated that they knew the compartments of the
‘Wheel of Five’ better, but still not precisely. Moreover, some noted that they did not know all facts
that were explained during the preparation of the recipe.
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Also, when answering the questions, the children indicated that they actually have learned, but point
out that they have learned a recipe, or a specific preparation technique, instead of facts about food.
All of the children were enthusiastic about the game, and two of them also reported this to their
parents. The children indicated that they would like to make a recipe another time. Two children
proudly presented their parents what they had made.
Interaction
All children indicated that they liked the link between spinning the recipe disk and the storytelling by
the guides. However, some indicated that turning the wheel was a bit difficult, and that it was unclear
which way.
Also, four children thought that the auditory feedback from the agents while using the tools was
useful. However, they also mentioned that the first time it is hard to grasp ‘what is happening’ and
how to adjust the technique. Moreover, four girls did not get any feedback from the agents on using
the tools, since they used them properly. Also, three children indicated that ‘it felt weird’ to get
auditory feedback from the agents while cutting or peeling something, since ‘I was cutting over here,
and the pear started talking over there’.
Moreover, some children indicated that for example the knife was too big to be used properly, and
that sometimes the agents responded quite quickly, e.g. the sensor was too sensitive.
Attitude, Confidence and Self-efficacy
All of the boys indicated that they never cook, but that they would be able to make more recipes by
using the interactive learning environment Supersous. One of the girls says that she does cook
sometimes, but only fairly simple recipes, and often more snacks and not healthy recipes. All children
think they would be able to make healthier recipes if they would play the game more often. Also some
girls indicated that if they knew more healthy recipes, they would more easily make healthy recipes.
All of the children also think that the actual preparation would go better if they would cook more often.
After having played with the interactive learning environment Supersous all children were confident
they were able to prepare more recipes in the future. Eight of the ten children also indicated that their
technique (cutting, peeling etc.) would improve as they would cook more.
All children showed an open and positive attitude towards cooking, and some even asked when they
could prepare another recipe. Also, especially the boys admitted that they did not think that would like
cooking so much.
Discussion
The aim of this project was to create an interactive learning environment that teaches children how to
prepare a recipe and facts about healthy food. Via three iterations a game was developed. The results
of an explorative evaluation shows promising results on the parameter ‘attitude’, ‘confidence’ and
‘fun’. However, the game was now evaluated with only ten children and by using qualitative research
methods; this means that results can only be accounted for as promising indications and not facts.
As Contento (2007) describes in her work ‘person related factors such as perceptions, beliefs and
attitudes play a role in influencing eating patterns and food related behaviour’ (pg 43). Therefore, the
change in attitude towards cooking and healthy living occurring in the children that have played the
game once, suggest that this will only continue in the long term. However, this does not immediately
mean change of eating behaviour in adolescence and adulthood. Though, playing the Supersous
game would create a healthy starting point, as Kelder, Perry, Klepp and Lytle (1994) state “children
learn their eating habits during childhood and pursue their consumption pattern into young adulthood”.
Furthermore, parents play an important role in children’s perceptions, beliefs and attitudes (Savage,
Fisher, and Birch, 2007). As indicated at the results multiple children would like to involve their
parents in the cooking process, and want to show his or her prepared recipe to the parents. Also, the
parents indicated that they liked that the children prepared healthy dishes, instead of cookies or other
snacks. This notion could be beneficial for the attitude, since it was also apparent that the children
wanted their parents to be proud of them, e.g. the parents could enforce the positive attitude towards
healthy food.
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Next to attitude, confidence plays a role in changing children’s eating behaviour. Confidence plays an
important role in a child’s self-efficacy, since children are more motivated as they are more confident
they can reach a certain goal. The children thought that practicing the skills of cooking would help
them in developing towards a healthy lifestyle.
Closely related to confidence, is knowledge. Knowing about a healthy life style is the basis for change
(Contento, 2007). As the children indicated themselves, they feel that they learn mostly in preparing
recipes and cooking techniques. Nevertheless, it seems that the children also learn actual facts about
healthy living, but not concisely. As a boy indicated that he hadn’t learned from the game, but he did
brag to his mother that he knew he should eat 200 grams of vegetables.
This unconscious learn possibly has to do with the set-up of the learning element in the game. The
different facts are presented via a dialogue between the two agent and are spread over the recipes.
Therefore not all the facts can be learned after preparing one dish. Nevertheless, it was apparent that
the children do listen to the characters and remember what has been said about healthy food.
Fun is also determined as an important factor for learning (Marshall, 2007; Xie, Antle & Motamedi,
2008). The children all mentioned they enjoyed playing the game. Also interesting is the fact that the
children did not even notice that facts about healthy food were integrated in the game; it appears that
the learning element is hidden in the game. Also some children said things like “Oh, this I can do
more often” or “Now I can show my mom that I can also make recipes”, indicating that they would like
to play the game more often.
As the results indicate, this project shows a promising direction for future research. For this specific
project, however, minor changes in the interaction should be implemented. As some children
indicated the interaction with the tools in combination with the verbal feedback, seems to be
decoupled. Therefore, the interaction with the tools could benefit from the implementation of inherent
feedback, as proposed by Djajadiningrat, Wensveen, Frens and Overbeeke (2004). Moreover, it might
be beneficial for the interactive learning environment, as well as for the children to personalize the
feedback by tracking results, for a faster learning curve. Changes, which can be included in future
work on this specific project.
Conclusion
In this paper we have presented the development and experiential evaluation of the interactive
learning environment; the Supersous game. The aim of this game is to change children’s eating
behavior towards living a healthier life, by addressing their knowledge about healthy living, altering
their attitude towards cooking and helping them to feel confident about living healthier. Via different
iterations this game has been developed by means of ideating, creating and evaluating. The eventual
learning environment has been evaluated with ten children from an after school day care. The results
show an alternation of confidence and attitude towards healthy living. Moreover, the evaluation shows
that children are having fun in playing the Supersous game, and would like to cook more often. The
results indicate a promising direction for future research within this area.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the Netherlands Nutrition Centre (Voedingscentrum) for supporting this
project, Korein Kinderplein for allowing us to run the explorations in their facilities and the children for
participating and evaluating our ideas and concepts.
246
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Design for the Next-Food ©.
An alternative approach of Food
Design focused on social and system
innovation.
Loredana Di Lucchio
PhD, Researcher Professor. Department of Design, Technology, Landscape, Environment Sapienza
Università di Roma
[email protected]
Abstract
The paper reports an experimental research aimed to a paradigmatic transition from Food Design to
Design ‘for’ Food.
Food Design has a very wide range of features; in general it refers to all those activities dealing with
means, times and instruments, as well as methods of preservation and presentation of the dishes. In
particular, Food Design assigns ‘added value’ to the food, distant from the its nutritional function, as
its symbolic content and, indirectly, its historic and ceremonial content. But too often this Design
activity seems to lose any motivation and any real ability to improve and modify current social or
economic models. In fact, under a sort of drift toward the ‘futility’, Food Design rejects the most
important mission of Design - develop the material and immaterial apparatus of future societies –
focusing on more instant desires. Under another point of view, Design ‘for’ Food tries to overcome this
classical approach, in order to consider the relationship between agro-food industry (production),
nutrition requests (social needs) and technological and environmental conditions (innovation). Its
approach is based on the criteria of Design for Social Innovation and of Service Design: in fact, the
first considers the improvement of society as whole the primary aim of Design, the second one moves
from a product-centred approach to a process-centred method.
The general aim of the experimental research reported on this paper has been to explore the
opportunities for Design to improve its capability to produce innovation: (1) giving responses to
specific needs in order to face off real social challenges, (2) developing possible productive
alternatives, (3) imagining new processes for the societies of the future.
The research has been organized in three phases, each one based on a complementary
methodology. The first one, called ‘research spheres’, has been focused on the mapping-matching of
the latest scientific researches with the aim to evaluate which could be possible areas of innovation.
In order to this, experts from the agriculture science, nutritional medical science, material engineering,
chemical, management, have been involved. The second phase, called ‘points of innovation’, will be
organized as one-week workshop in collaboration with some companies of the agro-food industry in
order to evaluate a conscious benchmarking of the production system based on the first phase
results. During the last phase, called ‘meta-concepts’, the developed design proposals have
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described some long-term opportunities for the agro-food industry according to three scenario:
techno-food, bio-agriculture and health-life.
The result of this experimental research, which we called ‘Design for the Next-Food ©’, has been to
recognize possible fields where Design can act in order to improve possible social innovation
opportunities. Also, another interesting result has been to improve a different relationship between
scientific research, production and consumption: in fact the developed design proposals are not only
productive opportunities for companies but, overall, an address for new scientific research activities
for Design and for the other involved disciplines.
Keywords : agro-food industry, innovation by design, product-service system design,
consumption behaviors, strategic design.
Food Design: futility vs utility.
Although many experts date back the birth of Food Design with the birth of French 'Nouvelle Cuisine'
in the '70s - a cuisine characterized by an increased emphasis on ‘presentation’ of dishes - the use
(and abuse) of the term ‘Food Design’, as we now recognize it, started in the past 15 years.
Rather than through true awareness, the exploitation of these Design field is due more to the
phenomenon of ‘media pollution,’ which is involving Design as a sort of ‘magic ingredient’ that makes
everything extraordinary.
In fact, the "era" when production can create the markets is finished. It is not anymore a question of
top-down inputs but botton-up stimulus: and the companies must be able to answer at the market
desires as soon as possible. Nowadays, the competitive answer is going towards an iper-production
process where the purchases happen for substitution of goods and not for their addition (G. Fabris,
2003).
And if in the past, the rule was the creation of safe products for all and the improvement the material
quality, today instead, the rule is the creation of extraordinary objects to attract the “right” people. This
is a sort of silent revolution that implies a paradigmatic transfer from the mass-production to the masscustomization: not more production but specific niches of production. (R. McKenna, 2007)
In this way a new idea of production is born, described in the marketing theory of “Purple Cow” (S.
Godin, 2004), according to which the companies must produce only extraordinary objects.
But if in one hand the approach of “Purple Cow” guarantees visibility in a world of banal massproducts to avoid any homologation process; in the other hand, it forget the quality value of the
objects and adds always new functional and aesthetical extras, with the risk to transform, in the
collective imagining, these objects in gadgets.
This is an anxiety of extraordinary that pushes the nowadays Design towards the development of
complex objects, distant from the actual needs of consumers, from the real human experiences that
are result of the daily actions, of the human biology, of the social culture.
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A hyper-choice that distorts the Baudrillard’s notion of hyper-goods (1987) and produce a banalization
of experiences, also because of the spectacular exploiting of new digital technologies: we are living
the passage, described by Karl Popper (1984), from the certain, tidy and predictable “world of
watches” to the irregular, changeable, unforeseeable “world of clouds”.
According these digressions, today Food Design refers to all those activities more dealing with
means, times and instruments, as well as methods of preservation and presentation of the dishes,
rather than the food itself.
Therefore, if food is ‘what people need to live’, and a dish is ‘a specific ration of food consumed in a
meal’, it should be more correct speak of ‘Dish’ Design because it refers to the symbolic content of
food and, indirectly, to its historic and ceremonial content than the nutritional function.
In this way, Food Design embodies in itself one of the focuses of design: in particular, its ability to
work on the functions of the emotional process, which is closely linked to the cognitive process, or
rather to the ‘aesthetic emotion’ triggered by objects, and which Norman described so well a few
years ago.
The issue is that, too often, Food Design doesn't work in order to emphasize the emotional aspects
within a more wide vision but it works exclusively on these.
Food Design seeking to invent new rituals and uses; it interprets food as social and cultural status
symbol; it explores and experiments new dishes, smart packaging, alternative food spaces typologies,
future food solutions, even taking a look at current consumption trends in the food industry.
(Sanderson, Raymond, 2008; Maffei, Parini, 2010, Vogelzang, 2010)
And so, we assist to a sort of eclectic drift of the Design focus: a misalignment between the ‘language
of the object’, the ‘social communication’ and the ‘sensory perception’ described by B. E. Burdek
(1991) as the correct focuses for the design action.
A misalignment which shifted Design in a ground whose boundaries are not at all homogenous with a
continuous overlap between the clarified purpose of utility and the rhizomatic fascination of futility.
In fact utility is understood as a response to a specific need, whether technical, cultural or economic;
while, futility is linked to the Deleuzian (1980) metaphor of research ‘which advances in multiples, with
no clearly-defined entrance or exit points and without any internal hierarchy’.
This is the exactly condition of Food Design which works in a constant balance between the
proliferation of ‘products for food’ - packaging, utensils, wrappers, instruments - and ‘products of food’
- where food becomes a ‘material’ in a sort of transfiguration between designer and chef.
Therefore, for Food Design, futility is understood as a search for performance, aesthetic and
innovative qualities, taken to the limits, exceeding any effective need and therefore becoming an
exercise of style, self-referential and narcissistic.
But at the same time, this ‘futile’ vision of Design seems to not have any determination and any real
ability to change current social or economic models, in terms of production or consumption.
A world-wide question.
While Food Design evolves itself in this perspective, the productive and consuming scenario related
to food is became more and more critical, especially from the beginning of new century.
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According to a United Nations study, in the 2050, the world population will be around 9 billion, 2 more
than today. This means that the food production must increase over the 50%, especially rice, corn
and grain production.
In the meantime, the basic food prices have increased worryingly. As FAO Food Price Index - that
measures the monthly change in international prices of a basket of food commodities – reports, in
recent years, wheat prices increased by 130%, soya price by 87%, corn price by 53%, and rice price,
the primary food source for over half of the world's population, by 70%.
If the consequences are absolutely dramatic in low-income and less-developed countries, nowadays
the effects are become tangible even in mature societies: the same Food Price Index reports that the
cost of buying groceries in Europe has risen to 20% of the annual wage of an average worker.
The situation becomes even more complicated if we add the fact that a major share of cereal cultures
(especially in developing countries) is used to produce fuels and that this production is now heavily
subsidized by the governments of Western countries, despite the not encouraging results: for
instance, the U.S. use 20% of its corn to produce 5 billion gallons of ethanol which will substitute 1%
of oil use. If 100% of corn was used, only 7% of the total need of oil would be substituted .
Another critical feature that involve the worldwide food system is about the use of energy and its
consequent pollution. According to the ‘Stern Report’ (2006), agriculture (cultivation and breeding)
accounts for 14% emissions, land use (referring largely to deforestation) accounts for 18%, and
transport accounts for 14%. Only the increasing transport of fresh food, which could be grown locally,
is part of these 14% emissions.
Therefore don’t be surprised if the idea of the “finiteness of the Earth” is the basis for the economic,
geo-political and social studies of the last decade. According to them, studying the impact of human
activities on the ecosystem, we have reached what we could call ‘the age of recognizing our limits’
when it comes to agriculture: because more than oil, silicon, or uranium, the world is running out of
food!
This is the reason because many economic and scientific efforts of mature capitalist countries and,
even more, of the major multinationals have focused on the food industry in recent years.
The requests of food-industry
Therefore the food industry not only meets the primary needs of nutrition but, from an economic point
of view, it represents one of the most complex and vast sectors in the economic world. Good enough
to consider that the food sector envelops from simple agricultural production (planting, industrial
cultivation, fruits and vegetables, plants and flowers) to stock farming (dairy, zootechnics) to the
transformation and production of foods (bread, pasta, flour, etc.).
In this industrial sector the products are identified in levels, from the first where the product obtained
undergoes no processing — like fruits and vegetables — to the fifth level where the product is a result
of a long and diversified transformation process.
This productive complexity is not a contemporary condition of the industrial sector but it is the result of
a centennial history of the agricultural evolution.
It is known that, anthropologically, the birth of agriculture can be considered the first true ‘industrial’
revolution of humanity. Indeed, the birth of agriculture, or rather its ‘domestication’, can be considered
the beginning of that evolutionary pathway that has led us, with no possible alternatives, to our current
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society. It was with the introduction of agricultural practices, that nomad peoples established the first
urban groupings in remote times, domesticated animals for work, and developed the concept of land
ownership on which the foundations of territory, country, kingdom, nation, etc. were established.
This was an ‘industrial’ revolution, long before the term was invented, if we consider that agriculture,
unlike it is currently believed, has always been a place for the artificial (the antithesis to the natural)
where every process and action aimed to modify the nature of plant (and animal) species to adapt
them to living with humans and being controlled by them.
This artificialisation, or rather, anthropisation of nature has been an incessant process aiming for
optimal productivity, in order to satisfy the most ancestral need of humans: the survival of the species.
Until the mid-1800s, this process was based primarily on artisanal activities (except for the production
of liquors and spices) that were geographically specific both for production and consumption. With the
invention of refrigeration (patented in 1851 in the United States by John Gorrie), we saw a radical and
unstoppable change: that which historians called ‘delocalization’ of food tastes that led to the food
globalization process that is culminating in our times.
And so, food has become a product for mass consumption, a true industrial product in the established
sense of series production, programmed and linked to profit which, like any other mass-produced
product, requires the planning of its entire lifecycle.
In the last decade, several areas of knowledge — from agricultural sciences to chemistry and physics,
from technological sciences to medicine and even architecture and regional planning in certain
aspects — have taken up the challenge initiating major changes to the food industry.
In particular, these researches are moving in two directions: one that we could call ‘functional foods’,
designed to improve nutrition, preserve nutritional content and eliminate damaging components; while
the other is ‘high-performance foods’ where the focus is on defining new foods that meet specific
needs, especially for consumers of mature societies.
Nano-engineering is king in this area of research. And it's no accident that multinational food
industries have invested over €2 billion in the last eight years to develop nanotechnologies directly for
foods or packaging.
In the past few years, Samsung for example, has launched refrigerators that use nano-silver to
reduce the formation of bacteria in food. It uses micro filters that are so small that they can trap
microorganisms and viruses. And while the color can be removed from beet juice and red wine can be
turned into white wine in the laboratory, we are already seeing lactose-free milk and micro-filtered
beer in everyday production. In its laboratories, Kraft is developing a ‘programmable’ beverage, in
which, using correctly synthesized microwaves, nano-capsules containing the desired ingredients can
be activated, while others are not, and will be eliminated by our bodies as simple food ‘waste’ .
However, important researches are underway on how to develop alternative cultivation models, which
would increase productivity even in non-favorable areas.
One of the largest is the Thanet Earth project in Kent, England (costing £80 million) and uses
hydroponic culture technologies: plants are hung from the ceiling (at 8 m from the floor) in long rows
fed by a drip system with water, nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium and magnesium. Bees are released
to pollinate the plants and wasps, ladybugs and other insects are used to eliminate any parasites. All
this is protected from climatic changes and artificial lighting is used to extend the photosynthesis
process throughout part of the night. The goal of Thanet Earth is to increase fruit and vegetable
production in the United Kingdom by at least 15%. (www.thanetearth.com).
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However in addition to these projects, which certainly aim for profits, there are other projects
experimenting with new agro-food practices.
One of these is the current phenomenon of urban gardens or of vertical farms. Based on estimates
that almost 80% of the world's population will live in urban areas by 2050, the ‘zero-mile diet’ concept
(more technically, the ‘short supply chain’) has been imposed.
And if in Europe this phenomenon is linked to a more deep-rooted social and political tradition, it is
interesting to note that more radical solutions are experimented in U.S. In the 2008, Burpee Seeds
(www.burpee.com) - the most big Retail Store Chains of seeds, plants and gardens products in the
North of America – increased his sales by 200%; and, in the 2009, one of the most sold magazines
has been Urban Garden Magazine, dedicated to the organic and hydroponic cultivation.
(http://urbangardenmagazine.com)
It's no accident that, in light of the 2008 economic crisis, also the American government launched truly
innovative and specific green economy policies to support and encourage local, sustainable and
organic agriculture; promoting the development and consumption of renewable energy sources; and
making food traceability mandatory.
And, last but not least, the fact that the 2015 World Expo, to be held in Milan, has focused on the topic
of food, summarizing it in four keywords: food, energy, planet, life. According to the organizers, the
goal is to create room for tradition, creativity, and innovation in the food sector, in light of the new
global scenarios. (www.expo2015.org)
However, in the social and economic context described, where food represents ‘the new oil’ and
where the subtlest geo-economic exchanges are being played out, does it make sense for Design to
continue along is futile path?
Indeed, what opportunities can there be if Design begins to move towards the extreme of utility – as a
response to specific needs, as stated above - in order to face true challenges, develop possible
alternatives, and imagine new productive connections?
The goal is no longer to simply investigate expressive, functional and communicative possibilities of
production, and begins to focus on the social, economic - and even ethical - consequences of living in
a specific society: therefore there is room to act for Design if it abandons its ‘passive’ approach to
instead focus on ‘productive models for the ecosystem’.
A focus directly connected with the approach recognized as ‘Social Innovation’, where the focus is on
the development and implementation of new ideas (products, services and models) to meet social
needs.
Applying the approach of Social Innovation to the agro-food industry, mean to overcome the classical
vision of the food sector as a simple producer of foodstuffs and instead considering the relationship
between agriculture (cultivation and breeding), social needs and, not least, the features of
landscapes.
Design ‘for’ Food: a social and productive opportunity.
In an ideal “closing of circle”, now it seems to be the time to start a new revolution in the food sector.
The third revolution after the first and ancient agriculture revolution that pushed the nomadic
population of the Mesolithic Era to invent the cultivation and the breeding; and after the more recent
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industrial revolution (in its several phases) solved the fears of Thomas Malthus about the
overpopulation thanks to the big increases of productivity.
This urgent 'third revolution' is what D. Meadows and others (2004) have called sustainable
revolution, a long-time change conscious that only the technological innovation and the market
mechanism are not sufficient to prevent the collapse of the system.
A paradigmatic change of view that recognizes, in the food sector, a clearer place to identify true
needs in terms of environmental sustainability, pollution reduction, health safety, prevention of
illnesses and attention to renewable energy sources and climate change.
The possible role of Design within this sustainable revolution is to redefine the consumption behaviors
and the production processes throughout new products and services with recombine, according to
Social-Ecological System (SES), all human actors (social, economic and productive actors) with nonhuman components (biological and natural processes).
This specific vision of Design for agro-food industry has been at the basis for a research and didactic
project developed by the author during the last year.
The students of the Postgraduate Course in Product Design of the University where the author works,
have worked as design team; while several companies from different sectors of food-industry vegetables production, transformation of third level, packaging, distribution, branding - have been
involved as stakeholders.
This project, called ‘Design for Next Food©’, has been organized in three complementary phases,
each one with a specific aim and with a different methodological approach.
The first phase, called ‘research spheres’, has been focused on the mapping-matching of the latest
scientific researches with the aim to evaluate which could be possible areas of innovation.
In this phase, experts from the agriculture science, nutritional medical science, and management
were involved in a different thematic lectures during which students, helped by experts, have worked
on a brainstorming to better understand the urgent issues focused on the food industry in the different
fields of research.
The final goal of this phase, was to build a knowledge map thanks to a tool called ‘focus index’: a
reasoned index of the most interesting researches in different disciplines (research files) described
with key-words and linked each one with other according to possible interrelationships between them.
Therefore each research was considered a ‘node’ of the map.
At the end of this phase, three knowledge maps has been developed:
-
Techno-Food, which includes all researches especially in the nano-technological sciences that
work on the improvement of food performances (Figure 1);
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Figure 1: Visual Knowledge Map about “Techno-Food” researches.
-
Bio-Agriculture, which includes all researches in the agriculture science and Engineering sciences
that work on the exploitation of alternative and more ecological agricultural processes (Figure 2);
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-
Figure 2: Visual Knowledge Map about “Bio-Agriculture” researches.
-
Health-Life, which includes all researches in the medical and biological sciences that consider
food not only for nutrition function but also as medical performances (Figure 3).
-
Figure 3: Visual Knowledge Map about “Health-Life” researches.
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Each one of these can be considered as a guideline both for design research also for the other
involved disciplines research. In fast, the structure of the knowledge maps, based on nodes and
connections, helps to reading in a multidisciplinary perspective each singular research.
The second phase, called ‘points of innovation’, has been organized as one-week workshop during
which each company has presented its specific activities and has given to the design team a specific
brief. In particular: Barilla (www.barillagroup.com) has presented the latest research on fresh products
as important diversification of its hard-core business; Unilever Italy (www.unilever.it) has described
the nowadays consumption scenario about fifth-level food products; CRPV, an Italian Research
centre on the Vegetable Production (www.crpv.it), has presented their experimentations about the
organic production. Moreover, the students design teams have been guided by a Strategic Design
Group (www.acrobatik.it) which works, in particular, on developing of new competitiveness scenarios
for companies.
The aim of this workshop has been to recognize possible fields of design experimentation according
which propose a real innovation both for food production and consumption.
This phase has been informed by the methodological approach of Social Innovation. In particular the
approach of Social Innovation which involves primarily the private companies and therefore considers
at the same time the social needs and the companies aims. This approach pushes companies to look
beyond their business 'defensive measures' to make sure they ‘do no harm’ to initiatives where they
are able to create much wider positive impacts on the communities they effect.
Of course, the workshop has been focused to join the aims of each different companies involved
(Barilla, Unilever, CRPV) in a new scenario of food consumption. At the end of these phase, four
different consumption scenarios have been described, de-constructing the relationship between
products and people in order to understand different consumption value and, after, to re-define more
socially and culturally sustainable relationship.
In particular “Byou” and “Farmlife” are two scenarios focused on the new attention to a domestic
garden as possible reply to a need of more natural quality of food, especially of vegetables and fruits.
The proposal is to transform the companies in stakeholder of a different system of domestic gardens,
linking the purchase of their products in a direct benefit for consumers which have a domestic garden.
Thanks to a dedicated e-community, consumers can improve a personal 'gardening credit', buying
some specific products: after this 'gardening credit' can spent to obtain product or service to expand
or develop the own domestic garden. In this way, companies undertake, by selling their products, to
develop this social practice rather than be direct antagonists. (Figure from 4 to 15)
‘Foodcard’ and ‘VendingSana’ are the other two scenarios focused on the the conflict which lives
today between lack of time and need to return to healthier eating habits. The idea is to encourage
some typical habits of mass-consumption, in particular the consumption of snacks and street food,
towards more traditional and natural food products, especially fresh foods. The Companies, according
to their retailing strategy, could diversify their products join fresh food with more organic and natural
snacks. At the same time the consumers could be facilitate to have this kind of purchases thanks to
'fidelity cards' and 'spending reward points'.
During the final phase, called ‘meta-concepts’, a more typical Design activity has been developed in
order to define new product or service concepts finalizing to improve one of the scenarios previously
defined.
This final Design activity was based on a methodological approach of back-casting which presents not
only a social and productive opportunities but, also, an address for new scientific research activities
both for Design and for other involved disciplines. Therefore, each concepts was inspired by one or
258
more researches analyzed in one of the knowledge maps of first phase, requiring for its developing
not only the design expertise but also the expertise from other disciplines.
-
Figure 4: Consumption Scenario “FarmLife” – Students Silvia Ruggero, Kritia Olivieri.
-
Figure 5: ‘FarmLife’, a brainstorming map developed during the one week workshop.
259
-
Figure 6: ‘FarmLife’, the inputs from the consumption behavior of the ‘management on-line game’.
-
Figure 7: ‘FarmLife’, the conceptual structure of new productive and consumption system.
260
-
Figure 8: ‘FarmLife’, the stakeholders framework.
-
Figure 9: ‘FarmLife’, the users.
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-
Figure 10: ‘FarmLife’, the communication system.
-
Figure 11: ‘FarmLife’, the different consumers actions enabled by the system.
262
-
Figure 12: ‘FarmLife’, the ICT used by the system.
-
Figure 13: ‘FarmLife’, the possible benefits for involved companies.
263
-
Figure
-
Figure 15: ‘FarmLife’, the product concept developed to improve the system.
14:
‘FarmLife’,
different
food
sectors
involved
by
system.
264
Conclusions
The aim of this research project has been to recognize a real useful role for Design within the agrofood industry. But, also, it tried to push towards a true paradigmatic switch from the approach of ‘Food
Design’ toward a new useful approach which can called Design ‘for’ Food: therefore not more
designing of something (food or tools ‘around’ food) but designing in the interest of something (the
activity of nutrition).
Moreover, the attempt to join the positive feature of different design approaches - a multidisciplinary
researching approach for the first phase, a strategically designing approach for the second one, and a
conceptual back-casting approach for the third phase - was aimed to not close the Design capability
in a limited vision of innovation according which system innovation and social innovation are
considered alternative.
Indeed, the idea of a Design 'for' Food industry must reflect and work at the same time on the social
experiences that define human desires which companies can satisfy as well as on a sustainable
answer to the productive crisis, to inexorable globalization and to the environmental issues of
contemporary.
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266
Food Design and Well-being: a
research into cooking behaviour and
well-being to guide designing for
behaviour change.
Joanne Lin
Aalto University School of Arts, Design and Architecture
Abstract
This paper explores Food Design from the standpoint of behaviour change, especially when we are
considering well-being. Specifically, this paper looks at cooking behaviour through an extensive
research conducted recently, here it is summarised into a compact appetiser. As designers, we
intuitively know that various aspects of food relate to our well-being, but do we really consider the type
of behaviour change food related designs have and the impact they can have on our well-being?
Efforts considering behaviour change in a deeper manner seem to be a major gap in Food Design.
Those few that actually deal with behaviour change usually align to food movements (e.g. Jamie
Oliver Foundation/Eataly/Slow Food). However, before we go further to encourage more designs for
behaviour change, perhaps what we really need to do is to understand what the behaviour is. The
assumption is that behaviours as complex as cooking behaviour need more specific and holistic
approaches to create more lasting changes.
In this paper, we explore the area of cooking behaviour and well-being through a cooking behaviour
framework consolidated from topical research. This was complemented by fieldwork conducted in
Finland, in 2011. This consisted of in-depth interviews with six couples about eating and cooking,
conducted during a weekday dinner preparation and eating event. All this formed the content of a
Master’s thesis where more details can be found.
The framework attempts to provide a holistic understanding of cooking behaviour structured by
understanding key concepts from behaviour theories. Designing for cooking behaviour change can
hopefully benefit from such a framework, designers can refer to in understanding cooking and wellbeing. We will notice from the framework that much of Food Design that tried to confront cooking and
well-being tackle only a few attributes of cooking behaviour or rather cooking as a merely
predetermined activity. Based on the findings from the case study, the paper therefore proposes why
design for behaviour change should focus more on solutions and opportunities that create
intergenerational change, though also consider designing for triggers and priming of the individual
towards cooking.
The paper wraps up with two interesting findings from the case study that could provide longer-term
behaviour change. The examples therefore already reveal potential areas for design intervention and
further research. However, these examples are only suggestions and still need time, resources and
creativity to be developed and assessed. Nonetheless they reinforce how the framework paired with
contextual research can guide and inspire Food Design for cooking behaviour.
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Keywords Well-being, cooking behaviour, design for behaviour/change, design research, Food
Design
INTRODUCTION
In the area of Food Design, the combination of cooking behaviour and well-being seem to exist on an
intuitive level especially through efforts advocating cooking skills and nutrition. Many within the food
movement circle acknowledge that knowing the source of food till we digest it is important for our
general well-being (Jamie Oliver, Michael Pollan) and can easily identify the touch points within the
food system process. However the research highlighted in this paper was birthed from the perspective
of not taking this ‘common knowledge’ for granted and thus to always gather current information for
investigations. There was also the pressing question about whether today’s efforts through Food
Design have been addressing mainly food enthusiasts, instead of the everyday cook or everyday
eater.
In this deep-dive back into the topic of cooking, the background information supporting the
investigation will reveal the key attributes that constitute cooking behaviour, which was processed and
organised through the understanding of Piaget’s concept of behaviour development and the critiques
surrounding it. Conclusions were then visualised into a proposed framework, which guided the
investigation in a Finnish context to demonstrate how the framework can help to extract relevant
findings which in turn provide direction for designers to proceed with.
This paper therefore greatly summarises the research, paying more attention to the derivation and
function of the framework and the findings from the case study that demonstrate the benefit of
understanding behaviour when attempting change through design. It also hopes to raise more
conscientious Food Design efforts towards behaviour change in the area of cooking that contributes
to our well-being greatly.
With this fresh insight into the area of cooking behaviour, I hope it can equip Food Designers with the
tools and understanding of cooking to start finding solutions and ideas to facilitate positive behaviour
change. This positive direction can be understood as the relationship between cooking and well-being
and the general direction we hope to strive towards. How we reach this direction would require us to
also understand how behaviour change can happen through priming, triggers and even
intergenerational change; which could probably reap more effective and long-term outcomes.
BACKGROUND
Food Design
In the vast area of Food Design, different practitioners have varying interpretations of such designs
depending on their scope and approach to it. Some take a broader angle whereby the shaping and
reproducibility of food qualify it as an effort of Food Design (Stummer and Hablesreiter, 2010). Others
regard Food Design as a tool or material to facilitate instructions or messages (Guixé, 2010). Even
chefs are classified under the Food Design umbrella sometimes due to their efforts of system change
or gastronomic craft (Maffei and Parini, 2010).
Perhaps those that deal with more behavioural qualities, though not explicitly, lean towards Guixé’s
and other Eating Designers’ (e.g. Marije Vogelzang) approach of design; as useful and powerful
facilitating tools to address consumer or social issues. However, the extent of change is often
questionable, therefore somewhat lacking when seen through the lens of behaviour change.
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Perhaps due to how food is such an integrated part of our lives, and how gradual behaviour towards
food and systems to deliver food have changed over time, we think we know food but perhaps it is the
structures that surround food that are shaping our behaviour, perhaps even unconsciously. Consider
how the advent of the freezer and microwave has changed methods of storage and food preparation,
and foods that in turn support the usage of these equipment. Although some may argue that hardcore
industrial design products of Food Design should therefore be considered as behaviour changing, I
question if most of the time such products concern themselves mainly with sensorial goals, innovation
and being uniquely positioned than being concerned about our well-being.
I have no contention with approaches, but with this paper I hope to challenge designers that deal with
the area of food to consider designing more actively for our behaviour or for behaviour change that is
well-being orientated. This paper is therefore a stepping-stone into one area of behaviour that
resonates strongly with the area of food, cooking behaviour. I hope the extensive research will also
give designers a more holistic understanding and strategy to deal with this behaviour through design.
Cooking
The richest source of information regarding the topic of cooking was actually found in the field of
Social Sciences. However, concerning the everyday life, it is still a growing study that is slowly gaining
momentum. Similarly, such investigation is also gaining attention in the food movement scene.
These studies have pointed out that different people have different understandings of cooking, from
cooking from scratch, a view held by many food writers, to a task that goes beyond ‘routine
housework’, to the extension of ‘self presentation and identity formation’ (Bugge, 2003:3). Therefore
writers like Short (2006) have acknowledged in her work, that it is difficult to ‘view [people] as a
collective of cooks, working within a clearly identifiable craft with set skills, rationales and standards.’
(Ibid.:74) Depending on who we are cooking for, what we are cooking and which occasion it is for
combined with other influencing factors, we may exercise different skills when preparing food.
This points to why we cannot measure cooking by skills alone, which tends to be narrowly linked to
mechanical aspects of such activities (Singleton, 1978. Wellens, 1974). Lyon, Colquhoun and
Alexander (2003) who have tried to trace the progress of food preparation skills have noted that this
learning needs to be directed towards creativity, especially with and despite of the social and
technological changes that surround us (Ibid.: 9). As a designer, it is important to take note of this so
that we are not restricted merely by the kitchen product genre when we think about ‘cooking’ but
consider the term in its entirety and composition.
To consolidate the research and key findings found in this area, an initial framework (Figure 1) was
created to visualise the main attributes that were mentioned that affected cooking behaviour, aspects
of a person’s cooking skills or basically the areas affecting an individual’s uptake of cooking.
The way to understand this framework is not by scale, where a larger box might represent a larger
influence towards one’s cooking behaviour. Rather it is a combination of three categories of attributes,
and how they are arranged relative to each other. These three categories that are colour coded are
explained in the legend. Their length-wise orientation suggests how they affect each other in an overarching relationship. For example, how we might develop and adopt skill-based attributes relies
greatly on how the other two categories have shaped us, while our personality and temperaments
most likely are shaped by intellectual and environmental interactions and development. Do however
note that within each category, the individual boxes are for highlighting the more crucial attributes to
be aware of, but it does not mean they are mutually exclusive nor one having to occur before the
other can happen; such as ‘cultural’ attributes coming before ‘social’ or ‘social’ considered separate
from ‘cultural’.
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We will review this initial and intuitive composition of the framework a bit further in the section
‘Cooking Behaviour Framework (modified)’.
Figure 1: The various attributes of cooking behaviour.
To touch on these attributes briefly, while the upper level attributes (‘cultural’, ‘social’, ‘knowledge’) are
broad factors of our general behaviour, if we think of them specifically with regards to cooking
behaviour, we might get an idea of how they might shape us towards our reception of the concept of
cooking before we even start exercising or attempt to exercise the behaviour. Perhaps this is why
many efforts in food experiences through design have tried to promote the social and interactive side
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of the activity. Such designs usually occur as eating events and involve mingling and sharing through
food.
The lower level attributes harped on in Short’s work therefore seem to rely on how a person’s upper
attributes occur and affect their behaviour which in turn affect eventually how a person psychologically
and emotionally deals with a certain behaviour and activity and how interlinked the attributes are
across the categories. In the dotted boxes, we get a clearer understanding of the lower level attributes
by the short examples, though not exhaustive.
Especially with skill-based attributes, despite much effort spent on the explicit skill set in tools and
teaching, we should not forget the tacit side of it as being equally important and perhaps somewhat
overlooked in design and non-design efforts. With these attributes in mind, we can hopefully more
consciously and conscientiously design for these different areas with designs that can help cultivate
such areas more holistically than lop-sided.
Well-being
The questions raised at this point might therefore be, what is this positive direction? Is helping one to
cook more the only solution? To understand how cooking and well-being pair together, perhaps we
need a crash course in well-being. ‘The five essential elements’ of well-being by Rath and Harter
(2010) that was based on Gallup’s extensive global study into well-being, identified five elements that
have the biggest impact on our overall well-being; namely career well-being, social well-being,
financial well-being, physical well-being and community well-being. With well-being being ‘all the
things that are important to how we think about and experience our lives’ (Ibid.: 137) even with these
elements, the experiences that shape us would make the dimensions for each individual vary. “It’s
within these daily experiences that we begin to create real behavioural change” (Ibid.: 125) which
explains how other behaviours are shaped, cooking behaviour included.
In the slow food movements, celebrity chefs like Jamie Oliver who advocates learning how to cook
and knowing where food comes from often acknowledges this link to well-being by its effect on ‘our
health, happiness and even finances’. This definitely relates to financial and physical well-being
elements as well as social and community. For example, when we provide for our loved ones with our
efforts of making them food, the returns are immeasurable and often rewarding. When we know what
we put into our bodies and can differentiate between foods that harm and foods that help or heal, we
have control over our health and even work performance. As Rath and Harter have also identified,
each well-being element does have an effect on the other to some degree and therefore are not
completely exclusive as a dimension.
Lyubomirsky (2008) who has a scientific take on pursuing happiness alludes positive well-being to this
happiness (Ibid.: 32). From her research, she states that most of us have a 50% set point of
happiness which is our ‘genetically determined predisposition for happiness’ (Ibid.: 53). Another 10%
of the happiness pie can be determined by life circumstances, such as significant events, and our
reactions to it which she calls ‘hedonic adaptation’. The remaining 40% are for us to claim, to attain
the level of well-being we desire, this is termed ‘intentional activity’.
Lyubomirsky continues by stating that we each have our more suitable intentional activities that can
help us sustain our level of well-being or happiness. So what happens if cooking is not one of them?
Whether it is for our happiness or not, we have to remember that one of the origins of cooking is for
survival, it is essentially a necessity that we should not forget nor leave to others to do for us unless
they are trustworthy. In our competitive and imperfect world, I believe that is often not the case. With
the current fight against the food system, writers like Michael Pollan (2010) have expressed how
cooking is the most important approach to regain ‘control over our diets, [regain] control over this
whole food system’.
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Therefore in this respect and considering the strong link between healthy survival and well-being, we
can assume that if we view cooking behaviour as a vessel that contains the element of well-being,
pursuing this course with design to help people cultivate cooking behaviour is a just cause.
Other issues brought to light by cooking activists that pertain to well-being include; the notion of
everyday cooking, cooking from scratch and understanding food choices with regards to our health
and the environment. This combination of cooking experience inclusive of social and health benefits
should allow one to understand the connection to well-being better, and make sensible choices in the
future regardless of circumstances; such as dealing with time limitations, or working out a balanced
diet, or organising social events.
But key to all these is to understand a person or community’s modus operandi first, because culture
tends to differentiate us and our approach to food and cooking, both technically and emotionally
(Shweder and LeVine, 1984). Therefore I believe all these need to be taken into account when
considering the relationship between well-being and a positive cooking behaviour. This is where the
framework helps to point out the where and perhaps Lyubomirsky’s strategies can help with the how
when we attempt to design for cooking behaviour.
Behaviour
So far we have briefly seen how cooking as a behaviour and even well-being as a combination of
dimensions and intentions, relate closely to our general behaviour development, as a facet of it. In
order to synthesise a better understanding of behaviour with the framework (Figure 1), I started off
with one of many behaviour theories for some reference, Piaget’s Constructivism. It might not be the
best-fit theory, but it did give birth to many behaviour theories usually differing in approach among the
two axes of individual and environmental factors, and cognitive and affective dimensions. Therefore,
when taken in account with the critiques of the theory, and extracting key concepts based on both
sides of the argument, it was nonetheless a good introduction to start from.
The understanding gathered from this deep dive was how behaviour develops through a process of
knowing or cognition with physical development, and ‘that it comes about over time and through
experience; that knowing provides people with the schemes to cope daily with their environment’
(Sigel and Cocking, 1977). Here we already see some correlation with the upper level attributes of the
framework (Figure 1). Although not explicitly, but experiences are embedded in our culture and social
interactions, similarly culture involves the human and non-human aspects of the environment we grow
in and process information from.
Because behaviour theories were used to get a more concrete understanding of behaviour and help
structure the crucial attributes highlighted in the cooking related literature, the purpose was not to test
nor use the best theory for further evaluation, but rather as a reference to solidify information. In fact
theories like Activity Theory (Engeström), Culture theories (Shweder and LeVine, 1984) and other
Learning theories (if we deliberate on skill-based attributes) do share similarities with the key
concepts I have drawn out from this behaviour theory review exercise. I will use the concepts to
support the comprehension of the framework. In brief, they are as follows, with some terms borrowed
from Piaget but used more loosely while considering the critiques:
Biological
Biological factors take into account that as we grow physically, our reflexes and ability to handle
tangible experiences does affect the process of knowing. Therefore it is through this consistency of
biological development with cognitive development that we become capable of abstract and logical
reasoning of our experiences.
Assimilation and Accommodation
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Assimilation can basically be seen as the intake of information by an individual into his/her cognitive
system and dealing with it at that point in time according to his/her capability. ‘When assimilation of
information alters the individual’s understanding of events, this alteration is referred to as
accommodation.’(Sigel and Cocking, 1977.: 15). This learnt information is then somehow organised
as a mental construct of information.
Construction
Construction of knowledge relies on three important factors that create a systematic development of
an individual, as suggested by Piaget. Aside from arguments of this systematic progress, an individual
constructs a mental definition of reality through actions, interactions and experiences, these can be
distinct or a derivative of each other. This includes sensory and motor encounters with the physical
world through actions and reactions, and experiences in reasoning. This occurs through interaction
and testing of relationships between objects and/or experiences that could be guided by previous
definitions formed through interactions with similar objects. Therefore the environment exerts a
substantial impact on the individual though it may not account for everything.
COOKING BEHAVIOUR FRAMEWORK (modified)
Synthesised with behaviour concepts, the resulting alteration to Figure 1 is now shown in Figure 2.
Here we notice how this step has helped to clarify the upper level attributes (‘knowledge base of our
belief system’) that relate to the behavioural concepts as well as the impact of culture on our belief
system. This belief system can thus be seen as the way our knowledge is organised or structured
which varies according to our cultural embeddedness. This means, our belief system not only affects
our skills development but also our attitude towards cooking.In Figure 2, the relationship between and
within the colour coded categories are arranged similar to Figure 1, but we can finally see the link
between the upper level attributes seen earlier in Figure 1 that pertain to the individual and
environmental factors (orange) as well as the individual and affective factors (brown) that shape our
general behaviour. We can understand part of these individual factors to be cognitive as proposed by
some theories, but most importantly is how with this breakdown, we can investigate with regards to
cooking what specific actions, interactions, experiences related to food, eating and cooking a person
has been through; as well as the cultural context and biological limitations a person has. All these will
give a clearer picture of what a person’s, if I may borrow the term, ‘set point’ of cooking behaviour is
like. However unlike the unchangeable happiness set point, are we able to design and affect these
attributes as well as the skill-based attributes to push an individual into a positive cooking behaviour
zone?
This is where the framework as a whole will help us to dig out information pertaining to cooking
behaviour better, especially within different cultures and societies, and reveal to us the potential areas
that can benefit from design intervention. These information alone, sorted with the help of the
framework, will already inspire one with ideas through the problems, situations and strategies
reflected in the findings seen through the lens of well-being. Ideas might then be executed by either
pinpointing touch points for further design research, furthering design development to address an
issue or lack thereof, or simply coming up with new designs.
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Figure 2: Attributes of cooking behaviour framework (modified).
Before I demonstrate the use of the framework in a case study, I will touch briefly on the attributes
pertaining to the ‘construction of cooking/eating knowledge’. Regarding the attributes of ‘Actions’,
‘Interactions’ and ‘Experiences’, although the behaviour concepts do not seem to separate them so
distinctly as seen in Figure 2, however to facilitate the use of this framework with the case study, they
have been done so as to make the sorting of the findings more manageable. As such, ‘Actions’ may
seem more like individual contact with non-human objects or an activity and the response to it, as well
as including response to the element of repetition with a similar object or exercise.
‘Interactions’ on the other hand comprise of humans or environments with a feedback response from
the experience in terms of reactions. Whilst ‘Experiences’ have been distinguished to comprise of less
physical notions like memory, stories, or significant moments like events and occasions that suggest a
certain life phase or anomaly.
We now take Figure 3 (without the dotted boxes) into the next section, where apart from
demonstrating how to use it, the case study also helped to evaluate the framework by seeing if the
findings validated the attributes as appropriate and comprehensive enough. The framework at this
point thus suggests that all attributes of cooking behaviour need to be tackled in order to derive a
more holistic transformation or inclination towards the behaviour. This is the potential that food design
can indeed tap on to enhance our well-being through designing for cooking behaviour, or for
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behaviour change towards cooking behaviour. We will pick up on this last note in the ‘Behaviour
change’ section.
Figure 3: Cooking behaviour framework.
RESEARCH APPROACH AND CONTEXT
To complement the research done with the framework, a study was conducted in the Finnish capital
area. This will help us to understand the scenarios surrounding Finnish culture that has affected and
is affecting one’s cooking behaviour. Here we summarise the process and some of the important
findings to demonstrate the application of the framework.
The research for this case study was conducted in the spring term of 2011 with six Finnish couples.
The demographics of the study was decided upon after evaluating findings from an extensive survey
conducted in 2001 on the eating habits and the notion of a proper meal of four Nordic countries,
Finland being one of them (Kjærnes, 2001). The couples selected either just had a new born in their
family, or a toddler between the ages of 1½ to 3 years old, both scenarios preferably with the
firstborn, so as to investigate the couple’s cooking situation during this important life transition.
A traditional interview approach was used since it was the first phase of such an investigation into
cooking behaviour. Each session was between 2½ hours to 3½ hours long, with the kind
accommodation of the couples. This generated a volume of data that was sorted with affinity
diagrams according to the attributes from the framework. Again, due to the infant stage of such an
investigation and framework proposal, the analyses were not completely perfect and evolved a few
times till it reached a more stable classification with new categories to accommodate other information
relevant to the cooking context. The categories are as follows:
Preferences
Preferences
- Experiences
and
Desires
and
(related
Desires
to
Biological
Cultural
Personality
personality)
(tacit/unknown)
Actions
Interactions
The latter three were further grouped into levels of impact (low, medium, high) to have an insight into
the varying degree of influences and strong or weak situations associated with cooking behaviour.
These were then visualised into boxes of key themes (e.g. Figure 4) to help shape the contextual
scenario for each category.
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RESULTS
Unable to review all 115 boxes of themes in this paper, I will summarise the main conclusions from
this intensive fieldwork. In the next sub-section, we will go through two stronger examples to show
how design or further design research can proceed with these leads with regards to Finnish cooking
behaviour.
Basically each box has a short description regarding the theme of the finding, and some anecdotes or
examples that was extracted from the interview. Figure 4 shows an example of one box in the
‘Biological’ category. The blue and red icons indicate who in each couple contributed to the
discussion, merely to give some insight on the dynamics of the contribution.
Figure 4: Example of a theme finding in the ‘Biological’ category.
Figure 5 gives an overview of the themes that surfaced from the study under ‘actions’, ‘interactions’
and ‘experiences’ attributes. We focus more on them because through them we start seeing linkages
to the skill-based attributes. So technically, I used the framework’s orange and brown attributes
(Figure 3) to sort the findings, simultaneously drawing the connections to the skill-based attributes to
get an idea of the cooking behaviour development and its influencers.
Connections found by sorting the high impact themes against the skill-based attributes revealed an
even distribution of the themes across the attributes of ‘Cultural’, ‘Mechanical’, ‘Academic’,
‘Perceptual’, ‘Conceptual’ and ‘Logistical’. This suggested that a development in all these attributes is
important for positive cooking behaviour development, especially through ‘Actions’ and ‘Experiences’.
Findings suggest that sensitising an individual from young helps a great deal towards this
development.
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Figure 5: Overview of ‘Actions’, ‘Interactions’ and ‘Experiences’ themes.
12
The descriptions and quotes under the themes also support the guiding function of the framework by
contextually revealing the scenarios to investigate or design for. For example, rather than just
12 For themes that appeared more than once under different impacts, the examples and anecdotes in their themed boxes
would have shown how they differed.
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acknowledging experiences as important, we see that in particular ‘holidays’ (high impact) can inspire
one’s cooking, motivate one to try new things, and can keep up one’s interest in food and new
cuisine. Conversely, those that have less impact can be improved or promoted more; perhaps by
getting children to ‘help’ more in the kitchen, or find ways to get them to ‘taste’ and understand their
food better. That being said, some were considered low impact because they were observations of
parenting and the child where only longitudinal studies can reveal if themes like ‘playing’ and
‘experimenting’ can have a higher impact on the individual in the future.
Some of these themes therefore provided areas to explore with design development, but before doing
that, we go back to the notion of behaviour change again. By understanding what kind of change we
want to achieve, we can strategise new products or designed activities that can tackle cooking
behaviour more holistically and effectively.
Behaviour Change
The background research has so far revealed that current efforts to affect cooking behaviour tackle
mainly skill-based attributes. These efforts tend to address individuals at the age of independence,
usually 18 years old and above. Due to the irregular and probably unplanned manner of an
individual’s cooking behaviour development when young, it is hard to predict the degree of positive
change that can happen by tackling skill-based attributes at the phase of independence.
However, what the framework and case study findings reveal is the possibility of increasing the
activation of positive cooking behaviour by targeting the upper level attributes more. This sensitises
the individual from young by priming them with knowledge and habits that incline them towards
cooking behaviour. This priming paired with other triggers, for example life phase (i.e. moving out,
getting married, having a baby) might activate and achieve greater positive change in terms of their
cooking behaviour and/or food choices. Other triggers could also consist of designed elements such
as programmes, activities and objects that might motivate them towards this change.
Triggers have also been mentioned in the realm of persuasive technology (BJ Fogg, 2011). Fogg
especially has used terms such as triggers, activation, motivation and ability. However due to the
multi-faceted composition of cooking behaviour, as compared to the simpler action-based behaviours
tackled by change models, it was difficult to apply those models here. Similar to how I used behaviour
theories, much care was taken to also understand existing change models and extract appropriate
key concepts for the context of cooking behaviour change. Although there is no fancy behaviour
change model yet, we can still grasp the potential for change through the case study findings and
behaviour change key concepts (triggers, activation, priming).
Figure 6 is therefore a conceptual graphical representation between a primed individual and one who
has a more unplanned and unpredictable contact with actions, interactions and experiences related to
cooking behaviour attributes. This postulated visualisation of the effectiveness of change would thus
need deeper studies or testing of concepts to validate the prediction.
For now the behaviour change in the activation zone is still subject to the circumstances in our lives.
The difference is that with priming, the situations (i.e. lack of time, financial tightening) may not affect
the behaviour change too negatively when one is primed (B) as compared to one who is not primed
(A) towards cooking behaviour. With triggers, the primed individual may therefore be more easily
inclined towards cooking, such as when provided with better cooking tools or when sharing cuisine
and culture with other friends.
Therefore design for behaviour change can occur either to help prime the individual, or as triggers or
to work with triggers to help activate the change. The effect of the change would therefore depend on
how primed an individual is towards cooking behaviour.
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Figure 6: Effect of behaviour change on an unprimed (A) versus a primed (B) individual.
A step further from Figure 6 would be how a change with, let us say, individual (A) can already help
impact the change in his/her offspring greatly if executed well. Figure 7 therefore shows that perhaps
aiding parents with change will help to lead a change for the next generation, creating a stronger and
more lasting behaviour change in their lives when they are older. Therefore regardless of the type of
change, efforts in design and other areas needs to start now!
Figure 7: Effect of intergenerational behaviour change.
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Potentials
To help grasp the usefulness of the framework and the findings gathered with it, two examples based
on the case study findings will be highlighted here to show how designers can gain inspiration and
direction from the data. It is important to remember that these findings are specific to the Finnish
context and other findings will probably surface in other countries due to strong cultural influences.
Therefore contextual research is always necessary to understand something as complex as cooking
behaviour.
Based on the understanding of various ways to change behaviour, one finding that could help with
priming was that of cooking with kids. Most of the couples interviewed had no qualms about involving
their kids, some in fact already do at the tender age of 2 years old, whilst others were unfazed about
having the child in the kitchen while they prepared food. Themes reflecting this evidence included
‘helping’ (‘interactions’ attribute) combined with ‘mimicking’ and ‘playfulness’ (‘biological’ attribute)
(Figure 8). Based on this, further investigation could be conducted through designed concepts and
monitored over a five to ten year period, to assess their impact on the child’s behaviour development
towards cooking.
Figure 8: Themes of ‘Mimicking’, ‘Playfulness’ and ‘Helping’.
For example, Charlotte Skak and Josefine Bentzen’s (2011) ‘Kitchen Kids’ kitchen tools design
(Figure 9) is not only safe but its vibrant colours and toy-like appearance is probably appealing to the
child. Although the tools were designed originally to engage children with meal making and knowing
their food, perhaps their appeal of allowing one to work with real material (food) like the adults makes
them more motivated to engage in the activity through their playful, helpful and curious nature.
Whether allowing kids to play with such functional tools and helping out with cooking from young
would help cultivate their cooking behaviour, this is where longitudinal studies will give us more
answers. Nonetheless, it is a potential area worth exploring further with design.
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Figure 9: The Kitchen Kids Collection.
In another finding, I noticed that life phases, acting like triggers, revealed moments where a person
seemed more motivated to learn something, or was more inclined towards having interest in food. For
example, the ‘playing’ element seemed to occur below the age of ten years old (Figure 10), but at 7th
grade where Home Economics is usually implemented, most recount having lost interest by then.
Furthermore the academic and dry approach of the curriculum was probably very unmotivating for the
children (Attar, 1990). Efforts can therefore consider these factors and investigate whether Home
Economics itself needs to be redesigned or does the solution lie outside or even without it.
Figure 10: Themes of ‘Playing’ and ‘Home Economics’.
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Another important life phase observed was how parents, especially mothers, with their first born
(Figure 11), tend to be most open to advice and trying out things for the well-being of their child and
themselves. This seems like a good opportunity to design activities and services that can assist them
during this transition in the area of cooking, focussing on its benefits and how to handle it with ease.
Other issues involving other life phases can be seen in Figure 11. Perhaps you might already be
inspired with ideas from these few examples.
Figure 11: Themes of ‘First born’, ‘Life phase’ (medium impact in ‘Experiences’) and ‘Life phase’ (high impact in ‘Experiences’).
CONCLUSION
In this paper, the exploration into designing for behaviour change, specifically cooking behaviour, with
regards to well-being has yielded a cooking behaviour framework and several points of departure.
Firstly, before being able to design for behaviour change, one needs to investigate and understand
the behaviour first. The framework can thus be a tool to assist contextual research regarding cooking
behaviour. The findings from such an approach would therefore need to be themed to complement
the use of the framework and provide clearer direction and more vivid inspiration for the designer.
Seeing how the framework was formed, the background research and case study have confirmed that
all attributes of the framework should be tackled if our aim is to cultivate cooking behaviour more
comprehensively and with greater success.
However, when dealing with behaviour change, the case study with its current sample users have
shown that there are different ways to affect change with design through the concepts of priming and
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triggers. This can help create intergenerational change to benefit future generations with regards to
their cooking behaviour.
All in all, this research is still inconclusive despite the relatively firmed up attributes of cooking
behaviour. There is still room for more testing and iterative research with more appropriate theories
and more contextual studies in different cultures to validate and make the framework more credible.
The sample size and demographics of the study could also be broadened and cover more variables
which I believe will reap even more interesting, challenging but surely inspiring findings, such as from
people who are less inclined to cook as compared to the participants in my study.
Certain types of design concepts will also need time to be tested and results to be assessed to
anticipate its true potential towards changing behaviour.
Overall, I believe these efforts, once gaining enough momentum and credibility can perhaps have the
opportunity to impact policy making or garnering governmental support to execute macro changes. To
reiterate Pollan’s passion, when we gain back control of our diets (through cooking), we can start
gaining back control over our food system, our culture, our traditions and to some extent our identity
but most of all, our well-being.
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Systemic Design in AgroFood Sector:
EN.FA.SI project
1
2
Silvia Barbero , Paolo Tamborrini .
1
PhD, research fellow DAD (Department of Architecture and Design) Politecnico di Torino, viale
Mattioli 39 – 10124 Torino (Italy)
2
Research associate DAD (Department of Architecture and Design) Politecnico di Torino, viale
Mattioli 39 – 10124 Torino (Italy)
Abstract
The EN.FA.SI. project (l’ENergia e il FAgiolo in SIstema), supported by the Piedmont Region with
POR-FESR 2007-13 funds on productive transition and innovation, aims to develop a specific area in
the North West of Italy (province of Cuneo) through a process of designing for food.
The project will
have a strong impact on:
-the Environment: land conservation, protection of soil and native species,
the consolidation of local culture, clean industrial processes, and efficient logistics; - the Economy:
increasing productive activities in the area, niche businesses development, integration of different
production activities; -the Technology: process innovation and efficiency; -the Society: increasing
local workplaces, enhancement of the know-how mainly held by the elderly, the application of
scientific innovation in the field. The design object of the project is the optimizazion/innovation of
material and energy flows in the locally produced bean process (Fagiolo Cuneo). The Systemic
Design (SD) studies not only the linear process, but also the inputs and outputs involved in each
phase, to generate added value from what is usually considered waste. Environmental problems
generate both difficulties but also the main opportunities for innovation related to Cuneo’s bean
supply-chain, from cultivation to distribution, from packaging design to rediscovering and promoting
traditional recipes. This research evaluates the input and output of all stages of production, studies
the energy needs, the flows of matter and energy and sizing a system to ensure zero impact on the
environment. Cuneo’s bean supply chain is of great importance for the cultural history of the province,
highlighted by the presence of a 'Consortium' set up by the Chamber of Commerce of Cuneo in 1989,
to promote this product registered as TFP (Traditional Food Products) and PGI (Protection of
Geographical Indication).
To ensure that this typical product with valuable organoleptic and nutritional characteristics becomes
widespread it is necessary to introduce processes to ensure long term storage and faster cooking
times for the end user. To achieve these goals the variety of bean chosen was Billò because its seeds
have a rich pulp and the external part is thin. Furthermore, its cultivation can be strictly regulated and
can be processed in an innovative way.
The project was complex and involved many local SMEs
experimentation of new products, and the test of innovative
changes provide an evolution in industrial processes that
extraction, processing and production of manufactured goods
by creating a network of companies with zero emissions.
and its strengths are related to the
production systems. The programmed
were modified from linear (resource
and scrap) to systemic and integrated,
Keywords : design&food; Systemic Design; sustainability.
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Introduction
The past two decades have witnessed a growing demand for food and greater availability of
synthesised products (pesticides and fertilizers). These factors have caused the transformation of
seasonal and territorial activities into processes that have been totally uprooted space and time, and
placed in the local area for economic and logistical factors (such as low cost of labour or proximity to
motorways). As a result a steady impoverishment of the soil has occured, leading to frequent
mutations of traditional cultivation and the severe depletion of top soil.
Furthermore, the culture of food gives a strategic value to the food system with its economic, social,
cultural and environmental implications. According to the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment,
published by the United Nations in 2004, most unsustainable human activities are related to the agrifood sector.
Cuneo bean cultivation is important for symbolic, psychological, historical, and territorial reasons. This
study examines innovative productive techniques in order to increase consumption and to reduce
disposal problems. The project brought together different scientific disciplines with important
consequences on the quality of life in terms of food security, health and new economies (Germak,
2008).
These preliminary remarks show Design in its contemporary meaning of culture-design, extended
beyond the traditional product categories and applied to their systems. The design assumes the role
of director for a broad exploration of the field, involving important contributions from agricultural
sciences for biodiversity, materials sciences, industrial production, economic sciences, as welll as
nutrition, social sciences, history and landscape design. This research is necessarily multi-disciplinary
and aimed to combine economic, social and environmental instances, in a renewed relationship
between man and nature, culture and design, production and environment.
Methodological challenges
Only designing food as a product, without coordinating and integrating all the related functional,
symbolic, cultural, technical and manufacturing factors, is an approach to overcome because it does
not solve the environmental issues as a whole, but only finds spot solutions. It is necessary to
acquire, and design the flows that run from one system to another in a continuous metabolism that
decreases the carbon footprint and activates the local economy. This approach is called Systemic
Design (SD) and it designs material and energy flows, investigating the positive changes in productive
processes and activating a new economic model based on open industrial cycles (Bistagnino, 2011).
Production system become efficient and sustainable when they imitate nature, and the following are
the guidelines of SD:
- The output (waste) of a system becomes input (resource) for another, creating an increase in cash
flow and new job opportunities;
- Relationships generate the system itself: each relationship contributes to the system and it can be
whithin the system or outside of it;
286
- self-producing systems support and reproduce themselves, thus allowing them to define their own
paths of action and jointly coevolve;
- Act locally: the local context is fundamental. Acting locally values local resources (human, culture
and material) and helps to solve local problems by creating new opportunities;
- People at the center of the project (Germak, 2008) to be connected to their own environmental,
social and cultural context.
This study starts with a holistic survey of the current situation that clearly outlines all the steps and
the actions undertaken or undergone by the context in question (Cuneo Province). The quantities of
what enters the system were analysed, together with what happens inside it the quantities of what
comes out of it, their destination and possible uses. In addition, the players involved in the system,
their nature, their know-how and the available technologies were studied. Furthermore, the
relationship occurring between the parties and the context, as well as their communication were taken
in consideration.
Data on incoming and outgoing flows of materials and energy are provided. This includes information
about their nature, their origin and their future use or destination, is a process where they have
undergone different transformation phases. Some of these required higher quantity of energy, while
others are more sustainable with regard to the resources of the context where the process takes
place. As a result, we obtain a global vision of the process and of the overall relationships that
characterize the system and make it work.
At this point one can notice how “useless” and contradictory it is to focus merely on the individual
parts, ignoring the links with the elements existing inside, outside and all around the processes.
Moreover, an approach by single parts has proved to be in contrast with the dynamism of the whole
and with the "traditional" efficiency of the natural systems we can purposefully take as an example.
The safeguard of this global vision, beneficial to the sustainable transformation of the processes, can
be attained by drawing a graphic chart, allowing to retrace the flows of matter and energy, their use,
the knowledge capitals, the relationships between the actors, and the contextualization of the system
in analysis.
Identifying the problems and trying to understand them leads to a clearer perception of the
phenomena they have arisen from. Physics, biology, chemistry, mathematical sciences, history and
economy, are the indispensable tools for this analysis (Tamborrini, 2009).
A designer is asked to coordinate, enhance and harmonize their contributions and to change the
faults in the dynamic flow of productions. As a consequence, he may be better equipped to delve into
the problems, to understand causality relationships between phenomena and to discern the priorities
of the planning process, in compliance with the information provided by nature, an unparalleled model
of efficiency (Barbero, Cozzo, 2009).
The design becomes a matter of culture and the ability to modify reality based on the planned
processing of available resources. This is carried out in accordance with certain schedules and with
results that are established beforehand, thus making it an intermediary for the production and
consumption systems (Celaschi, 2008).
Design activity is always characterised by its observation of reality, by the creation of a simplified
model of reality, and by manipulation of this model in order to transfer the physical outcome back into
reality. It is the interdisciplinary mix, which is drawn upon and the processing route that is embarked
upon in order to rich the desired synthesis. The polytechnic culture provides the sensitivity of studying
and working in this area of sustainable equilibrium.
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Empirical challenges
The methodology is based on multi-criteria analysis and involves stakeholder participation to provide
a locally customised evaluation based on environmental indicators, to better understand the
theoretical methodology and the results on agrofood sector, we applied it in a specific project
EN.FA.SI. (l’ENergia e il FAgiolo in SIstema, translated in Energy and Beans into the same System).
This project shows the potentialities of dried bean market if the whole system is re-designed,
introducing new products/services and reducing the environmental impacts. For this project was
chosen a specific bean, typical of Cuneo Province (North West of Italy). Many solutions are taken in
consideration to verified the benefit at economical, social and environmental level for the different kind
of conserved products.
Using the SD methodology we obtain two main results:
- test the theory in practice;
- design a real complex system, that can be show as best practice.
Environmental criticalities are, at the same time, the main opportunities for innovation related to
Cuneo’s bean supply-chain, from cultivation to distribution, from packaging design to rediscover and
promote traditional recipes.
EN.FA.SI. project
Overview
The project EN.FA.SI. evaluates the input and output of all stages of production, studies the energy
needs, the flows of matter and energy. In this way, the design process has a broader vision of
renewal and enhancement of an entire area with the people who live there, putting them at the center
of
the
project.
The Cuneo’s bean is of great importance for the cultural history of the province, highlighted by the
presence of a 'Consortium' up in the Cuneo's Chamber of Commerce in 1989, to promote this product
registered as Traditional Food Products (TFP) and Protection of Geographical Indication (PGI).
To ensure an high spread of this typical product with valuable organoleptic and nutritional
characteristics, it is necessary to process it for ensuring long term storage and fast cooking by the
end-user. To achieve these goals the variety of bean chosen is Billò because its seeds have rich pulp
and the external part is thin, furthermore, it grows in the field in according to a precise specification
and it is processed in an innovative way (pre-cooking with steam and dehydration with cold air).
The Cuneo's bean is a crop with great potentiality in the area, with many strengths, that are not yet
fully expressed, but there are also some weaknesses that limit and, in the meantime, characterize the
crop. The various aspects are assessed in a S.W.O.T. analysis, in table 1.
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S.W.O.T. ANALYSIS
Strenghts
Weaknesses
Good climatic condition
Low availability of registered plant protection and
weed killer
Perfect land caracteristic
General lack of stable material
Experience of agricultural entrepreneurs
Low knowledge in fertilization
Typical production
mechamization in delivery products for plant
protection
Unique product with low competition
watering
Mechamization
phases
of
seeding
and
harvesting
Land problems with plant protection
Many typical varieties
Tight rotations in specialized companies
Opportunities
Threats
New markets
New problems related to plant protection
Industrial trasformations to obtain new products
Decreasing of rotations and stubbles
Valorization of the product (PGI)
Increasing of new products without the right
organization
The production is concentrated in a specific area
Availability of external labour
Recovering and increasing local species
Table 1: SWOT analysis of Cuneo’s bean system.
Local network: actors
The project is complex and involves many local SMEs, that gave the chance to experiment new
products,
and
test
innovative
production
system.
The programmatic change provides an evolution in industrial processes that are modified from linear
(resource extraction, processing and production of manufactured goods and scrap) to systemic and
integrated, by creating a network of companies with zero emissions (Figure 1).
Agrindustria snc: it is a small enterprise in Cuneo that processes biomass from agricultural waste to
generate products to industry.
Its role in the project: overall coordination and development of the feasibility study especially for the
industrial trasformation of the bean (steaming and drying in a controlled environment).
Industrial Design (Politecnico di Torino): the research group Systemic Design from Politecnico di
Torino applies the theory of complexity to various industrial sectors including the agrofood. The
primary objective of the research group is to develop a renewed culture of quality in production.
Its role in the project: design the whole production chain of Cuneo’s bean from linear to systemic
(waste from one system becomes input for another), tending to zero emissions.
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Agroinnova: research center that operates in the field of agro-environment sector for the transfer of
knowledge and technologies. It was set up in 2002 by the University of Turin.
Its role in the project: Technology transfer for the feasibility study in mapping local production and
check the quality of cultivation.
Arese Franco: family business specialized in cleaning and drying grain products, such as legumes,
cereals, dried fruit and green coffee beans, especially from organic production. The company has
facilities for the dust extraction, for the removal of small stones, for the elimination of other foreign
bodies, for the grading, and for electronic selection.
Its role in the project: it is the junction between the farmers and the industrial processes. It selects the
raw beans from farmers, to make them suitable for human consumption. Cleaning and sorting the
beans from the field, allows to proceed with the next industrial manufacturing phases.
CReSO: in Piedmont Region, it makes applied research in agronomic sector, as protection of
horticultural germplasm, varietal innovation, and defense.
Its role in the project: it schedules seedings annually for the varietal innovation, at the Horticultural
Experimental Center in Boves (CN). It works on seed treatment for the reduction of pathogenic
telluric; on localized irrigation, on diversified amounts of water; on fractional contribution of nutrients.
Furthermore, it selects regional bean in conservative way (climbing ecotypes for the production of
grain).
Figure 1: present and potential stakeholders of EN.FA.SI. project.
290
Results
The production of beans in the Province of Cuneo is divided into two types:
1- dry bean, harvested mechanically after drying on the plant;
2- fresh beans, collected manually at the waxy stage of maturity.
Besides historical and cultural importance of the bean, in recent years, it has proved a good crop from
the economic point of view, surely one of the most profitable crops in the area due to the Gross
Saleable Production (GSP), which comes to 20,000.00 € / ha .
Bean production in the Cuneo area is concentrated in a radius of 20 km, while the industrial
operations of transformations are more concentrated (just 10 km). This strict localization permits to
design a plan of territorial development defined and precise.
Environment:

land conservation and protection of soil: comprehensive and accurate maps of the
current situation are generated by authoritative sources as field studies, and, most of
all, by data bank and direct first-hand interview to local farmers. We have
implemented a dual source: scientific literature and basic empiricism (large mass of
direct data) to obtain a small approsimation degree. The first source makes possible
an advancement in the field research, that is inevitably more expensive, delicate and
demanding on time and human resources, but it provides the most innovative results.

protection of native species: defence strategies to use selected seeds with the aim of
promoting the development of safer production methods and healthier foodstuffs,
while safeguarding the competitiveness of agricultural enterprises.

perpetuation of local culture: enhancement of a PGI product, guarantee by a secure
system from the cultivation stage to the consumption stage. The performed actions in
each individual plots of land are: soil preparation, agronomic practices, pest
management, management of defence against animals and plants, harvesting of
beans and harvesting of “waste” biomass.

clean industrial processes: different ways to process the beans and make them ready
in few minutes by the consumers are analysed and verified. The steam cooking and
the dehydration were chosen for their low environmental impact.

Efficient logistics: in figure 1, it is clear how close are the different stage of
production. Furthermore, also the packaging was designed to have a product ecofriendly in materials used, in optimization of volumes, and in communication.
291
Economic:

increase productive activities in the area: the territory is enhanced thanks to those are
still considered waste materials, but with their new value, given by their intrinsic
qualities, they can become a benefit for the area. The biomass wasted in crop is
directly used to generate the energy for the industrial processes of the bean. The
integrated management of the energies involved in the project generates real
advantage to the local communities, and not to a single company.

integration of different production activities: design micro-CHP system (about 180
kWe) for electricity and heat to make the entire system self-sufficient. Renewable
energy is derived from residues in the food chain of the same Cuneo’s bean and from
the surrounding territory, with a radius no more larger than 20 km from the production
center. This energy management is environmentally and economically beneficial for
the area.

niche businesses development: the economic interest of the companies that produce
beans is given an efficient mechanization in seeding and harvesting phases, so that
the manual operations are decreased, as well as the costs of labor (Baudino and
Jordan, 2004). With regard to the average trend in prices in recent years the
cultivation of the bean is one of the few vegetable productions, perhaps the only one,
that has a constant level of market prices, with increases, despite a contemporary
larger area of production than before.
Technological:
 processes innovation: new technique of food are used, which removes the free water
present in the food gaining so the low level of water residual that prevent the bacterial
growth and the biochemical reactions. This technique is cold because beans are not
heat resistant food, so if we dehydrate them with heat, they will lose nutritional factors
(vitamins), they will oxidate or they will getting dark (Maillard browning), they will smell
bitter and they will lose their important nutritional values. The dehumidification system
allows to dry the beans avoiding fermentation and oxidation, and preserving the
organoleptic and enzymatic characteristics, and therefore its complex phyto-food
structure.
 efficiency:
production
processes have
been
optimized to minimize
power
consumption, furthermore, the energy used is green (energy from renewable
sources). For this production is designed and installed a micro-CHP system (up to
180 kWe) in the company that cook and dehydrate the food product.
292
Social:

increase local workplaces: the activation of different economies of scale generates
an increase in revenues, sales, and jobs available in the area (it is estimated to
activate 50 new job positions in 5 years).

enhancement of the know-how mainly held by the elderly: facilitation of knowledge
that resides in elderly with the young enterprise. The project valorises the know-how
of elderly that used to work these beans in a traditional way with many moments of
exchange between tradition and new techniques. Furthermore, the traditional food
recipes are rediscovered.

apply scientific innovation in the field: SD guidelines are the basis of methodological
approach to the project, the essential tools to understand the entire system and to
start the definition of possible useful relationships among the elements of the system.
Taking the project forward: conclusions
The acquisition of a stronger awareness of the link between social development and rural
development, allows to promote the complementarities of the resources in the countryside, and to
intervene more directly in the generation of relational values at environmental and economical levels.
From this point of view, the actions of social development in rural areas that were defined with
EN.FA.SI. project, can be framed at different levels of work:

the consolidation of a social protection system consistent with the specific rural contexts, the
present needs, and the widespread relations;

the exploitation of business systems and life styles that are based on the values of hospitality,
reciprocity, and trust;

consumption of safe and traditional food.
The system concept eliminates the focus on a single product and tends to favor the complexity, size,
local flexibility, which allows to normalize and revitalize the bonds of each company with its own
context based on the outputs produced.
A systemic approach may lay the foundation for better, positive use of resources and,
consequentially, for a macro autopoietic system shaped by all micro territorial systems and developed
by new relational networks that become the messengers of a positive environmental and territorial
change (Barbero, Toso, 2010).
The project will be probably enriched by applying the same methodology in other sector, for example
the grape industry, because the same Cuneo Province is known worldwide for the quality of the
wines. But there are still many potentialities that are not being used, for example in the field there are
a number of problems associated with synthetic pesticides, with supports, with pruning, with
293
transformation phase and so on. Taking into account the 21,000 hectares of grapes in Cuneo
Province, producing on average 26,000 tons of grapes / year, the estimated cost for the disposal of
their wastes is about 8 million €. These wastes may find many applications in the cosmetics, clothing,
and energy sector, turning these costs into profits.
The current trend is to look at product features that are assessed by norm-referenced tests that
regard one individual unit. Conversely, with the systemic approach, the sense of belonging to the
system is deemed to be the real added value. The interdependence links developed among the
parties by the outputs/inputs guarantee that all the players have positively checked on one another.
By doing so, we will have good food/products, as well as a healthy territory and natural system. Being
part of a “system” is to be the only legitimate and objective future certification (Maffei, 2011).
Certification represents a type of non-state governance mechanism which transforms power
relationships, creating new global spaces with new links among highly diverse and often antagonistic
actors.
The “alternative agri-food networks” (AAFNs) are defined as such due to their ‘turn’ away from
productivist, standardised and industrial systems of food provisioning towards a focus on notions of
‘quality’, ‘place’ and ‘nature’ (Goodman, 2003, 2004). Buller and Morris (2004, p. 1069) argue that the
emergence of those networks, at least in Europe and North America, appears to form part of ‘‘a new
rural development, food quality and sustainable farming agenda’’ (see also Marsden, 2003; Marsden
and Sonnino, 2005; Renting et al., 2003). AAFNs which seek to develop a more direct relationship
between producers and consumers, as opposed to the distant and highly commercialised producer–
consumer relations fostered through “conventional” food production. Re-localised AAFNs offer a
closer connection with the point of production, thereby improving food quality as well as restoring
public confidence and trust in food production. They operate through local and regionally grounded
frameworks of association, based largely on non-economic dimensions of trust and regard (Kirwan,
2006) as opposed to the more bureaucratised and formalised relations of governing found in
delocalised “conventional” food networks (Marsden and Sonnino, 2005; Renting et al., 2003; Sonnino
and Marsden, 2006a).
Design has evolved to become the link between human and social needs and industrial practices.
These collaborative projects build on the premise that the broader the diversity of information,
practices and cultures design students are exposed to the more open their perspectives will be and
the more adept they will become at participating in and facilitating the creation of more innovative
sustainable solutions (McMahon and Tracy Bhamra, 2012).
The development of innovative design solutions may be greatly enhanced through a process of
collaboration, collective knowledge generation and sharing, multi-disciplinarity, holistic perspectives
and understanding of diverse cultural backgrounds (Designophy, 2001).
Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge the assistance of Piedmont Region in funding the research with PORFESR 2007-13 funds on productive transition and innovation. Furthermore, they acknowledge Dr.
Giovanna Gilardi and Dr. Michele Baudino for their field reserach, Dr. Luca Arese for the innovation in
selection processes and Mr. Giuseppe Tecco for the innovation in coking and dehydration systems.
They thank also all the Systemic Design research group for the collaborative design process that they
give to this project, especially the coordinator prof. Luigi Bistagnino.
294
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Food, design, users: how to design
food interaction modes
Beatrice Lerma1, Cristina Allione1, Claudia De Giorgi1, Silvia Bruno2, Barbara Stabellini2
1
2
DAD, Dipartimento di Architettura e Design, Politecnico di Torino, Italy - students at the Politecnico di Torino
Abstract
Food is becoming a design material: its use and consumption along with the entire related scenario
have changed. Food, in particular, is no longer of interest only to cooks and pastry chefs but also to
designers, of food and otherwise. The design of the new "material-food" creates new sensory worlds:
as a result, the taste is analysed as a new and unexpected experience.
At the same time, food handling is another crucial aspect that has acquired growing importance: what
is the consumer’s behaviour like when handling the food product? In other words, what are the ways
and places of interaction between “this material” and the consumer?
It is clear that interaction modes with food are changing according to its “usage context” and its
presentation form (extruded, expanded, sandwich, mesh, granules, etc.). These presentation forms
are directly linked to food ingredients and are often mediated by the presence of a packaging, which
determines the user's first interaction with the food.
An example is given by a study of a chocolate bar that is illustrated in this paper.
The chocolate can be eaten at home as a dessert or on a ski slope as an energising snack, but at the
same time it can appear in different ways: as a multilayer when joined with cookies, as a moulded
material in the case of cream chocolate or as a composite material when the chocolate bar contains
nuts.
Starting from the mode of interaction and consumption that should be satisfied, a classification of the
possible presentation forms of a chocolate bar can be carried out. Consequently, on the basis of this
classification, innovative interactions modes of the food with its packaging and the final user should
be devised.
As a result, according to the different interaction modes that should be achieved, the chocolate bar
can become the object of the design process and therefore its design can be approached by following
the design process usually adopted for a product.
Moreover, on these assumptions, should the real or virtual material libraries, generally considered by
designers as a useful research and knowledge tool in relation to material innovations, enlarge the field
of action with the inclusion of a section dedicated to food? Should the material libraries include a
cabinet as a section dedicated to food and its presentation forms? The paper aims at describing the
results collected so far by this research focused on “food as a design material”.
Keywords: Food Design, Chocolate bars, Methodological Approach to Design, Interaction
analysis, User interaction modes Sensory perceptions, Materials, Packaging
297
Introduction
The research field is food design, where the food is considered as material for the project, by means
of which chefs and food designers experiment and search for new tasting journeys, while enhancing
the sensorial perceptions of the user-consumer.
The paper illustrates a specific case-study, chocolate, documenting new design approach for the
material-chocolate, capable not only of enhancing its taste, but also of simplifying its handling and
consumption. Chocolate can be identified as one of the typical products of the Piedmont region and
has been the subject of several design researches at the Politecnico di Torino.
The analysis of the different types of chocolate available on the market (chocolates, bars, eggs etc.)
has led to the choice of a specific product category, the chocolate bars, often undervalued, being very
common, but today very widespread and growing in the market (new tastes, new formats, new
colours).
A further study into the world of chocolate bars and their variants has enabled the investigation of the
existing relationships and reciprocities between types, tastes, ingredients, dimensions, formats,
production processes. In this way it has been possible to define, for each type of chocolate bar, the
most suitable consumption modalities for a planned interaction, which, however, not only considers
the food and the consumer, but also takes into account the packaging, which is made of structure and
materials that wrap the food product and for this reason, should be considered as an ingredient of the
food product.
The research goal, through the analysis of all the protagonists involved in the interaction, is to define
an innovative design system for the creation of a chocolate bar that can be savoured and tasted at its
best.
Background analysis
Before going into the details of this research, it is necessary to make a brief digression into the world
of chocolate starting with its production process.
It involves a very long and delicate process, starting with the harvesting of the pods containing the
cocoa beans, this stage takes place in countries situated in the equatorial zones. Once harvested, the
beans will undergo numerous production processes before becoming chocolate.
The chocolate is available in three basic tastes: white, milk and dark to which additional ingredients
may be added thus obtaining new flavours and fillings.
The formats available are bars, chocolates, creams, snacks and other sizes such as ice creams,
puddings, etc. Among these the bar is the most purchased, both dark and milk, representing the
sector of the chocolate universe experiencing the greatest growth, both in volume and value, with a
sales percentage of 50% (Amadori, 2002) in Italy.
And yet, the chocolate bar is often undervalued nowadays. Indeed, it is not considered a gift item, as
happens in the case of chocolates, creams, Easter eggs, since it is often associated with individual
consumption or for cooking.
However, it is important to underline how the new tastes developed have led to the planning of new
shapes and formats of the bars, which, seen from a different perspective, may be compared to a box
of chocolates. It is sufficient to think of any filled bar: at the moment when the individual squares are
broken off and thus shared, many little chocolates are obtained, each with its own filling.
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On these assumptions the chocolate bars are the objects of the research and consequently the
research has been started from a detailed analysis of 40 bars available on the market (Fig. 1). From
this analysis, firstly it is possible to identify different classifications or methods of interpreting a
chocolate bar, based on:
-
-
format, relating to the dimensions of the bar, distinguishable in mini, standard and maxi.
portion, subdivided into single and multi-portion.
form, distinguishable into simple and complex. The first type present in the collective
imagination is composed of typical squares, easily broken off (through “invitations”), while in
the second type more space is awarded to creativity and design.
breaking off, which can be regular or irregular according to the presence or not of invitationsgrooves.
taste, that determines the classification of the bars into classic, flavoured, with filled pieces;
the latter ones are further subdivided into liquid, soft and hard fillings.
Fig. 1 - The analyzed sample of 40 chocolate bars (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
Methodological approach: analysis of interaction
Once the subject of the study, the chocolate bar, was identified, the research then moved on the
analysis of the interactions that involve this product, by examining, firstly, the protagonists, that are:
the user, the packaging and the chocolate bar itself and then by identifying the relationships that can
be determined between these protagonists.
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The protagonists of the interaction
Entering into further details, it is possible to identify three principal players that come into play in the
investigated interaction: that is, the chocolate bar, the consumer and the packaging (Fig. 2).
Fig. 2 - Analysis of interaction scheme (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
User-Consumer
The user chooses to consume the chocolate for different reasons: physiological and psychological
(Langham, 2003). From the physiological perspective the chocolate is capable of stimulating the
production of serotonin, while determining an improvement in humour; on the other hand, from the
psychological viewpoint, chocolate consumption can be associated with particular situations, such as
festivities, anniversaries, moments of self-gratification or consolation, thereby assuming a positive
value. Four types of consumers can be distinguished:
-
the tasters, that is, those who look at chocolate with a scientific approach, not governed by
instinct, but by rationality; they know how to consider the food in all its parts and choose the
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-
-
-
right chocolate for the appropriate moment. Consumption is often connected with a tasting
and a training course.
the cultured ones, for whom consumption is associated with a social and affectionate
exchange, as with an evening among friends or in an the privacy of his home, after a meal, a
dessert, as self-gratification.
the passionate ones, that is, those with a sort of primary defined passion, not organised into
codes and legitimate reasons. There is no rational explanation to the consumption, but it is
regulated by impulses that are associated with gluttony and whim, and are therefore not
associable with any particular time of the day.
the sporty ones, that is, those involved in jobs with high energy demands. Chocolate is seen
as a food supplement and is consumed when it is considered that energy to burn is needed or
to restore energy after physical activity.
Based on all of this, it emerges that the different individual consumers of chocolate attribute various
significances to chocolate, not classifiable definitively as correct or incorrect.
Packaging
The chocolate bars are contained in packaging that above all satisfies a series of functional
requirements including: keeping the product in the best way possible by protecting it from light,
humidity and heat (that could compromise its organoleptic or aesthetic qualities with phenomena of
blossoming of the sugars and cocoa butter) and facilitating its consumption through straightforward
packaging, easily open and possibly resealable.
In addition to the indispensable functional requirements, packaging should also satisfy a series of
informative requirements (sales classification, cocoa content, name and location of the producer,
ingredients, best-before date, weight, cocoa provenance, nutritional values and conservation
methods) to increase the user’s knowledge of the product and its environmental requirements
(minimisation of resources and disposal of packaging, also of topical interest nowadays in the food
packaging context (Allione, C., De Giorgi, C., & Lerma, B., 2011).
In the specific case of chocolate bars as a result of analyses carried out on 40 different products on
the market, it is possible to identify three main packaging types, which are characterised by different
forms and materials:
-
box, generally made of cardboard and easily resealable in the majority of cases.
flow pack, a packaging, made of plastic film or multilayers, that is sealed at the two ends. This
airtight packaging in general, cannot be resealed.
wrapper, packaging obtained by means of a sheet of paper, which, by using folds, wraps the
chocolate bar, without resealing it in an airtight manner. In certain cases the wrapper can be
the primary packaging (in aluminium, polypropylene or paper) of the box or other types, or
may be a double wrapper, that is, with a second layer generally made of paper (Bucchietti, V.,
& Ciravegna, E., 2009).
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The bar
From the analysis carried on the bars easily found on the market (Fig. 1) and, in addition to their
classification based on form, portion, breaking up and taste, it is possible to outline an additional and
innovative method of classification based on their various presentation forms.
Classification that is not limited to the simple distinction between simple and complex form (composed
of the typical squares easily divisible and separable or left to the creativity of the creator), but which
was extended by comparing the different structures of the bars with the presentation forms of
traditional materials (metals, woods, composites, etc.) and the related production processes, such as
fusions, mixes (composite, sandwich boards, mouldings and foams).
Each presentation form is determined firstly by the component ingredients, and on many occasions it
will be determined by a combination of two or more of these (Fig. 3).
Fusion
Fusion is a process that allows melted material to be cast inside a mould. In this context it can be
compared to the chocolate tempered in the basic tastes (white, milk and plain) and subsequently cast
into moulds in the complex or less complex form.
Composite
The composite is a material composed of various elements joined by means of a binding substance.
In the world of chocolate the binder is composed of the three base tastes (white, milk and dark), to
which are then added the elements, which, depending on size, will define four different granulometries
of the mix:
-
-
-
very fine, characterised by the insertion into the matrix of elements that are so fine as not to
be detected in a tactile manner by the palate or only to a minimal degree. These ingredients
can be: aniseed, coffee, cinnamon, cardamom, liquorice, mint, nutmeg, paprika, white pepper,
black pepper, pink pepper, chilli pepper, vanilla, ginger, etc.;
fine, presents fine elements detectable, if only to a minimal degree, by the palate, such as for
example: orange salt, tealeaves, bean grains, cane sugar, caster sugar, etc.;
medium, composed of elements of a dimension such as to require chewing, even if minimal:
caramel, cereals, nuts (cashew nuts, peanuts, almonds, hazelnut, walnuts, pine nuts,
pistachios), biscuit chips, fruit peel, etc.;
large, distinguishable by the presence of large elements, such as to require a chewing, by
necessity: biscuit, candied fruit, caramel, cereals, nuts (cashew nuts, peanuts, almonds,
hazelnuts, walnuts, pine nuts, pistachios) etc.;
As a result, by the addition of the elements, the obtained pastry will be blended and subsequently
poured into the special moulds.
Sandwich board
By sandwich board is intended a material consisting of two skins or sides separated by a core. In the
world of chocolate bars this presentation form is distinguishable each time by the presence of a layer
within the chocolate.
The skins are created through the fusion process in the three base chocolates (white, milk and dark),
while the internal layer (the core) may have a different consistency depending on the component
ingredients: biscuit, milk, marzipan, stracciatella, wafer, yogurt, etc.
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Moulding
Moulding is a process that enables plastic material to be injected inside a mould. The parallel with the
world of chocolate bars is possible thanks to those bars with a structure such as to appear as many
chocolates combined. In this case the mould is represented by frames created through the fusion
process of the base tastes (white, milk and plain), into which the filling will be injected, which may be
distinguished as follows:
-
liquid, such as, for example, coffee, liqueurs and wines;
semi-solid, such as jams and mousses.
Foam
Foam is defined as a material, which is composed for the most part of its volume of air. It is possible
to draw a parallel with the world of chocolate bars by identifying a new addition to the sector, that is
an aerated chocolate, such as a foam. This type of chocolate is obtained by means of a physical
process requiring the use of certain gases. Current production is limited to white, milk and plain
tastes.
By adopting this methods of classification (Fig. 3), in addition to identifying new design approach, is
the definition of a potential method of classification of the chocolate-material that could be used within
a cupboard section of the material library, as we will see in subsequent paragraphs.
Fig. 3 - Classification of chocolate bar presentation forms (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
Interactions between the protagonists
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Once the protagonists of the interaction were investigated, the study moved on to the analysis of the
real interaction that takes places between the three involved players (Fig. 2).
A first action is identified in the opening and/or closing of the bar’s packaging, focusing on the userpackaging relationship. A second action is identifiable in the consumption of the bar, highlighting the
bar-user relationship, by a sensory-tasting experience. Interactions triggered by the structures and
materials that make up the packaging, which carries out the function of mediator between consumer
and bar.
Opening and closing
The first interaction between the user and the chocolate bar is the opening of the packaging and
eventually its closing.
This occurs thanks to the concept of affordance (Norman, 1997), or rather, that combination of actions
that an object “invites” to be carried out on itself. This concept neither belongs to the subject itself nor
to its consumer, but is created by the relationship that is established between them. Therefore, the
affordance will be higher, the use of an object, in this case of a packaging, will be more automatic and
intuitive.
Opening
By an objective analysis of the opening action (Fig. 4), it is possible to identify two opening ways with
the use of an instrument, as in the case of some flow packs that are strongly sealed and can be open
only by using scissor, or without an instrument.
In the second case, when the use of a utensil is not required, it is possible to identify a further
distinction between: opening in the presence of invitations or without, dictated by the consumer’s
experience.
Specifically, in the case of opening with invitations (Fig. 4), we can observe that generally there are
four types of invitations:
-
-
invitations to remove, there is a type of “place” on the packaging in which it is possible to
place the thumb and through the use of the remaining fingers, you can get to the opening to
remove the flap;
invitations to tear off, the packaging presents places-tabs with broken lines that suggest to the
user/consumer to open the bar by means of the removal by tearing these parts;
graphical invitation, in certain cases, on the packaging there is writing or arrows or, in general,
graphical indications suggesting to the user the exact point at which to complete the opening;
invitations to “release”, in this case, the packaging is closed by means of the physical
connection of its two ends, having a structure such as to allow them to be joined.
In the second case, of opening without invitations (Fig. 4), it is possible to identify five modalities of
opening:
-
unsoldering: this opening method is used in packaging with a flow park structure, in which
closing is created by a welding of the material;
removing the tab: this type of opening is very similar to a method of opening with invitations
(invitations to remove) and is present in packaging with a box structure. In this case, unlike
the opening mentioned above, there is no place for the finger, but, thanks to his own
experience, the user will manage to guess the method of opening;
304
-
peeling off, involves a very simple opening regarding packaging with a wrapper structure;
tearing off, involves a very simple opening that occurs with aluminium packaging;
unwrapping: is a very rare type of opening, consisting of unwrapping the bar almost like a gift.
Finally we can detect that the opening action can take place on the front, side or back of the
packaging itself, requiring the presence of an aid or not.
Fig. 4 - Opening systems (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
Closing
In the same way, by analysing the opposite action of opening, the closing (Fig. 5), it is possible to
recognise three different modalities of resealability:
-
induced: the structure itself of the packaging suggests the method of closing the packaging to
the user/consumer, and is generally present in packaging made of cases and boxes.
indicated: some packaging presents graphical indications, such as writing or drawings, that
indicate and explain the method of closing.
do-it-yourself, involves a type of resealability that is born of the experience of the userconsumer and may require the input or not of new material.
Despite the bars being rarely single portion, the resealability of their packaging often tends not to be a
widespread characteristic, and if present, it is not always so easy and immediate. Furthermore, in
many cases, if an incorrect opening occurs, the closing, even if provided in the packaging design,
may fail.
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Fig. 5 - Closing systems (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
Consumption
The second analysed action is the moment of consumption during which the interaction between
consumer and chocolate bar occurs and the user’s real tasting-sensory exploration starts.
It is possible to identify three sequential interactions that may occur during consumption and are
dictated both by the characteristics of the chocolate itself and by the choice of the user-consumer,
while influencing the sensory perception of the food being consumed.
The first interaction consists of the first approach to the bar, when the user-consumer prepares to
consume it, to eat it, and concludes with an action of choice between breaking off or biting, according
to determined characteristics.
The second interaction follows the first one by necessity and may lead the user to choosing to bite the
piece of chocolate or melt it in the mouth.
Although the first two are necessary to start and eat the bar, the third interaction, which consists of
licking the fingers may not be carried out by all user-consumers, since is not pleasing to the consumer
or simply not necessary. Whatever the choice of the user-consumer, this will substantially influence
the perception of the chocolate bar product being enjoyed.
306
Fig. 6 - First Interaction: breaking off and biting (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
First interaction: breaking off
Breaking off (Fig. 6) is an interaction that the consumer usually adopts at the moment in which he
approaches a multi-portion bar.
Indeed, the user can choose how to break off the bar, by using a utensil or by using his hands. In the
first case the user-consumer will not soil himself, while, in the second case there is the possibility that
the body heat will melt the outer layer of the chocolate, which will therefore soil the consumer’s
fingers. As regards breaking off by means of the use of a utensil, the action may be carried out both
with a bar that possesses invitations and with one characterized by a more refined form, and therefore
without invitations. In the case of breaking off with the hands, two types of breaking off may occur,
regular and irregular.
The first possibility will take place in the presence of a bar with invitations, which will be conceived in
an appropriate way to the type of chocolate; the second, on the other hand, results from the approach
to bars without invitations.
Breaking off is an action that may be carried out not only with multi-portion bars, but also with single
portion bars, in the case in which the consumer wishes to share or simply taste the chocolate bar:
indeed, in the most common cases, the biting interaction takes place.
First interaction: biting
Biting (Fig. 6), is an activity that takes place in the presence of a single portion bar, in so far as the
user/consumer will proceed with difficulty to bite a multi-portion bar that can be shared or keep for
brief periods and subsequent tastings. In this case also the user can choose how to break off the bar,
while soiling the hands or not.
Indeed, the consumer may avail the possibility, offered by certain types of packaging, of eating the
chocolate without having direct contact with the hands. The user may bite any type of bar with or
without invitations. In the first case it is imagined that the consumer is helped or better directed
towards a determined point, the point at which to carry out the breaking off. In the second case, on
the other hand, the user himself will decide the point at which to bite.
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As regards the biting interaction, it can be stated that in certain cases this action can follow the
breaking off. Sometimes, indeed, it is possible that, by breaking off a multi-portion bar, a piece too big
to be completely inserted in the mouth is obtained; therefore, in this case, the user-consumer will
proceed to bite the chocolate.
Second interaction: chewing
The chewing interaction (Fig. 7) represents an action that usually follows that of biting.
The user-consumer, indeed, having bitten the chocolate, will continue the interaction by chewing; in
certain cases, it involves a journey almost completely unconscious. The consumer carries out this
type of activity with any type of chocolate, from chocolate in pieces to the classic one, from the liquid
filling to the soft filling, perceiving, however, different sensations.
It is important to underline that, once chewing the chocolate is finished, the melting action comes into
play, since, in general, traces of the “food of the gods” remain on the tongue and in the mouth and are
“removed” through melting.
Second interaction: melting in the mouth
Melting in the mouth (Fig. 7) is the action that the user-consumer carries out at the moment when he
wants the chocolate to have itself eaten.
The chocolate has a melting temperature much less than the one encountered inside our mouth
therefore it is possible to state that in the melting in the mouth it is the chocolate having itself eaten,
without any effort by the consumer (such as biting) rather than the user-consumer eating it. Usually, it
is though that this action is dedicated to a classic chocolate only, but there are users that also choose
to melt in the mouth types of chocolate with pieces, in this way, leading to the isolation of the
elements added to the chocolate, such as hazelnuts, chocolate chips, puffed rice, which must be
chewed.
Fig. 7 - Second Interaction: chewing and melting in the mouth (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
Third interaction: licking the fingers
It is the activity that enables the completion of the initiated journey. It involves an action the userconsumer can carry out to clean the hands or out of gluttony.
308
The user-consumers decide on one type of approach rather than the other also based on their
gluttony, indeed, as a famous advertisement states “if you don’t lick your fingers you only enjoy by
half”.
Designing starting with the interaction
Once the analysis of the interaction with the chocolate bar is completed it is possible to make certain
observations. The design process, currently used by the food designer, generally has as the initial
point the taste of the chocolate bar to be created.
From the analysis carried out, in parallel with the search for a new taste, the design journey that leads
to the creation of a new chocolate bar could also take into consideration the user-bar interactions,
thus outlining a new design approach. Indeed, from the parallel study of the consumption ways
(breaking off and biting for the first interaction, chewing and melting in the mouth for the second, and
licking the fingers for the third interaction), and from the analysis of the presentation forms of the
chocolate bars (fusions, mixes, sandwich boards, mouldings, foams), it may be noted how it is
possible, by means of an overlapping of the results obtained, to develop an innovative design
methodology, that allows to created bars that are capable of improving the sensory sensation when
they are tasted.
This new design method, which should be adopted as an instrument for the food designer and
planners, is aimed at starting the design process from the desired interaction that the user will
develop with the bar. This would enable chocolate bars with characteristics (presentation forms,
ingredients, and packaging) that are more consistent for the specific consumption modalities. The
system consists of three large areas that correspond to the consumption modalities, the bar
presentation form and the packaging (Fig. 8).
Fig. 8 - Methodological approach to the food designing by using the interaction analysis (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
The first element, starting point of the new design system, is given by the consumption methods (first
interaction: regular or irregular breaking off and biting; second interaction: chewing and melting in the
mouth; third interaction: licking the fingers) that individually come into play. The presentation forms
(fusions, mixes, sandwich boards, mouldings and foams), constitute the second element, closely
connected to the consumption methods, in how it is composed. The third element, the packaging,
refers to the portion of the bar (single or multi-portion, to the opening (integrated with consumption)
309
and closing (resalable or non-resealable) and to the packaging structures (box, flow pack and
wrapper).
The areas related to the presentation forms and the packagings are strongly influenced by the
consumption methods, particularly by the first interaction, which determines, specifically, the principal
characteristics of the packaging. In the moment when the attention is focused on the second and third
interaction, the third element (packaging) will be abandoned, in so far as it is like a zoom were created
inside the mouth of the consumer. Currently, the design methods have the taste of the bar as their
starting point, and it leads the designer to creating formats and presentation forms that, often, pay
little attention to the methods with which the end user will approach the bar.
Despite to these, the presented system (Fig. 9 - 10) is put forward as an instrument for designers
who, in addition to searching for the taste of the product, consider the interaction with the userconsumer to be central: the user-consumer is at the centre of the project (Germak, 2008), keystone of
design choices, aimed at the creation of a new chocolate design, a new bar.
For example (Fig. 9), by adopting this new approach, if the designer wants to project a chocolate bar
that should be biting, he can chose between different presentation forms (fusion, foam, composite,
etc.); moreover he can aim the project of the packaging into the selection for a single portion
packaging, not resealability, whose structure should be a flow a pack or a wrapped packaging. On the
other side (Fig. 10), if the designer choose to start from the second interaction, such as chewing, he
can chooses the chocolate presentation form that should not be fusion or with a composite very fine
and the packaging should follow these choices
As a result, by adopting this innovative design way, the user-consumer should be guided into the
several consumption modes, that are before carefully planned by the food designers, in order to
satisfy and improve its sensory perception.
The next steps of the research, which is work in progress, is to put into practice this methodological
approach in a case-study which will be focused on conceiving a new bar that will be, for example,
representative of the Piedmont Region characteristics and of its chocolate values. The adoption of
this design method in a case-study will get the chance to test this methodology and then to evaluate
its potential adaptability for the designing of other food products.
Conclusions
The planner-food designer, by adopting the proposed design methodology, will be able to analyse in
an optimal manner all the parameters that should be involved in the chosen consumption modalities
(biting or breaking off? chewing or melting in the mouth? licking the fingers?), while considering
various factors, such as for example the times and places of consumption, the dimensions of the
mouth, etc. in order to define portions, thicknesses, of the “good” bar, obtained from the optimal mix of
ingredients, format, taste and packaging. Therefore, this methodology (Fig. 9 -10) brings about an
innovation of the chocolate design, extendable hypothetically to other food products designed by
designers.
Furthermore, the information necessary for the use of the instrument, related to the presentation
forms of the material-chocolate, to the consumption methods and most suitable packaging types,
could be useful to planners, food designers who wish to design not only the food, but “for” the food
(from the packaging to the instruments for consuming the food).
310
Fig. 9 - Method of Designing by interaction analysis: First interactions (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
311
Fig. 10 - Method of Designing by interaction analysis: Second & Third interactions (Bruno S., Stabellini B., 2011)
312
The first possible places of sharing are the material libraries (Lucibello, 2006), physical or virtual
places in which technical information on broad ranges of materials are gathered and made available,
relating, in particular, to the world of architecture design, fashion and industrial production in general.
Within the material libraries a cupboard section may be set up, dedicated to the world of materialsfoods, of which to analyse presentation forms, production processes, technical and expressive
qualities, consumption methods and also, as a consequence, the types of packaging most suited to
them. In this way the food will be considered to all intents and purposes a material, which, designers,
not just as food designers, master chocolate manufacturers and chefs, get to know.
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Communicating Through Food: An
Analysis of the Design of the Covers
of Cuisine Magazine as they relate to
the Development of Gastronomic
Identity in New Zealand
Suzanne Bliss and Frances Joseph,
Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand
Abstract
This paper will present research into the design of the covers of a leading culinary magazine. The
evolving communication strategy of these covers has led to international recognition and contributed
to the development of a more sophisticated national gastronomic identity. Cuisine commenced
publication in 1986, and was the first New Zealand magazine devoted to food and wine. The bimonthly magazine includes recipes, restaurant reviews, wine reviews and travel features. Research
has been conducted into the sensory and visual aspects of selected covers from across the 150
issues of the magazine published up to January 2012. This analysis has been undertaken within the
context of the developing New Zealand food industry, and considers both design with food and the
design of the magazine. The shift from a more traditional cover design utilising conventional food
photography and cover lines, listing the content of the issue, to innovative, eye-catching covers with
minimal text reveals profound changes in awareness of the cultural and social significance of
gastronomic identity through the growth and sophistication of both the food and design sectors in New
Zealand.
Keywords: Design with food, culinary magazine, food communication, gastronomic identity
315
Introduction
This paper draws from a study of the cover designs of a leading New Zealand food magazine,
Cuisine, to initiate a cross-disciplinary discourse about the evolution of gastronomic identity through
food and design. It has drawn on the specialist backgrounds of the two researchers, one in culinary
arts, and the other in design.
Magazines, and their content, have been the subject of research exploring their history (Dancyer,
1978), focusing on a range of issues including gender (Scott, 1994) and representations of family life
(Brown, 1981). Changing representations of food and eating with evidence gathered for women’s
magazines cookery columns (Mennell, 1985), food advertisements (Barr, 1989; Klassen, Wauer, &
Cassel, 1991) or a combination of both editorial and advertorial content (Schneider & Davis, 2010)
have also attracted attention.
Bell (2001) used Cleo magazine covers to exemplify the process of content analysis of visual images
as a research method. Breitbarth, Harris & Insch (2010), emphasising the importance of visual
communication and the creation of meaning, also applied content analysis, semiotic interpretation and
a range of research methods to develop a typology of images used in non-financial corporate social
responsibility reporting.
Business Week (2004:73), commemorating 75 years publishing, claimed that “Whether photography,
illustration, or a skilful blend of graphics and language, covers trace the move from typewriters to
computers and the Net.” When the concept of the cover story took hold the magazine cover “began to
mirror not just significant trends and events but also the evolution of design” (ibid). Thus, the subject
matter of Cuisine and the cover design elements provide an insight into the development of both the
food and design sectors in New Zealand. We explore representations constructed within the cover
text and images to identify culinary change recognising gastronomic identity and the complex cultural
and social phenomena involved in its evoloution.
Within this study the design of the cover is directly concerned with communication through and about
food. The innovative approach developed by Cuisine’s editors and art directors reveals a growing
awareness of gastronomic identity communicated through design. The period of publication covers a
stage of dramatic economic and social change in New Zealand, brought about by the shift from a
highly protected to a deregulated economy that made New Zealanders engage with a global
economy, recognise a greater cultural diversity and subsequently reflect on the particular qualities of
local produce and how it might be better utilised – initially through imitating other cuisines, but
gradually evolving into a unique gastronomic identity, confident of its place in the world.
Cuisine magazine
Cuisine magazine has been a remarkable publishing success. It was the first New Zealand magazine
devoted to food and wine. Hamish Allison first published Cuisine in 1987. Julie Dalzell, founding
editor, then bought the ailing magazine in 1989. In 2001 it was bought by media group Independent
Newspapers and, in turn, acquired by current publisher, Fairfax Media, in 2003.
Published bi-monthly, Cuisine is “dedicated to bringing readers everything that is new, exciting and
important in the world of food and wine” (Fairfax Media, n.d.). The magazine includes recipes,
restaurant reviews, wine reviews and travel features. As Cuisine developed from a “New Zealand
food, wine and good living magazine” (selling line from 1987 - 94) to become an international award
winning magazine, it shed some of its more self-conscious nationalism, proclaiming its focus on “food
wine & good living” (selling line 1994 - present), with a confident Antipodian perspective. Annual
316
promotions now include Cuisine Restaurant of the Year Awards, introduced in 2005, and the Cuisine
Artisan Awards, introduced in 2009.
Cuisine has developed into a national media institution enjoying immense popularity and respect.
Cuisine is widely distributed with a current circulation of 53,394 (NZ Audited Bureau of Circulation;
Average Net Circulation; Jan - Dec 11) and a readership of 408,000 (Nielsen CMI Q4 10 - Q4 11;
Fairfax Media, n.d.). The magazine has won numerous awards and achieved international acclaim:
“Gold, Best Food Magazine 2006.” Gourmet Voice World Media Awards and “Winner, Best Food
Magazine 2007,” Le Cordon Bleu Food Media Awards.
Cuisine’s selection as a research subject is consistent with Hardy and Phillips (2002) definition of an
important text, in that it is widely distributed, produced by influential players, and associated with
changes in practice. Williamson, Tregidga, & Harris (2009) validate Cuisine as their data source in a
discourse analysis of restaurant reviews, describing the magazine as having established itself as
successful, influential and dominant voice in New Zealand’s culinary culture. Additionally, Broatch
(2007) asserts that the magazine provides “a sense of the gastronomic breadth of the country”.
The 25 year span of Cuisine publication history provides a rich repository of information on which to
base an examination of the complex cultural phenomenon of gastronomic change. The analysis of
cover design provides an original approach to begin this process, employing a design studies
framework as a way of investigating meaning within a culture. Schneider & Davis (2010) suggest
magazines can be understood as visual technologies of consumption teaching readers to consume
and eat. The cover is an important element – successful cover design involves effective
communication of the magazine’s brand and issue content to engage the intended audience.
Magazine cover designs “seduce the reader with visual graphic devices as a means of providing an
understandable visual grammar that excites” (Cleveland, 2005:285) and the magazine as a whole
“provides its readers with an ethic of what, where, how, how much, with whom and how often to eat”
(Schneider and Davis, 2010:287).
Cuisine cover imagery evolved from standard photographs of prepared recipes from issues to highly
original, conceptually-based images communicating the issue’s main theme drawing from local idiom,
ingredients and evolving traditions. Design was critical in articulating and celebrating this new
gastronomic identify.
New Zealand’s gastronomic culture
The New Zealand Tourism website recognises that “while quality food and beverage production has
long been the lynchpin of New Zealand’s prosperity and a leading export earner it is the fusion of
unique quality produce and ethnic influences that have allowed the Kiwi food identity to evolve”
(Tourism New Zealand, 2011). While this notion of “fusion” cuisine that combines best local
ingredients with a “new approach to cooking that is heavily influenced by Pacific Rim culture” (ibid) is
now recognised internationally, this sense of gastronomic identity is a recent phenomenon, aptly
illustrated by Cuisine covers in Figure 1.
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a.
Issue 73, March 1999
b.
Issue 98, May 2003
c.
Issue 120, January 2007
Figure 1: Cuisine covers - New Zealand’s gastronomic culture
Issue 73, 1999 reflects the push towards Pacific Rim ingredients exhibiting influences of New
Zealand’s multicultural society however “pioneering an exciting new South Pacific cuisine” proved to
be a difficult concept to expand (Burton, 2012, E19). Issue 98, 2003 offers a sophisticated version of
the iconic chocolate-covered pink marshmallow fish representing reward or forfeit in colloquial Kiwi
expressions (Hingston, 2009) but the cover line “Hunting & Gathering” harks to a rural lifestyle in a
society increasingly dependent on urban food supply. The cover image of Issue 120, 2007 by the
renowned artist, Tony Ogles is a vibrant expression of a New Zealand beach life style. These covers
represent a discourse identifying and celebrating New Zealand cuisine.
Less than thirty years ago most New Zealand cooking was based on British traditions, with little
regard for Antipodian seasons or local customs. Sociological studies of community recipe books
provide evidence of a change in domestic culture and historical factors that contributed to the
evolution of New Zealand’s gastronomic identity, but the focus of most of this research tends to be
pre-1980’s, possibly due to the limited availablility of research resource material (Leach and Inglis,
2003; Leach, 2010). This interdisciplinary study provides a different perspective in the examination of
more contemporary artefacts. The continuous 25 year publication period of Cuisine magazine has
coincided with, celebrated and influenced the development of a vital and distinctive gastronomic
culture. The growing visual sophistication and originality of its cover designs reflects this evolution.
Method
Research team; an interdisciplinary approach
This study was a collaborative project, drawing together the fields of culinary arts and design studies,
to investigate phenomena associated with the evolving design strategy, audience response and
cultural significance of the magazine’s cover design and how they reflect and communicate changes
in design with food in New Zealand. Increasingly interdisciplinary partnerships are bringing a fresh
approach to gastronomic research. Design has been described as an integrative (Buchanan, 1996) or
interface (Jonas, 1999) discipline that has the potential to bridge traditional disciplinary divisions
through a “third culture” concerned with the artificial (Simon, 1969). Design research methods are now
being employed across a range of disciplines.
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Research material
The study of Cuisine covers has been conducted with limited reference to the editorial or advertorial
content of the magazine, which will be addressed in future research. All 150 Cuisine covers, six
issues in each of its 25 year history, were examined. For comparison selected covers from other
international and local magazines were referenced. Contextual research involving primary and
secondary sources of information about New Zealand culinary history and gastronomic identity, from
written and film sources, have also been referred to in this research.
Visual analysis
Cuisine covers were examined using a process of visual analysis involving iconographic, semiotic and
aesthetic consideration. The changing representations of food and wine over the duration of the
publication; the meaning or symbolism of imagery and layout; and the role images and texts play in
articulating a sensory aesthetic, stimulating interest and culinary imagination in the audience through
design were areas of critical focus. The method of visual analysis originated in the discipline of art
history, with a focus on iconographic and aesthetic interpretation and expanded in the twentieth
century with the development of new approaches such as semiotics applied to the study of popular
culture in fields like linguistics, anthropology and design.
A successful cover stimulates a reader’s curiosity to pick up, open and buy the magazine. Magazine
covers “must be provocative, hard-hitting and full of elements that sell - not feature oriented” (Love,
1998:9). Baird (1993) proposed the notion of “visual power” as a way of recognising the degree of
design aesthetic in print design and its resulting ability to attract audience interest and engagement (in
Cleveland, 2005). The visual power of Cuisine covers has been a key component of the magazines
success.
Research discussion
The study commenced with a longitudinal analysis of Cuisine covers over its 25 year publication
history. The magazine was not a static construct but a product of time and place and the talents of a
creative team advancing and responding to culinary and design trends. Cuisine went through a
number of different stages related to its growth as a magazine including changes in ownership and
staffing and also in response to developments in New Zealand’s food industry and consumer
interests. Changes in the ways that key textual and visual elements were used in the cover design
correspond closely to these stages and to the development of the magazine brand. Insights from this
analysis have informed the discussion of the covers in the next part of this paper. A summary of key
points from the longitudinal study of the magazine cover designs is included in an appendix.
The second approach taken was a comparative analysis with covers from other culinary publications.
In this paper we present a thematically based analysis of three covers from different food magazines.
This provides an example of the design of Cuisine covers and their levels of visual power in relation to
contemporaneous food magazines. The rationale for choosing mushrooms as a cover theme was not
to compare mushrooms as such but to examine the treatment of the subject from a design
perspective. In this paper we present a thematically based analysis of three covers from different food
magazines. Custer (2010), contrasts food styling in cover shots for Better Homes and Cuisine
magazines, explaining that although they share a theme, each cover represents it differently.
Comparative analysis helps identify differences across groups of similar artefacts.
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The third section of the paper draws from and contextualises our findings in relation to the
development of gastronomic identity in New Zealand.
Text elements
There are several distinct textual elements in a magazine cover design. Text is important in terms of
what and how the magazine cover communicates. Our study considered the masthead or magazine
title, the selling line and cover lines as key textual elements. The following discussion of the use of
cover lines in Cuisine magazine shows how the analysis of text elements has informed the study.
Cover lines
Magazine covers generally have a main cover line, identifying the lead story or theme of the issue and
subsidiary cover lines that identify other content in the magazine. While wording is the main
component of a cover line, its placement and colour effects how it is seen and read. These factors are
influenced by the colour and composition of the background image and the type of display systems
used in retail outlets as well as by the graphic designers’ sensibility. For example, the top and the left
third of a cover are important for retail sales where the magazines are presented in racks (University
of Westminster, 2005). While both early and later editions of Cuisine use multiple cover lines, the
most innovative period of Cuisine cover design (Issues 73 - 102) was distinguished by limited use of
cover lines, with greater focus on images to engage and communicate content.
Using cheese as an exemplar, we have tracked New Zealand’s developing culinary sophistication and
confidence in home produced foods through Cuisine’s cover lines and images. Cover lines reflect the
making, availability and increasing recognition of cheese as an added value product of the dairy
industry. Travel has always been a focus of Cuisine, during the late 1980’s and early 1990’s food
writers introduced new foods and ingredients to a readership who embraced “all things Italiano”
(Burton, 2012). Cover lines from the first issue exhorted readers to make, buy and sauce pasta, and
polenta got a cover line in Issue 4, 1987. Soon whole issues were devoted to the Italian theme with
main cover lines leaving readers in no doubt; “Italian Intrigue” (Issue 16, 1988) “Go Italian this Spring”
(Issue 22, 1990) and “The Italian Issue” (Issue 28, 1991). Under this Italian influence it was not
surprising to find that the first cover line relating to cheese was “Parmigiana Reggiano; The Queen of
Cheeses” (Issue 3, 1987).
Despite the availability of soft and speciality cheeses from the early 1900’s and a revival of interest
with the New Zealand Co-operative Rennet Company conducting production trials for blue vein,
Gruyere, Danbo, Feta, Parmesan, Romano, Gouda and Edam from 1951 to 1976 consumer demand
for these cheeses failed to develop (Bailey & Earle, 1993). Traditionally New Zealand had produced
Cheddar on a commercial scale as the hard cheese was able to withstand shipping to European
markets. However with the lost of traditional export markets, the New Zealand Dairy Board
encouraged domestic consumption with “Buy a bigger block of cheese” advertising campaigns (Bailey
& Earle, 1993). Despite these efforts by the early 1980’s New Zealand was experiencing a deepening
rural economic downturn and the unsold cheese glut in cool stores was sold for reprocessing into
processed cheeses. The Dairy Board continued with its marketing strategy with “The Great NZ 1KG”
television commercials in 1984 – an initiative to get customers buying even bigger 1 kg standard
blocks of cheese (New Zealand Film Archive, n.d.). A market shift began to occur during this decade
heralded in the Cuisine secondary cover line in Issue 14, 1989; “New Zealand Cheese – life beyond
the 1kg”. Mass produced cheeses lacked the appeal of handmade cheese consequently this period
also saw an increasing proliferation of artisan cheese makers; for example Mahoe Farmhouse
Cheese was founded in Kerikeri in 1986 and Whitestone Cheese was commenced making cheese in
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Oamaru in 1987 (NZ Specialist Cheesemakers Association, 2012). Alternative milk types were
beginning to be explored and the long running Country Calendar television series featured sheep
milking in Southland and Edendale Cheese, established in 1980, processing it into Greek-style feta
(New Zealand Film Archive, n.d.). Film footage also shows that even larger producers such as
Mainland Cheese recognised New Zealander’s expanding palettes, introducing aged Stirling Colby in
1988. Responding to this growing interest Cuisine offered expert knowledge; Issue 34, 1992
secondary cover line “Cheese: words from the master” and Issue 58, 1996 carried the minor cover
line of “Soft cheese”. Despite the growing interest cheese themed Cuisine cover feature stories and
images did not occur with any great frequency until Simon Wilson, Cuisine Editor announced in Issue
116, 2006 that the magazine had become the lead sponsor for the prestigious “Champion of Cheese
Awards”. Despite this the issue had only a minor cover line simply announcing “Cheese” and
contained one story with recipes featuring the cheeses of six cheese makers. The following year and
two subsequent issues have been devoted to featuring cheese and stories on artisanal cheese
makers and those who had grown production, such as Kapiti Cheese, to supply the top end of the
export market. They have prominent primary cover lines; “Whey to go” embossed into the cheese
wheel (Issue 91, 2002), “Cheese matters” (Issue 121, 2007) and “Wheels of Fortune – Kiwi
cheesemakers go for gold” (Issue 139, 2010). Each issue had remarkably different innovative, eyecatching and almost text free cover designs including the mouse family which has been the only
cartoon characters used on a Cuisine cover (Figure 2).
a.
Issue 91, March 2002
b.
Issue 121, March 2007
c.
Issue 139, March 2010
Figure 2: Cuisine covers – cheese theme
Cuisine’s lead role sponsoring the annual Champion of Cheese Awards has raised awareness and
promoted consumption and usage of New Zealand cheeses which are also doing well in international
competitions. The 2012 Cuisine Champions of Cheese Awards, now in their ninth year, judged 430
cheese entries from 36 New Zealand companies in 19 categories (NZ Specialist Cheesemakers
Association, 2012). Interestingly, four out of the top 10 People's Choice cheeses were blue varietals,
confirming it a firm favourite style for New Zealand consumers (NZ Specialist Cheesemakers
Association, 2012). This is a far cry from the single medal winning Stilton, the sole specialty cheese
among the medal winning large, medium and loaf blocks of cheese at the New Zealand Exhibition in
1906 (Bailey & Earle, 1993). Each year the competition entries reflect the growing diversity of
cheeses produced which are only commercially viable due to the developing sophistication of
consumer tastes in cheese and the increasing maturity of cheese industry including an increase in the
number of creative boutique styles using buffalo, sheep and goat milk.
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An analysis of magazine cover lines considered what is said and how it is said within the constraints
of very limited word count. A cover line such as “New Zealand Cheese – life beyond the 1kg” was
understood by readers within the context of the colloquial history of cheese in New Zealand. Other
cover lines such as “Whey to go” are a play on words using a heterograph in the idiom “Way to go” –
an expression of approval and encouragement originating in a sport which in the vernacular has come
to mean “well done”. Main cover lines need to be read at a glance on retail stands. “Cheese matters”
is a brief cover line that creates interest as multiple meanings leave readers to conclude that “Cheese
is of importance.” The cover line “Wheels of Fortune – Kiwi cheesemakers go for gold” is reinforced
by the gilded cheese wedges and wheels, merging clever imagery and copywriting in the cover
design. Images focusing on a product rather than a presented dish appeal to a diverse readership.
This strategy has also enabled the covers shown in Figure 2 to remain current. In a decade that has
seen the artisanal vying with molecular gastronomy Cuisine has largely emphasised the retention and
development of culinary skills and products through its sponsorship of the Champion of Cheese
Awards and the introduction of the Cuisine Artisan Awards in 2009 (Issue 133, 2009).
Visual elements
While printed text has a visual dimension, the major visual element in a cover design is the main
image. The reader derives pleasure in looking at images, which are selected to create interest and
are designed to give aesthetic pleasure. Food magazines usually have a strong sensory emphasis.
The art director, food stylist and photographer construct the narrative elements of the image Thematic
and strategic visual elements are two aspects considered in this study.
Themes
A reader’s experience is enhanced by compelling images that communicate a magazine’s content. In
analysing Cuisine covers, a number of recurrent themes have been identified. Grouping issues by
themes enables the identification and closer analysis of different visual strategies. Significant themes
identified in Cuisine include seasonal food, cookery methods, food for special events, wine,
personalities and places. Barbecue cooking is a frequent theme in Cuisine’s summer issues (Issue
54, 1996; “Simply Summer! Barbecue, Boat & Beach”). However, it is important not to extrapolate
conclusions of gastronomic identity without corroborating evidence (Leach, & Inglis, 2003). For
example Lay (Cuisine, 34) mistakenly suggested that socialising around a barbecue fire became a
colonial ritual, due to the plentiful supply of inexpensive meat and a conducive climate. An assumption
challenged by Taber (2011) who claims that the backyard barbecue was adopted from North America
in the 1950’s. Thematic analysis has been a key part of this research - one example concerned with
the representation of wine, is presented here.
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a.
Issue 18, December/January 1990
b.
Issue 77, November 1999
c.
Issue 94, September 2002
Figure 3: Cuisine covers – wine theme
As the selling line “food, wine & good living” implies, wine is a major focus of Cuisine’s content (Figure
3). Wine features communicated through imagery and texts on Cuisine covers were tracked. Images
of wines have appeared on 27 covers, ten of which were dominant placements: five sparkling wines
featured in festive issues; four whites; and one red. A wine story was identified in main, secondary or
minor cover lines, on every cover except Issues 81 and 148. The main wine cover lines from each
issue show a recurring annual pattern has developed (Figure 4).
The first issue of each year often features inexpensive wines, for example “Top wines under $12”
(Issue 37, 1993) which, reflecting rises in the cost of living, has become “Best under $25 reds” (Issue
136, 2009). The second annual issue often features Chardonnay, the third Shiraz/Syrah, and the
fourth red wines. For the festive season the fifth issue of the year usually features sparkling wines;
described as méthode traditionnelle since restrictions on the use of the champagne name were
imposed. This has resulted in the generation of some inventive cover lines including “Festive bubbles”
(Issue 59), “Best Bubbly” (Issue 107) and “Top Fizz” (Issues 77, 137). Finally, in the sixth issue,
Sauvignon Blanc, the wine that initiated New Zealand’s recognition as a world class wine producer,
has regularly featured in imaginative cover lines describing the wine as “Sensational” (Issue 96),
“Stellar” (Issue 126) and “Sassy” (Issue 138).
323
6
Chardonnay
Annual issue
5
Cabernet Sauvignon*
Gewürztraminer
4
Merlot*
Pinot Gris
3
Pinot Noir*
Riesling
2
Sauvignon Blanc
Shiraz/Syrah*
1
Viognier
*Reds
0
0
5
10
15
20
Year
25
Sparkling wine
Budget
Figure 4: Cuisine covers identifying wine themes in prominent cover lines
The wine industry is an important contributor to the New Zealand economy through export and
domestic sales and, more recently, the development of wine tourism (Ministry of Tourism, 2009). New
Zealanders began drinking wine in the 1960’s, not because of an influx of immigrants or the influence
of travel but because they were internally motivated to embrace product and ideas from the world
(Leach, 2010). The land area, diversity of grapes grown and wines produced in New Zealand have
increased considerably along with an internationally competitive reputation in the last 25 years, and
so too has the sophistication of wine knowledge and palate of the wine drinking public. This has been
in no small part due to the didactic nature of many of Cuisine’s wine stories and blind tastings
authorising use of the “recommended by Cuisine” sticker for wine marketing. It is interesting to note
that beer has rarely attained a cover line. Demand for information has been such that Cuisine
released its first annual wine publication in 1989, the success of which was acknowledged in the 2010
Le Cordon Blue World Food Media Awards for “Cuisine Wine Country 2009” (Cuisine, 141:13).
Strategies
Different magazine genres are identifiable by particular visual strategies. Typically, food magazines
use highly styled photographs of food made from recipes in the particular issue. Cleveland (2005:
275) has commented on the modality standards of photography in food magazines, with their
“overemphasis’ on colour, light sparkling of moisture and concern with texture, to heighten the
observer’s sensory facilities through illusion.” The use of close ups can heighten this effect as
exemplified in the covers in Figures 5a and b.
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While early issues of Cuisine
followed this convention, there
was a gradual shift towards
more conceptual strategies
and higher design values for
greater visual impact as seen
in Figures 5c. and d. This
became
a
distinguishing
feature of Cuisine in Issues 73
– 102, with highly original
images that communicate the
theme of an issue with limited
text. This visual emphasis was
extended through the powerful
Cuisine billboard campaign
“We do amazing things” by
Meares Taine Creative (1996
- 1999), developed to create
greater brand awareness
(Cuisine, 67:6; Hall, Taine, &
Meares, 2006)
a.
Issue 52, September 1995
b.
Issue 133, March 2009
Beyond the aesthetic and
methodological developments
that
emerged from the
development
of
desktop
publishing, which occurred
over the 25 years of
publication, Cuisine has been
an early adopter of a number
of new publishing strategies
introduced
by
digital c. Issue 89, November 2001
d. Issue 145, March 2011
technologies. These include
Figure 5: Cuisine covers - close up images
the early introduction of
barcodes (1988) and the early
availability of Cuisine online. Technological advances have changed the economic conditions of
magazine production to allow competitive variants of culinary information such as websites and blogs.
Long before many other titles considered the option Cuisine went online in 1999. Dalzell recalls that
the website was costly to establish and generated no additional income but was part of a strategy to
provide added value for readers, particularly through the recipe search engine (Anonymous, 2011c).
The web address eventually made it on to the cover of Cuisine in Issue 117 July 2006, and received
the Magazine Publishers Association Website Award in the same year.
The design of new communication and marketing strategies using new technologies has been critical
to the success of Cuisine magazine and its reputation as an innovative publication. Similarly the
success of New Zealand’s food sector – for both local and export markets - is dependent on
technological innovation and strategic design to support product differentiation and marketing. New
Zealand’s meat export market was built on the pioneering of refrigerated ships to transport frozen
lamb to Europe in 1882. The New Zealand wine industry’s widespread adoption of screw cap
technology is now recognised internationally as guaranteeing a more reliable, quality product with
limited spoilage through cork taint (International Screwcap Initiative, 2005). There has been a growing
awareness of the importance of design for New Zealand businesses, initiated with the New Zealand
Design Taskforces report “Success by Design” (2003) and promoted through the “Better By Design”
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initiative run by New Zealand Trade and Enterprise. “With so much choice available to customers,
companies must ensure their products and services are meaningful and relevant. Design unlocks
better business - better thinking, better approaches, and better customer connections,” (Better by
Design, n.d.). Within the food and beverage sector there is growing recognition that design strategy
and branding are key to local and export success (Foodworks Directory, n.d.).
Comparative analysis
While the development of Cuisine magazine over its 25 years of publication has been the main focus
of this research, a comparative analysis with other culinary magazines from this period was carried
out to establish a broader context and evaluate Cuisine’s cover design. An example of the
comparative analysis of three different magazine covers - Cuisine Issue 85, (March 2001), American
magazine Gourmet (October 2000) and New Zealand Foodtown Magazine, (April 2002) is presented
here (Figure 6). These issues were published within a 3 year period and all feature mushrooms.
a. Gourmet cover,
October 2000
b. Foodtown Magazine cover,
October 2002
c. Cuisine cover, Issue 85,
March 2001
Figure 6: Magazine covers – comparative analysis
The Gourmet cover (Figure 6a) shows a close up photograph of mushrooms on a plate. The image
extends across the whole page, presenting a selection of raw fungi on a rich indigo plate. The cursive
masthead is floated over the top of the image above the wooden table on which the plate sits, giving
the cover a strong visual coherence. The variety of mushrooms, the plate colour and the way the
image has been lit to reveal the distinct qualities of each type of mushroom, emphasises this is a
“collectors edition”, to be appreciated by a connoisseur. The image is aesthetically engaging, although
its appeal comes from the composition, lighting and mushroom variety rather than any culinary
dimensions.
The cursive font used in the masthead references historic, copperplate writing which reinforces a
sense of discernment. There are no cover lines and all additional text (masthead, selling line and
dateline) is positioned at the top of the page so the overall design is restrained and elegant. Its appeal
is elite and visual more than sensory.
The Foodtown Magazine cover (Figure 6b) presents a close up photograph of a cooked dish. Like the
Gourmet cover, the photographic image extends across the whole page. The masthead uses two
326
different fonts written in different colours. There is also a colour change across the words in the main
cover line although here the colour changes create a contrast between the text and the background
colours. While the masthead and selling line are centrally placed at the top of the page, the three
cover lines and credits are placed around the image, down the left hand side of the page.
The image is colourful; the food is well lit and looks fresh although the styling is simple. The overall
composition is straightforward. This approach is in keeping with the purpose of this supermarket chain
magazine, which is to inspire domestic cooks to purchase ingredients for home cooking. The cover
design takes a standard approach with accessible appeal.
Cuisine cover Issue 85 (Figure 6c), is from one of the most innovative periods of the magazine in
terms of cover design. This period covered some eight years from 1999 to 2006, beginning with the
involvement of Nic Hall of Meares Taine as Art Director/Designer. This period saw the development of
highly original covers which were critical in expanding the magazines readership through their image
power. While computers were used in the design of earlier issues, this period exemplifies a
conceptual and creative shift enabled by a more confident and exploratory approach to computer
graphic technologies, combined with an creative, design-led approach.
The cover shows a photographic image taken as if looking down through a leafy canopy onto the
grassy floor of a forest glade, scattered with growing mushrooms. The main cover line “Mushroom
Magic” is fashioned out of mushrooms and this physical text seems to grow up from the floor of the
glade. The whole image is dappled with sunlight. The shadows and silhouettes of branches cover
parts of the masthead. Areas of the image are bright, others in shadow. While the colours - greens,
tan and white - are more subdued than other Cuisine covers from this period, the cover attracts
attention in part through this distinction. The image is intriguing, it hints at the mysterious nature of
fungi and the magic of transforming raw ingredients (into words, as on this cover, or into food through
the magazines recipes).While the colours used are not vibrant the pitch and intensity of the image
works through contrast and is distinct from the bright colouration of other magazines. Both the design
and image is novel and complex with strong visual power engaging the audience.
This comparative analysis recognises the innovative approach taken in the design of the Cuisine
cover that contrasts with design approaches in other contemporary food magazines. The distinction
that is communicated through the design of the cover suggests a special place and an approach to
food that’s original and different.
Gastronomic identity
Cuisine has been defined as the cultural use of food or, conversely, constantly changing combinations
of foods make up cuisines (Tapsell, 2007). Harrington (2012) also explains that gastronomic identity is
constantly evolving in response to a number of factors: geography and climate that also impact on
agriculture; product demand arising from fashion trends and exposure, especially during travel; and
cultural elements including ethnic diversity and tradition. The dynamic nature of this identity is
illustrated in the celebration of Christmas, most widely recognised festival in New Zealand. The
composition of accompanying feasts represents an interesting dichotomy of British colonial tradition
and those advocating for an emphasis on southern hemisphere seasonal foods and methods of
preparation suitable for warmer climates. Despite the debate in many Cuisine editorials, covers
representing Christmas foods have favoured the more relaxed trend for entertaining in New Zealand
confidently illustrated in Issues 53, 71 and 137; the latter showing a snow dome model of a map of
New Zealand with different cultural and gastronomic symbols of summer reflective of the southern
hemisphere reversal of seasons (Figure 7). This separation of New Zealand’s current food culture
from the structural rules of British based meal traditions began to occur in the 1960’s and has since
shown increasing global interconnectedness (Leach, 2010).
327
a.
Issue 53, November1995
b.
Issue 71, November 1998
c.
Issue 137, November 2009
Figure 7: Cuisine covers - Christmas theme
Cuisine covers present a repertory of seasonal ingredients and often reflect methods of cookery
suitable for the season. For winter, “Pleasures of the Fireside” cover images and text reference
heavier slow cooked foods, one pot meals, “soul foods” (Issue 99) and “Dinners of Substance” (Issue
33) with warming soups, hearty broths, simmering stews, steamy puddings and pies presented on
rustic pottery or earthenware plates, enamelled cast iron casseroles, ceramics or traditional patterned
crockery.
The paradox of a seasonal organisational strategy in the cover
concepts is that food supplies are less seasonally pronounced
due to widespread production, preservation and transport
technologies. What remains are recipes and dishes suited for hot
or cold weather and holiday occasions. However, within a culture
of mass consumption people address anxieties of food safety
through the complex and much contested quality of freshness,
which is inextricably linked to seasonality (Freidberg, 2009).
In Issue 76 “New Zealand treasures – celebrating Kiwi cuisine”
(Figure 8) it is suggested that the cuisine shows “magpie” traits of
collecting but also of improvement, with the use of the bounty of
sea, river and land (Cuisine, 76:7). An earlier editorial attempting
to define New Zealand’s culinary status suggested our aim for
culinary definition lay in producing and presenting the freshest,
healthiest most flavoursome food, the preparation inspired by
Thai, Mediterranean, Pacific, French or Indian (Cuisine, 49:2).
This is reiterated in the many covers that have featured or
referenced the cuisine of other countries and cultures.
Figure 8: Cuisine cover,
September 1999
Issue
76
Culinary innovation has resulted in product diversity and quality over the last 25 years as typified by
the Cuisine cover in Figure 8. Black foot abalone or paua, unique to New Zealand shores, contributed
$NZ48 million in export earnings in 2009 (The New Zealand Seafood Industry Council Ltd, n.d.). Not
prepared to rest on its status and commercial value in New Zealand’s seafood cuisine hierarchy.
OceaNZ Blue Limited in Ruakaka, established in 2002, mastered the art of breeding paua in captivity,
creating a lucrative new export industry with their “baby” paua (New Zealand Abalone Farmers
328
Association, n.d.). Such innovative traits are also communicated through the originality of the Cuisine
covers.
Conclusion
The success of Cuisine magazine has come from its innovative approach to food and to publication
design. The publication strategy has been guided by both technological and design innovation. Long
established Gourmet magazine ceased publishing in 2009 due to a lack of advertising support,
despite having a subscription base of over a million people, leading its editor, Ruth Reichl, to
comment: “There's something really broken about that model” (Hallock, 2001). Now assisting a new
online gourmet market/culinary magazine to bring together commerce and editorial to promote food
products, Reichl suggest that, while there is a lot of good food journalism in newspapers and blogs,
such approaches are individualistic rather than collaborative, and tend to lack the contextual and
social richness found in magazine publications. While Gourmet’s name and design approach implied
an elite audience, Cuisine sought to inform and engage with an emerging audience of producers and
consumers. Editorial and commerce were entwined at Cuisine, right from the start: “Advertiser
reaction was great, particularly from the wine industry which was hungry for a new vehicle which, from
the outset, had a strong wine content” (Dalzell in Anonymous, 2011a:30).
Cuisine has continued to grow its subscription base with its innovative website publication that utilises
its archive to support interactive and search capabilities, for example in its “meal maker” function
which allows you to search for recipes based on ingredients you have in your fridge or cupboard.
However, its magazine publication is still highly successful. The format and purpose of a magazine
cover design cannot be translated onto a website, where a thumbnail sized cover image tends to
function as a form of graphic identification rather than a sensuous introduction to content and an
appeal to the reader’s curiosity. While website homepages, in partnership with global digital magazine
publishers like Zinio, mean that a magazine, complete with cover, can be delivered to your inbox
(Anonymous, 2011b), the tangibility of a good cover is incontestable. This was recognised in the 2011
Culinary Quill Awards presented by the New Zealand Guild of Food Writers to Fiona Smith, Cuisine
food writer and stylist, as recipient of the Visual Quill for the “Fresh Approach” spring cover, Issue 136
(Anonymous, 2011c).
The innovation evident in Cuisine covers, explored in this study, has been a key factor in the
magazine’s success. The covers have been inspired by, and have also inspired, the culinary
imagination of New Zealanders. Creativity and reciprocity have been critical to the development of
New Zealand’s gastronomic identity and to 25 years of Cuisine magazine. While the quality and
success of Cuisine cover design has varied over the years, it has always reflected developments in
New Zealand ‘s gastronomic identity and engaged its audience. As a recent reader’s letter states “I
can declare that the fantastic Cuisine covers are back! I’ve been monitoring them over many years
and did notice a bit of complacency in recent times but I am happy to say that the eye candy has
returned… they are now looking as sumptuous as the food…” (Cuisine, 150:14).
329
Appendix
Table 1: Groupings of design characteristics and management changes
Characteristics
Issues 1 - 3
 Masthead: Lower case sans
serif outline placed at the
top of the page above the
image.
 Image: Occupies ⅔ of the
page. Single background
colour behind masthead,
image and cover lines.
 Cover lines: Centred below
the image in separate
underlined sections and a
diagonal band in bottom
right corner with special
feature cover lines.
 Selling line: “New Zealand’s
Food, Wine and Good Living
Magazine”.
 Spine: Cuisine name and
issue number.
Issues 4 - 11
 Image: Larger framed takes
up ½ the page feature
plates of food photographed
from varying distances - first
major wine cover (Issue 6
“NZ’s Biggest Bubbly
Tasting”) and a personality
cover (Issue 10).
 Cover lines: Larger bold
sans serif type in various
sizes separated by /.
Special feature diagonal
band eliminated (Issue 6).
 Bar code: Introduced in
Issue 11.
 Spine: Period dates
included after Issue 7.
Creative team



Example
Editor: Julie Dalzell
Art Director: Dave
Gunson
Food stylist: Cuisine
feature writer. The reader
was able to refer to the
recipe in the issue.
Cuisine cover, Issue 1
February/March 1987



Editor: Julie Dalzell,
publisher/editor (Issue 8).
Art Director: Sally Hollis
McLeod
Photographer:
predominantly Robin
Morrison was responsible
for cover images in
earlier issues.
Cuisine cover, Issue 4
August/September 1987
330
Issues 12 - 72
 Masthead: “Cuisine” printed
in different colours in serif
font with capital “C”.
 Image: Full cover with text
floated over. Images
generally of plates of food or
table settings with food - two
covers with personalities
(Issues 14, 16), five major
wine covers (Issues 13, 18,
32, 40, 59), one non-food
cover (Issue 19: sun
umbrella by the sea “Fiji, still
there, still beautiful”). Some
photographs are more
original and go beyond
presenting a magazine
recipe (e.g. Issue 26: “An
Apple a Day” showing a half
peeled apple).
 Cover lines: Topics are on
separate lines, arranged on
the page in relation to the
specific image, in various
fonts, sizes and colours with
some underlining.
 Spine: Cuisine name printed
in red from Issue 16 and
content briefly identified in
black capitals from Issue 56
(apples, stir fry, veal, duck,
Chardonnay). For quick
reference an image
reflecting the cover design
was printed at the base of
the spine from Issue 75.
Issues 73 - 102
 Masthead: Generally white.
Becoming a recognised
brand for Cuisine.
 Selling line: Abbreviated to
“food wine & good living” in
lower case sans serif font.
The “&” is positioned on the
dot above the first “i” of
“Cuisine” and the words
“good living” are positioned
before the second dot.
 Image: Marked change bold and highly stylised
using computer graphics
technology. Food shown on
many covers is often raw
ingredients arranged to
create a strong visual
statement (Issue 82:“Spring
Greens” shows a landscape
made of cabbage leaves
with trimmed leeks seeming







Publisher/editor: Julie
Dalzell
Art Director: Andrew
James responsible for
Art/Production (Issue 48)
was replaced by Barbara
France, Production
Designer (Issue 53) and
then by Karryn
Muschamp (Issue 64)
who was joined by Nick
Turznski (Issue 72).
Photographer: Robin
Morrison was joined by
Ian Batchelor (Issue 12),
becoming the regular
photographer from Issue
23.
Food stylist: Food writer,
Penny Oliver, was
regularly responsible
from Issue 40 but other
writers still continued to
have covers.
Publisher/editor: Julie
Dalzell handed over the
Editor role to Associate
Editor Lynne Barnes in
Issue 92. After the sale of
the magazine was
announced in Issue 98,
Dalzell remained with the
magazine as Consulting
Publisher until Issue 103.
Cuisine Design Director:
William Chen appointed
from Issue 75 working
with various designers
until Madeline Kane was
appointed (Issue 89) and
was promoted to Deputy
Art Director (Issue 120).
Consultant Designer: Nic
Hall, from advertising
agency Meares Taine
(renamed Ogilvy) was
Cuisine cover, Issue 12
December /January 1989
Cuisine cover, Issue 73
March 1999
331
to grow like palm trees).
Cooked food is used as part
of a themed image (Issue
78: kebabs are displayed on
a plate representing a
lifebuoy for “Life saving
summer food”).
 Cover lines: Often
integrated with the imagery
style (Issue 94: “Pasta”,
“New Zealand Reds” and
“Canterbury” are written in
thin yellow cursive script to
represent cooked pasta;
Issue 90: “Hooked on fish”
appears as a headline on
newspaper in which a fish is
wrapped).
 Spine: Christmas issue
spine was coloured to stand
out from the other issues
with white backgrounds from
Issue 83.
Issues 103 - 133
 Images: A wide variety of
conceptual design and
stylistic image strategies
and colour approaches
including illustration (Issues
106, 115, 119, 120), images
of prepared food (Issues
127, 130) and one
personality cover (Issue
104). Some novel covers.
 Cover lines: Increasing use
(4 - 7 per issue), wide range
of different font styles, and
different text placement
strategies.







primarily responsible for
the cover design from
Issue 73.
Photographer: Various
new photographers
worked on the account
until Paul Ashley started
in Issue 79.
Food stylist: Cuisine’s
food writers were less
involved and many
covers used no food
stylists. Set/model
makers and illustrators
were used frequently
from Issue 82. Additional
skills were employed for
prop styling and
particularly for retouching
(Issue 113: cookie
Christmas fairy had 8
people involved in
aspects of the cover).
Editor in Chief: Kate
Coughlan
Editor: Simon Wilson,
appointed in Issue 104,
was replaced by Editorial
Director, Michael McKay,
with the support of the
Cuisine team in Issue
120. Tony Mason, Editor
- News and Views
/Restaurants wrote the
editor’s letter (Issues 123
- 134).
Deputy Editor: Susan
Buchanan promoted to
the role in Issue 103.
Wine Editor: Michael
Cooper appointed in
Issue 103, replacing Bob
Campbell who had been
with Cuisine from Issue
8.
Consultant Design
Director: Roy Meares,
Ogilvy (Issues 120 130). Nic Hall was still
involved in the design of
many of the covers.
Cuisine cover, Issue 103
March 2004
332
Issues 134 - 150
 Mast head: Same font but
thinner.
 Images: The use of white
backgrounds (Issues 134,
136, 137, 138, 139, 140,
142, 143, and 146) gives
some consistency with wide
variation in image
strategies. While covers are
novel, they are sometimes
dominated by text and the
images tend to lack the
impact of some earlier
periods.
 Cover lines: Wide variation
in number (up to 9 for Issue
150), however font use is
generally standardised
using a bold, upper case
sans serif font.




Editor: Eric Mathews took
an active role in the
cover design concepts
with underlining
ecological properties
(Issues 134 - 139). He
was replaced by the
current Editor, Sarah
Nicholson, in Issue 140.
Since her involvement
there has been an
attempt to retain
innovative creative
design while returning to
an earlier approach of
ensuring that a recipe
within the issue
supported the cover food
images.
The Cuisine design team
of William Chen, Creative
Director, and Madeleine
Kane, Deputy Art
Director, remained
constant for some time
but in Issue 134 Tamara
West changed roles from
Editorial Assistant to
Style Editor and has had
some input for prop
merchandising. This is an
aspect that has only
received sporadic
attention in past covers
with occasional credits
attributed to suppliers.
Consultant Designers:
Personnel at Farrimond
Ltd from Issue 132.
Photographer: Aaron
McLean works regularly
with Cuisine food writer,
Fiona Smith, doing the
food styling.
Cuisine cover, Issue 134
May 2009
333
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Jane Jacob and Designing Diversity:
Investigating Gastronomic Quarters
and Food Courts of Shopping Malls
and Vitality of Public spaces
1
2
Dr. Harpreet (Neena) Mand , Steani Cilliers
1
University of Newcastle, NSW. [email protected]
2
University of Newcastle, NSW,
Abstract
The production, sale and consumption of food have traditionally been central and integrated parts of
the public realm. However, food spaces are generally designed as segregated domains and thus
don’t connect with their urban context in an organic manner, or they are designed as privatised
exclusive enclaves within shopping malls, thus having a detrimental impact on the vitality of
surrounding public spaces. In recent years, a revival of food-centered spaces in cities around the
world has tried to re-establish a sustainable connection between food and urban space.
Jane Jacobs, in her famous book The Death and Life of Great American Cities, established the
framework for analysis of dynamic diversity in cities. This paper investigates two models of foodcentered space within the city—the gastronomic quarter of the city and the food court of the shopping
mall—and establishes the differences and connections between the two environments. Using Jacobs’
theory of diversity, it analyses these spaces and evaluates their contribution to the vitality of the public
realm. The intention is to highlight the need for further research into the field of food-centered urban
space in order to create economically and socially sustainable architectural and urban design
responses to the way in which food production and consumption integrates with the city.
Keywords : Diversity, Food-centred space, public realm, gastronomic quarters, food quarters
337
Introduction
Recent scholarship has outlined the importance of strengthening the connection between food and
public space. Scholarship by authors such as Susan Parham, Karen Franck and Carolyn Steel
address the issues surrounding food and the city and comment on the detrimental effects that
controlled food consumption environments can have on the quality of urban space (Parham, 2005;
Franck, 2002; Steel, 2009). Parham argues that, “a great deal of food retailing, like other retail
sectors, functions as big box or exit ramp architecture” that deserts “traditional centres” of activity and
diversity (Parham, 2007, p. 1162).
The notion of healthy public spaces has been a topic in urban theory for many years and urban
theorists such as Jane Jacobs, Christopher Alexander, Henry Shaftoe and many more have defined
the factors that create sociable, diverse and convivial urban space (Jacobs, 2002; Alexander, C.,
Ishikawa, S., Silverstein, M., Jacobson, M., Fiksdahl-King, I., & Angel, S.,1977; Shaftoe, 2008).
However to date, only a few authors, namely Parham, Franck and Steel have discussed the vital role
food plays in creating vibrant urban spaces.
There is a need to investigate current food spaces within the city, and the ways in which they
contribute to the quality of urban space. This study investigates these environments and the impacts
they have on vitality of public spaces within cities.
Investigating Gastronomic Quarters and Food Courts
In her book Death and Life of Great American Cities (2002), Jacobs states that, “A mixture of uses, if
it is to be sufficiently complex to sustain safety, public contact and cross-use needs an enormous
diversity of ingredients” (p. 144). Jacobs argues that cities have an advantage in creating diverse
urban space due to large populations that can support the diversity. However large amounts of people
alone do not create vitality in the urban space. Jacobs outlines that in addition to a concentration of
people, a mixture of primary functions, a mixture of old and new building structures, and ‘short’ city
blocks are crucial in creating exuberant public space.
Parham also discusses the topic of food-centred regeneration and gentrification in her conference
paper, “Fat Cities and Food Deserts” (2007). As part of a broader study she examined four food
quarters in London; the conclusions she has drawn regarding food centred regeneration are based on
the findings from the study. Parham poses the question that if these food-centred spaces are
nostalgic and romanticised, mimicking older traditions of food consumption as some critics believe
them to be, are they then considered to not be socially and economically sustainable? She argues
that despite the pretentious aspects that might be inherent in this new urban form, it cannot simply be
looked at as a nostalgic regeneration marketing strategy or a new stylish form of consumption. These
quarters have created new convivial spaces within the urban setting and “increased access to healthy
food” (Parham, 2007, p. 1168). Parham states that for these quarters to exist harmoniously within
their context, the regeneration benefits needs to be captured locally.
Similar to Parham, Steel believes that although some food-centred urban spaces or “festival
marketplaces” are nostalgic or “fake, the life they engender is very real” (Steel, 2009, p. 110). When
food starts to create and shape spaces within cities, these spaces “acquire an authentic quality that
transcends the inevitable shop and restaurant chains that form the backbone of their commercial
operations” (p. 110). The success of farmers’ markets around the world suggests that people have not
lost their appetite for encounters with food in the city. At the same time it acts as a “manifestation of
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our overwhelming disconnection with food” (Steel, 2009, p. 111) visiting a weekly fresh produce
market is no longer a routine but an activity that only occurs on special occasions.
Since they first emerged in the 1950s, the organizational structure of shopping malls has changed
quite substantially. In 1956, Victor Gruen established the ‘dumb-bell’ plan, which is described by
Dovey to be a marriage between the arcade and department store (Dovey, 2008, p. 140). The
principal of this dumb-bell structure remains pervasive in shopping mall design, however it is applied
in different forms with food courts and other attractions interlaced between anchor stores and smaller
shops. This interlacing creates high levels of permeability, and according to Dovey, this reflects
Jacobs’ idea that “urban ringiness or permeability is strongly linked to urban street life” (Dovey, 2008,
p. 142). Shopping malls were usually located in low density suburban areas, however in recent years
have turned into ‘hybrid malls’ located within cities and situated around “waterfronts, museums,
airports, theme parks, movie studios, casinos, hotels and historic attractions” (Dovey, 2008, p.141).
In “The Relationship Between Approaches to Conservation and the Idea of Nostalgia”, Parham
describes the urban design qualities required to create successful food-centred urban space.
Parham’s list of urban design qualities of successful gastronomic quarters very closely reflects
Jacobs’ description of the generators of city diversity. Similarly, in A Pattern Language by Christopher
Alexander et al (1977), the spatial arrangements for a ‘market of many shops’ are outlined.
In Convivial Urban Space, Shaftoe lists different typologies of public spaces and the qualities that
make them successful. The three types of spaces that lean most towards gastronomic activity are
open squares, enclosed and/or covered spaces and reclaimed streets. Streets reclaimed for
pedestrians are ideal environments for gastronomic quarters to prosper, they are “public spaces
where people feel comfortable to linger, eat and drink” (Shaftoe, 2008, p. 80).
Gastronomic quarters and shopping mall food courts both rely on diversity to be economically viable
and successful. However, to ensure these spaces contribute to the vitality of the urban spaces
surrounding them they require more than simply diversity of establishments and products. As Jacobs
(2002) argues, for any city district to flourish with activity and diversity it needs to illustrate the
presence of a mixture of primary uses, short city blocks, a mixture of old and new buildings and a high
concentration of people.
In the subsequent sections of this paper, various shopping mall food courts and gastronomic quarters
from Australia, United Kingdom and United States of America will be analysed to see if signs of the
generators of diversity are present within the particular environments and how this may impact the
urban space around them. The two environments will be cross-examined through a detailed analyses
of literature as well as through the lens of Jacobs’ framework for urban diversity.
JANE JACOBS AND DESIGNING DIVERSITY
For the proposed study, Jacobs’ four categories or principles will act as a framework through which
gastronomic quarters and food courts will be evaluated. These principles are:
-The need for mixed primary uses – A city downtown or neighbourhood must have a number of
primary functions, preferably more than two. These primary functions should ensure the presence of
people on the streets throughout the course of the day.
-The need for small blocks – To ensure the walkability and permeability of cities, blocks need to be
kept short. The smaller city blocks become, the more opportunity there is to create active streets and
corners.
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-The need for aged buildings – Within one district there needs to be a sufficient mixture of old and
new buildings that vary in the economic yield they must produce. This mixture of old and new
structures must be relatively close-grained.
-The need for concentration – The concentration of people needs to be high, this includes the
concentration of people who reside in a neighbourhood.
(Jacobs, 2002, pp. 150 – 151)
A selection of food centred environments, Borough Market (United Kingdom), Warringah Mall
(Australia), The Rocks Farmers’ Markets (Australia), The Mall of America (United States of America),
Pike Place Market (Australia) and Charlestown Square (Australia) are used to illustrate how
gastronomic quarters and food courts support or oppose the four principles outlined above.
THE NEED FOR MIXED PRIMARY USES
Borough Market in London and Warringah Mall in Sydney are two environments that illustrate a
diverse mixture of enterprises within them. Jacobs examines the mixture of uses at a broad
neighbourhood scale, for the purpose of this study the environments that will be explored will be
discussed in terms of the neighbourhood’s mixture of uses, but also at the smaller scale.
A city requires a vast diversity of ingredients in order to sustain public interaction, city safety and
cross-use (Jacobs, 2002, p. 144). The need for mixed primary uses, is the first and perhaps most
elaborate prerequisite for diversity that Jacobs discusses. Two primary uses that bring people to the
same place at the same time effectively accomplishes very little city diversity, however, when primary
uses bring people to the street at different and sometimes overlapping times of the day the area
becomes a fertile environment for diversity and opportunities for secondary diversity to flourish
increases (Jacobs, 2002, p. 162).
Borough Market, located in Southwark, London, is one of England’s most renowned fresh produce
markets and a prime example of a successful gastronomic quarter. A market has existed at the
current location or in close proximity since pre-Roman times. There are numerous residential units to
the west of the market and a large amount of commercial office space in the area. These two primary
uses bring both residents and workers onto the street at different times of the day. Numerous cultural
activities such as the Tate Modern, Southwark Cathedral and The Golden Hinde Museum attract even
more people to the area. Borough Market itself has also evolved into a primary use, with many
Londoners and tourist travelling to the area especially to visit the market.
At a smaller scale, the diversity within Borough Market is plentiful. The market operates from
Thursdays through to Saturdays and has over 130 permanent and temporary stalls and
establishments operating within it (Borough Market, 2011). There is also a mixture in the typology of
the stalls and venues in Borough Market. Cafés, restaurants and bars line the streets surrounding the
market, and the market itself is split into different zones, ie Market hall, Jubilee market and Green
Market. Most of the market stalls are kept small and are individually managed. The market and its
surrounding activity attracts an extensive amount of people to the area, creating convivial urban
spaces throughout and around this gastronomic quarter.
Warringah Mall has an enormous amount of internalised diversity with only one main primary use,
retail (Warringah Mall, 2011). The area surrounding Warringah Mall is predominantly used for
industrial and commercial activities, with a few segregated residential areas. The primary uses in the
area appear to be zoned with very little diversity and amalgamation between them. The streets
adjacent to and surrounding the mall have no active edges, only car-parks and indigenous planting in
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an effort to soften the monotonous unengaging boundary walls of the mall. Warringah Mall, like many
other malls makes no attempt at engaging with the surrounding context and existing patterns of the
area (McMorrough, 2001, p. 195).
Similar to many other malls, Warringah Mall has recognised the need to diversify the typology of food
courts and food venues throughout the centre. Internalised food courts are no longer the universal
catering facility within malls, cafes and restaurant clusters along with individual beverage areas are
scattered throughout the mall to increase diversity and to offer the everyday shopper more variety
(Coleman, 2006, p. 304).
The indoor food court or ‘The Market’ adjacent to Woolworths supermarket has a focus on the sale of
fresh produce with bakeries, a butcher, seafood and other fresh food stores lining the perimeter of the
food court. The Arena Cove food court, located above Coles has a wide range of take-away venues
lining the perimeter with tables and chairs scattered throughout the open air ‘arena’. The arena is a
multipurpose facility that occasionally acts as a performance area, offering entertainment to diners
and shoppers.
Borough Market and the food courts of Warringah Mall both have a diversity of enterprises within
them. The diversity found at Borough Market generates activity that enlivens the public realm and
creates a connection between the public spaces and the sale and consumption of food. The food
courts inside Warringah Mall are islands of contained diversity, disconnected from the life of the city.
Borough Market successfully merges with the city, and enriches the surrounding public spaces
whereas Warringah Mall’s food courts are segregated and privatised and have no regard for the
public realm surrounding them. The mall replaces what is missing, or perhaps what struggles to exist
in this neighbourhood; a vibrant pseudo town centre, ‘an independent instrument of urbanity’
(McMorrough, 2001, p. 195).
THE NEED FOR SMALL BLOCKS
Both gastronomic quarters and shopping mall food courts rely on permeability and frequent
pedestrian activity to be economically successful. Whether this permeability extends to the
surrounding environments and contribute to the vitality of urban spaces is of more importance for this
paper. The need for small city blocks is Jacobs’ second prerequisite for city diversity. Long blocks
create cities that are socially sterile (Jacobs, 2002, p. 178). However, where city blocks are made
smaller, and where the option to take many different paths to the same location becomes more
frequent, a neighbourhood becomes more vibrant and more receptive to diversity.
The Rocks is an historic harbour side suburb in Sydney. In the early 1970s, the Sydney Cove
Redevelopment Authority established a revitalisation plan for the area, which, in 2008, saw the
establishment of a weekly farmers’ market in the historic Jack Mundy Place, and along with many
successful restaurants, bars and cafes, turned the area into a convivial gastronomic quarter. The
urban fabric surrounding Jack Mundey Place is compact and extremely porous. Many shops and
eating establishments offer through site links to laneways and courtyards, adding to the permeability
of the district. The addition of the farmers’ market on Fridays and Saturdays creates a secondary set
of streets and street corners. The open air market is accessible from three sides; via Argyle Street on
the West, George Street on the East and Playfair Street and Kendall Lane on the North. The market
shares the public space with pedestrians and el fresco diners of restaurants and cafes lining the
southern side. The Rocks Farmers’ markets has added to the diversity of uses in the area, and has
enhanced the public streets and spaces surrounding them by creating a fine grained mesh of activity.
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On the opposite side of the spectrum to the fine grain gastronomic quarter of The Rocks, lies the food
courts and restaurants of Minnesota’s Mall of America. The mall, the largest shopping and
entertainment complex in America first opened its doors in 1992 and has become one of the leading
tourist attractions in the country (Herwig, 2006, p. 122). The mall offers no edges of activity to the
public realm; it is surrounded by car parks and highways and offers no incentive for visitors to arrive
by foot, creating a desolate environment along the streets surrounding the perimeter of the mall.
Once inside the mall, pedestrian activity and lively ‘streets’ are plentiful. The mall offers the visitors
everything under one roof, in a perfectly controlled environment. The mall offers two main food court
areas, both placed on the third level. A strip of restaurants is located along the southern perimeter of
the mall, opposite the Radison Blue Hotel. The food court breaks away from the perimeter of the mall
creating an active passage between the restaurant strip and fast food stalls allowing for more
circulation around the food venues. Seating is placed between the two ‘blocks’ of the food court and
offers a view over the extensive indoor amusement park Nickelodeon Universe. The South Street
Dining food court brings a slightly different typology to the mall with its additional paths of circulation
and large open seating area, the food court adds to the electric and festive atmosphere within the
mall.
On surface The Rocks Farmers’ Market and the surrounding restaurants share similarities with the
South Street Dining and Food Court of the Mall of America. Both environments are permeable and
create active vibrant edges to the ‘street’. However the gastronomic quarter of The Rocks brings this
activity and vitality to the public spaces and streets of a real urban realm and makes use of real urban
porosity, the food court and dining strip of The Mall of America creates this vitality and porosity inside
a controlled consumer environment, ignoring the lack of quality urban space and healthy city life
surrounding its desolate perimeter and its food courts are captive islands of activity that fail dismally at
sharing this vibrancy with the public realm to create convivial urban spaces.
THE NEED FOR A MIX IN BUILDING AGES
Shopping malls and their food courts are seldom established in existing buildings, or within a fabric of
existing buildings surrounding it. More often than not they are large projects that are designed and
built in one phase with one architectural style and are surrounded by carpark structures and
highways. Gastronomic quarters on the other hand are frequently found in the historical districts of
towns, and farmers’ markets often take place in old buildings or the public spaces and streets
between old buildings. Pike Place Market and Charlestown Square are two ideal examples of this.
Pike Place Market is at the heart of Seattle’s (USA) historic quarter with a mixture of building ages
surrounding it and Charlestown Square is a large shopping mall development in Newcastle (Australia)
with little evidence of a fine grain variety in building ages.
The need for a mixture in the age and condition of buildings is Jacobs’ third necessity for diversity in
cities. Without a fine grain mixture of buildings, it is impossible for a city to generate vigorous streets
and districts. A mixture of old and new, high yield and low yield buildings is a key ingredient for a
flourishing and diverse neighbourhood.
Seattle’s Pike Place market is a vibrant gastronomic quarter at the heart of a historical district. Pike
Place Market originated in 1907 when a councillor suggested that a public fresh produce market be
set up in the streets to connect farmers directly to consumers and eliminate the ‘price gauging
middlemen’ (City of Seattle, 2011).
In the 1960s and 70s there was immense pressure from developers to demolish the existing fabric of
the market as part of an urban renewal program. The promoters of the urban renewal program
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insisted that the character of the market came from the vendors and the produce being sold, and not
the building itself, the same atmosphere could be recreated under a new roof (Park Lee, 2001). The
developers believed the area was a failing real estate market and wanted to replace the fine grain old
buildings with ‘super block retail centres’. Many members of the community were against this
development and fought for the old market buildings to be retained and restored. The market is still
operating in the original buildings and restoration often takes place to ensure the character and quality
of the markets are maintained (Pike Place Market, 2011).
Charlestown Square is a large shopping mall development in Newcastle Australia. The mall was
originally built in 1979. Even though the original part of the mall was built over 30 years ago, the mall
and its surrounding areas lack any sense of historic presence or diversity in age in its built form.
According to a masterplan report completed in 2007, Charlestown’s town centre only has 6 small
buildings of historic significance (Charlestown Square, 2011). This should in no way hinder the district
in creating the fine mix of building ages and conditions that Jacobs advocates. Charlestown Square is
a relatively quiet and underused retail strip. It can be deducted that the lack of vitality and diversity in
the open air mall is due to the immense amount of internalised activity within Charlestown Square.
Due to the size and corporate ownership of Charlestown Square there is little to no opportunity for
individual stores to update or renovate their shops independently, resulting in one enormous building
structure with no character or fine grain. A replica of this fine grain character is however present in the
controlled interior environment of the mall.
The interiors of the redeveloped section of the mall mimic that of an historic outdoor retail strip,
complete with a naturally lit street colonnade and canvas umbrellas with seating lining the ‘streets’.
As Crawford (1992) states, the “architects manipulated space and light to achieve the density and
bustle of a city downtown-to create essentially a fantasy urbanism” (p.22) devoid of the spontaneous
and serendipitous aspects of the city.
The new food establishments within the mall certainly offer people more opportunities to connect with
food. However the fact that these establishments are entirely under the control of the mall prevents
the buildings from evolving and growing over time as the demands of the district change. The
preservation or restoration of old buildings, or the addition of new buildings will solely be determined
by the economic advantages they offer to the developers.
Pike Place Market and its surrounding district is a perfect example of how a urban food centred
environment can interweave old, new and restored buildings to create a gastronomic quarter rich in
character, fine grain and diversity. Although Charlestown square attempts to create diversity within
the mall, it does not allow the buildings to change independently over time, nor does it bring true
diversity and vitality to the public realm. The fine grain character and applied aesthetic, employed to
convince the visitors that the mall offers everything, even a vibrant town square lined with cafes and
restaurants.
THE NEED FOR CONCENTRATION
The need for concentration is Jacobs’ final requirement for city diversity and is closely linked with the
first requirement, the need for a mixture of primary uses. There is a connection between the
concentration of people and the enterprises they are capable of supporting (Jacobs, 2002). The
concentration of people needs to spring from a variety of primary uses. In districts where the
residential component, regardless of the density, is the main primary use, the connection between
density and diversity will most likely be lost. The district should also demonstrate an intensive use of
the land in means of work, entertainment or other purposes in order to bring density to the district and
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ensure people are spread evenly throughout the times of the day (Jacobs, 2002). A high
concentration of people is needed not only to create as much variety and diversity as possible, but
also to put eyes on the street and to create a safe and “visibly lively public street life” (Jacobs, 2002,
p. 221).
The district surrounding Borough Market has a wide mixture of primary uses, including residential. To
the west of the market there is a relatively high density of terraced townhouses mingled between
commercial and retail buildings. The residents alone cannot sustain the diversity of enterprises
offered by Borough Market and the surrounding district, but even so they account for a substantial
portion of the people using the area on a regular basis, and at numerous differing times of the day
(Network Rail, 2011). It is also important to note that a large portion of the visitors to Borough Market
are tourists. The Market has long been accused of being a ‘gastronomic tourism zone trading on
nostalgia’ but as Steel argues, regardless of the market being a major tourist attraction it is one of the
few places left where people can come to socialise, mingle, buy food and connect to a healthy and
“ancient sort of public life” (Steel, 2009, p. 111).
The mixture of uses and concentration of people surrounding Warringah Mall is not equivalent to that
of Borough Market. The main primary uses surrounding the mall are industrial and low density
residential. Jacobs argues that dwellings are required to ensure sufficient concentration of people,
however when dwellings and other primary uses become decentralized, as is the case with the district
surrounding Warringah Mall, it causes the population to be spread at low densities across the district.
Warringah Mall and its food courts are successful from an economic standpoint, they offer
standardised goods and services that appeal and attract large amounts of people to the district.
These people most likely arrive at the mall by car, and enter the mall via a car park. The high
concentration of people visiting the mall never have the opportunity to interact with the activities
surrounding the mall, they are not spread throughout the district at different times of the day, instead
they are spread throughout the various chain stores inside the mall during business hours. Similarly
the people working and living in the district don’t benefit from the amounts of people the mall attracts,
they are segregated and fenced off from the lively bustle of the mall’s active ‘streets’, the primary uses
do not mingled, overlap and intersect as Jacobs advocates.
Both Borough Market and Warringah Mall attract large amounts of people, but it is how these people
use the facilities and interact with adjacent activity that is of importance. Borough Market successfully
mingles dwellings and other primary uses together to ensure that the concentration of people using
the district is kept high throughout the day. Warringah Mall on the other hand attracts a high
concentration of people, but fails at mixing together a sufficient amount of primary uses, and fails at
connecting these primary uses to allow people to activate the urban realm surrounding the uses. The
mall segregates itself from the district and creates an island of activity and concentration, leaving the
surrounding district with monotonous streets with limited activity.
In Conclusion: Creating Convivial Public spaces
The food centered environments discussed in this paper have brought to light the lack of opportunity
shopping malls and their associated food courts create for convivial urban spaces to exist around
them. After studying these environments through the lens of Jacobs’ four generators of diversity, it is
evident that the gastronomic quarters activate street edges and bring vitality and sustenance to the
surrounding public spaces and streets.
Jacobs enforces early in her book that all four generators of diversity need to be present in order to
create a healthy and successful city district (Jacobs, 2002, p. 151). Although the four generators of
diversity were discussed separately for different environments, it is apparent that all of the four
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generators were present in the gastronomic quarter settings, and often only a few were present
together in the shopping mall food court settings.
Borough Market, The Rocks Farmers’ Market and Pike Place Market all have a mixture of primary
uses surrounding them, and at a smaller scale, have a multiplicity of diverse enterprises within them.
The urban fabric surrounding all three environments is porous and blocks are generally small,
creating pedestrian friendly and economically viable street frontages. All three environments are
either situated within historic buildings, or have historic buildings surrounding them, with a mix of new
and restored buildings in their direct vicinity. The three environments have a high concentration of
people during all times of the day due to the high mixture of primary uses in the areas surrounding
them, due to the presence of dwellings and due to being well connected via public transport.
The shopping mall environments do not meet all of Jacobs’ criteria with as much distinction as the
gastronomic quarters do. Warringah Mall, The Mall of America and Charlestown Square certainly
have a mixture of activity within, however the mixture of primary uses surrounding them are often
limited to one or two. The scale of the malls fail to create small and permeable city blocks, and the
sole ownership and privatisation of the malls prevent them from having a mixture of building ages. All
three shopping malls attract a high concentration of people, however due to the internalised activity
they offer, the malls fail in sharing the concentration of people with adjacent primary uses.
From the environments examined in this paper it is evident that the gastronomic quarter is the foodcentred environment that brings more vitality to urban spaces, and best connects the sale and
consumption of food with the urban realm. The study has also illuminated that the presence of food
brings diversity and activity to the spaces surrounding them, whether it be public space or controlled
pseudo public space. The vitality that is present in shopping mall food courts is a contained vitality,
wasted inside a controlled consumer environment. The exuberance brought upon by the presence of
food, and people gathering together in the food court is an opportunity lost in the public realm.
Gastronomic quarters bring this activity to a public setting and allow the liveliness and vigorous nature
of the sale and consumption of food to become synonymous with the public spaces surrounding the
gastronomic quarter.
The analysis of the three shopping mall food court environments and three gastronomic quarters
through the framework of Jacobs’ generators of diversity has exposed that gastronomic quarters bring
more vitality and diversity to public space. The recent trend of using the sale and consumption of food
as a vehicle for urban regeneration further enforces the benefits food brings to urban spaces. This
study warrants further research into the field of food and public spaces and highlights the need for
architects and urban designers to allow for food centered environments to have a greater presence in
the urban spaces of cities.
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Persuasive Food Design: A Toolkit for
Cultural Triggers
Maryam Heidaripour
M.A Student of Industrial Design, Faculty of Fine Arts, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. +98 912
264 12 95 [email protected]
Abstract
Food design is where the old traditions and contemporary achievements come together. This study
has included two parts of descriptive and socio-cultural phases. The descriptive phase focuses on
providing a snapshot on the Fogg's Behavior Model for Persuasive Design. Based on the provided
behavior model, the main factors of Ability, Motivation, and Trigger are compatible with the nine FCQ
factors of food choice process. It enables the food designers, who are interested in persuasive
design, to evaluate and enhance their concepts in order to achieve a persuasive food design. Next
phase provides a closer look on Triggers. A toolkit of Iranian cuisine with certain images and identified
aspects as a collection of cultural triggers has been provided. It embodies cultural patterns for
influencing behavior in the context of food design in Iranian society. This toolkit paves the way for
achieving a deeper understanding of users, and provides cultural aspect as a major trigger in
designing persuasive edible products. While being novel and wondering, considering cultural trigger is
also means of developing routines, rituals and behaviors which are more rewarding for individuals and
also the society.
Keywords: Food Design; Persuasion, Behavior; Culture; Iranian Cuisine
347
Introduction
The issue of food design is getting bolder day by day. During recent years, food is considered as an
edible product. Cases in point, aesthetics, functionality, communicativeness and other aspects of an
actual product are considered besides being purely nutritional. Food design is moving from art to
business, and also the role of food designers in society and the responsibility that comes with it are
getting more under focused
Responsible food designers should provide designs that change consumer decisions for better. It
needs to take into account the context of the environment, the human condition, and culture, to shift
the choices consumers make towards healthier eating behavior. Moreover, it should pave the way for
developing routines and rituals of use. Therefore it is indispensable to understand the factors which
influence the food choice and how we might impact upon it.
A number of existing theories try to identify which factors contribute to individual decisions. Decisions
including whether, what, where, when, with whom, how long, how, and how much to eat. Food choice
is a discipline which has a lot to offer in terms of furthering our understanding in this area.
The aim of this research is to present a framework which may help food designers to understand food
choice processes; in addition, assists them to evaluate concepts in order to persuade users in
choosing a more beneficial food behavior.
Food Choice
Food Choice is an interdisciplinary topic, which is the subject of research in several branches of the
natural and social sciences. Researches in this field ask how people select the food they eat, and also
have identified many different interferes on food choice process, including cultural, social, situational,
physiological, and cognitive aspects (Scheibehenne et al. 2007). Shepherd and Raats (2006)
acclaimed that behavioral sciences, including psychology, have a lot to offer in terms of furthering our
understanding in this area.
Regarding to the achievements of these researchers, responsible designers aim to enable users to
make better choices by developing strategies for balancing less beneficial with more advantaged food
choices, whether by educating users about the impact of their behavior, or designing out inefficient
user habits. By understanding the food choice patterns, the quality of the food experience between
the user and the product will be improved.
Behavior Model for Persuasive Design
Behavior models are a way to understand the factors that drive particular behaviors. One of the best
known comes from HCI and is the Behavior Model for Persuasive Design which helps us to
understand the factors underlying behaviors.
B.J. Fogg is a scientist who has created the Behavior Model for Persuasive Design as new model of
human behavior change. In particular it focuses on using technology to change behaviors in positive
ways. This model is useful in analysis and design of persuasive technologies.
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Fogg’s behavior model (FBM) is well defined to understand. It shows that three things; motivation,
ability and a trigger are required to change or maintain a particular behavior. Figure.1 visualizes the
FBM, in which the relationship of the components is conceptual rather than precise values for each.
The motivation element is a reason or a desire to do something. Fogg mention types of Motivators:
Sensation, Anticipation, and Social Cohesion. Each with two sides: pleasure/pain, hope/fear,
acceptance/rejection (Fogg, 2009).
Ability, within the Fogg model, is physically or intellectually capability of doing something. Making the
particular behavior easier to do or simpler, will increase the likeliness of performing the target
behavior (Fogg, 2009).
And there must also be a trigger: A trigger is something that tells people to perform a behavior now,
which can be an external or internal stimulus to compel the user. There are also three types
of triggers named: facilitator, spark, and signal. A spark is a trigger that motivates behavior. A
facilitator makes behavior easier. And a signal indicates or reminds (Fogg, 2009).
The model contends that to change or maintain any behavior, you need three elements. Fogg claimed
(2009) he or she must (1) be sufficiently motivated, (2) have the ability to perform the behavior, and
(3) be triggered to perform the behavior. These specific elements should come together at one
moment, so the behavior is more likely to occur.
Figure 1: The Fogg's Behavior Model (Fogg, 2009).
Food designers should consider that the consumption of food is a delicate interplay between need
and desire. Considering the FBM acclaim, need and desire may be interpreted as Ability and
Motivation. In this view, take a more precise look above this model and identifying the potentials to be
compatible with food choice models seems justifiable.
Methodology
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In this research some of the main food choice models published within the past 15 years, were
reviewed. These models have been developed to illustrate the way people establish the routines of
choosing foods. Each one of them considers multiple factors that operate on different levels of
influence on human food choice decision. In order to achieve a deeper understanding about the interfering
factors of food choice process the FCQ factors were selected to conduct the research. These factors are almost
the basis of dimensions described in the reviewed food choice models. FCQ is the food choice
questionnaire, which is commonly used to measure individual food attitudes (Steptoe et al., 1995).
These factors are concerns about health, mood, convenience, sensory appeal, natural content, price,
weight control, familiarity and ethical concern. These factors are further used to structure the Model of
Persuasive Food Design.
Findings
Each one of the food choice models, group the interfering factors into different categories. Furst et al.
(1996) introduced three components of Life Course, Influences and Personal Systems. Another
review is based on the main aspects of Biological, Economic, Physical, Sociological and Attitudes
(Shepherd, 1999). Also food choice is sometimes correlated to Sensory-Affective Responses,
Anticipated Consequences and Ideational Factors (Ertmans et al. 2001). Story et al. (2002) described
four levels of influencing which are defined as Individual, Social environmental, Physical
environmental, and Macrosystem influences (Shepherd & Raats, 2006, p. 249). There are
fundamental similarities among the mentioned models. They are all based on behavioral science, and
aim to illustrate the process of choosing food with a crucial, intuitive insight into human behavior. By
the way, these models are rarely practical for food designers since their main focus is on mapping the
scope of food behavior from the scientific point of view.
Here stands the necessity of providing a design framework as a handy procedure for food designers.
Accordingly a hypothetical model is presented in Figure 2. It is intended to bring clarity for food
designers to the world of behavioral science and enhance them to design more persuasive edible
products, so the intended behavior is more likely to occur.
Results
The Model of Persuasive Food Design (Figure.2) is structured based on the Fogg's Behavior Model,
with three main components of Motivation, Ability and Trigger. The nine FCQ factors are concerns
about health, mood, convenience, sensory appeal, natural content, price, weight control, familiarity
and ethical concern. Each factor is positioned roughly to be assumed as motivation, ability or trigger
on the diagram. Their position is based on considering the apparent aspects, compatible with the
definition of three FBM components which were reviewed on earlier session.
In this regard, there is another point that deserves some words here. In different situations the factors
may be replaced considering the divers aspects. A case in point, "price" generally is the "ability" in
purchasing products. However, in spite the cost reduction or discount, it should be considered as a
trigger which persuade user to by the good at the moment. The subtle point we should consider is
that, the nine FCQ factors are not comprehensive enough, specifically in trigger aspect. Further
researches should be conducted to broaden the horizon in front.
Designers who are intended to persuade users toward performing specific behavior should evaluate
their concept on the basis of The Model of Persuasive Food Design. Balancing different aspects
according to three components of this model will empower the concepts on the way to occur the
desired behavior.
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Figure 2: The Model of Persuasive Food Design.
Among the FCQ factors, five of them are considered as motivation: the reasons or a desire to take the
food decision. Health, weight control and natural content are the Anticipation type. Familiarity is a
Social Cohesion type and mood should be considered as Sensation. Three factors are considered as
ability, which the level of their easiness will increase the likeliness of performing the target behavior.
Only one factor is positioned in the trigger zone.
Below is the short summery of nine factors which are positioned on the model:
The user must have sufficient motivation to perform the target behavior. Health and weight control
factors are both considered as motivation. The issue of education (Shepherd, 1999; Scheibehenne et
al. 2007) has a great importance in considering the nutritious, calories and fat in taking the food
decision.
Natural content is also considered as a motivation. Considering the additives and ingredients in food
choice also known as Quality (Shepherd, 1999; Ertmans et al. 2001; Scheibehenne et al. 2007;
BISOGNI et al. 2002; Contento, 2006) and Biological aspect (Sobal et al. 2009; BISOGNI et al. 2002;
Shepherd & Raats, 2006, p. 249) is among factors less handy for designers in order to interfere with
food choice.
Familiarity (Scheibehenne et al. 2007; Contento, 2006) is another motivation factor which has a great
influence in food choice. Personal experiences (Shepherd & Raats, 2006; BISOGNI et al. 2002;
Ertmans et al. 2001; Shepherd & Raats, 2006, p. 107) which are learned both during early childhood
and also from later in life are among interfering components in shaping the familiarity. Brand loyalty is
one of the aspects of familiarity.
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The last factor of motivation is Mood. It is considered as a type of sensation motivator with the
aspects of pleasure and pain. In this regard, people make food decisions to cope with stress, feel
relax, keep awake, cheer up or feel good.
The Ability aspect almost depends on individual differences and the role of food designer in interfering
with that is low. Ability means that a person must be able to perform the target behavior in real world.
One of the main factors of Ability is the price (Shepherd, 1999; Scheibehenne et al. 2007; Ertmans et
al. 2001).
Convenience in shopping or preparing is another factor of ability. Convenience is a main cause of
shaping habits. Among the ability items, habits take up an exclusive attention, since much of a
person's food choice is habitual. In order to persuade users to perform the desired behavior it is
essential to learn the structure of habits and provide new behaviors among. It should be considered
that the script of the new behavior should be easy to follow and enable the user to repeat the same
action in similar manner (Bhamra et al. 2008), compatible with the same aspects of habits.
The key to perform an act right now is the third element of FBM model, which is Triggering the
Behavior. Among the FCQ factors Sensory Appeal such as appearance, taste, smell, and texture is
positioned as trigger. Novelty (Scheibehenne et al. 2007) also plays a main role in triggering
sensuality and prompting the user to take the desired action.
Psychological and cultural aspects have huge effect on the user's perception about sensory appeal.
The next session of this research focuses on illustrating the cultural aspects of Iranian cuisine. The
achievements are gathered as a practical toolkit from a designer point of view. It should be
considered as a source of inspiration for food designers by providing broad range of triggers in order
to persuade target behavior.
Iran and Cultural Triggers (Toolkit)
Iran is located in southwestern Asia, and its food strikes a medium between Greek and Indian
preparations. Since the beginning of human civilization, a series of people has invaded and
conquered this region, exposing the area to new customs, beliefs, ideas, and foods, as well as
bringing Iranian customs and foods back to their own home countries. It ended up in a rich cultural
heritage with numerous traditional ceremonies and rituals.
Iranian food rituals fall into two categories: foods that are eaten in celebration, and foods that are
prepared and consumed as a charitable religious act.
As a designer, keen in affecting users' decision, the author constantly marveling at the variety of
rituals surrounded local foods. This toolkit is a small collection of such observations that has been
made through natural curiosity. The result is a collection of cultural triggers in the field of food design.
As the collection is growing in size, themes are emerging with some general lessons
This toolkit enhances the feasibility of the presented Persuasive Food Design Model. The toolkit is not
as much about answers as it is about questions. It is not intended to be guide to food designers, but a
spur, encouraging them to pick a trigger from the depth of culture and further, merge it into their own
design. So, designers may grasp this toolkit in order to be familiar with bunch of practical triggers not
just for changing behavior for good, but also retrieving rituals which are nationally recognized.
Gathering the Iranian food rituals is an ongoing progress. A sample card of this toolkit is illustrated in
Figure 3.
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Figure 3: A Sample card of the Toolkit.
This sample card (Fig. 3) mentioned the food preparing for distribution to the community as a
charitable religious act. In Iranian culture it is common to give specific kinds of foods to all of one's
neighbors for fulfillment of a desire. In this regard, the most common ritual is reading prays aligned
with cooking, also decorating the food with written names of religious leaders by common ingredients.
Regardless of its taste, Iranians are acceptors of such food since the decorative written names
indicate the ritual process of cooking.
Reviewing this card draw a snapshot of a sample trigger. It may inspire food designers to provide
meaningful ornaments in a novel way to compel users, since this ritual has rooted in this culture for
over centuries.
Conclusion
In conducting this research, a potential gap among current food choice models has been identified.
The author presented a conceptual model, not just to sketch out the contributing factors on human
food choice but also introduced the new field of Persuasive Food Design. Based on this framework,
designers who are intended to persuade users toward performing specific behavior should evaluate
their concept on the basis of The Model of Persuasive Food Design. Balancing different aspects
according to three components of this model will empower the concepts on the way to occur the
desired behavior.
Furthermore, cultural triggers are introduced in this model. As the start point, a toolkit based on
Iranian cuisine culture got prepared. Arranging such toolkits help the designers to be familiar with
various cultural triggers in order to enhance them in designing unique edible products. While being
novel and wondering, considering cultural triggers is also a means of developing routines, rituals and
behaviors which are more beneficial for individuals and the society. Further steps should include
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gathering diverse cultural toolkits from different countries, in order to take a deeper look into
capabilities of various cultural triggers in persuasive food design.
References
Bhamra, T.A., Lilley, D. & Tang, T. (2008). Sustainable use: changing consumer behaviour through
product design. Conference: Changing the change: design visions, proposals and tools. (pp 234246). Turin, Italy.
Bisogni, C.A., Connors, M.M., Devine, C. & Sobal,J. (2002). Who we are and how we eat: a
qualitative study of identities in food choice. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behaviour. 34, 128139.
Contento, IR., Williams, SS., Michela, JL., & Franklin, AB. (2006). Understanding the food choice
process of adolescents in the context of family and friends. J Adol Health, 38: 575- 82.
de Boer, J., Hoogland, C. T. and Boersema, J. J. (2007) Towards More Sustainable Food Choices:
Value Priorities and Motivational Orientations, Food Quality and Preference 18: 985–96.
Eertmans, A., Baeyens, F., & Van den Bergh, O., (2001). Food likes and their relative importance in
human eating behavior: review and preliminary suggestions for health promotion. Health Educ
Res, 16: 443- 456.
Fogg, B.J., (2009). A Behavioral Model for Persuasive Design. In: Proceedings of the 4th International
Conference on Persuasive Technology. Claremont, California, USA.
Furst, T., Connors, M., Bisogni, C. A., Sobal, J., & Winter Falk, L. (1996). Food choice: A conceptual
model of the process. Appetite, 26: 247–266.
Scheibehenne, B., Miesler, L., & Todd, P. M. (2007). Fast and frugal food choices. Uncovering
individual decision heuristics. Appetite, 49, 578-589.
Shepherd, R. (1999). Social determinants of food choice. Proceedings of the Nutrition Society. 58:
807-812.
Shepherd, R. & Raat, M. (2006). The Psychology of Food Choice, CAB International
Sobal, J. & Bisogni, C.A. (2009). Constructing food choice decisions. Annals of Behavioral Medicine,
38(Supplement 1): 37-46.
Steptoe, A., Pollard, T. M., & Wardle, J. (1995). Development of a measure of the motives underlying
the selection of food: The Food Choice Questionnaire. Appetite, 25: 267–284.
Wood, J. (2000). Towards and Ethics of Flow. International Journal of Computing Anticipatory
Systems.
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Best Taste by Design: An approach to
rapidly satisfy consumer preferences
Jingwei Tan1, Jiani Tang1, Declan Kelly1, Qi Zhou1, Jettie Hoonhout2
1
Philips Research Asia Shanghai. 2 Philips Research Europe, Eindhoven.
Abstract
Rice is the main staple food in Asia, typically prepared separately and eaten with other dishes. The
common way (in Asia) to cook rice is to use an electrical rice cooker: the rice is placed in the rice
cooker along with the appropriate amount of water and after a typical cooking time of 45 mins, the rice
is ready.
A key requirement from consumers for rice cookers is good tasting rice. We tested a number of
commercial rice cookers from the Chinese market, using the same rice grain and same water source,
and found clear variation among the cooked rice in terms of sensory quality as measured in taste
tests. Instrument measurements, where physical/chemical properties are measured, also confirmed
the variation between the cooked rice.
We were aiming to produce a new solution for rice cooking to deliver the best taste or at least better
taste than current solutions on the market. The first challenge, however, was to define what the best
taste means. The second challenge was to develop a solution that could deliver better tasting rice.
Furthermore, we wanted to execute the project in the fastest, most efficient way and in particular
avoid many costly and time-consuming consumer taste tests.
In this paper we will explain the methodology we used and share our results and experience. Our
approach was to define an objective target for best rice in terms of instrument measurements,
specifically measuring properties of rice using measurement devices. We worked with an expert taste
panel, asking them to rate rice samples on certain attributes, and combined this with instrument
measurements (determining certain parameters in cooked rice) to determine an objective target. We
then developed an optimized cooking process based on this objective target. And only then did we
conduct taste tests with consumers.
We found that some attributes did not show consistency between Overall Quality evaluation and
attribute rating by the experts. Therefore these attributes (Appearance, Aroma) were not used for our
objective target setting. Better consistency was found for the taste/texture attribute. Based on the
expert test, these were taken as the basis for the objective target. The consistency between
instrument measurement results with the ratings of the experts was mixed but still provided enough
grounds to define the objective target.
Based on the defined objective target we defined and optimized a new cooking process. After several
iterations we decided that the new process was sufficiently tuned to be tested in a consumer taste
test against what we believed was the best rice cooker on the market (in terms of cooked rice sensory
quality as measured in separate benchmarking tests) with 102 consumers. The results show a
statistically significant preference (at 95% confidence level) for our new solution with 61% of
participants choosing the samples prepared according to our new process in a forced choice
comparison. Considering that the comparison product was the best choice available in the market,
this is a significant finding.
Keywords: sensory perception, rice cooking, texture analysis, recipe design
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Introduction
Rice (Li, 2009) is the main staple food in Asia, typically prepared separately and eaten with other
dishes. The common way to cook rice is to use an electrical rice cooker, the rice is placed in the rice
cooker along with the appropriate amount of water and after a typical cooking time of 45 mins, the rice
is ready.
A key requirement from consumers for rice cookers is good tasting rice. We tested a number of
commercial rice cookers from the Chinese market, using the same rice grain and same water source,
and found clear variation among the cooked rice in terms of sensory quality (China national standard
GB/T 15682, 2008) as measured by taste tests with consumers. Instrument measurements, where
physical/chemical properties are measured, also confirmed the variation between the cooked rice.
We were aiming to produce a new solution for rice cooking to deliver the best taste or at least better
taste than current solutions on the market. The first challenge was to define what the best taste is for
rice. The second challenge was to develop a solution that could deliver better tasting rice. We wanted
to execute the project in the fastest, most efficient way and in particular avoid many costly and timeconsuming consumer taste tests during the actual development process itself. We planned to conduct
a consumer test at the end of the process, in the final stage, by way of summative testing.
In this paper we will explain the approach we used to produce a rice cooker that delivers better tasting
rice, as measured by our final consumer taste tests. Although we use rice as the example, the
approach could be applied to other products, especially one where the sensory perception is
dominated by easily measurable attributes (such as texture, related to “hardness”). We focus on the
approach that was followed to produce a better cooking process and not the details of the new
cooking process, which is a highly technical description of heating profiles, based in part on
temperature sensor feedback.
With our approach we correlated objective measurements in a laboratory, specifically measurements
of the rice texture and “moisture content” with expert evaluation results in order to define measureable
parameters that are indicative of better tasting rice (for the particular rice type and specific region).
Figure 1 shows an overview of the approach, which will be described in detail in the following
sections.
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Expert
Evaluation
Instrument
Measurements
Objective Target
Compare
Cooking
Process
Instrument
Measurements
On Target
Consumer
Taste Test
Not On Target
Figure 1. Approach to create rice cooking process to deliver better sensory quality.
Evaluation Process
Our aim was to develop a new rice cooking solution for the Chinese market that delivers better tasting
rice. Evaluating this goal of better tasting rice is simple; we just need to perform large scale consumer
taste tests comparing our solution against the best competitor in the market. This kind of evaluation
works well once a solution is available but it is impractical to use consumer taste tests to guide the
development of a solution. Instead, we wanted to have an objective target to guide our development.
The first challenge is to define a set of objectively measureable parameters that could form the basis
of an objective target. These parameters should relate to consumer perception of taste but it is not
necessary that consumers can directly articulate taste in terms of these parameters. For our purpose,
developing a rice cooking solution, we need only focus on the attributes that are affected by the
cooking process and may discard attributes, which although important for sensory evaluation, are not
significantly impacted by the cooking method. These attributes are not expected to impact the
preference between different cooking methods, although care must be taken because of the potential
interaction between attributes in sensory evaluation.
To call the parameters objectively measurable, we expect that we can get the same results when we
measure equivalent samples. Highly trained sensory panels could claim to reach these criteria but a
more appealing direction is to use laboratory instruments to measure properties of the rice. Still there
is a challenge to ensure that the measurements are stable and repeatable.
There are many parameters that can in principle be objectively measured including those related to
appearance, aroma and texture. For texture it is possible to measure many specific attributes
including Hardness, Adhesiveness, Springiness, Chewiness, Cohesiveness and Gumminess. The
challenge is to define a small enough set to make evaluation efficient while still covering the key
aspects that determine the taste.
Our initial set of attributes was chosen based on literature and the Chinese National Standard GB/T
15682-2008 for rice evaluation. We then evaluated a number of different rice cooking methods with a
group of experts. The experts were asked to evaluate the rice according to a number of attributes as
well as overall quality. By evaluating the consistency between the overall quality evaluation and the
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attribute evaluation, as described below, we selected the attribute subset that related best to (the
expert opinion) of overall quality.
Once the attribute subset was selected, there was a further challenge to ensure that they could be
measured in a consistent way to give quantitative results. The solution was to define a standard
operating procedure to take the measurements that involved taking a pre-defined number of samples
distributed throughout the rice bowl for evaluation. The average result was taken along with the
coefficient of variation. The coefficient of variation is also a quality measure, too high a variation within
the rice bowl indicates uneven cooking, which is perceived as poor quality by consumers.
As described above, we selected a number of key attributes and defined the measurements method
to deliver quantitative measurement results. Our next challenge was to define an objective target for
better tasting rice. No such target is available from literature and we expect that the target will depend
on the rice type and the regional preferences where it is consumed. There are a number of risks in
this approach. The primary risk is that deconstructing the target for best tasting rice into a set of
discrete attribute values misses the subtle interactions between the attributes that actually deliver the
perceived taste.
Our approach was to do an expert evaluation of rice cooked with different methods and in parallel
perform the instrument measurements. By correlating the instrument measurements with the expert
evaluation we could link objective measurements with the expert evaluation of best taste, thereby
determining an objective target for better tasting rice. The challenge here is whether the
measurements correlate sufficiently well with the expert evaluation to make a usable target. In real
situations, the result is not a perfect correlation with the ideal consistency. The difficulty is that one
cannot know at this point whether the target is good enough, that will only become clear once the final
consumer taste tests have been completed.
Materials & Methods
Rice Sample Preparation
Thai Jasmine rice (Leelayuthsoontom et al., 2006) the most often consumed rice variety in the south
of China, was purchased from local markets and was washed in a consistent way before cooking.
Expert Evaluation
Five experts were brought together to form a taste panel. Two were chefs from mid level restaurants
in Shanghai (customers will spend on average CNY 150, about €18 or £15), two were magazine food
writers and one was a professor from a rice research institute.
The experts were served six samples, each assigned a random three digit number, consisting of the
same rice grain and water source, but cooked according to six different methods, mainly different rice
cookers available on the Chinese market. For each sample the experts were asked to rate the
following attributes:




Overall Quality
Appearance (Shape, Color & Gloss)
Aroma
Taste (Hardness, Adhesiveness and Moisture Content)
These attributes are selected based on China National Standard GB/T 15682-2008 for rice
evaluation.
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The experts were not informed of the origin or difference between the samples nor the company
conducting the test. The samples were prepared in a separate room that was not accessible to the
experts. The experts were also not allowed to discuss the samples among each other.
There were two criteria used in analyzing the results of the expert taste test: consistency among the
experts in their ratings, and correlation between the Overall Quality preference and the evaluation of
individual attributes. Wide variation among the experts would render the results meaningless in terms
of defining an objective target. For the specific attributes there should be consistency between the
Overall Quality evaluation of the sample and the particular attribute in order to make that attribute
useful in the objective target.
Instrument Measurements
By instrument measurements we mean using devices to measure physical or chemical properties of
the rice. Such measurements can highlight differences in the cooked rice based on changes in the
cooking process. If a target for better taste can be defined in terms of such measurements then it
would be possible to adjust and optimize the cooking process to produce a better result in an efficient
way.
A Texture Analyzer, “TA-XT plus” (Stable Micro Systems), see Figure 2, was used to test the physical
properties (specifically, Hardness and Adhesiveness) of cooked rice. Three cooked rice kernels were
compressed at each test, with compression speed of 0.5 mm/s and with 50% strain. Average results
of fifteen repeated tests were used for analysis. This device can measure many attributes like
Hardness, Adhesiveness, Springiness, Chewiness, Cohesiveness and Gumminess, however, we
focused on the subset (i.e., Hardness, Adhesiveness) evaluated by the experts.
Moisture Content of cooked rice was measured with the “HR83 Halogen” (METTLER TOLEDO)
analyzer, see Figure 2. The cooked rice sample (5g) was added to the device and the result was
obtained once the loss in weight falls below 1mg/50s, after about 1 hour. Triplicates were measured
for each cooked rice sample.
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Figure 2. Texture Analyser and Moisture Content Analyzer used in the measurements.
The criteria to judge the usefulness of the instrument measurements is to what extent these
measurement results are sensitive enough, and predictive enough of the evaluation by the experts. If
the expert group agrees on the relative magnitude of the two samples then we expect the instrument
measurements to be consistent.
Consumer Taste Tests
Based on the defined objective target we defined a new cooking process and performed a consumer
taste test, evaluating the results of this new cooking process against what we believed was the best
rice cooker on the market (in terms of cooked rice sensory quality as measured in separate
benchmarking tests) with 102 consumers.
Consumers were served two samples in balanced order (i.e., half the participants received one order,
the other half the opposite order), and asked to choose between the samples in a forced choice
procedure (Leelayuthsoontom et al., 2006; Meilgaard et al., 2006; Lawless & Heymann, 2010;
Srisawas, et al., 2007; Prakash et al., 2005), using each of the following attributes:
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




Overall quality
Appearance
Aroma
Hardness
Adhesiveness
Consumers were not asked to evaluate Appearance separately in terms or Shape and Color & Gloss
and were also not asked to evaluate Moisture Content because, based on pilot tests conducted prior
to this main test, it was seen as too difficult for consumers to articulate clearly these different
attributes. Participants were not informed about the background of the test (i.e. testing different
cooking processes) nor about the company conducting the test.
Results & Discussion
Expert Evaluation Results
Table 1 shows the result for Overall Quality for the six samples, each identified by a random three
digit number in the test. Samples were evaluated on a 0 to 10 scale (0 = Not Liked, 10 = Like
Extremely) and the mean score is also shown in Table 1. Our conclusion is that samples 173 and 861
are most preferred by our expert group followed by sample 779. Sample 646 shows the worst result.
Table 1. Overall Quality Results from expert evaluation.
Overall quality
Description
Like Extremely
Average
Not Liked
Mean Score
Score
10
9
8
7
5-6
0-4
Sample No.
779
243
2
1
1
1
6.4
492
1
4
1
3
1
5.8
5.6
646
3
2
4.6
173
861
1
2
1
1
3
1
1
7.6
7.4
Note: the value (1-5) in each sample No. code column (not include the mean score row) means the number of experts that
gave the corresponding score.
Table 2 shows the results for Shape on a five point scale (1 = Extremely Bad and 5 = Excellent) and
includes the mean score. The experts are quite consistent in their ratings, there are no discontinuities
(i.e. cases where the experts scores are not clustered and the variation is not large (results are
clustered on 2 or 3 levels). The consistency with the Overall Quality is not strong, samples 173 and
861 get higher scores, as with Overall Quality and sample 646 again gets the lowest score but 779
and 492 receive scores close to the two best scoring samples. Based on this we conclude that the
agreement between the experts Overall Quality and Shape evaluation does not appear to be very
strong.
Table 2. Appearance – Shape – results from expert evaluation.
Shape
Description
Excellent
Good
Average
Score
5
4
3
Sample No.
779
243
1
1
2
3
3
492
1
3
1
361
646
173
3
4
1
861
1
3
1
Bad
Extremely Bad
Mean Score
2
1
2
3.6
3.4
4
2.6
3.8
4
Note: the value (1-5) in each sample No. code column (not include the mean score row) means the number of experts that
gave the corresponding score.
Table 3 shows the results for Color & Gloss on a five point scale (1 = Extremely Bad, 5 = Excellent).
The internal consistency among the experts is weaker than for Shape, all samples span three levels
and one sample spans four. Also the agreement with the Overall Quality evaluation is not clear.
Table 3. Appearance – Color & Gloss – results from expert evaluation
Color and Gloss
Description
Excellent
Good
Average
Bad
Extremely Bad
Mean Score
Score
5
4
3
2
1
Sample No.
779
243
1
2
1
2
3
1
492
2
1
1
1
646
3.8
3.8
3
3
2
1
2
173
2
2
1
861
1
2
2
4.2
3.8
Note: the value (1-5) in each sample No. code column (not include the mean score row) means the number of experts that
gave the corresponding score.
Table 4 shows the results for Aroma on a five point scale (1 = Extremely Bad, 5 = Excellent). There is
a good consistency between the experts for four samples but also one anomaly, sample 779 with a
discontinuity. Also there is not strong agreement with the Overall Quality evaluation.
Table 4 Aroma results from expert evaluation
Aroma
Description
Excellent
Good
Average
Bad
Extremely Bad
Mean Score
Score
5
4
3
2
1
Sample No.
779
243
1
3
2
1
1
2
3.8
492
2
3
3
3.4
646
4
1
2.8
173
861
4
1
2
3
3.8
3.4
Note: the value (1-5) in each sample No. code column (not include the mean score row) means the number of experts that
gave the corresponding score.
Table 5 shows the Hardness evaluation on a five point scale where 3 means ideal (according to the
experts’ opinion). The deviation from ideal is calculated by the number of results that are not ideal,
one level away (2 or 4) counts for 1 and two levels away (1 or 5) counts for 2. The average deviation
takes into account whether the result is higher or lower on average.
Table 5 Hardness results from expert evaluation
Hardness
Description
Too hard
A bit hard
Just right
A bit soft
Score
5
4
3
2
Sample No.
779
243
1
2
3
3
1
362
492
646
2
2
1
1
3
173
861
1
4
5
Too soft
Deviation from ideal
b
Average Deviation
1
a
2
+2
5
+5
3
+1
1
5
-5
1
+1
0
0
Note: the value (1-5) in each sample No. code column (not include the mean score row) means the number of experts that
gave the corresponding score.
a
b
Sum of each absolute value; Sum of original value (positive and negative may offset).
The expert evaluation of Hardness shows good consistency among the experts, including the finding
that the experts unanimously agree that sample 861 is ideal for Hardness. Furthermore, there is
reasonable consistency with the Overall Quality result. Samples 173 and 861 show the best Overall
Quality and are closest to the ideal for Hardness. Next in Overall Quality is 779 which comes next in
Hardness. The only anomaly is sample 243 which scores as badly as sample 646 for Hardness
although its Overall Quality score is higher.
Table 6 shows the result for Adhesiveness. Again there is the finding that all experts agree that one
sample is ideal. In addition to that, there is reasonable consistency between the experts apart from
sample 646, which spans four levels. The consistency between Adhesiveness and Overall Quality is
not good, the ideal sample 173 is also one of the best for Overall Quality but the others do not
correspond.
Table 6. Adhesiveness results from expert evaluation.
Adhesiveness
Description
Too adhesive
A bit adhesive
Just right
A bit less adhesive
Not adhesive at all
Deviation from ideal
Average Deviation b
Score
5
4
3
2
1
a
Sample No.
779
243
492
2
2
1
4
1
3
2
3
+1
1
-1
2
-2
646
2
1
1
1
5
-1
173
861
5
1
3
1
0
0
2
0
Note: the value (1-5) in each sample No. code column (not include the mean score row) means the number of experts that
gave the corresponding score.
a
b
Sum of each absolute value; Sum of original value (positive and negative may offset).
Table 7 shows the result for Moisture Content. There is good consistency among the experts, only
two samples span three levels and both are clustered around a center point. Again there is
unanimous agreement that one sample is ideal. The consistency with Overall Quality is also good with
the exception of sample 492, which gets a better score for Moisture Content than expected for Overall
Quality.
Table 7. Moisture Content results from expert evaluation.
Moisture Content
Description
Too wet
A bit wet
Just right
A bit dry
Too dry
Deviation from ideal
b
Average Deviation
Score
5
4
3
2
1
a
Sample No.
779
243
492
2
3
1
4
1
3
1
3
-3
4
-4
2
0
646
1
3
1
173
861
5
1
4
5
+5
0
0
1
+1
Note: the value (1-5) in each sample No. code column (not include the mean score row) means the number of experts that
gave the corresponding score.
a
b
Sum of each absolute value; Sum of original value (positive and negative may offset).
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Based on the reported results we did not see clear consistency between the Overall Quality result and
Appearance (Shape, Color & Gloss) and Aroma. Therefore we chose not to include these attributes in
the objective measurements.
The taste related attributes, actually closely related to texture, show more promise. The fact that the
experts all agree that a single sample is ideal is encouraging. For each of the three taste attributes
there is one sample that is ideal, our hypothesis is that if we can produce cooked rice that is close to
the ideal on these three parameters then it will be perceived as high quality. Others samples are
either agreed by the experts as being less than ideal or there is disagreement between the experts.
For our purpose (defining an objective target for good rice), we look for a single target that is broadly
accepted, the consensus between the experts points to this. It does not exclude the possibility of
other attribute values that are considered high quality depending on personal preference but for our
purpose we needed to have as broadly accepted target as possible. There is also a reasonable
consistency between the evaluation of Overall Quality and these attributes, less so for Adhesiveness
than for Hardness and Moisture Content. We choose to focus on the three texture attributes in order
to define an objective target for better tasting rice.
Instrument Measurement Results
The instrument measurements were evaluated for consistency with the expert evaluation, for
example, if the expert panel says that sample A is harder than sample B then we expect the
instrument measurements to show comparable outcomes.
Table 8 shows the Hardness measurements from the Texture Analyzer (TPA), the sample chosen as
ideal by the experts is taken as the reference (value 0) and the other samples are shown as
percentage changes from this value.
Table 8. Hardness results from instrument measurements and expert test
Hardness
Deviation from ideal
Average Deviation
Measurement (%)
Sample No.
779
243
2
5
+2
+5
+16%
1%
492
3
+1
-5%
646
5
-5
-23%
173
1
+1
-12%
861
0
0
0
Sample 779 is considered by two experts as harder and the measurements shows 16% above.
Sample 646 is considered much softer by the experts and is measured to be 23% softer. These
results show good consistency. Sample 173 is considered by one expert as harder than the ideal and
the measurement shows 12% below. Sample 492 is interesting, two experts rate it as harder and one
as softer whereas the measurement shows it is somewhat softer at 5% below. The remaining sample
243 is an anomaly, the experts rate it as clearly harder but the measurement is almost equal to the
ideal.
Out of the six results, three samples (861, 779, 646) show good consistency, with less consistent
results for the other three. One possible explanation for the inconsistency is the interaction between
Hardness and other attributes, in particular Moisture Content. Although Hardness and Moisture
Content can be independently measured, they do interact in the sensory perception (Srisawas et al.,
2007).
After evaluating the Hardness results we concluded that they could be used to define an objective
target based on the measurement result from sample 861.
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Table 9 shows the measurements for Adhesiveness. These results are hardly consistent, so, it seems
that Adhesiveness is not a suitable candidate in the set of objective targets that we are looking for.
Table 9. Adhesiveness results from instrument measurements and expert test
Adhesiveness
Deviation from ideal
Average Deviation
Measurement (%)
Sample No.
779
243
3
1
+1
-1
+1%
-49%
492
2
-2
-4.9%
646
5
-1
-37%
173
0
0
0
861
2
0
-29%
Table 10 shows the Moisture Content measurements. These show reasonable consistency (except
861), at least when the experts state that they consider the samples to be too wet, we measure higher
water content and conversely when the experts believe the samples are too dry, we measure lower
water content. There is sufficient consistency for us to base a target on the result of sample 173.
Table 10. Moisture Content results from instrument measurements and expert test
Moisture Content
Deviation from ideal
Average Deviation
MC Measurement (%)
Sample No.
779
243
3
4
-3
-4
-12%
-3.7%
492
2
0
-2.8%
646
5
+5
+5%
173
0
0
0
861
1
+1
-2%
From these results we defined an objective target for Hardness, Adhesiveness and Moisture Content.
Although the real results are far from perfect in terms of consistency between instrument
measurements and expert evaluation, we choose to proceed and define the objective target for
Hardness, Adhesiveness and Moisture Content based on the experts’ consensus for ideal. In addition
we measured the coefficient of variation for these attributes after measuring multiple samples from
one rice pot. A lower coefficient of variation indicates better consistency, an indication of higher
quality.
Our hypothesis was that the target based on the experts’ consensus on ideal for the three attributes
would reflect consumer preference. This does not exclude the possibility that other attribute
combinations could also show consumer preference; however, for our purpose we needed a workable
target that delivers consumer preference, it was not our aim to prove the uniqueness of this target.
Consumer Taste Test Results
The aim of the consumer taste test was to evaluate whether our new process delivered improved
consumer preference against the competitor product. A secondary aim was to look at the correlation
between consumer’s overall preference and preference for specific attributes.
The results show a statistically significant preference (at 95% confidence level) for our new solution
with 61% of participants choosing the samples prepared according to our new process in the forced
comparison. Considering that the comparison product was the best choice available in the market,
this is a significant finding.
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We also asked consumers to rate the two products on Appearance, Aroma, Hardness and
Adhesiveness. The group’s preferences for Appearance, Hardness and Adhesiveness were
consistent with the overall preference and statistically significant (at 95% confidence level). For Aroma
there was almost equal preference and no statistically significant difference.
In the expert test the Hardness and Adhesiveness preference showed some consistency with Overall
Quality but Appearance and Aroma did not. With consumers, Appearance was consistent but not
Aroma.
Discussion
The approach detailed in Figure 1 shows an idealized methodology, an objective target is set and
then the cooking process is optimized to meet the target. As shown from our experimental results, the
actual situation is less clear-cut.
We found that some attributes did not show consistency between Overall Quality evaluation and
attribute rating by the experts. Therefore these attributes (Appearance, Aroma) were not used. Better
consistency was found for the taste/texture attribute, based on the expert test, these were taken as
the basis for the objective target.
The instrument measurement consistency with the experts was mixed. One possible explanation is
that the interaction between different attributes effects the sensory perception. A better understanding
of these interactions could help explain the cases where the measured results were inconsistent with
the expert evaluation. Based on these measurements we defined the objective target and optimized
the cooking process to reach the target.
In our project we found this approach very helpful, the objective target is clearly not a perfect
definition of the ideal rice but it was useful in guiding our cooking process definition. Especially being
able to make instrument measurements to judge a proposed new cooking method was very effective,
and time efficient. However, there was also some risk involved, if our target was not approximately
right, then of course we would never have achieved a successful result in the consumer taste test.
One reason we believe that this approach worked was because the sensory perception of rice is
dominated by texture properties. These properties lend themselves to objective measurements (for
example, Hardness) that can be distinguished in sensory evaluation tests.
Another reason this approach was effective was that we focused on the cooking process; we used
exactly the same grain and water source and only varied the cooking process. There may be many
more factors that influence the sensory perception of rice that don’t vary significantly with different
cooking methods. Thus, when testing and optimizing the cooking process it may be possible to focus
on a subset of attributes compared to the full set required when evaluating different rice grains.
One limitation of the approach we took was that we looked for a single objective target, there may be
other points in the attribute space that are also perceived as good quality by consumers. Also we did
not consider personal preference. Consumers do express a preference for hard or soft rice if asked.
In our consumer taste tests we achieved a significant preference with our solution which was softer
than the alternative (according to consumer evaluation). To achieve a higher level of consumer
satisfaction it can be considered to make multiple targets to account for personal preference, for
example, a target for hard rice and one for softer rice.
Further research is needed to better understand the interaction between the attributes and sensory
perception. For example, Moisture Content influences the perception of Hardness; a better
understanding of the scope of this interaction would help in interpreting the inconsistency between the
expert evaluation and the instrument measurements.
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For rice we aimed to identify a single target for better tasting rice. For further research it would be
valuable to map the attribute space to sensory quality in order to identify potentially multiple quality
peaks.
To apply this approach more broadly it is necessary to identify cases where the sensory perception is
dominated by a manageable set of measurable parameters. An interesting direction for further
research is to consider, for different cooking and brewing processes, the attributes that are affected
by the process versus those that are determined by the ingredients. By doing this it is possible to
greatly simplify the optimization of the cooking and brewing process.
Better Taste by Design
In our approach we aimed to design a new rice cooking process to deliver better tasting rice. We
wanted to avoid a time consuming trial-and-error approach and instead define an objective target for
better tasting rice so that we could design our solution to deliver the target taste.
By following this process, we could perform fast iterations by testing variations in the cooking process
and evaluating their effect on the selected attributes. This allowed a much wider exploration of the
parameter space, including testing different rice grades and strains, than is realistic with consumer
taste tests or even expert panel tests.
We applied this approach to produce better taste by design to rice but we believe it could be applied
to other food types. Rice has the advantage that the sensory quality evaluation is dominated by
texture attributes which lend themselves to objective measurements.
This approach was applied to developing a new cooking solution and not to producing a new food
product. With a cooking solution there may be attributes that don’t change significantly in the cooking
process and can therefore be neglected in setting an objective target. This simplifies the problem
spaces and makes this an interesting approach for developing cooking appliances.
Conclusion
In this paper we presented the approach we took to define an improved rice cooking process to
satisfy consumer preference. To ensure speed we choose to use expert taste tests combined with
instrument measurements to elicit an objective target and then we optimized our cooking process
against this target.
When we tested our new cooking process with consumers we got a statistically significant preference
for our new process, which validated our approach. Although the target could not be claimed to be a
precise definition of the ideal rice, it proved a very useful tool to support optimizing the cooking
process.
References
1. Li, X. (2009). Japonica Rice Varieties Illustrated Handbook. Being: China Light Industry Press.
2. China National Standard GB/T 15682-2008. (2008). Inspection of grain and oils-Method for
sensory evaluation of paddy or rice cooking and eating quality.
3. Leelayuthsoontorn, P., & Thipayerat, A. (2006). Textural and morphological changes of Jasmine
rice under various elevated cooking conditions. Food Chemistry, 96, 606–613.
4. Meilgaard, M.C., Civille, G.V., & Carr, B.T. (2006). Sensory Evaluation Techniques. London:
Taylor&Francis.
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5. Lawless, H.T. & Heymann, H. (2010). Sensory Evaluation of Food: Principles and Practices, New
York: Springer.
6. Srisawas, W. & Jindal, V.K. (2007). Sensory evaluation of cooked rice in relation to water-to-rice
ratio and physicochemical properties, Journal of Texture Studies, 38, 21–41.
7. Prakash, M., Ravi, R., Sathish, H.S., Shyamala, J.C., Shwetha, M.A., & Rangarao, G.C.P.
(2005). Sensory and instrumental texture measurement of thermally processed rice. Journal of
Sensory Studies, 20, 410-420.
8. Runqi Xu. (2003). Study on Developing Rice Quality Evaluating Technique, Journal of Sichuan
University of Science and Technology, 22, 34-43.
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Agriculture prototypes: A design
experiment of sustainable open fields
in China.
Francesca Valsecchi1, Serena Pollastri2, Yongqi Lou3
1
EU-China science and technology fellowship programme
2
Tektao, Urban Design
3
Tongji University / DESIS China
Abstract
In this paper we present a practice-based design research project in rururban China. We involved
local villagers in the Shanghai countryside in the re-conversion of a field to more sustainable ways of
rice production, and the creation of a small marketplace for local production and storytelling. We
contribute our results and findings to the wider playground of experiments in food-related
sustainability issues.
In the framework of sustainability and social innovation research, agriculture doesn't just mean food
production; it represents the system of community, local resources, open process and connected
stakeholders. Increasing public interest in agriculture, food supply, and food security is influencing the
way design can help improve the urban food system. A rich showcase of design interventions on
many levels has grown in the last decade; nevertheless, the global call of design for social innovation
continuously asks for prototypes of small yet networked solutions.
The research we are conducting follows this approach, and replies to the call with the description and
the discussion of a Chinese case, in which solutions to connect Shanghai and its peri-urban areas
have been prototyped.
The concept of “organic products” is not familiar to the Chinese audience and local regulations are not
clear. As a result, those consumers (mainly from the foreign community) looking for organic food,
certified according to international standards, often turn to services that import overseas products,
without stimulating any local change. Sustainable approach to food in China means rebuilding this
social relationship in the link between production and consumption.
In the paper we tell the story of our rice field in Chongming Island and the design strategies that have
been used in the management, production, communication and dissemination of the story together
with the local villagers. The field represents both a prototype of a social innovation process through
the involvement of local community, and a communication and experimentation tool, used as a
medium in the conversation among designers, farmers and city networks. We recall participation
processes that do not explicitly refer to co-design practices; instead we designed communication,
services and experiences contributing to the reconstruction of a knowledge identity by the villagers,
369
aimed to increase their sensitivity and the awareness about their daily practice of agriculture that
defines their domain of expertise. In the paper, we also describe the approach in which the field has
been managed, in a continuous process of knowledge sharing among designers (suggesting and
implementing creative solutions) and farmers (contributing with experience and technique). The
mutual learning is an output of the process, enhanced by a mechanism of trust. This process does not
involve just food production, but it is linked to the community's social and economic development.
We learned that involvement and support of the community in agro-food innovative practice means
both envisioning and developing the local and dis-intermediated food networks, as well as a new
common conception of public space, where connections among different stakeholders are facilitated.
Keywords : local production, food innovation, agriculture design
1. Agriculture, food and sustainability
In the general multidisciplinary framework of research for sustainability, food has always had a crucial
role. Different from other objects, services or infrastructures, food is something that we consume by
introducing it in our body, and becomes a part of what we are (Petrini, 2005). The complexity of the
food-system though, must be understood, and so should the social system related to food production
and agriculture. Agriculture is not just the process of food production; it represents the system of
community, local resources, open process and connected stakeholders.
Food choices have a relevant impact on the production system, in terms of use of resources,
production methods and landscape. Therefore it is impossible to be really interested in food without
being interested in food production. Even if we are not farmers, we are all “farming by proxy” (Berry,
2002). Industrial agriculture considers technologies that can increase the yield of a specific crop the
key of innovation and the solution to world hunger. According to Moore Lappè, though, this view can
be better described as ”productivist” because it fixates on production, or “reductivist” because it
narrows the focus to a single element. Monoculture is anti-ecological, not only because it negatively
affects the natural local environment, but also because it isolates agriculture from its cultural local
context (Moore Lappè, 2011). The International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and
Technology for Development (2009) stresses the importance of the conditions of farmers, local
relationships and heritage; the report also recognizes the value of traditional knowledge, defined as
the interaction of the material and non-material worlds embedded in place-based culture. According to
Berry, neighbouring cities demanding good quality locally grown food can encourage local farms to
diversify to meet that demand. Design can have a role in this framework, facilitating the exchange of
resources between the city and the countryside (service design), and raising awareness on the food
topic (communication design). “Clean and fair” products (Petrini, 2005) are usually a prerogative of
strongly motivated consumers that support local projects for ethical reasons. Designers can translate
to products, services and communication the intangible qualities of those goods, uniting “the
dimension of socio-environmental sustainability with the dimension of the pleasure of consumption”
(Manzini, Meroni, 2007)
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The next World Expo in 2015 will specifically focus on the topic of food; it will promote further
discussions and showcases of sustainability driven policies and best practices. This reflects the scale
of the food issue, with impact on a global, systemic level, on society and economy. A rich showcase
of local projects that reconnect people and food production while transforming neighbourhood
liveability already exists in international literature. International entrepreneurial and academic
networks for sustainability (such as DESIS) collect practice-based examples of farmer's markets,
community supported agriculture, community gardens, social purchasing groups and 0-km initiatives.
These inputs are already providing local services and improvements in the environment where they
arise; they also contribute to reinforce the global network of sustainable practices.
Nevertheless, design for social innovation is continuously asking for prototypes of small yet networked
solutions to be adapted to different contexts. In this paper we want to contribute a specific application
of this approach in China, in Chongming Island's countryside, which is a peri-urban area of Shanghai.
This middle scale island maintains the characteristics of a typical rural landscape and shares the
same challenges with most of the rural areas in China. Most relevant here are socio-economic
transformation and problems connected with rapid urbanization and major urban and agricultural
master plans. The result is a countryside that shows a profound lack of culture, low literacy and strong
market drift. One of the most visible resources of Chongming is its agricultural background and the
network of small farms that are still shaping the landscape and influencing the economy. Some of
these farms are already reconverting to more sustainable methods of agriculture and food delivery
systems; these examples can sustain themselves thanks to Shanghai's growing demand for safer
food, as it will be described in the next section.
The deep meanings and values that food has in China can also be a driver of change, in the process
of moving from industrial monoculture to more holistic paradigms of production. The importance of
food in China, at every single stage of the food chain, is crucial, and food has milestones meanings in
history and culture. Even if we are not going to elaborate on the details, we find it necessary to
mention several Chinese food-related issues. China has a centuries old gastronomic tradition, with
different characteristics in different parts of the country. Chines cuisine uses plenty of species, both
wild and cultivated. It is probably the culture that mostly recognizes the therapeutic role of food and
the medical use of edible goods. In China food represents and brings health and joy, and convivium –
where dishes are shared among participants – is always respected and celebrated.
Another issue to be shortly addressed are the famines that China faced during its history. They
probably affect the current attitude of wasting food, by buying, ordering, cooking much more than it is
needed. This behaviour is very well rooted in the whole Chinese society, regardless of the social
status and personal wealth. Moreover, in China, when talking about food we have to keep in mind
safety problems that originate from the conditions of soil, water and air. Wan Bentai, chief engineer at
the Ministry of Environmental Protection recognizes that “heavy metal pollution incidents have
occurred repeatedly in recent years” (BCC News Asia, 2011). These issues have a strong impact on
the quality of food, people's concerns and their purchase decisions.
All these factors represent a multi-faced description of the topic. They cannot be isolated because
they contribute to outline the situation of food as a whole. China is probably the place that, because of
its dimensions and development stage, is currently facing the greatest challenge in the food system.
Moreover in this country, the impact of food culture affects two very separated social classes,
struggling for food quality - the producers from the countryside and citizens.
A sustainable approach to the food issue must be a systemic one, in which agriculture “is regarded as
a culture of healthy relationships, both in the field—among soil organisms, insects, animals, plants,
water, sun—and in the human communities it supports” (Moore Lappè, 2011).
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2. Shanghai rururban metropolis
Our research project is based in the Chinese context and refers to specific characteristic of its food
system; it starts from the preliminary finding that urban Chinese middle class is getting disconnected
on many levels from the food that they eat. During the ethnographic research the team conducted in
the past months, we collected several data on food supply and consumption. During qualitative
ethnographic research we conducted in July 2011, we investigated the relationship of urban people
with food and agriculture; it emerged that only 21% of the respondents normally cook dinner at home
during weekdays, while 46% of them buy take-away food, and 34% eat at restaurants. Another
interesting finding is that about 75% of people interviewed can not associate vegetables and fruits to
the corresponding season. Unlike in the West, where obesity is very much a problem related to the
lower end of the social scale, here in Chinese cities, it is typically emerging as a middle class
problem; food education on different levels is important to change unhealthy and unsustainable
habits. To be effective, this process must involve this segment of the population in an active personal
change.
Shanghai is a vivid metropolis where consolidated practices of organic food consumption and creative
initiatives are enhanced by robust market economy, smooth logistic systems and the presence of
high and educated social classes seeking for high quality products. The organic products demand in
Shanghai, though, mainly comes from the foreign community living in the city. The concept itself of
“organic” is not familiar to the Chinese audience, and local regulations are not clear. As a result,
consumers looking for organic food, certified according to international standards, often turn to
services that import overseas products at a high price for their purchases.
The scarcity of localized efforts in proposing tailored regulations for “organic” labels and in suggesting
new production paradigms, limits the impact on local countryside and producers. Sustainability in
China, and mainly sustainability of food networks, implies a discourse that refuses the idea of Chinese
countryside just as a cheap marketplace. A new idea of the countryside as a social actor must be
rebuilt.
Traditionally in Chinese society food production, preparation and consumption are considered to be at
the same time a necessity, a quest for pleasure and a social event. To design a sustainable approach
to food in China is to find new ways to rebuild this link between production and consumption on a
social level. We hope in this way to positively reply to Manzini (2005) “It follows that if design can and
must have a role in agricultural cultivation and food production, this should arise now out of a
profound awareness of the crisis in the dominant economic and cultural model, and out of a
recognition of the possible role of design as co-promoter of alternative agricultural and food systems
that can become promise real steps in the direction of sustainability.”
The project we are discussing is a part of Design Harvests, a wider design research project currently
active at Tongji University in Shanghai. The aim of the project is to promote social and economic
balance between the city and neighbouring rural areas in China. We look for alternative paths that
diverge from fully industrialized processes, in the direction of a services-based society in which
heritage and resources are shared values among different stakeholders. Through design practices we
aim to build service, communication and product based bridges to connect the city and the
countryside, enhancing interaction and exchanges. The project contributes to the sustainable food
scenario by enhancing local small-scale production, connecting producers and consumers and
ultimately visualizing hidden qualities of the farming activities and local heritage. To do so, we use a
design approach that adopts a systemic vision, “tackling the complexity of social networks” (Manzini,
Meroni 2007).
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At the UW-Madison centre for Integrated Agricultural Systems, a group of researchers developed the
so called “Tiers of the Food System framework”, that systematizes the spectrum of relationships
between consumers and the businesses that grow, process, distribute and market their food in a
scale from tier 0 to tier 5, according to progressively bigger distances between the production and
consumption extremes of food chain. Even if the framework is based on geographical based analysis
and case studies (in the United States), it is possible to frame the scope of our design intervention to
the tiers from 0 to 2, which present these characteristics:
- need of knowable producers, or rather a clear track to the original farm and/or production site
- environmental stewardship, mainly to build an adequate environmental transparency (of condition
and limits) both in the producers than consumers
- values based trading, where farms identity and values are communicated to consumers through
labelling products, and where the direct feedback from consumers is included into trading
mechanism.
The contribution of this design intervention, therefore, is not on the agricultural practice itself, but
rather directed to establish an exchange of knowledge and services between rural areas and the
citizens.
In the following paragraph we will describe the details of our ongoing agricultural design project in
Chongming Island, which is divided into two parts: the open fields in Xianqiao Village and the
activities in the city. These subprojects, conducted with a network of local and international partners,
share the aim of enhancing local production, integrating new inputs of organic and natural techniques
to current agricultural practice, and to facilitate the direct dialogue between farmers and citizens
based on the quality of the food and knowledge exchange. We will finally discuss preliminary findings,
future practical challenges and possible impacts on major sustainability concerns.
3. Chongming Island experiment
In this paragraph we will discuss some examples from the field research we conducted in Chongming
Island, particularly on the rice field we started to cultivate with the help of the villagers of Xianqiao.
The rice field in Chongming Island represents a) a prototype of a social innovation process through
the involvement of local community; b) a communication and experimentation tool, used as a medium
in the conversation among the design community, local farmers and city networks. We recall
participation processes that do not explicitly refer to co-design practices; instead we design
communication, services and experiences that can contribute to the reconstruction of a knowledge
identity by the villagers. The aim of these activities is to increase farmers' awareness on their daily
practice of agriculture, which defines their domain of expertise. The field has been managed (from
seeding to selling the final product) with an approach that is as natural as possible, although it was
not possible to fully apply practices of organic agriculture.
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Figure 1. The rice field in Chongming Island, Summer 2011.
I)
3.1 Experiment setting: The countryside
After several months of preliminary work, in the Spring of 2011 we started the cultivation of the field.
We specifically chose to cultivate rice, as it is one of the most common crops on the island, in terms of
diffusion and people's experience. This process has been conducted in collaboration with the local
cooperative of farmers, which is administrated by the government of the village. The cooperative
provides the villagers with an efficient way to manage human resources and materials, especially
during the ploughing and harvesting season, when most of the effort is required. This is a very
common organization system in China, in which local government has direct intervention, control and
support on the working force and the general management of the territory. Within the group of people
that have been taking care of the rice, specific interlocutors emerged. With them we kept a relation of
constant dialogue during the whole process. The role of these intermediates inside the local
community is fundamental in our design project for very reciprocal reasons: it facilitates the translation
at the very basic linguistic level (not all the farmers speak decent Mandarin), and it is necessary for a
deeper cultural translation.
We realize now that at the beginning of the process we underestimated the importance of planning a
clear methodology, shared among all the members of the design team, to structure the dialogue. For
this reason it has been difficult to use in a systematic way the communication tools that have been
designed for this purpose. We experienced, instead, a less strategic and more empathic way to
communicate with our interlocutors. We shared our ideas and insights, and we tried to understand the
steps and details of the common agriculture practices. Although our activities lack of the structure and
systematic documentation of inputs and results that is necessary for proper practices of co-design,
they allowed us to build mutual trust and create personal connections with members of the
community.
The process of growing also becomes a process of mutual exchange of knowledge: on one side the
skills and expertise of farming and agriculture by the villagers, on the other side the inputs on food
quality and sustainability awareness by the research group. We have been part of a continuous
process in which creative solutions suggested by designers and farmers' knowledge on agriculture
techniques and food culture have been shared in a natural based approach that saw both success
and failure.
Given the current uncontrollable conditions of local soil and water, it would have been impossible for
us to obtain a completely organic production. Our aim has been instead, to help the farmers to build
an aware and conscious understanding of the way choices made during the production process can
impact on the quality of their products, and how this impact can affect the perception of customers
asking for transparent information on the origin of their food. Chemical fertilizers and pesticides are
often considered by farmers as a necessary step to obtain valuable harvests. We observe the
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absence of any concern for the environmental and health impacts of products used in agriculture; this
often happens for lack of awareness. We encourage the farmers to utilize concrete actions of change
in the technique, asking them to avoid the use of chemicals in the field that we have been growing
with them. We clearly communicated to them (and helped understand) our intention to move from a
profit-oriented production model towards a quality-oriented production model, with a strong
connection to immaterial values. The process has been critical, and can be just partially considered
successful when it comes to the final practical choices by the farmers. We experienced an enormous
difficulty in translating the knowledge related to sustainable agricultural practices into practical advices
or instructions; our experience in this sense diverged from designed strategies. Other than the typical
design challenge of producing different customized communication artifacts to deliver the same
message or content to different interlocutors, we faced the unexpected necessity to de-construct the
design of the communication. Not only does the way the message is communicated have to be
tailored, but also the content itself has to be continuously discussed.
4. Experiment setting: Downtown food networks and urban
gardens
A second part of the project involves the urban segment of out user group, and the way we organized
the project communication and the product distribution in the city. In this first year, we internally
organized the distribution process of our rice, through the direct connection with committed
customers. By keeping this direct link between production field and the consumers, we are also
embedding in the chain the storytelling of the whole experience and the role of farmers. We use visual
tools (pictures, printed material and our internally produced book) to explain the project and ultimately
create a sense of connection between the consumer and the place of origin of the rice. The
knowledge and practices implemented in the fields are hereby transferred into knowledge value to the
final customers. This has been achieved through the design of a basic branding strategy for the rice
(that we are currently expanding to other local products) and would be easily replicable to make
possible also self-packaging by the farmers themselves. The rice is being distributed within farmers
markets around the city, in public events in which citizens gather together in the places of production,
and in some restaurants that are supporting local production and sustainable approaches to urban
development. Some local associations and commercial activities started showing interest in
sustaining and redistributing the immaterial value that comes with our production. The distribution of
the rice therefore, is also the dissemination of the knowledge produced. At this stage consumers
become users of the product-service system.
375
Figure 2. The rice is packaged and sold at local creative events and farmers' markets.
Local administration also approached food safety and quality concerns, through some top-down
interventions. In the last months, a new service has been launched in some local wet markets in town.
An automatic machine allows customers to scan the receipt of the vegetables they buy from market
vendors and have precise information on the place of origin of the products they buy. In addition, in
the last couple of years, different initiatives started taking place in the city on a more regular base.
Events, creative markets, technology-based farming solutions, urban farming networks, cooperation
between universities and local natural farms are some of the examples of a movement that is
becoming more consistent. In December 2011, the Shanghai Slow Food local chapter was launched
to “cultivate and promote a robust eco-system for the production, supply and consumption of
Good, Clean, Fair Food” (Slow Food Shanghai, 2012). However, this scenario is still at an early
stage of development; networking activities, multidisciplinary projects and cooperation among
individuals and organizations are seen as necessary, but not yet fully implemented.
Our ongoing research activity is focusing, therefore, on the implementation of networking strategies,
aimed to implement and improve the urban gardens network, to facilitate the process of knowledge
sharing among different actors in the sustainable food system, and generate more awareness and
information for the local urban community. Together with GoodToChina, we are designing an
interactive “Explore Urban Farming” exhibition that will be part of the Shanghai Eco Design Fair, in
April 2012 -- the biggest event on sustainability in town. These kinds of initiatives are part of our
dissemination activity, aimed to keep alive and enrich the public debate and interest in the topic. Our
design contribution, in this specific case, has been in the space and content design of the exhibition,
and in the design of communication material for children.
An additional research direction, developed with Nokia Research Center, is the design of a productservice system solution that can connect, through the use of mobile devices, rural and urban areas, in
a digital marketplace for the exchange of local produce and knowledge. We are currently involved in
the concept design of the final solution.
We strongly believe that cooperation and the partnerships are viable ways to improve local networks.
Figure 3 is a diagram that we produced as a first attempt to map the actors involved in the local
sustainable scenario, together with ongoing projects. It has to be considered a preliminary
contribution to the community building challenge that we are experiencing in Shanghai, and a
strategic information tool for more effective communication and networking among current and future
stakeholders.
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Figure 3: diagram of Shanghai sustainable food network, preliminary draft
5. Comments on project methodology
It is necessary at this point, to clarify some details about the methodology used. As described in the
previous paragraph, the project is characterized by a background process of knowledge sharing and
agricultural practice implementation, through creative solutions from designers' contribution, and by
farmers' agriculture techniques and food cultures. Mutual learning is an important output of the project
and it is made possible by the mutual trust generated throughout the process.
Given the informal nature of our relationship with the farmers, what in our project we consider to be
the methodology of our project, is a series of specific overlapping research activities carried out
together with farmers and citizens. There is no temporal or linear sequence of conceptual and
practical phases, and we are still not able to provide a structured description of our activities. Instead,
we found a mix of different research techniques to be more effective, with the aim to produce material
results that could provide concrete benefits to the actors involved. We can provide a macroscopic
description of the implemented methodology, which includes three main phases: a) immersive field
activity (acquire knowledge) b) real scale prototypes (knowledge into practice) and c) public activity of
communication (distribute knowledge).
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Figure 4. methodology diagram
The field research is the continuous process of ethnographic research, informal conversations, and
activities carried out together with local villagers. We tried to be in the field as much as we could and
participate in different farming activities (from ploughing to harvesting). In the same period we have
been conducting focus groups with target urban users, using specifically designed qualitative
research tools. This part of the process can be considered as a phase of knowledge collection and
user understanding.
Figure 5. Methodology for user resesearch. Postcard for focus groups
The second part of the methodology is the extensive use of 1:1 scale prototypes, to transfer
knowledge into practice, involving both researchers and users in hands-on activities. The rice field
itself is the experiment playground in which we tested and shared our findings on sustainable
agriculture and farming activity. Other activities that involve the participation of urban users have been
organized, such as a small community garden on the island, the harvest of part of our rice and several
events and workshops.
378
Figure 6. work on the field
A final but very important input is the need to communicate the process and to disseminate the
project's results. This year's harvest represents a first experiment to create a new type of public
space, able to connect the city and the countryside, involving them in a direct conversation. This is
how the rice field becomes a communication and experimentation tool. In this new common public
space a sustainable marketplace, where also immaterial and heritage related values are shared and
exchanged (together with local produce), can be possible. The project's impact is also in the creation
of occasions for the physical encounter of the urban and the rural areas of Shanghai, promoting an
alternative model of urban development, based on the balanced exchange of resources.
One of the most successful communication gears has been a series of public events to share the
milestones in the process of rice growing. We often organize public activities, open to the participation
of citizens, in which we collaborate with the farmers in their activities in the field. These activities
create a sense of involvement for the citizens, and help the farmers understand the importance of
their work. They also strengthen the connection between the two communities, creating a sense of
ownership and responsibility over the products and the land.
Figure 7. Students helping with the harvest.
6. Discussion and future
Social innovation disciplines require continuous local experiments, to be shared at global scale. Our
experience represents a specific way to reply to this call for experiments. In our approach we see the
379
reference to civic agriculture (Lyson, Delind, 2009), which is the implementation of locally based
agriculture practices and food production that are tightly linked to a community's social and economic
development. Civic agriculture is meant to be a sustainable alternative to the potentially destructive
practices of conventional industrial agriculture. It mainly stresses the benefits of connecting the
production of food with the social system in which it is consumed. Professor Thomas A. Lyson coined
the term at Cornell University during the 1999 Rural Sociology Society Annual Meeting. Civic
agriculture defines the place in two ways: as the physical context where to study and promote local
agriculture, and as the locus of relationships, both cultural and practical, among involved actors.
Moreover, it underlines that the space has to be lived and habited: “civic as a description of local food
and farming is conceptually and practically shallow in the absence of our ability to understand and to
practice “being” in place” (Delind, Bingen, 2008). We learnt that the design of the system of local and
dis-intermediated food networks, as well as the design of the new public space where connections
within this system happen, are important strategic actions to facilitate the involvement and support of
local communities in agro-food innovative practices. This rururban space, shared by the city and the
countryside, still needs to be designed. Place is a qualitative concept, as “the locus of relationships,
both cultural and political, that prefigure a local civic culture”. The design of the public space has to be
“focusing on the ways in which place provides opportunities for learning, for play, for engagement, for
identity formation, and for explicit political and policy initiatives – as prerequisites for civic awareness
and action.”
Finally, we find it necessary to mention the main weakness of the project so far is the difficulty to
provide the farmers with an adequate and custom designed documentation of the whole process. The
main reasons for this are the communication challenges and the lack of those human and material
resources that are important in order to organize moments of sharing on a regular base.
Nevertheless, we recognize the importance of creating better awareness among the farmers. We are
currently trying to improve this aspect with a more constant presence on the field, and through the use
of photos that we show to explain our activities in the city. We hope in the near future to create more
structured occasions for activities of co-planning and co-design.
From the point of view of practical results, the harvest has been successful, and we are now involved
in the activity of selling and distributing the rice that we packaged and branded. At local markets and
events we have the chance to communicate our project, and make the whole production chain as
transparent as possible for the final user.
Summarizing, in this paper we presented a practice-based research project in rururban China that
includes community gardens and open rice fields, and involves local villagers in the Shanghai
countryside as well as citizens committed to a sustainable culture of food. From this experience, we
then discuss the way our results and findings can contribute to the wider playground of experiments in
food related sustainability issues. The contribution of design intervention is not in the agricultural
practice itself; moreover it is directed to establish an exchange of knowledge and knowledge services
between rural areas and the citizens in order to increase among them their sensitivity and awareness
of their daily practice, skills, expertise and social ties.
380
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382
Why Use Design Philosophy in
Culinary Arts Education?
Richard Mitchell, Adrian Woodhouse, Tony Heptinstall and Justine Camp
School of Hospitality (Te Kura Manaakitaka), Otago Polytechnic, Dunedin, New Zealand
Abstract
Culinary arts education has remained largely unchanged for more than a century. Since the time of
Escoffier, students have been taught French classical cookery using a master-apprentice model of
education that began in the Middle Ages. While the vocational apprenticeship has been replaced in
some instances by education delivered by public and private institutes, rote learning from a master
continues. Contrast this with the fast pace of modern cookery and an out-pouring of culinary
innovation not seen in at least 150 years and you have an education system that simply cannot keep
up. This paper discusses the current culinary arts education system in New Zealand and identifies
several forces that are highlighting the need for change. Food media’s popularising of culinary design
provides both inspiration and aspiration for those wanting to learn culinary arts. Meanwhile, the New
Zealand government promotes design through its technology curriculum and lauds design-led
business and creative industries as the way of the future. Surrounding this is a growing global
awareness of the challenges that we face in providing safe, sustainable and ethical food to an
exploding population. The paper concludes by briefly outlining how Otago Polytechnic’s Bachelor of
Culinary Arts is attempting a paradigm shift that has Cross’ (1982) ‘designerly thinking’ at its core.
Keywords : culinary arts education, external drivers of culinary change, ‘designerly thinking’.
383
Introduction
Over the last decade the pace of change has quickened in the culinary world. This is as an outcome
of a significant leap in consumer awareness of all things food and as a result there is a growing
demand for culinary education that can provide learning environments that meet the needs of an
increasingly food-savvy, ambitious, but skill-poor, student body and an industry hungry for graduates
that can think on their feet, adapt quickly and adjust to a consumer with an insatiable appetite for food
knowledge. In short, food industries and culinary students are demanding culinary education that
takes the graduate to a new level of understanding. To this end, Ferguson and Berger (1985) suggest
that creativity lies at the heart of effective hospitality education, but that it is sadly lacking in its
traditional form.
Meanwhile, culinary arts / cookery curriculum has tended to resist change, remaining focused on core
skills from 'traditional' cookery. So, while across the globe cutting edge culinary practitioners are
driven by exploration, experience and experimentation by producers and consumers of food,
curriculum remains focussed on tradition and homage to the French roots of Western cookery. Chefs
are trained by ‘masters’ who emphasise practical skills and techniques over many of the concepts of
modern management and design-led thinking. As a result, this master-apprentice model only imparts
some of the skills necessary to survive in the modern culinary world.
This paper discusses why Otago Polytechnic’s Bachelor of Culinary Arts, has set out to break away
from this traditional approach and to develop ‘designerly ways of knowing’ (Cross, 1982) in its
graduates. The paper explores the drivers behind the degree and briefly introduces how it intends to
meet new demands on culinary education. First, however, the paper provides a background to
traditional cookery education and reasons why it will become increasingly difficult for this model to
provide for the needs of those in culinary arts education.
Traditional Culinary Arts Education
Culinary education has been delivered under a master-apprentice model since the Middle-Ages
(Emms, 2005; Miles, 2007), but this way of imparting skills and knowledge has been around at least
since Socrates passed on his wisdom in the Agora (Healy, 2008). This system of learning a trade /
craft originally saw the apprentice indentured to a master for a period of years, learning the skills by
observation and undertaking an increasingly complex set of tasks (Emms, 2005; Healy, 2008; Miles,
2007). Over time apprentices gained enough skill to become ‘journeymen’ (from the French term
journée meaning day) who earned a daily wage (Emms, 2005; Miles, 2007). Eventually organisations
known as guilds developed that protected the rights of the journeymen and later became the
regulators of national apprenticeship systems (Emms, 2005; Miles, 2007). The industrial revolution
saw major labour reforms that included changes to vocational training. In particular, industrialisation
saw governments take more responsibility for delivering education and as a result the guilds played a
lesser role in apprenticeships (Miles, 2007). The master and apprentice relationship now became
contractual and the working conditions for apprentices improved (Miles, 2007).
However, perhaps the most significant force behind the continuance (even strengthening) of the
culinary master-apprentice model came from Auguste Escoffier, the man often cited as the father of
modern cuisine. Escoffier, whose culinary techniques are the basis for culinary education across the
Western World, developed the ‘brigade de cuisine’ or ‘partie system’ for organising the workforce of
large restaurant and hotel kitchens (Miles, 2007). This follows a strict military-styled hierarchy with the
apprentice at the bottom and the Chef de Cuisine (Head / Executive Chef) at the top, providing the
ideal structure for the master-apprentice environment of education and training.
The New Zealand Situation
384
The formalization of vocational based training started to emerge in New Zealand around the turn of
th
the 20 century (Emms, 2005). Emms (2005) continues that early cookery training followed the
traditional master-apprentice model in much the same way as it had been in Europe with the
understudy spending approximately five years under the guidance of a recognized master. In addition
to the practical mentoring that occurred within the workplace, apprentices were also being supported
by culinary tutors at the local technical colleges. As New Zealand was still discovering its own sense
of culinary identity, the culinary profession followed the English (and much of the rest of the Western
world) and taught culinary theory based upon the classical French repertoire of Escoffier and Carème
(Emms, 2005).
This collaborative approach to education continued as standard practice until the late 1970s / early
1980s when several changes to government policy eventually led to the delivery of professional
cookery training in the tertiary education sector (Emms, 2005). At this time the government also
formed New Zealand Qualifications Authority (NZQA) and New Zealand Industry Training
Organisation (NZITO) to oversee New Zealand’s trade qualifications and training (Emms, 2005). The
result was a shift from employer-led training to institutionally taught programmes, but this did little alter
the master-apprentice mode of delivery.
In the two decades following these reforms many of New Zealand’s vocational tertiary providers
(primarily the Polytechnics) developed and delivered a range of culinary programmes, delivered in
various forms (full-time, part-time, day-release and intensive block courses). While this was a time of
great change in terms of programme availability and delivery, students all learned practice and theory
from one, classical French cuisine inspired, book called Practical Cookery (Ceserani & Kinton, 1968;
Ceserani, Kinton, & Foskett, 1987, 1995).
In the early 1990s the government also embarked on an era of competency-based assessment. Large
components of culinary practical and theoretical knowledge were systematically broken down into
smaller bite-sized blocks of learning called unit standards. Under this format students are asked to
demonstrate competency in each of these units and only need do so on two observable occasions. By
default, most institutions focused on developing competency in each individual unit and then moving
on to the next, rarely exploring anything deeper than how to achieve the competency. This method of
assessment and delivery remains dominant in New Zealand (Chan, 2011; Emms, 2005), but is not
without its critics.
As part of this assessment and curriculum restructure, the government established the Hospitality
Standards Institute (HSI) to develop standardized certificates and diplomas with core sets of unit
standards (and therefore competencies) to be attained by those entering professional cookery. Unit
standards are now developed by HSI, while public and private training providers develop and deliver
curriculum and assess students against these standards. In response to the need for new curriculum,
The New Zealand Chef (Christensen-Yule & McRae, 2002, 2007) was developed to directly align with
the unit standard framework. Its recipes are contemporary and begin to reflect New Zealand’s
emergent cuisine extending the repertoire beyond the overtly Francophile of Practical Cookery.
By 2011 New Zealand had 160 local and national hospitality (cookery) qualifications being delivered
by 41 providers (Hospitality Standards Institute, 2011). Concerned at the proliferation of qualifications
/ programmes The New Zealand Qualifications Authority (NZQA) introduced the New Zealand
Qualification Framework in July 2010 to review trade qualifications. The review’s aim is to ensure that
all qualifications are relevant and continue to meet the needs of learners, industry and stakeholders.
The number of hospitality qualifications will undoubtedly reduce but there is unlikely to be any
significant change in the model of education as the role competency-based training is not under
scrutiny. In fact, there is potential for there to be a reduction of the competencies assessed and a
narrowing of the way that they are assessed.
385
New Zealand, like much of the Western World, then, has a culinary education system that is firmly
grounded (some would argue, stuck) in the French culinary traditions of the 18th and 19th Century
(albeit with an emerging New Zealand flavour) and a delivery model that has remained largely
unchanged since at least the turn of the 20th Century. This is reinforced by national, standardised
competency-based assessments that drive curriculum, making it even more difficult for culinary
educators to let go of the master-apprentice apron strings. According to Emms (2005: 95), the result
is that “questions arise about what knowledge [is] valued, who decide[s] and how it [is] taught” and,
she continues, “knowledge ha[s] essentially been dissected and commodified” to the point that it was
largely devoid of context. However, external forces are beginning to put pressure on this system and
some educators (both in New Zealand and around the world) are starting to call for innovative
teaching methods to overcome the short-comings of the system (Hu, 2010; Miles, 2007).
A Call for Change
As far back is the mid-1980s there were criticisms of traditional hospitality education. For example,
Ferguson and Berger (1985) found that a cohort of hospitality students were less likely to demonstrate
a creative learning style at graduation than when they entered their course. Interestingly, though, they
also found that those that had maintained a creative learning style through to their final year achieved
higher grades in that year, as their creative abilities served them better when active problem-solving
was required by assessments. So, while higher levels of tertiary hospitality education require students
to utilise creative learning strategies in their assessments, the modus operandi of previous years led
creative learners to adopt less creative learning strategies in order to achieve within a less creative
system.
While Ferguson and Berger were not explicitly discussing traditional culinary arts education, their
findings and recommendations are echoed in Joseph Hegarty’s calls for more critical reflection in
culinary arts education (Hegarty, 2004, 2011). Hegarty (2004: 27) is highly critical of the traditional
master-apprentice model which, he says, is based on “behavioural or instructional objectives
delivered in a didactic form to demonstrate unspecified competence(s)”. He continues that this “is
concerned only with the performance outcomes, and, most important, instead of encouraging critical
reflection on alternative perspectives it offers a monocultural view based on the satisfaction of narrow
performance criteria directed toward a fixed and predetermined outcome” (Hegarty, 2004: 27). In his
later work, Hegarty suggests that the embedding of critical reflection will result in culinary arts
education that “engages the cultural imagination and also engages students’ creativity” (Hegarty,
2011: 63).
Meanwhile, Hu (2010) has undertaken research which suggests that the culinary industry also desires
creativity as part of the suite of competencies taught in culinary education. However, several of the
ten items listed as creative competencies are far from what would normally be considered creative.
For example, “knowledge of basic culinary science” or being “skilled at basic culinary techniques” (Hu,
2010: 69) are not creative in themselves and while the remaining items could be considered to be part
of creativity, Hu does not discuss the creative process that utilises these items nor does she provide a
framework for including them within the curriculum.
According to Miles (2007) in Australia there have been a number of incremental changes in
competency-based education that have led to improvements in skills training which are of benefit to
teachers and learners. However, Miles (2007: 270) himself suggests that there is still a need for the
“development and implementation of innovative teaching techniques that include reflective practices,
new technologies to provide greater and more equitable access to [vocational culinary] training”.
Arguably, while Miles and Hu are calling for a more innovative approach to culinary education, the
entrenched nature of current educational practice means that a solution is unlikely to lie in incremental
changes to a model that is struggling to keep up with current demands. Indeed, the very fact that
Miles talks of ‘innovative teaching techniques’ and Hu of ‘competencies’ implies that they are not
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suggesting a shift from a master-apprentice / competency-based model of culinary education, but
simply new ways of delivering that model. Meanwhile a number of environmental forces are at work
that challenge this model.
Drivers of Change in Culinary Arts Education
The current culinary environment is characterized by rapid change driven by several forces which,
combined, have created the need to question the traditional model of culinary education in New
Zealand. These forces include: food design being popularized in the media; the introduction of designthinking into high school curriculum and government policy, and; a range of wider food movements
and changes in New Zealand society that require the culinary practitioners to be more agile.
Food Design as Popular Culture
Design-led celebrity chefs such as Ferran Adrià (el Bulli), Heston Blumenthal (Fat Duck) and David
Chang (Momofuku) are perhaps the most visible and popular protagonists in change in the culinary
arts. Their work pushes the boundaries of what we know as the culinary arts, using design
philosophies, research and application to produce avant garde cuisine. Their (re)invention of cuisine
is inspired by social movements, historical events or cuisines and / or aspects of the environment that
surrounds them. Using design principles, they develop innovative cooking techniques and new ways
of experiencing food that involve all of the senses and stimulate our emotions. To Blumenthal, Adrià
and Chang (and their professional and amateur acolytes), culinary art is now science, performance,
entertainment, high art and social commentary and this has reinvigorated, romanticised and
popularized the culinary arts. In short, this stuff is sexy and these chefs are to food what Warhol is to
art.
Not only are these very public figures pushing the boundaries and leading culinary change (Healy,
2008; Stierand & Lynch, 2008a, 2008b), they are also changing consumers’ expectations of culinary
experiences (Allen & Albala, 2007; Lacey, 2005), including the expectations of those looking for a
formal culinary arts education. These culinary pioneers are driven by design and creativity and this is
creating a new desire amongst consumers for more and more creativity in the food that they purchase
and consume. As such they are the driving force behind a new breed of learners in culinary arts
education – learners with a hunger for creativity, considerable cultural and social capital and a
breadth of formal education.
It is important to recognize that creativity and innovation have always been a part of culinary arts
professions. Indeed, in 1921 Escoffier himself talked of the differences in techniques and applications
between the first (1903) and second (1907) of his famous Le Guide Culinaire (Escoffier, 1995). He
advises readers to respect the work of past greats of the culinary world, “but instead of copying them
servilely, we ourselves should seek new approaches so that we may leave behind us methods of
working that have been adapted to the customs and needs of our time” (Escoffier, 1995: n.p.). Indeed,
many that have followed Escoffier have innovated (albeit some time after completing their formal
education which largely followed Escoffier’s teachings of more than a century ago), but there has
never been a time when leading culinary innovators have shared their innovation processes. In the
past chefs have been more than willing to share their perfected recipes and dishes, but not the
process of perfecting the dish. For example, Ferran Adrià and his creative partners published A Day
at el Bulli, which describes the six creative methodologies that he uses in the design of a dish and
menu (see Adrià, Soler, & Adrià, 2008). Meanwhile, Grant Achatz (of Chicago restaurants, Next and
Alinea) broadcasts his methodologies on YouTube, discussing such concepts as flavour bouncing
and menu design and Heston Blumenthal’s television series In Search of Perfection and Heston’s
Feasts explore what inspires his dishes and an insight into the design thinking developmental
processes behind the final dish being demonstrated. So for an industry where innovation was the
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(secret) domain of the master, these innovators are stepping outside the norm and providing insights
into these processes for complete novices. In doing so, these leading culinary thinkers are
acknowledging that the sharing of information is now the way forward for the industry and that, by
demystifying the culinary design process, further innovations should be facilitated.
As a result of this popularisation of culinary design and an opening up by key high profile innovators,
the culinary arts are now more attractive to learners with diverse educational backgrounds in art (the
creative), social science (those interested in food as culture), science (those looking for a practical
and creative outlet for their scientific abilities) and technology (those with a practical focus). Despite
Stierand, et al.’s (2008) assertion that ‘culinary masters’ have a major role to play in the continuance
of a master-apprentice model of culinary education, the traditional master-apprentice model
(discussed above) cannot provide the kind of learning environment that these learners desire or
indeed require and this is reinforced by a belief in the value of design-thinking supported by the New
Zealand government.
Design in Schools and Government Policy
An important driver of tertiary vocational training in New Zealand is school technology curriculum
(which includes food) published in the 2007 New Zealand Curriculum document for schools. Design is
at the core of this curriculum and the New Zealand Curriculum states that:
Technology is intervention by design: the use of practical and intellectual resources to develop
products and systems (technological outcomes) that expand human possibilities by addressing
needs and realising opportunities. Adaptation and innovation are at the heart of technological
practice. Quality outcomes result from thinking and practices that are informed, critical, and
creative (Ministry of Education, 2007: 32).
This has created a cohort of high school graduates who already have an understanding of the design
process, hungry with ideas and with a set of skills that should allow them to hit the ground running in
tertiary education involving design philosophy. Many of the high performing technology students have
been put off culinary arts education because it is unable to provide the outlet that they are seeking.
Instead, they are directed to courses (mostly at universities such as food science or consumer and
applied science) that often do not have the practical element that technology students (many of whom
are kinaesthetic learners) desire.
New Zealand is not unique in this shift towards design pedagogy applied across disciplines in
schools. For example, the Learning by Design Project in the United States applies design think across
all curricula as part of the New Learning framework (see http://newlearningonline.com/), which is the
result of work by Kalantzis and Cope (2004, 2008) and their work has also been influential in Australia
(Kalantzis & Cope, 2001; Kalantzis, Cope, & Learning by Design Project Group, 2005). In the United
Kingdom the Design Council has been active in promoting multi-disciplinarity in higher education as a
result of the 2005 Cox Review of Creativity in Business (Design Council, 2007). The Design Council
(2007) found that a multi-disciplinary approach to design education was being applied in a variety of
tertiary education contexts in Europe with a focus on project-based learning, industry briefs and rapid
proto-typing. A further report on the Asian context for multi-disciplinary design education also found
heavy government investment in this approach by South Korea and China (Design Council, 2010a). In
2010 the Design Council also published a report on the UK’s Multi-disciplinary Design Network,
which, since 2006, has promoted the development of higher education that combines a range of
traditional disciplines with design disciplines to develop the problem-solvers of the future (Design
Council, 2010b). The report highlights the importance of the McKinsey concept of ‘T-shaped people’,
who have both a breadth of understanding of concepts (horizontal) and a set of in-depth skills
(vertical) as the ideal graduates of these programmes (Design Council, 2010b) while others have
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postulated that a ‘designerly way of knowing’ is what results in effective problem solving (RoworthStokes, 2011).
Outside of the educational context, innovation and design thinking is at the core of the New Zealand
government’s business development policy and this sends signals to students and educators that
design is highly valued and an important skill for business. For example, New Zealand Trade and
Enterprise (a government department) is home to the specialist group called Better By Design. This
provides a service that connects companies with experts and design practitioners who take growing
export businesses through a Design 360 exercise as part of their Design Integration Programme (see
http://www.betterbydesign.org.nz). Better By Design also facilitates design networks, international
study tours and an annual design leadership conference for company CEOs and senior managers.
Once again this follows international trends towards design-led solutions to business and societal
problems in the developed of Europe and emerging economies in Asia (Design Council, 2010b).
This approach is reflected in global rankings for innovation and business start up. In 2011 New
Zealand ranked 15th on the Global Innovation Index (down from 9th in 2009/10) and is 3rd in the East
Asia and Pacific region (INSEAD eLab, 2011). This puts it ahead of nations such as South Korea (16),
Norway (18), Japan (20), Australia (21) and France (22) and just behind the likes of Israel, Ireland and
Germany. As a result in 2010 it was described as “an entrepreneurial powerhouse” by The Economist
(New Zealand Trade and Enterprise, 2011) and was the ‘best place in the world to start a business’
for 2011 and 2012 (The World Bank, 2012).
Successive New Zealand governments have also been very supportive of the creative sector, most
notably the film industry. For example, since 1978 the New Zealand Film Commission has invested in
200 locally made films and in 2011/12 it will invest another $NZ18.4 (New Zealand Film Commission,
2011). Thanks to this investment, Peter Jackson (Lord of the Rings (LOTR) trilogy, King Kong…),
Andrew Adamson (The Chronicles of Narnia) and Weta Workshops (LOTR, Avatar, King Kong…) are
now household names around the world. The importance of this to culinary arts education may not at
first be apparent, but this success is highlighting to young people that there are significant rewards to
be had from a career in the creative industries. This, combined with the popularisation of culinary
design as a creative endeavor (discussed above), means that students entering culinary arts
education want to learn creative processes rather rote learn the outcome of that process.
So, New Zealand now has a policy environment that drives demand for design-led